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Dr. William Smith's
Dictionary of the Bible
William Smith
■
f TT»Vf»TTTTTTffTTTTTTTfHTTTTTTTTTTTTTTTtTTT*tttTTtTTTrT-TT»ir, M fifTf
Tappan Presbyterian Association
LIBRARY.
' TTT»n
I (Presented bv A/y. "'Jf' c ^' t,L ^^'^tJ'
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DR. WILLIAM SMITH'S
DICTIONARY OF THE BIBLE;
COMPRISING ITS
ANTIQUITIES, BIOGRAPHY, GEOGRAPHY,
AND NATURAL HISTORY.
RSVMKD AXD BDITKP »Y
PROFESSOR H. B. HACKETT, D. D
WITH TH* OOOFERATIOK OF
EZRA ABBOT, LL.D.
AMHTAXT UBBARUa OP HAtTAftB OOU—
I
VOLUME IV.
REGEM-MELECH to ZUZIMS.
Jerusalem.
BOSTON:
HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY.
2L$e Kibe rstoc |9n#0, Cambridge.
1892.
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<
it
Entered, according to Act of Congress, In the year 1870, by
Hurd and Houghton,
in the Clerk'* Office of the District Court for the Southern District of New York
RIVERSIDE, CAMBRIDGE:
STEREOTYPED AID PRINTED BY
H. O. HOUGHTON AND COMPANY.
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Tif f*- Ru+C, &**
WRITERS IN THE ENGLISH EDITION.
Very Rev. Hbkbt Alford, D. D., Dean of Canterbury.
Rev. Henry Bailey, B. D., Warden of St. Augustine's College, Can-
terbury ; late Fellow of St John's College, Cambridge.
<i B. Rev. Horatius Bonar, D. D., Kelso, N. B.; Author of "The Land
of Promise."
[Tb» ■Mgnphfcal article*, afcnad H. B., are written by Dr. Boom : thorn on other •abject*,
ttgned H. B., are written by Mr. Baity.]
V. B. Rev. Alfred Barbt, B. D., Principal of Cheltenham College ; late
Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.
W. L. B. Rev. William Latham Bevan, M. A^ Vicar of Hay, Brecknock-
shire.
J W. B. Rev. Joskph Williams Blaxsslxt, B. D., Canon of Canterbury ; lata
Fellow and Tutor of Trinity College, Cambridge.
T. E. B. Rev. Thomas Edwabd Brown, M. A., Vice-Principal of King Wil-
liam's College, Isle of Man ; late Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford.
R. W. B. V«n. Robkbt William Bbownb, M. A., Archdeacon of Bath, and
Canon of Wells.
E. H. B. Right Rev. Edwabd Harold Bbownb, D. D., Lord Bishop of Ely.
W. T. B. Rev. William Thomas Bullock, M. A., Assistant Secretary of the
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts.
8. C. Rev. Samuel Clark, M. A., Vicar of Bredwardine with Brobury,
Herefordshire.
F. C. C. Rev. Frederic Charles Cook, M. A., Chaplain in Ordinary to the
Queen.
6. E. L. C. Right Rev. George Edward Lynch Cotton, D. D., late Lord Bishop
of Calcutta and Metropolitan of India.
J. LL D. Rev. John Llewelyn Da vies, M. A, Rector of Christ Church,
Marylebone ; late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.
6. E. D. Prof. George Edward Day, D. D., Yale College, New Haven, Conn.
E. D. Emanuel Deutsch, M. R. A. 8., British Museum.
W. D. Rev. William Dbake, M A., Chaplain in Ordinary to the Queen.
E. P. E. Rev. Edward Paroisbien Eddbuf, M A., Principal of the Theolog-
ical College, Salisbury.
C J. R. Right Rev. Charles John Eixicott, D. D., Lord Bishop of Glouces-
ter and Bristol.
F. W. F. Rev. Frederick William Farrar, M. A., Assistant Master of Har-
row School ; late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.
J. F. Jambs Fkrqusbon, F. R. S., F. R. A. 8., Fellow of the Royal Insti-
tute of British Architects.
E- 8. Ff Edward Salusburt Ffoulkes, M A., late Fellow of Jesus College,
Oxford.
W. F. Bight Rev. William Fitzgerald, D. D., Lord Bishop of Killaloa
tiu>
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LIST OF WRITERS.
F. G.
f. w. a
G.
H. B. H-
E.H-S.
H.H.
A.C. H
J. AH.
J. D. H.
J.J. H.
W. H.
J.&.K.
K. H.
W. B. J.
A.H.L.
S.L.
J. B. L.
D.W. M.
F.M.
Ofpcbt.
E.B.O.
T. J. O.
1 J. 8. P
T. T. P.
B. W. P.
E.H.P.
E. 8. P.
B. 8. P.
J. LP.
Rev. Francis Garden, M. A., Sabdean af Her Majesty's Chapels
Royal
Rev. F. WnxiAM Gotch, LL. D., President of the Baptist Collage,
Bristol ; late Hebrew Examiner in the University of London.
George Grove, Crystal Palace, Sydenham.
Prof. Horatio Balch Hackett, D. D., LL. D., Theological Institu-
tion, Newton, Mass.
Bev. Ernest Hawkins, B. D., Secretary of the Society for the Propa-
gation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts.
Bev. Henry Batman, B. D., Head Master of the Grammar School,
Cheltenham ; late Fellow of St John's College, Oxford.
Yen. Lord Arthur Charles Hervey, M. A., Archdeacon of 8ml-
bury, and Rector of Ickworth.
Bev. Jambs Augustus Hessky, D. C. L., Head Master of Merchant
Taylors' School
Joseph Dalton Hooker, M D., F. R. 8., Royal Botanic Gardens,
Kew.
Rev. James John Hornby, M. A, Fellow of Brasenose College, Ox-
ford ; Principal of Bishop Conn's Hall.
Rev. WnxiAM Houghton, M. A., F. L. S., Rector of Preston on the
Weald Moors, Salop.
Rev. John Saul Howbon, D. D., Principal of the Collegiate Institu-
tion, Liverpool.
Rev. Edgar Huxtable, M. A., Sabdean of Wells.
Rev. William Basil Jones, M. A., Prebendary of York and of St
David's ; late Fellow and Tutor of University College, Oxford.
Austen Henry Layard, D. C. L., M P.
Rev. Stanley Leather, M. A., M. R. S. L., Hebrew Lecturer in
King's College, London.
Rev. Joseph Barber Lightfoot, D. D., Hulsean Professor of Divinity,
and Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.
Bev. D. W. Marks, Professor of Hebrew in University College, London.
Rev. Frederick Meyrick, M A., late Fellow and Tutor of Trinity
College, Oxford.
Prof Jules Oppbbt, of Paris.
Rev. Edward Redman Order, M. A., Fellow and Tutor of St
Augustine's College, Canterbury.
Yen. Thomas Johnson Ormerod, M A., Archdeacon of Suffolk;
' late Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford.
Rev. John James Stewart Perowne, B. D., Vice-Principal of 8t
David's College, Lampeter.
Rev. Thomas Thomason Perowne, B. D., Fellow and Tutor of
Corpus Christi College, Cambridge.
Rev. Henry Wright Phillott, M. A., Rector of Staunton-on-Wye,
Herefordshire ; late Student of Christ Church, Oxford.
Bev. Edward Hayes Plumptrk, M. A., Professor of Divinity in
King's College, London.
Edward Stanley Poole, M. R. A. 8., South Kensington Museum.
Reginald Stuart Poole, British Museum.
Rev. J. Leslie Porter, M. A, Professor of Sacred Literature, Assem-
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LI8T OF WRITERS.
Uf* College, Belfast ; Author of " Handbook of Syria and Palestine,"
and " Five Yean in Damascus."
C. P. Rev. Charles Peitchard, M. A., F. R S., Hon. Secretary of the
Royal Astronomical Society ; late Fellow of St John's College, Cam-
bridge.
6. R Rev. George Rawlinbon, M. A., Camden Professor of Ancient His-
tory, Oxford.
H. J. R Rev. Henry John Rose, B. D., Rural Dean, and Rector of Houghton
Conquest, Bedfordshire.
W. S. Rev. William Sklwyn, D. D., Chaplain in Ordinary to the Queen
Lady Margaret's Professor of Divinity, Cambridge ; Canon of Ely.
A. P. 8. Rev. Arthur Penrryn Stanley, D. D., Regius Professor of Ecclesias-
tical History, and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford ; Chaplain to His
Royal Highness the Prince of Wales.
CE.& Prof. Calvin Ellis cItowr, D. D., Hartford, Conn.
J. P. T. Rev. Joseph Parrish Thompson, D. D., New York.
W. T. Most Rev. William Thomson, D. D., Lord Archbishop of York.
8. P. T. Samuel Pkideaux Trkgelles, LL. D., Author of " An Introduction
to the Textual Criticism of the New Testament," &c.
H. B. T. Rev. Hexry Baker Tristram, M. A., F. L. S., Master of Greatham
Hospital
.1. F. T. Rev. Joseph Francis Thrupp, M. A., Vicar of Barrington ; late Fel-
low of Trinity College, Cambridge.
B. T. Hon. Edward T. B. Twulbton, M. A., late Fellow of Balliol College,
Oxford.
Rev. Edmund Venables, M. A., Bonchurch, ble of Wight.
Rev. Brooke Fobs Westcott, M. A., Assistant Master of Harrow
School ; late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.
Rev. Christopher Wordsworth, D. D., Canon of Westminster.
William Alois Wright, M. A., Librarian of Trinity College, Cam-
bridge.
E. V.
B.
F. W.
C.
W.
w
. A. W
8.
C.B.
T.
j. a
G.
ED.
G.
P. F.
F.
G.
D.
RG.
EL
/.a
F.
W. H.
A.
H.
WRITERS IN THE AMERICAN EDITION.
Ezra Abbot, LL. D., Assistant Librarian of Harvard College,
Cambridge, Mass.
Prof. Samuel Colcord Bartlrtt, D. D., TbeoL Sem., Chicago, TJL
Rev. Thomas Jefferson Conant, D. D., Brooklyn, N. Y.
Prof. George Edward Day, D. D., Yale College, New Haven, Conn,
Prof. George Park Fisher, D. D., Yale College, New Haven, Conn.
Prof. Frederic Gardiner, 1>. D., Middletown, Conn.
Rev. Daniel Raynes Goodwin, D. D., Provost of the University of
Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.
Prof. Horatio Balch Haokett, D. D., LL. D., Theological Instito
tion, Newton, Mass.
Prof. James Hadley, LL. D., Yale College, New Haven, Conn.
Rev. Frederick Whitmork Holland, F. R G. S., London.
Prof Alvah Hoyey, D. D., Theological Institution, Newton, Mass
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LIST OP WRITERS.
A. C. K. Prof. Asahel Clark Kendrick, D. D., University of Rochester, N. T
C. M. M. Prof. Charles Marsh Mead, Ph. D., TheoL 8em n Andover, Mass.
E. A. P. Prof. Edwards Amasa Park, D. D., Theol. Seminary, Andover, Mass
W. E. P. Rev. William Edwards Park, Lawrence, Mass.
A. P. P. Prof. Andrew Preston Pkabodt, D. D., LL. D., Harvard College
Cambridge, Mass.
G. E.P. Rev. George E. Post, M D, Tripoli, Syria.
R. D. C. R. Prof. Rensselaer David Chanceford Bobbins, Middlebury Cot*
lege, Vt
P. 8. Rev. Philip Schafp, D. D., New York.
H. B. S. Prof. Henry Boynton Smith, D. D., LL. D., Union Theological
Seminary, New York.
C E. S. Rev. Calvin Ellis Stowe, D. D., Hartford, Conn.
D. S. T. Prof. Daniel Smith Talcott, D. D., Theol. Seminary, Bangor, Me.
J. H. T. Prof. Joseph Henrt Thater, M A., TheoL Seminary, Andover, Mass
J. P. T. Rev. Joseph Parrish Thompson, D. D., New York.
C. V. A. V. Rev. Cornelius V. A. Van Dtck, D. D., Beirut, Syria.
W. H. W. Rev. William Hates Ward, M. A., New York.
W. F. W. Prof. William Fairfield Warren, D. D, Boston Theological Sen
inary, Boston, Mass.
S. W. Rev. Samuel Wolcott, D. D., Cleveland, Ohio.
T. D. W. President Theodore Dwioht Woolset, D. D., LL. D., Yale College,
New Haven, Conn.
* * The new portions in the present edition are indicated by a star (•), the edi-
torial additions being distinguished by the initials H. and A. Whatever is enclosed
in brackets is also, with unimportant exceptions, editorial. This remark, however,
does not apply to the cross-references in brackets, most of which belong to the origi-
nal work, though a large number have been added to this edition.
ABBREVIATIONS.
Aid. The Aldine edition of the Septuagint, 1518.
Alex. The Codex Alexandrinus (5th cent), edited by Baber, 1816-98.
A. V. The authorized (common) English version of the Bible.
Comp. The Septuagint as printed in the Complutensian Polyglot*, 1514-1 1, published
1522.
FA. The Codex Friderico-Augustanus (4th cent), published by Teschendorf '
1846.
Rom. The Roman edition of the Septuagint, 1587. The readings of the Septuagint
for which no authority is specified are also from this source.
Sin. The Codex Sinaiticus (4tb cent), published by Teschendorf in 1862. Thii
and FA. are parti of the same manuscript
Vat The Codex Vaticanus 1209 (4th cent), according to Mai's edition, published
by Vercellone in 1857. " Vat E" denotes readings of the MS. (differing
from Mai), given in Holmes and Parsons's edition of the Septuagint, 1798-
1827. " Vat 1 " distinguishes the primary reading of the MS. from " Vat' '
or " 2. m.," the alteration of a later reviser.
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DICTIONARY
o»
BIBLICAL ANTIQUITIES, BIOGRAPHY, GEOGRAPHY,
AND NATURAL HISTORY.
BBGEM-MELECH
RE'OEM-ME'LECH ("H^ Oft [friemd
of the king] : 'ApSco-tip 6 IkuriXfisi Alex. Ap-
&*9tvtp o $.•■ Rogommeltck). The names of
Sberezer and Regem-melech occur in an obscure
passage of Zecbariah (vii. 2). They were «ent on
behalf of tome of the Captivity to make inquiries
at the Temple concerning bating. In the A. V.
the subject of the verse appear! to be the captive
Jewe in Babylon, and Bethel, or "the bouse of
God," ia regarded m the accusative after the verb
of motion. The LXX. take "the king" aa the
nominatiTe to the verb "sent" considering the
last part of the name Regem-melech as an appel-
lative and not as a proper name. Again, in the
Vulgate, Sberezer, Regem-melech, and their men,
are the persons who sent to the bouse of God.
The Peehito-Syriac has a curious version of the
passage: " And be sent to Bethel, to Sharezer and
Ralimag; and the king aent and bis men to pray
for him before the Lord : " Sharezer and Rabmag
being associated in Jer. xxxix. 3, 13. On refer-
ring to Zeeh. vii. 6, the expression " the people of
the land " seems to indicate that those who sent
to the Temple were not the captive Jews in Baby-
lon, but those who had returned to their own
country; and this being the case it is probable
that in ver. 3 " Bethel " is to be taken as the sub-
ject, "and Bethel, i. e. the inhabitant* of Bethel,
tent."
The Hexaplar-Syriao, following the Peshlto, has
•< Rabmag." What reading the LXX. had before
them it is difficult to conjecture. From its con-
nection with Sherezer, the name Regem-melech
(Ut "king's friend," eomp. 1 Chr. xxvii. 33), was
probably an Assyrian title of office. W. A. W.
REGION ROUND ABOUT, THE (* we-
plx-pot)- This term had perhaps originally a
i precise and independent meaning than it ap-
to a reader of the Authorized Version to
In the Old Test tt is used by the LXX. as
the equivalent of the singular Hebrew word kae-
Ctecar 0|3n, literally "the round"), a word
the topographical application of which ii not dear,
but which seems in its earliest oeearrenoet to de-
note the eircU or oasis of cultivation in which
stood Sodom and Gomorrah and the rest of the
of the decor" (Gen. xUl. 10, xl, IS,
170
REHOB
xix. 17, 26, 28, 99; Dent xxxiv. 3). Elsewhere
it haa a wider meaning, though still attached to
the Jordan (9 Sam. xviil. 23; 1 K. vii. 46: 9 Chr.
It. 17; Neh. ill. 22, xii. 28). It U in this less
restricted tense that wtptxtpot Ocenra in the New
Test. In Matt. iii. 5 and Luke lii. 3 it denotes
the populous sod flourishing region which con-
tained the towns of Jericho and its dependencies,
in the Jordan Valley, inclosed in the amphitheatre
of the hills of Quarantana (tee Hap, voL ii. p.
664), a densely populated region, and important
enough to be reckoned aa a distinct section of Pal-
estine — "Jerusalem, Judaea, and all the arron.
dittement ' of Jordan " (Matt. iii. 6, also Luke vii.
17). [Jud.ba, Wilderness of, Amer. ed.] It
is also applied to the district of Genneaaret, a re-
gion which presents certain similarities to that of
Jericho, being inclosed in the amphitheatre of the
hills of Hsttin and bounded in front by the water
of the lake, as the other was by the Jordan, and
aim resembling it in being very thickly populated
(Matt xiv. 35; Mark ri. 65; Luke vi. 17, vii. 17).
O.
REHABI'AH (nj?JT1 to 1 Chr. xxUL;
elsewhere 1TP5TT1 [whom Jehovah enlarga]:
'Pa&ii, [Vat.]Alex. Poo/Jia, to 1 Chr. xxiii.;
'Paaffias, 1 Chr. xxiv.j 'Pafitas, Alex. PoajSiot,
1 Chr. xxvi.: Rohobia, Xahabia to 1 Chr. xxvi.).
The only son of Eliezer, the son of Moses, and
the father of Isahiah, or Jeshaiah (1 Chr. xxiii.
17, xxiv. 91, xxvi. 25). His descendants were
numerous.
RE'HOB (3TH [end 3iT], ttrtet, marten
place]: *Pad$, ["Porf/3:] Rfihab). 1. The father
of Hadadezer king of Zobah, whom David smote
at the Euphrates (2 Sam. viii. 8, 12). Josephus
(Ant. vii. 5, § 1) calls him 'Apdos, end the Old
Latin Version Arachm, and Bbiyney (on Zech. ix.
1) thinks this was his real name, and that he was
called Rehob, or "charioteer," from the number of
charlo's in his possession. The name appears to
be peculiarly Syrian, for we find a district of Syria
called Rehob or Beth-Rehob (9 Sam. %. 6, 8).
« Thus Jerome — "regional In circuit* tat quae
medius Joidanas ftatt."
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2698
BEHOB
>■ CPoSP.) A Levite, or family of Levite*, who
sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 11).
W. A. W.
BE'HOB (3lTl [as abort]). The name of
more than one place in the extreme north of the
Holy Land.
1. ([Rom. •poo'jSi Vat.] Poofl ; Alex. Po«0:
Rohob.)" The northern limit of the exploration
of the spin (Num. xiii. 21). It is specified as
being "as men come unto Haniath," or, at the
phrase is elsewhere rendered, " at the entrance of
Hamata,-' i. e. at the commencement of the terri-
tory of that name, by which in the early books of
the Bible the great valley of Lebanon, the Bikn'ah
of the Prophets, and the Biia'a of the modem
An' a, seems to be roughly designated. This, and
the consideration of the improbability that the
•pies went farther than the upper end of the Jor-
dan Valley (Kob. Biol. Res. iii. 371), seems to fix
. the position of Rehob as not far from Tell el-Kady
and Bamas. This is confirmed by the statement
of Judg. xviii. 28, that Laish or Dan ( Tell el-Kady)
wet "in the valley that is by Beth-rehob." No
trace of the name of Rehob or Beth-rehob has yet
been met with in this direction. Dr. Robinson
proposes to identify it with tfunfn, an ancient
fortress in the mountains N. W. of the plain of
Huleh, the upper district of the Jordan Valley.
But this, though plausible, has no certain basis.
To those who are anxious to extend the bound-
aries of the Holy Land on the north and east it
may be satisfactory to know that a place called
Suhaibeh exists in the plain of Jerud, about 25
miles N. E. of Damascus, and 12 N. of the north-
ernmost of the three lakes (see the Maps of Van
eV Velde and Porter).
There is no reason to doubt that this Rehob or
Bt-th-rehob was identical with the place mentioned
under both names in 2 Sam. x. 6, 8,* in connection
with Maaeah, which was also in the upper district
at the Huleh.
Inasmuch, however, as Beth-rehob is distinctly
stated to hare been " far from Zidon " (Judg. xriii.
8 s ), It must be a distinct place from
8. CPadjS: Alex. PoetjS: Rohob), one of the
towns allotted to Asber (Josh. xix. 28), and which
from the list appears to hare been in close prox-
imity to Zidon. It is named between Ebron, or
Abdon, and Hammon. The towns of Asber lay
in a region which hat been but imperfectly exam-
ined, and no one bat yet succeeded in discovering
the position of either of these three.
3. CPoau. ["Padfi, 'EpesS, "Po<Sj8;] Alex. Pa»/3,
[Paa/3 Rohob, Rnchob.) Asher contained another
Rehob (Josh. xix. 80); but the situation of this,
Kite the former, remains at present unknown. One
t the two, it k difficult to ssy which, was allotted
to the Gershonite Levites (Joah. xxi. 31; 1 Cbr.
vi. 75). and one of its Canaanite inhabitants re-
tained possession (Judg. i. 31). The mention of
Aphik in this latter passage may imply that the
Behob referred to was that of Josh. xix. 30. This,
Eusebius and Jerome ( OnomatUcon, "Boob ") con-
nate with the Rehob of the spies, and place four
Roman miles from Scytbopolia. Hie place they
refer to still survives as Rehab, 8) miles S. of
Bourn, bat their identification of a town in that
RE1IOBOAM
position with one in the territory of Athei li ol»
vioutly inaccurate. G.
KEHOBO'AM (Dy?Tn, emlarger of the
people — tee Ex. xxxiv. 20,' and compare the name
E6p£8i)por: *Po$o4fi: Robomn), ton of Solomon
by the Ammonite princess Naaniah (1 K. xiv. 21
81), and his successor (1 K. xi. 43). From the
earliest period if Jewish history we perceive symp-
toms that the confederation of the tribes was bit
imperfectly cemented. Tbe powerful Ephraim could
never brook a position of inferiority. Throughout
the Book of Judges (riii. 1, iii. 1) the Ephraimitet
show a spirit of resentful jealousy when any enter-
prise is undertaken without their concurrence and
active participation. From them bad sprung
Joshua, and afterwards (by his place of birth)
Samuel might be considered theirs, and though the
tribe of Benjamin gave to Israel its first king, yet
it was allied by hereditary ties to the house of
Joseph, and by geographical position to the terri-
tory of Ephraim, to that up to David's accession
the leadership was practically in the hands of the
latter tribe- But Judah always threatened to be a
formidable rival. During the earlier history, partly
from the physical structure and situation of its
territory (Stanley, 8.<f P.p. 162), which secluded
it from Palestine just at Palestine by its geograph-
ical character was secluded from tbe world, it bad
stood very much aloof from the nation [Judah],
and even after Saul's death, apparently without
waiting to consult their brethren, " the men of
Judah came and anointed David king over the boost
of Judah " (2 Sam. ii. 4), while the other tribes
adhered to Saul's family, thereby anticipating the
final disruption which was afterwards to rend the
nation permanently into two kingdoms. But after
seven years of disaster a reconciliation was forced
upon the contending parties; David wat acknowl-
edged at king of Israel, and soon after, by fixing
hit court at Jerusalem and bringing the Tabernacle
there, he transferred from Ephraim the greatness
which had attached to Shechem as tbe ancient
capital, and to Shiloh as the seat of the. national
worship. In spite of thit he seems to have enjoyed
great personal popularity among tbe Ephraimitet,
and to hare treated many of them with special
favor (1 Chr.xii. 30, xxvii. 10, 14), yet this roused
the jealousy of Judah, and probably led to the revolt
of Absalom. [Absalom.] Even liter that peril-
ous crisis wst past, the old rivalry broke out afresh,
and almost led to another insurrection (2 Sam. xx.
1. Ac.). Compare Ps. lxxriii. 60, 67, Ac. in illus-
tration of these remarks. Solomon's reign, from
its severe taxes and other oppressions, aggravated
the discontent, and latterly, from its irreligious
character, alienated the prophets and provoked the
displeasure of God. When Solomon's strong hand
was withdrawn the crisis came. Rehoboam se-
lected Shechem at the place of hit coronation,
probably at an act of concession to tbe Ephraimitet,
and perhaps in deference to the suggestions of those
old and wise counsellors of his father, whose advice
he afterwards unhappily rejected. From the present
Hebrew text of 1 K. xii. tbe exact details of tbt
transactions at Shechem are involved in a little
uncertainty. The general facta indeed are clear
The people demanded a remission of the seven
Tsrgum Pteadojoi
«. nVP?9, •- «• rActna*,
Jtse-Wfi.
b
3VTT.
H«n the name It wrlttsn In tbt foliar tens at
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REHOBOAM
■dent imposed by Solomon, and Rehoboam prom-
ad them an answer in three day*, during which
lime be consulted first his father's counsellors, and
then the young men " that were grown up with
him, and which stood before him," whose answer
■hows bow greatly during Solomon's later years
the character of the Jewish court had degenerated.
Rejecting the advice of the elders to conciliate the
people at the beginning of his reign, and so make
them '• his servants forever," he returned as his
reply, in the true spirit of an eastern despot, the
fmntM bravado of his contemporaries: "My little
r shall be thicker than my father's loins. . .
". . I will add to your yoke; my father hath
anastlaed you with whips, but I will chastise you
with scorpions" (i. s. scourges furnished with
■harp points"). Thereupon arose the formidable
song of insurrection, heard once before when the
tribes quarreled after David's return from the war
with Absalom: —
What portion have w» In David!
What Inbarltanoa In Jean's son?
To your tents, O Israel !
How sea to thy own boose, David!
Reboboam sent Adoram or Adoniram, who had
eeen chief receiver of the tribute during the reigns
•f his father and his grandfather (1 K. iv. 6; 3
Sam. xx. 84), to reduce the rebels to reason, but
be was stoned to death by them ; whereupon the
king and his attendants fled in hot haste to Jerusa-
lem. So far all is plain, but there is a doubt as to
the part which Jeroboam took in these transactions.
According to 1 K. xii. 3 he was summoned by the
Ephraimites from Egypt (to which country he had
fleid from the anger of Solomon) to be their spokes-
man at Rehoboam's coronation, and actually made
the speech in which a remission of burdens was
requested. But, in apparent contradiction to this,
we read in ver. 30 of the same chapter that after
the success of the insurrection and Rehoboam's
flight, " when all Israel heard that Jeroboam was
some again, they sent and called him unto the con-
gregation and made him king." But there is rea-
son to think that ver. 3 has been Interpolated. It
■ not found in the IJCX., which makes no mention
it Jeroboam in this chapter till ver. 30, substi-
tuting in ver. 3 for " Jeroboam and all the congre-
gation of Israel came and spoke unto Rehoboam "
the words, <ca) IxiKriatr i \ai* wpbs rhv Pcurikia
7e/3adu. So too Jeroboam's name is omitted by
the LXX. in ver. 13. Moreover we find in the
LXX. a long supplement to this 12th chapter, evi-
dently ancient, and at least in parts authentic, con-
taining fuller details of Jeroboam's biography than
the Hebrew. [Jeroboam.] In this we read that
after Solomon's death he returned to his native
place, Sarin in Ephraim, which he fortified, and
•red there quietly, watching the turn of events,
ill the long-expected rebellion broke out, when the
Ephraimites heard (doubtless through his own
Qsy) that he had returned, and invited him to
to assume the crown. Froir the same
supplementary narrative of the LXX. it would
appear that more than a year must have elapsed
b etween Solomon's death and Rehoboam's visit to
Sbeehem, for, on receiving the news of the former
, Jeroboam requested from the king of Egypt
REHOBOAM
2699
« So to Latin, ttorpio, according to Isidore (or>sTT-
r. ST), Is " vines nodosa «t aeaksta, quia areoato vul-
va* ha serous lanagttur " {Pmttftuli, s. v.).
leave to return to his native country. This the
king tried to prevent by giving him his sister-in-
law in marriage: but on the birth of bis chid
Abijah, Jeroboam renewed his request, which was
then granted. It is probable that during this year
the discontent of the N. tribes was making itself
more and more manifest, and that this led to Reho-
boam's visit and intended inauguration.
On Rehoboam's return to Jerusalem he assem-
bled an army of 180,000 men from the two faithful
tribes of Judah and Benjamin (the latter trans-
ferred from the aide of Joseph to that of Judah in
consequence of the position of David's capital
within its borders), in the hope of reconquering
Israel. The expedition, however, was forbidden by
the prophet Shemaiah, who mured them that the
separation of the kingdoms was in accordance with
God's will (1 K. xii. 34): still during Rehoboam's
life-time peaceful relations between Israel and Judah
were never restored (3 Chr. xii. 15; 1 K. xiv. 30).
Rehoboam now occupied himself in strengthening
the territories which remained to him, by building
a number of fortresses of which the names are
given in 3 Chr. xi. 6-10, forming a girdle of
" fenced eities " round Jerusalem. The pure wor-
ship of God was maintained in Judah, and the
Levites and many pious Israelites from the North,
vexed at the calf-idolatry introduced by Jeroboam
at Dan and Bethel, in Imitation of the Egyptian
worship of Mnevis, came and settled in the southern
kingdom and added to its power. But Rehoboani
did not check the introduction of heathen abomina-
tions into his capital: the lascivious worship of
Ashtoreth was allowed to exist by the side of the
true religion (an inheritance of evil doubtless left
by Solomon), "images" (of Baal and hit fellow
divinities) were set up, and the worst immoralities
were tolerated (1 K. xiv. 32-34). These evils wen
punished and put down by the terrible calamity of
an Egyptian invasion. Shortly before this time a
change in the ruling house had occurred in Egypt.
The XXIst dynasty, of Tanites, whose last king,
Pishain or Psusennes, had been a close ally of Solo-
mon (1 K. iii. 1, vii. 8. ix. 16, x. 38, 29), was suc-
ceeded by the XXIId, of Bubaatites, whose first sov-
ereign, Shishak (Sheshonk, Sesonchis, Xowo/rtu)
connected himself, as we have seen, with Jeroboam
That he was incited by him to attack Judah if
very probable: at all events in the 5th year of
Rehoboam's reign the country was invaded by >
host of Egyptians and other African nations, num-
bering 1,300 chariots, 60,000 cavalry, and a vast
miscellaneous multitude of infantry. The line of
fortresses which protected Jerusalem to the W. and
S. was forced, Jerusalem itself was taken, and
Rehoboam had to purchase an ignominious peace
by delivering up all the treasures with which Solo-
mon had adorned the temple and palace, including
his golden shields, 200 of the larger, and 300 of the
smaller size (1 K. x. 16, 17), which were carried
before him when he visited the Temple in state.
We ore told that after the Egyptians hod retired,
his vain and foolish successor comforted himself by
substituting shields of brass, which were solemnly
borne before him in procession by the body-guard,
as if nothing had been changed since hit father's
time (Ewaid, Oetchichit da V. I. iii. 348, 464).
Shishak'a success is commernor ited by sculptures
discovered by Champollion on the outside of the
great Temple at Kornok, where among a long list
of captured towns and provinces occur » the name
ifelchi Judah (kinr-tom of Judah) It is iiid
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2700
BEHOBOTH
thai the features of the captives in then sculpture!
sre unmistakably Jewish (Rawlinson, Herodotus,
Ii. 376, and Bampion Lectures, p. 126; Bunsen,
Kgypt, Hi- 342). After this great humiliation the
moral condition of Judah seems to hare improved
(2 Chr. zii. 12), and the rest of Reboboam's life to
have been unmarked by any events of importance.
He died b. c. 958, after a reign of 17 yean, having
ascended the throne B. c. J75 at the age of 41
(1 R. ziv. 21 ; 2 Chr. xii. 13). In the addition to
the LXX. already mentioned (inserted after 1 K.
xii. 24) we read that he was 16 years old at his
accession, a misstatement probably founded on a
wrong interpretation of 2 Chr. xiii. 7, where he is
called •• young " (i. e. new to his work, inexpe-
rienced) and " tender-hearted" (S^VlT?, want-
ing in resolution and spirit). He had 18 wives,
60 concubines, 28 sons, and 60 daughters. The
wisest thing recorded of him in Scripture ii that
he refused to waste away bis sons' energies in the
wretched existence of an Eastern zenana, in which
we may infer, from his helplessness at the age of
11, that he had himself been educated, but dis-
persed them in command of the new fortresses
which he had built about the country. Of his
wires, Mahalatb, AbibaiL and Maachah were all
of the royal house of Jesse: Maachah he lored best
of all, and to her son Abijah he bequeathed his
kingdom. The text of the LXX. followed in this
article is Teschendorf's edition of the Vatican MS.
[not of the Vat. MS., but reprint of the Roman
edition of 1587], Leipsic, 1850. Q. E. L. C.
REHO'BOTH (/TOTT? [streets, wide
otaces]; Samar. ffi3Vl~l : ebpvx*pla- Veneto-
Gk. at TIAarttai : Latitude). The third of the series
of wells dug by Isaac (Gen. xxvi. 22). He celebrates
his triumph and bestows its name on the well in a
fragment of poetry of the same nature as those in
which Jacob's wives give names to his successive
children : "He called the name of it Rehoboth
(• room,') and said, —
i Because now Jehovah bath-made-room for us
And we shall increase In the land.' "
Isaac had left the valley of Gerar and its turbulent
inhabitants before he dug the well which he thus
commemorated (rer. 22). From it he, in time,
"went up" to Beer-eheba (rer. 23), an expression
which is always used of motion towards the Land
of promise. The position of Gerar has not been
definitely ascertained, but it seems to have lain a
fbw miles to the S. of Gaza and nearly due E. of
Beer-eheba. In this direction, therefore, if any-
where, the wells Sitnah, Esek, and Rehoboth,
thould be searched for. A Wady Ruhaibtk, con-
raining the ruins of a town of the same name,
with a large well." is crossed by the road from
Khan en-Nukhl to Hebron, by which Palestine is
entered on the south. It lies about 20 miles S. W.
*.' Mr es-Seba, and more than that distance S.
if the most probable situation of Gerar. It there-
ore seems unsafe, without further proof, to identify
* with Rehoboth, as Rowlands (in Williams' Holy
City, S. 465), Stewart ( Ttnt and Khan, p. 202), and
a Dr. Robinson could not And the well. Dr. Stewart
(raudlfregslarly built, 12 feet In clrcumntranoe,"
rM " eorapMelr filled up." Mr. Rowlands describes
It aa "an ancient well of living and good water.*'
■Too shall Amide on tastuaonr so cuiioualr contra-
HEHOBOTH, THE CITY
Van de Velde* (Memoir, p. 343) have dolus. A
the same time, aa is admitted by Dr. Robinson,
the existence of so large a place here, without any
apparent mention, is mysterious. All that can be
said in favor of the identity of Ruhaibeh with Reho-
both is said by Dr. Bonar (Dtttrt of Sinai, p. 816),
and not without considerable force.
The ancient Jewish tradition confined the events
of this part of Isaac's life to a much narrower
circle The wells of the patriarchs were shown
near Aahkelon in the time of Origen, Antoninus
Martyr, and Eusebius (Reland, PaU p. 589); the
Samaritan Version identifies Gerar with Aahkelon;
Joeephus (Ant. 1. 12, § 1) calls it " Gerar of Pala-
tine,' • i. e. of Philistia. Q.
REHO'BOTH, THE CITY ("T"? HhiTT,
i. e. Rechoboth "Ir [streets of the dty]; Samar.
mam; 8am. Ters."pt3D: "PoaBM vt\ai
Alex. Pou/Sar; piatea dviiatU). One of the four
cities built by Aashur, or by Nimrod in Aashur,
according as this difficult passage ii translated.
The four were Nineveh; Reboboth-Ir; Caleb;
and Resen, between Nineveh and Calah (Gen. x.
11). Nothing certain is known of its position.
The name of Rahabth is still attached to two
places in the region of the ancient Mesopotamia.
They lie, the one on the western, and the other on the
eastern bank of the Euphrates, a few miles below the
confluence of the Khabir. Both are said to con-
tain extensive ancient remains. That on the east-
ern bank bears the affix of malik or royal, and this
Bunsen (BibeUoerk) and Kalisch (0'enesis, p. 261)
propose as the representative of Rehoboth. Its
distance from Knbih-Sherghat and Nimrud (nearly
200 miles) is perhaps an obstacle to this identifica-
tion. Sir H. Rawlinson (Athrnaum, April 15,
1854) suggests Stlemiyah in the immediate neigh-
borhood of Kalah, " where there are still extensive
ruins of the Assyrian period," but no subsequent
discoveries appear to bare confirmed this sugges-
tion. The Samaritan Version (see above) reads
Sutean for Rehoboth ; and it is remarkable that
the name Sutean should be found in connection
with Calah in an inscription on the breast of a
statue of the god Nebo which Sir H. Rawlinson
disinterred at Nimrud (AUienaum, as above).
The Sutean of the Samaritan Version is com-
monly supposed to denote the Sittacene of the
Greek geographers (Winer, Realtob. "Rechoboth
Ir "). But Sittacene was a district, and not a
city as Rehoboth-Ir necessarily was, and, further,
being in southern Assyria, would seem to be too
distant from the other cities of Nimrod.
St Jerome, both in the Vulgate and in his
Qwutionts ad Genetim (probably from Jewish
sources), considers Rehoboth-Ir as referring to
Nineveh, and as meaning the "streets of the
city." The reading of the Targums of Jonathan,
Jerusalem, and Rabbi Joseph, on Gen. and 1 Chrdn.,
viz., Platiah, Platiitha, are probably only tran-
scriptions of the Greek word rKarttai, which, ae
found in the well-known ancient city Platan, ia
the exact equivalent of Rehoboth. Kaplan, the
Jewish geographer (EreU Kedumim), identifies
» In his Travels Tan de Velde Inclines to place it
or at any rate one of Isaac's wells, at Bit hth, about
six mike S. W. of Beit Jlbrin (cV- and Put. 11. 146).
e The Arable translation of this version (Knehnaa
adheres to the Hebrew text, having Knloo** *f-Jts
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EEHOBOTH BY THE RIVER
&a\abtk-malik with Rehoboth-by-the-river, in
which he is possibly correct, but considers it ss
listiuct from Rehoboth-Ir, which he believes to
have disappeared. G.
REHCBOTH BY THE RIVER (/YOiTJ
T?7|n: TrWA» — in Chr. ■Pa.fl&fl — i, wapd
wvrtutir ; Alex. Poa>$aB in each : dt Jiueia
JtoMxnh ; Rohoboth qua juxta amntm titn
est). The citj of a certain Saul or Shaul,
sue of the earl; kings of the Edomitea (Gen.
nm 37 ; 1 Chr. L 48). The affix " the
riw," fixes the situation of Kehoboth as on the
Euphrates, emphatically " Ike river " to the inhabi-
tanta of Western Asia. [River] The name
still remains attached to two spots on the Euphra-
tes; the one simply Rnhabth, on the right bank,
eight miles below the junction of the Khabir,
and about three miles west of the river (Chesney,
jEa*>A»\, i. 119, ii. 610, and map iv.), the other
bar or five miles further down on the left bank.
The latter is said to be called Rahabeh-mutik, i. e.
" royal " (Kalisch, Kaplan ),° and is on this ground
I dentified by the Jewish commentators with the
city of Saul; but whether this is accurate, and
whether that city, or either of the two sites just
earned, is also identical with Rehoboth-Ir, the city
af Nimrod, is not yet known.
There is no reason to suppose that the limits of
Edom ever extended to the Euphrates, and there-
bre the occurrence of the name in the lists of
kings of Edom would seem to be a trace of
an Assyrian incursion of the same nature as that
af Chedoriaomer and Amraphel. G.
• RE'HU, 1 Chron. L 23 (A. V. ed. 1611).
[Bin.]
RE HUM (EPim [compwilomle] : VtoApi
[Vat omits;] Alex. Itptou/i- Sehum). 1. One
of the " children of the province " who went up
from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ear. ii. 2). In
Neb. vii. 7 he is called Nkhuh, and in 1 Esdr. v.
SRomua.
3. ([Vat. PaovK, Poov/iO Aetna.) "Rehum
that chancellor," with Shimshai the scribe, and
others, wrote to Artaxerxes to prevail upon him
to stop the rebuilding of the walls and temple
of Jerusalem (Ear. iv. 8, 9, 17, 22). He was per-
haps a kind of lieutenant-governor of the province
under the king of Persia, holding apparently the
same office ss Tatnai, who is described in Ear. v.
6 aa taking part in a similar transaction, and
h there called "the governor on this side the
fber.': The Chaldee title, EStp-bS?, bfiUFim,
Et "lord of decree," is left untranslated In the
LXX- BaArdVi and the Vulgate Btdteem ; and
the rendering "chancellor" in the A. V. appears
so have been derived from Kimchi and others, who
•xpfcun it, in consequence of its connection with
•"•wibe," by the Hebrew word which is usually
rendered " recorder." This appears to have been
lie view taken by the author of 1 Esdr. ii. 26, 6
yfi+mr t4 wjxKnrf s-roera, and by Josrphus (Ant.
a. 2, J 1), i tsWs ri xparrifitya ypufwr. The
«rraer of these seems to be a gloss, fot the Chaldee
«tle is also represented by BnArM^tet.
3. CPawvtv; [Vat. Bacav$; FA. Baao.vv:]
RWK KM
2701
Tt» existence of the second rests bu» on slender
It b shown In the map In Layard's Nintveh
aaaHswa, aodla msntloiMd by the two Jewish eo-
Rehum.) A Levite of the family of Bani, who as-
sisted in rebuilding the walls of Jerusalem (Neh.
ui. 17).
4. fPceu/i; [Vat Alex. FA. (joined with
part of the next word) Paovp-]) One of tb*
chief of the people, who signed the covenant with
Nehemiah (Neh. x. 25).
6. (Om. in Vat MS. ; [also om. by Rom. Alex.
FA. 1 ; FA.» Peovu,:] Rheum.) A priestly family
or the head of a priestly house, who went up with
Zerubbabel (Neh. xii. 8). VV. A. W.
REI (^Jn [frUntUg, $oaal}: [Rom. •p vo -t;
Vat Alex.] Pij<r«x: 6 Jiei). A person mentioned
(in 1 K. i. 8 only) as having, in company with
Zsdok, Benaiah, Nathan, Shimei, and the men of
David's guard, remained firm to David's cause
when Adonyah rebelled. He is not mentioned
again, nor do we obtain any clew to his identity.
Various conjectures have been made. Jerome
( Quatl. Btbr. ad loc.) states that he is the same
with " Hiram the Zairite," i. e. Ira the Jairite, a
priest or prince about the person of David. Ewald
(Vetch, iii. 260 note), dwelling on the occurrence
of Shimei in the same list with Rei, suggests that
the two are David's only surviving brothers, Rei
being identical with Raddai. This is ingenious,
but there is nothing to support it, while there is
the great objection to it that the names are in the
original extremely dissimilar, Rei containing the
Ain, a letter which is rarely exchanged for any other,
but apparently never for Daleth (Geeen. The*, pp.
976,977). G.
REINS, i. e. kidneys, from the Latin renes.
1. The word is used to translate the Hebrew
fW^J, except in the Pentateuch and in Is. xxxiv.
6, where "kidneys" is employed. In the ancient
system of physiology the kidneys were believed to
be the seat of desire and longing, which accounts
for their often being coupled with the heart (Ps
vii. 9, xxvi. 2; Jer. xi. 20, xvii. 10, etc.).
2. It is once used (Is. xi. 5) as the equivalent of
□??bn, elsewhere translated " loins." G.
RE'KEM (QfD [variegated garden] : 'Pok4»
[Vat Pokoh], 'Po&ix; Alex. Poko/i: Kecem).
L One of the five kings or chieftains of Midiaa
slain by the Israelites (Num. xxxi. 8; Josh. xiii.
21) at the time that Balaam foil.
3. CPsa-op; Alex. Po«o/>.) One of the four
sons of Hebron, and father of Shammai (1 Chr. ii.
43, 44). In the last verse the LXX. have " Jor-
koam " for " Rekem." In this genealogy it is ex-
tremely difficult to separate the names of persons
from those of places — Ziph, Hareshah, Tappuah,
Hebron, are all names of places, ss well as Maon
and Beth-zur. In Josh, xviii. 27 Rekem appears
as a town of Benjamin, and perhaps this genealogy
may be intended to indicate that it was founded by
a colony from Hebron.
RE'KEM (SfT^ [as above] : perhaps Kod>a>
ical NajtdV; Aba. Pttctfi'- Secern). One of the towns
of thf allotment of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 27). It
occurs between Mozah (ham-Motta) and Ikfbxx.
No one, not even Schwarz, has attempted to iden-
thorlfas named above ; but it does not appear us I
work of Col. Chesney.
» leedlng 2 for V.
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2702
REMALIAH
Utf it with any existing lite. But may there not
be * tnoe of the name in Am KaHm, the well-
known (prin); west of Jerusalem ? It is within a
107 abort distance of Motaah, provided Kukmitk
be Motaah, as the writer has already suggested.
G.
REMALIAH (VT^Ql [whom Jekovak
M.lorm, ties.] 'Po/uKtat in Kings and Isaiah,
'PopcA/a in Chr.; [Tat. Po/uXia (gen.) in Is.
vii. 1:] Rumtlia). The father of Pekah, captain
of Pekahiah king of Israel, who slew his mas-
ter and usurped bis throne (3 K. xt. 36-37, xvi.
1, 5; 3 Chr. xxviii. 6; Is. vii. 1-8, vUi. 6).
RE'MBTH (n$n [kdgktt]: f.^Us; Alex.
Papitaf: Ramttk). One of the towns of tssachar
(Josh. xix. 31), occurring in the list next to En-
gannim, the modern Jtnln. It is probably (though
not certainly) a distinct place from the Ramoth
at* 1 Chr. vi. 73. A place bearing the name of
Samth is found on the west of the track from
Samaria to JeaUi, about 6 miles N. of the former
and 9 S. W. of the latter (Porter, Handb. p. 848 n;
Van de Velde, Map). Its situation, on an isolated
rocky tell in the middle of a green plain buried in
the hills, is quite in accordance with its name,
which is probably a mere variation of Ramah,
" height." But it appears to be too far south to
be within the territory of Issachar, which, as far as
the scanty indications of the record can be made
out, can hardly have extended below the southern
border of the plain of Eadraelou.
For Sohwarz's conjecture that Satnek is Ba-
mathaim-zofhim, see that article (iii. 3673).
G.
BEM'MON (fVtn, I t. Rimmoo [pomt~
prtmate]: 'Eptf^uiy-" Alex. Pip/utS: Rtmmon).
A town in the allotment of Simeon, one of a group
af four (Josh. xix. 7). It is the same place which
is elsewhere accurately given in the A. V. as Rim-
mon; the inaccuracy both in this case and that of
Rkmmom-methoar having no doubt arisen from
our transistors inadvertently following the Vulgate,
which again followed the LXX. G.
BEM'MON-METH'OAKfUjh^rr JToTL.
L «. Rimmon bam-meth6ar [pomegmnati] : *P««-
fuotyad MaSapao^di Alex. Pc^i»vcui fmBaptfi'
RemnKM, Amtkar). A place which formed one of
the landmarks of the eastern boundary of the ter-
ritory of Zebulun (Josh. xix. 13 only). It occurs
between Eth-KaUin and Neah. Methoar does not
really form a part of the name ; but is the Pual of
THFI, to stretch, and should be translated accord-
ingly (as in the margin of the A. V.) — « R. which
leaches to Neah." This is the Judgment of Ues-
juiue. The*, p. 1292 a, Rodlger, ib. 1481 a; Filrst,
Handwb. ii. 519 <i, and Bnnsen, a* well as of the
ancient Jewish commentator Raahi, who quotes as
lis authority the Targutn of Jonathan, the text of
Thieo has however been subsequently altered, since
in its present state it agrees with the A. V. in not
tiansbiting the word. The latter course is taken
by the LXX. and Vulgate as above, and by the
Peshito, Junius and Tremelhus, and Luther. The
*. V. has here further erroneously followed the
• The LXX. hers eomblna the Aln and Rimmon of
Its A. T. Into one rand, and make up the Ibur efttirs
V teas group by inswtraf a &aX x i, <* which toss* la
REMPHAN
Vulgate in giving the first part of the nam* sa
Remmon instead of Rimmon.
This Rimmon does not appear to have been
known to Eosebins and Jerome, but it is mentioned
by the early traveller Parehi, who says that it ia
called Rumaneh, and stands an hour south of Sep-
phoris (Zunz's Benjamin, ii. 433). If for eontk
we read north, this is in close agreement with the
statements of Dr. Robinson (BibL Ha. iii. 110), and
Mr. Van de Velde {Map; Memoir, p. 344), who
place Bummanth on the S. border of the Plain af
Bultauf, 3 miles N. N. E. of Siffuritk. It is
difficult, however, to see how this can have bean 00
the eastern boundary of Zebulun.
Rimmon is not improbably identical with the
Levitieal city, which in Josh. xxi. 35 appears ia the
form of Dimiiah, and again, in the parallel lists of
Chronicles (1 Chr. vi. 77) ss Runmono (A. V.
Rimmon). G.
REMTPHAN (*Peaa%aV,[Laehm. Hash. Treg.]
*Pt*d»: Rempham, Acts vii. 43): and CHIUN
(]1»3 : *Poi«m£k, fotupi, CompL Am. v. 36) have
been supposed to be names of an idol worshipped
by the Israelites in the wilderness, but seem to be
the names of two idols. The second occurs in
Amos, in the Heb. ; the first, in a quotation of that
passage in St- Stephen's address, in the Acts: the
LXX. of Amos hss, however, the same name as in
the Acts, though not written in exactly the same
manner. Much difficulty has been occasioned by
this sorresponding occurrence of two names so
wholly different in sound. The most reasonable
opinion seemed to be that Chiun was a Hebrew or
Semitic name, and Keniphan an Egyptian equiv-
alent substituted by the LXX. The former, ren-
dered Saturn in the Syr., was compared with too
Arab, and Pen. ^jSykSsa, " the planet Saturn,"
and, according to Kircher, the latter was found in
Coptic with the same signification ; but perhaps ha
had no authority for this excepting the supposed
meaning of the Hebrew Chiun. Egyptology has,
however, shown that this is not the true explana-
tion Among the foreign divinities worshipped in
Egypt, two, the god RENPU, perhaps pronounced
REMPU, and the goddess KEN, occur together.
Before endeavoring to explain the passages in which
Chiun and Remphan are mentioned, it will be
desirable to apeak, on the evidence of the monu-
ments, of the foreign gods worshipped in Egypt,
particularly RENPU and KEN, and of the idolatry
of the Israelites while in that country.
Besides those divinities represented on the mon-
uments of Egypt which have Egyptian forms or
names, or both, others have foreign farms or names,
or both. Of the latter, some appear to have been
introduced at a very remote age. This is certainly
tbe case with the principal divinity of Memphis,
Ptah, the Egyptian Hepbcstus. The name Ptah
is from a Semitic root, for it signifies "open," and
in Heb. we find the root RPfy, and its cognates,
"he or it opened," whereas there is no word related
to it in Coptic. Tbe figure of this divinity is that
of a deformed pigmy, or perhaps unborn child, and
is unlike the usual representations of divinities oa
no ones in the Hebrew, but which Is possibly ska
Toeheo of 1 Chr. iv. 32 — in the LXX. of that saasaox
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REMPHAN
As mon um ents. In this cue then am be no
Joabt that the introduction took piece at an ex -
tsaneiy early date, u the name of Ptab occurs in
vary oil tombs in the necropolii of Memphis, and
U found throughout the religious records. It is
also to be noticed that this name is not traceable
in the mythology of neighboring nations, unlets
indeed it corresponds to that of the ndVaucot or
naraimf, whose images, according to Herodotus,
were the figure-heads of Phoenician ships (iii. 37).
The foreign divinities that seem to be of later in-
troduction are not found throughout the religious
records, but only in single tablets, or are otherwise
wry rarely mentioned, and two out of their four
■James an immediately recognized to be non-Egyp-
tian. They are RENPU, and the goddesses KEN,
ACTA, and ASTARTA. The first and second
of these have foreign forms; the thud and fourth
have Egyptian forma: then would therefore seem
to be an especially foreign character about the
former two.
RENPU, pronounced REMPU (?),<■ is repre-
sented as an Asiatic, with the full beard and ap-
parently the general type of face given on the mon-
uments to most nations east of Egypt, and to the
BEBU or Libyans. This type is evidently that
of the Sbemites. His hair is bound with a fillet,
which is ornamented in front with the head of an
antelope.
KEN is represented perfectly naked, holding in
both bands com, and standing upon a lion. In the
last particular the figure of a goddess at Moltheiy-
yeh in Assyria may be compared (Layard, Nituwh,
ii. 912). From this occurrence of a similar repre-
sentation, from her being naked and carrying corn,
and from her bong worshipped with KHEM, we
may suppose that KEN corresponded to the Syrian
goddess, at least when the latter had the character
ef Venus. She is also called KETESH, which is
the name in hieroglyphies of the great Hittite town
en the Orontes. This in the present case is prob-
ably a title, nttn^ '■ It can scarcely be the name
of a town where she was worshipped, applied to her
as personifying it.
ANATA appears to be Analtis, and her foreign
character seems almost certain from her being
Jointly worshipped with RENPU and KEN.
ASTAKTA is of course the Ashtoreth of
Canaan.
On a tablet In the British Museum the principal
subject is a group representing KEN, having
KHEM on cue side and EENPC on the other:
beneath is an adoration of ANATA. On the half
ef another tablet KEN and KHEM occur, and a
inUcation to REXPU and KETESH.
We hare no clew to the exact time of the intro-
CjBetkm of these divinities into Egypt, nor except in
•M case, to any particular places of tbeir worship.
Their tames occur as early as the period of the
XYIiith and XlXth dynasties, and it is therefore
not improbable that they were introduced by the
Shepherds. ASTARTA is mentioned in a tablet
ef Ameooph IL, opposite Memphis, which leads to
the conjecture that she was the foreign Venus tLtra
wo rs h ipp e d , in the quarter of the Phoenicians jf
REMPHAN
2708
• In illustration of this probabla pronunciation, "^
■ay etas th* occurrence in hieroglyphics of UN PA
■r EJJtP, "youth, young, to renew ; " and, In Copae,
sf she sor p ossd a rait
p«ut.iu, pojunij
Tyre, according to Herodotus (it 113). It is ob-
servable that the Shepherds worshipped SUTEKH,
corresponding to SETH, and also called BAR, that
is. Bail, and that, under king APEPEE, he was
the sole god of the foreigners. SUTEKH was
probably a foreign god, and was oertainly identified
with BaaL The idea that the Shepherds intro
duced the foreign gods is therefore partly confirmed
As to RENPU and KEN we can only offer a con-
jecture. They occur together, and KEN is a form
of the Syrian goddess, and also bears some relation
to the Egyptian god of productiveness, KHEM.
Their similarity to Baal and Ashtoreth seems
strong, and perhaps it is not unreasonable to sup-
pose that they were the divinities of some tribe
from the east, not of Phoenicians or Cenaanites,
settled in Egypt during the Shepherd-period. The
naked goddess KEN would suggest such worship ss
that of the Babylonian Mylitta, but the thoroughly
Sbemite appearance of RENPU is rather in favor
of an Arab source- Although we have not dis-
covered a Semitic origin of either name, the absence
of the names in the mythologies of Canaan and the
neighboring countries, as far as they are known to
us, inclines us to look to Arabia, of which the early
mythology is extremely obscure.
The Israelites in Egypt, after Joseph's rule, ap-
pear to have fallen into a general, but doubtless not
universal, practice of idolatry. This is only twice
distinctly stated and once alluded to (Josh. xxiv.
14; Ex. xx. 7, 8, xxttL 3), but the indications are
perfectly clear. The mention of CHIUN or REM-
PHAN as worshipped in the desert shows that this
idolatry was, in part at least, that of foreigners, and
no doubt of those settled in Lower Egypt The
golden calf, at first tight, would appear to be an
image of Apis of Memphis, or Mnevis of Heliopolis,
or some other sacred bull of Egypt; but it must be
remembered that we read in tin Apocrypha of " the
heifer Baal" (Tob. 1. 5), so that it was possibly a
Phoenician or Canaanite idol. The best parallel to
this idolatry is that of the Phoenician colonies in
Europe, as teen in the idols discovered in tombs at
Camirus in Rhodes by M. Saixniann, and those
found in tombs in the island of Sardinia (of both of
which there are specimens in the British Museum),
and those represented on the coins of Melita and
the island of Ebusut.
We can now endeavor to explain the passages in
which Chiun and Remphan occur. The Masoretie
text of Amos v. 36 reads thus : " But ye bare the
tent [or ' tabernacle '] of your king and Chiun yonr
images, the star of your gods [or 'your god'],
which ye made for yourselves." In the LXX. we
find remarkable differences : it readt: Kol 4>«Aa-
fr*rt tV OTmrfer rev MeAex, ««1 v» tarpon roi
Stov i/iir 'PoiAdV, rooi riwovs ahr&v out eVoiv/-
o-art tauroir. Die Vuig. agrees with the Masoretie
text in the order of the clauses, though omitting
Chiun or Remphan. " Et portattis tabernaculum
Moloch vestro, et imaginem idolorum veshtorum,
sidut dei vettri, qua) fecistis vobis." The passsge
is cited in the Acts almost In the words of the
LXX. : " Yea, ye took up the taliernacle of Moloch,
and the star of your god hVmphan, figures which
ye made to worship them " jKol 4>«Xd/3rr» rfc*
8. ptine, «a year;" so MBNNUFB, Msmphta,
uejiqi, s aeutqe, juifie, **.
4w, and ON-NUIK, M *«.
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1704
REMPHAN
ncnriiv rev MoAox, "a\ re furrpov rov tiou
tfmv 'Pfn<)xiv, robs riwovs otis iwotfoart wpotr-
tvvtl* aurois)- A slight change in the Hebrew
would enable us to read Moloch (Halcam or Milconi )
instead of "your king." Beyond this it is ex-
tremely difficult to explain the differences. The
substitution of Reniphan for Chiun cannot be ac-
counted for bj verbal criticism. The Hebrew does
not seem as distinct in meaning as the LXX., and
if we may conjecturally emend it from the latter,
the last clause would be, " your images which ye
made for yourselves: " and if we further transpose
Chiun to the place of " your god Bemphan," in
the LXX., D3bn /TOD DS would correspond
to ]V3 dSTlbW 3313 DM, but how can we
account for such a transposition as would thus be
supposed, which, be it remembered, is less likely in
the Hebrew than in a translation of a difficult pas-
sage? If we compare the Masoretic text and the
supposed original, we perceive that in the former
D3'&bS 1^3 corresponds in position to 3313
D3TI vN, and it does not seem an unwarrantable
conjecture that ]V3 having been by mistake writ-
ten in the place of 3313 by some copyist,
□DW2 was also transposed. It appears to be
more reasonable to read " images which ye made,"
than " gods which ye made," as the former word
occurs. Supposing these emendations to be prob-
able, we may now examine the meaning of the
passage.
The tent or tabernacle of Moloch is supposed by
Gesenius to have been an actual tent, and he com-
pares the o-ktjkJ) itpi of the Carthaginians (Diod.
Sic. xx. 65; Lex. s. v. fVQD). But there is
some difficulty in the idea that the Israelites car-
ried about so large an object for the purpose of
idolatry, and it seems more likely that it was a
small model of a larger tent or shrine. The read-
ing Moloch appears preferable to " your king ; "
but the mention of the idol of the Ammonites as
worshipped in the desert stands quite alone. It is
perhaps worthy of note that there is reason for
supposing that Moloch was a name of the planet
Saturn, and that this planet was evidently sup-
posed by the ancient translators to be intended by
Chiun and Remphan. The correspondence of Bem-
phan or Raiphan to Chiun is extremely remarkable,
and can, we think, only be accounted for by the
supposition that the LXX. translator or translators
of the prophet had Egyptian knowledge, and being
thus acquainted with the ancient joint worship of
Ken and Renpu, substituted the latter for the
former, as they may have been unwilling to repeat
toe name of a foreign Venus. The star of Rem-
phan, if indeed the passage is to be read so as to
connect these words, would be especially appro-
priate if Remphan were a planetary god ; but the
evidence for this, especially as partly founded upon
in Arab, or Pen. word like Chiun, is not suffi-
ciently strong to enable us to lay any stress upon
the agreement. In hieroglyphics the sign for a
star is one of the two composing the word SEB,
"to adore," and is undoubtedly there used in a
symbolical as well as a phonetic sense, indicating
trot the ancient Egyptian religion was partly de-
rived from a system of star-worship; and there are
representations on the monuments of mythical
REPETITIONS IN PRATER
creatures or men adoring stars {Ancient JCgjpium
pi. 30 A.). We have, however, no positive indica-
tion of any figure of a star being used aa as
idolatrous object of worship. From the mannei
in which it is mentioned we may conjecture thai
the star of Remphan was of the same character
aa the tabernacle of Moloch, an object connected
with false worship rather than an image of a false
god. According to the LXX. reading of the last
clause it might be thought that these objects were
actually images of Moloch and Remphan; but it
must be remembered that we cannot suppose an
image to have had the form of a tent, and that the
version of the passage in the Acts, as well as the
Masoretic text, if in the latter case we may change
the order of the words, give a clear sense. As to
the meaning of the last clause, it need only be
remarked that it does not oblige us to infer that
the Israelites made the images of the false gods,
though they may have done so, as in the case of the
golden calf: it may mean no more than that they
adopted these gods.
It is to be observed that the whole passage does
not indicate that distinct Egyptian idolatry was
practiced by the Israelites. It is very remarkable
that the only false gods mentioned as worshipped
by them in the desert should be probably Moloch,
and Chiun, and Remphan, of which the latter two
were foreign divinities worshipped in Egypt. From
this we may reasonably infer, that while the Israel-
ites sojourned in Egypt there was also a great
stranger-population in the Lower Country, and
therefore that it is probable that then the shep-
herds still occupied the land. R S. P.
* Jablonaki (Pantheon jEgyptiorum, Prolego-
mena, L.) makes Remphah the equivalent of reyina
Caii, that is Luna, whose worship was maintained
in Egypt at an early day. His attempt, however,
to prove that this was sn Egyptian divinity, in his
learned treatise Remphah uhutratut, is not bonis
out by the evidenoe of the monuments, the Asiatic
type of countenance being strongly marked in the
delineations of this god. He is represented brand-
ishing a club. A good specimen is to be seen in
the Museum of the Louvre at Paris (Salle des
Monuments Religieux, Armoire K), where is col-
lected in one view a complete Egyptian Pantheon.
Movers (Die Religion der Phinmer) finds 10
trace of Remphan among the gods of Phoenicia.
He makes Moloch the Fire-god of the Ammonites,
whose worship was extended through Assyria and
Chaldaa — the personification of fire aa the holy
and purifying element.
Count Rouge 1 considers Atesh or Ketbsh and
Amta or Axata to be different forms or char-
acters of the same divinity, an Anatie Venus, for
though she wears the same head-dress and diadem
as the Egyptian goddess Hathor. the Egyptians
never represented their own goddesses by an en-
tirely nude figure. Both forms of this divinity
may be seen in the Louvre, ss above. As Acta
she appears as the goddess of war, wielding a
battle-axe, and holding a shield and lance. Such
was also the character of AnaYtib, the war-god
dess of the Persians and old Assyrians. Accord
ing to Movers, Astabti was a divinity of a uni-
versal character, whose worship, under various
names, was world-wide. J. P. T.
• REPETITIONS IN PRAYER. It b
a characteristic of all superstitious devotion tt
repeat endlessly certain words, especially tar i
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REPHAEL
rf the deities luvoked, a practice which onr Lord
designates as fiarro\oyta and xoAuAo-ylo, and
severely condemns (Matt vi. 7).
When the priests of Baa. besought their God
for fire to kindle their sacrifice, the; cried inces-
santly for several hours, in endless repetition,
Baal hear ut, O Baal hear ut, Bitot hear m,
ate. (1 K. xviii. 26). When the Kphesian mob
was excited to madness for the honor of their god-
dess, for two hours and more the? did nothing but
screech with utmost tension of voice, Great the
Dinnof Ih* Kpheti.mi. Ureal Ike Diana of the
JCphftiniu, Ureal the Diana of the Ephttiant,
tie., with the same endless repetition (Acts xix. 28,
39). In the same way, in the devotions of Pagan
Rome, the people would crj out more than five
hundred times without ceasing, Audi, Caear,
Audi, Guar, Audi, Cauir, etc Among the
Hindoos the sacred syllable On, On, Om, is re-
peated as a prayer thousands of times uninterrupt-
edly. So the Roman Catholics repeat their Pater
Nottert and their Ave Maria*. These single
words, with nothing else, are pronounced over and
ever and over again; and the object of the rosary
is to keep count of the number of repetitions.
For each utterance a bead is dropped, and when
all the beads are exhausted, there have been so
many prayers.
This is the practice which our Saviour con-
demns. He condemns all needless words, whether
repetitions or not. It is folly to employ a suc-
cession of synonymous terms, adding to the length
of a prayer without increasing its fervor. Such a
style of prayer rather shows a want of fervor; it
is often the result of thoughtless affectation, some-
times of downright hypocrisy.
Repetitions which really arise from earnestness
and agony of spirit are by no means forbidden.
We have examples of such kind of repetition in
aur Saviour's devotions in Gethsemane, and in the
wonderful prayer of Daniel (ch. ix., especially ver.
")■ C. E. S.
REPH'AEL C*3%n [«*om Gcd heal*]:
•p«*w*A: Raphail). Son of Shemaiah, the first-
born of Obed-edom, and one of the gate-keepers
af the Tabernacle, •' able men for strength for the
service " (I Chr. xxvi. 7).
ROTH AH (npT [rich**]: *««*}: Bapha).
A son of Ephraim, and ancestor of Joshua the son
of Nan (1 Chr. vii. 28).
REPHA1AH [3 syl.] (iT^I \htaled of
Jehovah]: -poipaA; Alex. PoawHa: Raphala). L
The sons of Rephaiah appear among the descend-
ants of Zerubbabel in 1 Chr. ill. 21. In the
Peablto-Syrlac he is made the son of Jesalah.
8. (/Potato.) One of the chieftains of the tribe
of Simeon in the reign of Hesddah, who headed
tao expedition of five hundred men against the
Amalekites of Mount 8eir, and drove them out (1
Chr. iv. 42).
3. [Tat Possum.] One of the sons of Tola,
.he son of Issachar, "heads of their fatbjr's boose"
1 Chr. vii. 2).
These is no warrant to " down to the hold " m
X. T. Bad it besn by, "down " might have tosso
"" IwRhsafcty.
i Is the rendering In the aadant enf Crust-
REPHAIM, THE VALLE? OF 2706
4. [Sin. Poipoiav.] Son of Bines, and de-
scendant of Saul and Jonathan (1 Chr. ix. 43).
In 1 Chr. viii. 37 he is called Kapha.
6. The son of Hur, and ruler of a portion of
Jerusalem (Neh. hi. 9). He assisted in rebuilding
the city wall under Nehemiah.
REPH'AIM. [Giants, vol. iu p. 918.]
REPH'AIM, THE VALLEY OF (ppj?
Q, N?"! : 4. koiAos rfir TtrdWr [Vat T«r-], ami
[1 Chr. J rmr Tiyirruv, k. 'Paipa.tr [Vat -« M ,
Alex. -,„]; in Isaiah ^opo-yf orspto), 2 Sam. v.
18, 22, xxiii. 13; 1 Chr. xi. 15, xiv. 9; Is. xvii. 3.
Also in Josh. xv. 8, and xviii. 16, where It is trans-
lated in the A. V. •' the valley of the giants " toj
'Peupatr and *Eui« *Pa<pafr [Vat -ttr, Alex, -sib] ;.
A spot which was the scene of some of David's
most remarkable adventures. He twice encoun-
tered the Philistines there, and inflicted a destruc-
tion on them and on their idols so signal that it
gave the place a new name, and impressed itself on
the popular mind of Israel with such distinctness
that the Prophet Isaiah could employ it, centuries
after, as a symbol of a tremendous impending judg-
ment of God — nothing less than the desolation and
destruction of the whole earth (Is. xxviil. 21, 22).
[PxKAZIM, MOUNT.]
It was probably during the former of these two
contests that the incident of the water of Beth-
lehem (2 Sam. xxiii. 13, Ac.) occurred. The
«hold"° (ver. 14) in which David found himself,
seems (though it is not clear) to have been the
cave of Aduilam, the scene of the commencement
of his freebooting life; but, wherever situated, we
need not doubt that it was the same fastness as
that mentioned in 2 Sam. v. 17, since, in both
eases, the same word (r^^lSl^n, with the def.
article), and that not a usual one, is employed.
The story shows very clearly the predatory nature
of then incursions of the Philistines. It was in
"harvest time" (ver. 13). They had come to
carry off the ripe crops, for which the valley wai
proverbial (Is. xvii. S), just as at Pas-dammim
(1 Chr. xi. 13) we find them in the parcel of
ground full of barley, at Lehi in the field of len-
tiles (2 Sam. xxiii. 11), or at Keilah in the thresh-
ing-floors (1 Sam. xxiii. 1). Their animals » were
scattered among the ripe corn receiving their load
of plunder. The "garrison," or the officer" in
charge of the expedition, was on the watch in the
village of Bethlehem.
This narrative seems to imply that the valley of
Rephaim was near Bethlehem; but unfortunately
neither this nor the notice in Josh. xv. 8 and xviii.
18, in connection with the boundary line between
Judah and Benjamin, gives any clew to its situa-
tion, still less does its connection with the groves
of mulberry trees or Baca (2 Sam. v. 23), itself
unknown. Josephus (Ant. vii. 12, § 4) mentions
it as "the valley which extends (from Jerusalem)
to the city of Bethlehem."
Since the latter part of the 16th cent" the
name has been attached to the upland plain which
stretches south of Jerusalem, and is crossed by the
worthy Syrku version of the ran word n*n (28am
xxlH. 18), rendered in our version " troop."
• NtiM. lbs meaning Is uncertain (aw voL Ik
8s*, note).
<» According to Tobler (TbjxxrrapAic, «tc, U. 494)
nnsewyens Is the Bret- who rmatam Ibis SdtoaBaOao
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8706
REPHIDIM
mad to Bethlehem — the d-BWah of the modern
Aimba (Tobler, Jei-utnlem, etc., B. 401). Bat this,
though appropriate enough u regard! its prox-
imity to Bethlehem, doei not answer at all to the
meaning of the Hebrew word Emtk, which appear*
always to designate an inclosed valley, never an
open upland plain like that in question," the level,
of which is as high, or nearly as high, as that of
Mount Zion itself. [Valley.] Euaebiua, ( Ono-
mattieon, Tafatlv and 'EntKpajxuipi) calls it the
valley of the Philistines (*oiA4i dAAotf^Aaw), and
places it >' on the north of Jerusalem," in the tribe
of Benjamin.
A position X. W. of the city is adopted by
Flint (Handxeb. ii. 383 o), apparently on the
ground of the terms of Josh. zv. 8 and iviii. 16,
which certainly do leave it doubtful whether the
vaDey is on the north of the boundary or the
boundary on the north of the valley; and Tobler,
in his hut investigations (3tte Wandtrung, p. 803),
conclusively adopts the Wady dir J a An (W.
tfnkhrior, in Van de Velde's map), one of the side
valleys of the great Wady Beit Havina, as the
valley of Repbaim. This position is open to the
obvious objection of too great distance from both
Bethlehem and the care of Adullam (according to
any position assignable to the latter) to meet the
requircmentaaof 2 Sam. xxiii. 13.
The valley appears to derive its name from the
ancient nation of the Repbaim. It may be a trace
of an early settlement of theirs, possibly after they
were driven from their original seats east of the
Jordan by Chedorlaomer (Gen. xiv. 5), and before
they again migrated northward to the more secure
wooded districts in which we find them at the date
of the partition of the country among the tribes
(Josh. xvii. 15; A. V. "giants"). In this case it
is a parallel to the « mount of the Amalekites " in
the centre of Palestine, and to the towns bearing
the name of the Zemaraim, the A vim, the Ophnites,
«f*., which occur so frequently in Benjamin (vol. i.
p. 877, note b). G.
REPHIDIM (tyje*}: •PadwJeO: [Saph-
Him] ). Ex. xvii. 1, 8 ; xix. 2. The name means
"•rests" or "stays;'' the place lies in the march
of the Israelites from Egypt to Sinai. The " wil-
derness of Sin " was succeeded by Rephidim accord-
ing to these passages, but in Num. xxiiii. 12, 13,
Dophkah and Alush are mentioned as occurring
between the people's exit from that wilderness and
their entry into the latter locality. There is noth-
ing known of these two places which will enable us
to fix the aiteof Rephidim. f Alush ; Dophkah.]
Lepsius' view is that Mount Strbil is the true
Horeb, and that Rephidim is Wady Feiran, the
well known valley, richer in water and vegetation
vhan any other in the peninsula (Lepsius' Tour
front Thibet to Sinai, 1815, pp. 21, 87). This
mold account for tin expectation of finding water
•era, which, h ow e ver , from some unexplained cause
kited. In Ex. xvii. 6, "the rock in Horeb" is
cunr*l at 111 source of the water miraculously sup-
plied On the other hand, the language used Ex.
• Cm the other hand it is somewhat singular that
Jie modern name lor this upland plain, JBB&a'aA,
should be the same with that of the great Inclosed
vails; of Lebanon, whlob diners from It as widely as
at can dMfcr from the signillcatkra of Kmrk. Then Is
«• ooomcUod between Stt'evt and Bees; they an
mm Hslly distinct.
•.Asa. this Lenatns natasks that
REPHIDIM
lis. 1, 8, seems precise, u regards tbe point thai
the journey from Rephidim to Sinai was a dia>
tinct stage. The time from the wilderness of Sin.
reached on the fifteenth day of the second montt
of the Exodns (Ex. xvi 1), to the wilderness of
Sinai, reached on the first day of the third month
(xix. 1), is from fourteen to sixteen days. This,
if we follow Hum. xxxii!. 13-15, has to be dis-
tributed between the four march-stations Sir,
Dophkah, Alush, and Rephidim, and their corre-
sponding stages of journey, which would allow (wo
days' repose to every day's march, as thrre arc four
marches, and 4 X 2 -J- 4 = 12, leaving two days
over from the fourteen. The first grand object
being the arrival at Sinai, the intervening distance
may probably have been despatched with all possi-
ble speed, considering the weakness of the host by
reason of women, etc. The name Horeb is by
Robinson taken to mean an extended range or
region, some part of which was near to Rephidim,
which he places at Wady esh-Shtikh*> running
from N. E. to S. W., on the W. side of Gebtl
Fmrtia, opposite the northern face of the modem
Horeb. [Sisal] It joins the Wady Feiran.
The exact spot of Robinson's Rephidim is a defile
in the eth-SbeUch visited and described by Bnrck-
hardt (Syria, etc., p. 488) as at about five hours'
distance from where it issues from the plain Er-
Rahth, narrowing between abrupt cliffs of black-
ened granite to about 40 feet in width. Here is
also the traditional « Seat of Moan " (Robinson,
i. 121). The opinion of Stanley (S. d> A pp. 40-
42), on the contrary, with Ritter (xiv. 740, 741),
places Rephidim in Wady Feiran, when the traces
of building and cultivation still attest the impor-
tance of this valley to all occupants of the desert
It narrows in one spot to 100 yards, showing high
mountains and thick woods, with gardens and date-
groves. Here stood a Christian church, city and
episcopal residence, under the name of Paran, be-
fore tbe foundation of the convent of Mount St
Catherine by Justinian. It is the finest valley in
the whole peninsula (Burckhardt, Arab. p. 602;
see also Robinson, i. 117, 118). Its fertility and
richness account, as Stanley thinks, for the Amal
ekites' struggle to retain possession against those
whom they viewed as intrusive aggressors. This
view seems to meet tbe largest amount of possible
conditions for a site of Sinai. Lepsius, too (see
above) dwells on the fact that it was of no use for
Moses to occupy any other part of the wilderness,
if he could not deprive the Amalekites of the only
spot (Feiran) which was inhabited. Stanley (41)
thinks tbe word describing the ground, rendered
the " hill " in Ex. xvii. 9, 10, and said adequately
to describe that on which the church of Paran
stood, affords an argument in favor of the Feiran
identity. H. H.
* Upon the other band, however, it may be
urged with much force, that since Wady Feiran
is full twelve hours' march from Jebtl Mtua, Rephi-
dim could not have been in that valley if the iden-
tity of Sinai with this mountain is maintained
have certainly recognised the true position of Bephl
dim (i. t. at Wady Fcrran), had he not p as sed by
Wady Frtrtm with Us brook, garden, and ruins — the
most Interesting spot In the peninsula — In order tc
see SarbUt el-Chadem {ibid. p. 22). And Stanley at)
■nits (he objection of bringing the Israelites through
the mow striking scersry In the desert, that of »rss
without any event of Im po r tance to mark It.
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REPROBATE
ar Bephidim wns distant from Sinai but one day's
nareh (Ex.xix. 3; Num. xxxiii. IS), and the dis-
tance from Wady Feiran to Jebtl Mima could not
have been accomplished by so great a multitude on
foot, in a single march. Moreover, the want of water
spoken of in Ex. xxii. 1, 2, seems to preclude the
Wady Feiran as the location of Kephidim ; for the
Wady has an almost perennial supply of water,
whereas the deficiency referred to in the narrative
stems to have been natural to the sterile and rocky
region into which the people had now come, and it
was necessary to supply them from a supernatural
source.
The location of Kephidim must be determined
by that of Sinai] and the antbor of the above article,
in bis article on Sinai, seems to answer his own
arguments for placing Rephidim in the Wady
Feiran with Serb&l as the Sinai, and to accept
in the main Dr. Robinson's identification of Sinai
and Horeb, which requires that Kephidim be trans-
ferred to Wady et-Sheykh. The weight of topo-
graphical evidence and of learned authority now
favors this view. J. P. T.
• REPROBATE (DK!?3 : iS6n,^t),ineapa-
Ue of enduring trial, or v/ien tested, found un-
worthy (with special reference, primarily, to the
assay of metals, see Jer. vi. 30), hence, in general,
corrupt, unrtblaa.
The word it employed by St Paul, apparently
for the sake of the antithetic parallelism, 2 Cor.
xiii- 6, 7, in the merely negative sense of " un-
proved," "unattested," with reference to himself
as being left, supposably, without that proof of bis
apostleship which might be furnished liy disciplinary
chastisements, inflicted upon offenders through his
Instrumentality. The same word, which is ordi-
narily in the A. V. translated " reprobate," is ren-
dered 1 Cor ix. 27, " a eattaway," and Heb. vi. 8,
« rejected." D. S. T.
RETSEN (79? : A«rf)i [*»»■] Aaarefi: Se-
men) is mentioned only in Gen. x. 12, where it is
•aid to have been one of the cities built by Asshur,
after be went out of the land of Shinar, and to
have lain " between Nineveh and Calah." Many
writers have been inclined to identify it with the
Rhesins or Rhesaena of the Byzantine authors
(Amm. Marc, xxili. 6; Procop. Belt. Pert, ii. 19;
Steph. By*, tub toee 'f(mva), and of Ptolemy
( Geogrnph. v. 18), which was near the true source
isf the western Khabour, and which is most prob-
sMy the modern Rne-eUtin. (See Winer's Reni-
nSrterbuch, sub voce "Kesen.") There are no
rrounds, however, for this identification, except the
amibrity of name (which similarity is perhaps fal-
kaaoas, since the LXX. evidently read ]01 for
yCPi), while it it a fatal objection to the theory
that Kessena or Resina was not in Assyria at all,
Hut in Western Mesopotamia, 200 miles to the west
at" both the cities between which it is said to have
kin. A far more probable conjecture was that of
tk/ehart (Geograph. Saer. iv. 23), who found
Beam in the Larissa of Xenophon (Anab. lit. 4,
f 7), which is most certainly the modern JVimrvd.
Beam, or Dasen — whichever may be the true
farm of the word — must assuredly have been in
Ibis neighborhood. As, however, the Sim-ud
rams stem really to represent Calah, while tbote
appetite Mosul are the remains of Nineveh, we
•mat look in Risen in the tract lying betv <en these
RESURRECTION
2707
two sites. Assyrian remains of some csnsidenbb
extent are found in this situation, near the modern
village of Setnmiyth, and it is perhaps the mot*
probable conjecture that these represent the Ream
of Genesis. No doubt it may be said that a " great
city," such as Risen is declared to have been (Gen.
x. 12), could scarcely have intervened between two
other large cities which are not twenty miles apart;
and the ruins at Selamiyth, it must be admitted,
are not very extensive. But perhaps we ought to
understand the phrase "k great city" relatively
— i. e. great, as cities went in early times, or great,
considering its proximity to two other larger towns.
If this explanation seem unsatisfactory, we might
perhaps conjecture that originally Asshur (KUek
Sherghat) was called Calah, and Nimrud Rosen,
but that, when the seat of empire was removed
northwards from the former place to the latter, Ibe
name Calah was transferred to the new capital. In-
stances of such transfers of name are not utfte-
quent
The later Jews appear to hare identified Resea
with the Kileh-Sherghat ruins. At least Ibe Tar-
gums of Jonathan and of Jerusalem explain Rosen
by Tel-Assar ("!Obn or "IDSbi"!), " the mound
of Asshur." G. R.
• RESH, which means •' head," is the name
of one of the Hebrew letters ("1). It designates a
division of Ps. cxix. and commences each verse of
that division. It occurs in some of the other al-
phabetic compositions. [Poetry, Hkbhew ;
WurrtNO.] " H.
RE'SHEPH (*ltZH: 2apd> ; Alex. Paava>:
Resepli). A eon of Ephraim and brother of Kephah
(1 Chr. vii. 25).
• RESURRECTION. The Scripture doc-
trines of the resurrection and of the future life are
closely connected ; or, rather, at we shall see in the
sequel, are practically identical.
It will be proper, therefore, to begin with the
notices and intimations of both, which are contained .
in the Old Testament.
I. Resurrection in the Old Testament.
1. The passage which presents itself first for con-
sideration is Ex. iii. 6, the address of God to Mo-
ses at the burning bush, saying, " I am the God oi
thy father, the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac,
and the God of Jacob." This text takes prece-
dence of all others, inasmuch as it is expressly ap-
pealed to by our Lord (Matt. xxii. 31, 3-2; Mark
xii. 26; Luke xx. 37) in proof of a resurrection,
and in confutation of the Sadducees, who denied it.
Now, our Lord argues that since God is not a God
of the dead but of the living, it is implied that
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob were still living. That
they were still living is undoubtedly a truth of fact,
and expresses, therefore, the truth of the relation of
the Divine consciousness (so to speak) to Abraham,
Isaac, and Jacob, at indicated in those words.
Moreover, this argument from those words was in
accordance with the received modes of Jewish
thought. It silenced the Sadducees. It probably
has a foundation and a force in the structure of
the Hebrew language which we cannot easily or
fully appreciate. To us It would seem inconclu-
sive as a piece of mere reasoning, especially when
we consider that ths verb of existence ("am ") it
not expreuea in the Hebrew. But it Is not a prm
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S708 RESURRECTION
gf men reasoning. The recognition in the Divine
Bind of the then present relation to Abraham,
Isaac, and Jacob, as living, is declared on Christ's
authority ; and the evidence of it contained in the
Hebrew text was sufficient for the minds to which
that evidence was addressed. A deeper insight
into the meaning of this text, and into the charac-
ter of Jehovah as the ever-living God and loving
Father, would probably make clear to our own
minds more of the inherent force of this argument
of our Blessed Lord in proof of the resurrection of
the dead.
S. The story of the translation of Enoch, Gen.
v. 29, 24, manifestly implies the recognition of a
future, supramundane life, as familiar to Hoses and
the patriarchs ; for, otherwise, how should we find
here, as the Apostle to the Hebrews argues, any
liluxtration of the second great article of faith in
God, namely, that " He is a rewarder of them that
diligently seek Him " ?
3. The rapture of Elijah, as related in 2 Kings ii.,
implies as certainly a recognition of the same truth.
4. The raising of the child by Elijah, 1 K. xvii.
21-24, implies the fact, and the then existing be-
lief in the fact, of the continued existence of the
.soul after death, «. e. after its separation from the
body. " O Lord, my God," says the prophet, " I
pray Thee, let this child's soul (Q7£>j, nepheth)
some into him again."
5. The same truth is implied in the account of
the raising of the child by Elisha, 9 K. iv. 80,
39-86.
6. Also, In the ease of the dead man resusci-
tated by the contact of Elisha's bones, 2 K. xiii.
21. — And these three last are illustrations also of
the resurrection of the body.
7. The popular belief among the Hebrews in the
existence and activity of the souls or spirits of the
departed is manifest from the strong tendency
which existed among them to resort to the practice
of necromancy. See the familiar story of the witch
of Endor, 1 Sam. xxviii. See also the solemn pro-
• hibition of this practice, Deut. xviii. 9-11; where
we have expressly D^nEirrb^ W"^h, dorith
elhammltlitm, a seeker of a miraculous response
from (Ac dead, — a necromancer. See also Lev.
xix. 31 and xx. 6 ; where the Israelites are forbid-
den to have recourse to the /TOW, dbtth, "such
as hare familiar spirits," according to the received
translation, but according to Gesrnius, "sooth-
sayers who evoke the mnnet of the dead, by the
power of incantations and magical songs, in order
to give answers as to future and doubtful things."
Such was the witch of Endor herself, 1 Sam. xxviii.
7. These necromancers are, under this name, very
frequently referred to in the 0. T. : see tea. xix. 3
tod xxix. 4; Deut. xviii. 11: 2 K. xxi. 6; 9 Chr.
xxxiii. 6, ate. In Isa. viil. 19, this word is used in
t very significant connection : " And when they
shall say unto you, Seek unto them that have fa-
miliar tpiritt, the H13S, and unto wizards thai
peep and that mutter; should not a people aeek
into their God? for the living to the dead
(tTngrrV^)? To the law and to the testi-
mony'."
Now, it is of no consequence to our present pur-
sues whether these necromancers really had inter-
vene with departed spirits or not, — whether the
RESURRECTION
witch of Endor really called up the qirtt of 8am
uel or not; they may all have been mere impostors,
jugglers, mountebanks; — it is all the same to ns'
the practice of consulting them and confiding la
them proves incontestable the popular belief in the
existence of the spirits they were supposed to evoke.
8. The same belief is shown in the use of the
word Reph&tm (Q'S^n), sometimes translated
"giants," and sometimes "the dead," but more
properly meaning Manet, or, perhaps, " the dead
of long ago:" see Isa. xiv. 9; Ps. lxxxviii. 10;
Prov. ii. 18, Ix. 18, xxi. 18; and Ism. xxvi. 14, 19.
[Giants, vol. ii. p. 912.]
9. This belief is shown also, and yet more dis-
tinctly, in the popular conceptions attached to Shed,
(V"W#, or h\»P), I e. ffada, the abode of the
departed. Our word grave, used In a broad and
somewhat metaphorical sense, as equivalent to the
abode of the dead m general, may often be a proper
translation of Shell; but it is to be carefully ob-
served that Sheil is never used for an individual
grave or sepulchre ; — a particular man's grave is
never called his thetl. Abraham's burying-place
at Mature, or Jacob's at Shecbem, was never eon-
founded with Sheil. However Sheil may be atto-
cvited — and that naturally enough — with the
place in which the body is deposited and decays,
the Hebrews evidently regarded it as a place where
the dead continued in a state of conscious existence.
No matter though they regarded the place as one
of darkness and gloom ; and no matter though they
regarded its inhabitants ss ihadet ; — still they be-
lieved that there was such a place, and that the
souls of the departed still existed there : tee Isa.
xiv. 9, 10: "Hell (Sheil) from beneath is moved
for thee at thy coming; it stirreth up the dead for
thee, even all the chief ones of the earth ; it hath
raised up from their thrones all the kings of tbs
nations. All they speak and say unto thee, Art
thou also become weak as we? Art thou become
like unto us ? " This may be said to be the lan-
guage of poetic imagery and personification; but
it unquestionably expresses prevailing popular ideas.
Jacob goes down to Sheil to hit tun mourning,
Gen. xxxviL 86. Abraham gott to hit fathert in
peace, Gen. XT. 15. And so in general, the famil-
iar phrase, "being gathered to his fathers," means
more than dying as they had died, or being placed
in the family tomb; it means, joined to their com-
pany and society in Sheil: see Job ill. 11-19, and
xiv. 13;Ps. xvi.10, and xlix. 14, 15. For the fur-
ther development of the idea, connected with the
later conception of " the bosom of Abraham," see
Luke xvi. 22. [Hill: Abraham's Bosom.]
10. There are many indications, in the Old Tes-
tament, of the idea of a resurrection proper, of a
reunion of soul and body, and a transition to a
higher life than either that of earth or of She 61.
The vision of the valley of the dry bones in
Esek. xxxvii., though it may be intended merely
to symbolize the restoration of the Jewish state,
yet shows that the notion of a resurrection of the
body, even after its decay and corruption, had
distinctly occurred to men's minds in the time of
the prophet, and was regarded neither as absurd,
nor as beyond the limits of Almighty power. It is
even employed for the purpose of illvttratmg an-
other grand idea, another wonderful fact.
In Isa. xxvi. 19, the prophet says: " Thy dees'
men (Heb. mithim) shall live, together with m<
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RESURRECTION
lead body shall they arte. Awake and sing, ye
Jut dwell in the dust: for thy dew is as the dew
sf herbs, and the earth shali east out the dead "
(IFNyi). Pa. xvi. 8-11: "My flesh also shall
rest in hope; fir thou wilt not leave my soul
0nfcp3) In hell (VlNlpb); neither wilt thou
suffer thy Holy One to see corruption." Ps. xvii.
15: " I shall be satisfied when I awake in thy
likeness." Pa. xxiii. 4: " Though 1 walk through
the valley of the shadow of death I will fear
no evil." Ps. lxxiii. 24-26: "Thou shalt guide
me by thy counsel, and afterward receive me io
glory. Whom have I in heaven but thee? and
there is none upon earth that I desire besides thee.
My flesh and my heart faileth, but God is the
strength of my heart, and my portion forever."
Job liv. 13-15: "Oh that thou wouldeat hide me
me in the grave (SheM), that thou wouldest keep
me secret until thy wrath be past, that thou would-
est appoint me a set time and remember me ! If
a man die shall he live again ? All the days of my
appointed time will I wait, till my change come.
Thou th»U attl, and I will answer thee; Sum shall
hate a desire tr> tlie wort of thy hands." Job xii.
83-27: "Oh that my words were now written!
Oh that they were printed in a book ! that they
were graven with an iron pen and lead in tbe rock
forever I For I know that my Redeemer wt&,
Gail, — who, Geeenius says, is here God himself)
fiveth, and that he shall stand in the bitter day
opoo tbe earth ; and after my skin let them de-
stroy this body, yet in my flesh shall I see God."
It is true many attempts have been made, by vary-
ing translations and special interpretations, to as-
sign to this passage some other reference than to
the resurrection of ihe dead. But if this last is
the natural sense of the words, — and of this every
candid reader must judge for himself, — it is just
as credible as any other, for it is only begging the
question to allege that the idea of a resurrection
bad not occurred at that time. Dan. xli. 2, 3:
•* And many that sleep in the dust of the earth
■hall awake, some to everlasting life, and some to
■name and everlasting contempt" Here It can
hardly with any reason be doubted that a proper
resurrection of tbe body is meant.
11. This idea and hope of a future resurrection
was yet more distinctly developed during the period
between the dose of the Canon of the Old Testa-
ment and the Christian era. See S Msec. vii.
•, 14, 86; Wisdom, ii. 1, 23, and Hi. 1-4.
12. If we compare the definition of faith in tbe
eleventh chapter of the Epistle to the Hebrews, and
the statement of the palpable truth that he who
cometh to God " must believe that he is, and that
hi is a rewarder of them that diligently seek him,"
with the illustrations given in tbe rest of tbe chap-
ter, drawn from the Old Testament, we shall see
that it must be implied in tbe ease of all of them,
as well as of Enoch, that they looked for a future
i iiu m i l lion and everlasting life. See particularly
vr. 10, 13-18, 19, 26, 86.
13. Remarkable are the predictions in Es. xxxiv.
83, 24, xxxvii. 24, 25; Jer. m. 7; and Hoc. til.
»; — where, in connection with a restoration of the
Jews, we are told of "my servant David who shall
bo their prince," » David their king, whom I will
ajae up," etc. Also, the prediction in Hal v. ft:
*I will send you EHjah the prophet," etc., with
oases compare Luke a. 7, 8, 19. It sawts that
RESURRECTION
2709
Herod, — with most other Jews, pulaUy, — or
pected this last prediction to be fulfilled by a litem,
resurrection. The question is, Shall we find in
such prophecies a resurrection, metempsychosis, ot
metaphor? Probably the last; see Matt. xi. 14,
Mark viii. 13; Luke i. 17; John 1.81. Thus John
the Baptist was Klias, and he was not Elias : that
is to say, he was not Elias literally, but, as the
angel said, he came "in the spirit and poatr of
Elias;" and in him the prophecy Vas properly
fulfilled, — he was the " Elias which was far to
come."
14. There are in the Classical as well as in the
Hebrew writers, indications of the recognition not
only of the continued existence of the souls of the
departed, but of the idea of a proper resurrection ;
— showing that the thought does not strike tot
unsophisticated human mind as manifestly absurd.
See Horn. A xxi. 64, and rriv. 766 (orarrv}-
tromcu). Sea alto JSschylus, who uses the same
word.
15. It must be admitted, however, that with all
the distinct indications that the writers and saints
of the Old Testament looked for a future life and
a final resurrection, they very often indulge in ex-
pressions of gloomy despondency, or of doubt and
uncertainty in regard to it; so that it is strictly
true, for Jews as well as for Gentiles, that life and
immortality are brought to light through the Gospel.
For some of those gloomy utterances sea Isa.
xxxviil. 18, 19; Job xiv. 10-13; xvii. 14-16; x.
18-22; vii. 6-9; Ps. xxx. 9; xxxix. 12, 13; xlix.
19, 80; Uxxviii. 4-18; cii. 11, 12, 23-88; cut
15-17; civ. 29-31; cxlir. 8-6; exlvi. 4-6; Eocles.
iii. 18-22; ix. 4-6, 10. But, on the other hand,
see Eccles. xii. 7, 13, 14: "Then shall the dust
return to the earth as it was; and the spirit shall
return unto God that gave it." " For God shall
bring every work into judgment, with every secret
thing, whether it be good, or whether it be evil."
So then the soul, or spirit, neither perishes with
the body, nor is absorbed into the Deity. It con-
tinues in conscious existence, a subject of reward
or punishment.
II. RjHORKECrlOX IV THE N«W TK8TA1GKST.
1. There are five eases of the raising of dead
persons recorded in the New Testament.
(o.) Tbe daughter of Jairus, Luke viii. 49-66;
(A.) The widow's son at Nain, Luke vii. 11-16;
(e.) Lazarus of Bethany, John xi. 1-44;
(d.) Dorcas, or Tabitha, Acts xi. 36-48;
(e.) Eutychue, Acts xx. 9-12.
8. Several other references are made, in a mom
or less general way, to the power and the feet of
miraculously raising dead persons: Matt. x. I
(text disputed); xi. 5; Luke vii. 82; John xii
1,9,17; Heb. xi. 19, 86.
It is to be noted that all these cases recorded or
alluded to In the New Testament, like the eases of
miraculous resurrections in the Old Testament,
were resurrections to a nati.rai, mortal life; yet
they imply, no lets, continued existence after death;
they prefigure, or rather, they presuppose a final
resurrection.
8. The doctrine of a final general resurrection
was the prevailing doctrine of the Jews (the Phar-
isees) at the time of Christ and his Apostles. Sot
Matt xxii.; Mark xii.; Luke xx. 33-39; John xL
83 84; Aeti xriii. 6-8; xxiv. 14, 15, 21; an/
xxvi. 4-8. If, then, Christ and hit Apostle,
nhuidy and solemnly assert the same d-jctrine. w»
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2)10 RESURRECTION
are not at liberty to give their words a strained or
metaphorical interpretation. We must suppose
them to mean what they knew they would be
understood to mean. This U especially dear in
the case of St. Paul, who had himself been edu-
cated a Pharisee.
The Jews seem to have also believed in rttur*-
img tpirite: Acts lii. 13-15; Matt. xir. 36; Mark
ri. 49; Luke xxiv. 37-39; but neither Christ nor
his Apostles seem anywhere to hare admitted or
sanctioned this opinion.
4. The resurrection of Christ is the grand pivot
of the Christian doctrine of the resurrection of
the dead. Special characters of Christ's resurrec-
tion are: (1.) His body rose, which had not seen
corruption. (2.) His body rose to immortal life —
"to die no more," Rom. vi. 9, 10. (3.) His body
rose a spiritual body — the same, and yet not the
same, which had been laid in the tomb, John xx.
19, 90; Luke xxiv. 13-33; Mark xvi 13; 1 Cor.
xr.; Phil. iii. 31; 1 Pet. lii. 31, 32. (4.) It is
more consonant with the Scripture statements to
hold that his body rose a tpiritual body, than that,
rising a natural, corruptible, mortal body, it was
either gradually or suddenly changed before or st
bis ascension. (5.) He was the first thus raised to
a spiritual, immortal life in the body, 1 Cor. xv.
90, 23 ; for it is to be observed that, while the rocks
were rent and thus the graves were opened at hit
crucifixion, yet the bodies of the saints which
slept did not arise and come out of their graves
until after hi* rtnirrection. They, too, seem to
have risen, not with natural bodies like Lazarus
and others, but with spiritual bodies ; for they are
said to have "appeared unto many," but they do
not seem to have lived again a natural life among
men and to have died a second time. Neither were
their "appearances" the apparitions of retuimng
tpiritt; their bodiet rose and came out of their
gravel — not out of " the grave," out of " Bade*,"
or " Shedt," but out of " their graves." And, like
their risen Lord, they soon disappeared from the
scenes of earth.
5. There are several uses and applications, in
the New Testament, of the words arotoTiuri* and
(yepais, which seem to be substantially synony-
mous, differing only in the figurative form of the
common thought, and which are alike translated
''resurrection." The same is true of the verbs
rom which they are derived: (1.) They seem to
mport immortal life, in general, In a future world,
Matt. xxii. 31, and the parallel passages in Mark
and Luke; 1 Cor. xv. 18, 19. (9.) They signify
distinctly the resurrection of the body, John v. 28,
99; xi. 93, 94; 1 Cor. xv. 36-64; and all the
eases where Christ's resurrection is spoken of, ss
John xx. 26-99; Luke xxiv. 3-7; Matt, xxvii. 63;
xxviii. 13, Ac., Ac. ; also 1 Cor. xv. 1-33; and see
Luke xvi. 31. (3.) They refer to a spiritual and
moral resurrection, Eph. i. 90, comp. ii. 6 ; Phil,
iii. 11 (?); Col. iii. 1; Rom. vi. 4-14; Ac.
But here is to be noted, that, according to the
leas of the New Testament, as will be partion-
arly seen in St. Paul's argument in 1 Cor. xv.,
the second signification is always Implied in and
■rith the first, as a condition or a consequence; and
Jut the third is merely metaphorical.
8- The heathen or pnuosophie doctrine of im-
-nortality is to be carefully distinguished from the
Christian doctrine of the resurrection. The ab-
asrart immortality of the human soul, its immor-
Wstj independent of any reunion with the body,
RESURRECTION
was indeed a favorite and lofty speculation of tkt
ancient heathen philosophers. But they could
never demonstrate its necessary truth by reason-
ing, nor establish its practical reality by poaitivt
evidence. It remained, and, for all human philos-
ophy could ever do, must have continued, merely
a beautiful vision, a noble aspiration, or, at best, a
probable presentiment.
The popular view of the Greek mind was devel-
oped in the ideas of Hades, Elysium, and Tarta-
rus; and to this view may correspond also the pop-
ular Hebrew conception of Sliedi; from which the
veil of darkness — even for the minds of inspired
poets and prophets — was not entirely removed,
until the glorious light of the Gospel shined in
upon it. The nearest approximation of heathen
theories to the Christian doctrine of the resurrec-
tion, — a kind of instinctive groping towards it,
— is found in the wide-spread philosophical and
popular notion of melemptychotit. Tne immor-
tality which the heathen imagined and to which
they aspired, even in Elysium, was, for the most
part, a aad and sorry immortality, — an immor-
tality to which they would unhesitatingly have pre-
ferred this present life in the flesh, if it could have
been made permanent and raised above accident
and pain. But their notions of metempsychosis
could have afforded them at this point but meagre
consolation. Instead of Paradise it was only an
indefinite Purgatory.
But how has the Gospel brought life and im-
mortality to light? By establishing as an indubi-
table practical fact the resurrection of the body.
Thus the natural repugnance to annihilation, the
indefinite longings and aspirations of the human
mind, its fond anticipations of a hie to come, arc
fully confirmed and satisfied. Immortality is no
longer a dream or a theory, bat a practical, tangi-
ble fact, a fact both proved and illustrated, and
therefore capable of being both confidently believed
and distinctly realized.
In the view of the New Testament, the immor-
tality of the soul and the resurrection of the body
always involve or imply each other. If the soul
is immortal, the body will be raised; if the body
will be raised, the soul is immortal. The first is
implied in our Lord's refutation of the Sadducees;
the second is a matter of course. The Christian
doctrine of immortality and resurrection is a con-
vertible enthymeme.
And is not this plain, common-sense view of the
Scriptures, after all, nearer the most philosophic
truth, than the counter analytical abstractions?
All we need care about, it is sometimes thought
and said, is the immortality of the soul. Let that
be established, and we have before us all the future
life that we can desire. Why should we wish for
the resurrection of this material incumbrance?
But, though it is sufficiently evident that the hu-
man soul is somewhat distinct from the body — an
immaterial, thinking substance; and though wa
can easily conceive that it is capable of conscious-
ness and of internal activities, and of spiritual
inter-communion, in a state of separation from the
body; yet, inasmuch as all we have ever experi-
enced, and all we thus positively know of its action
and development, has been in connection with and
by means of a bodily organization, — by what sort
of philosophy arc we to conclude that of course
and of a certainty it will have no need of its bod-
ily organization, either for its continued existence
or even for its fall action, progress, and ei\foymaw
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RESUBBJBCTION
iiUte? How do we know that the h«-
gun not u not, in iu very nature, an constituted
KBSUBBKOTION
2711
as to need a bodily organisation for the complete
play and exercise of ita power) in every stage of
it* existence? So that it would, perhaps, be in-
consistent with the wisdom of its Creator to pre-
serve it in an imperfect and mutilated state, a
mere wreck and relio of itself and its noble func-
tions, to all eternity ? And so that, if the soul is
to be continued in immortal life, it certainly is to
be ultimately reunited to the body? Indeed, it
would be quite as philosophical to conclude that
the soul could not exist at all, or, at least, could
not act, could not even (warcim its oonseiousneas,
without the body; as to conclude that, without
the body, it could continue in the full exercise of
its powers.
Both these conclusions are contradicted by the
Scripture doctrine of a future life. On the one
hand, the soul is not unconscious while separated
from the body, but is capable of enjoying the
blissful spiritual presence and communion of Christ ;
for to be absent from the body is to be present
with the Lord, and to be thus absent, and present
with Christ, is " far better " than to be here at
home in the body; and, on the other hand, that
the full fruition, the highest expansion, the freest
activity, and the complete glorification of the soul,
are not attained until the resurrection of the body
is evident from the whole tenor of evangelical and
apostolical instruction, and especially from the fact
that the resurrection of the body — the redemp-
tion of the body — is constantly sat forth as the
(ugliest and ultimate goal of Christian hope. Aa
Christians, therefore, we should not prefer the ab-
stract immortality of heathen philosophy, which,
sad and shadowy as it was, could never be proved,
to the resurrection-immortality of the Scriptures,
which is reveal e d to us on Divine authority, and
e stabli shed by ineontrovertible evidence. Nor should
we seek to complete the heathen idea by engrafting
upon it what we arbitrarily choose of the Scripture
doctrine. If any portion of this doctrine is to be
received, the whole is to be received; there is the
same evidence for the whole that there is for a
part; for, if any part is denied, the authority on
which the remainder rests is annulled. At all
•rents, our business here is to state, not so much
what the true doctrine is, as what the Biblical doc-
trine h.
In saying, therefore, that if the body be not
raised, there is no Scripture hope of a future lift
or the soul, we do not exalt the flesh above the
BJtrit, or the resurrection of the body above the
mmortality of the soul. We only designate the
rendition on which alone the Scriptures assure us
of spiritual immortality, the evidenoa by which
alone it Is proved. "As in Adam ail die, even
so in Christ shall all be made alive." Christ
brought life and immortality to light, not by au-
thoritatively asserting the dogma of the immortal-
ity of the soul, but fry Ail own resurrection from
Ike dead.
That the resurrection on which St Paul so
earnestly insists (1 Cor. xv.) is oonoeived of by
him as involving the whole question of a future
4bs mast be evident beyond dispute. See particu-
larly w. 19-19, 30-83.
t. The New Testament doctrine of immortality
*V than, its doctrine of the resurrection. And its
doctrine of the res u rrec t ion we are now prepared
!e> show involves the following points: —
(t) The resurrection of the body;
(it The resurrection of this same body;
(3) The resurrection in a different body;
(4) That, a resurrection yet future; and
(8) A resurrection of all men at the last day.
(1.) The New Testament doctrine of the I
ration is the doctrine of the resurrection of the body.
That in the fifteenth chapter of his epistle to the
Corinthians, St Paul teaches the Christian doctrine
of immortality, we have shown above. His doe-
trine ia supposed by some to 'je too refined, aa they
say, to be consistent with s I roper resurrection of
the body; and so they would contradistinguish Sv
Paul's view from other and grosser views, whether
in the New Testament or elsewhere. But on the
other hand the truth seems to be that St Paul
doaa not give us any special or peculiarly Pauline
view of the Christian doctrine of the resurrection,
but only a fuller exposition and defense of it than
the New Testament elsewhere contains. The
Pauline doctrine we accept aa the Christian doe-
trine. And that the resurrection of which he speaks
not only implies the immortality of the soul, but is,
or necessarily and primarily implies, a resurrection
of (as body, is abundantly evident That the
resurrection of Christ, on which his whole argu-
ment ia based, was a resurrection of the body,
would seem beyond dispute. Otherwise, if Christ's
resurrection ia to aignify only the immortality
of hia aoul, what means his rising on the third
day I Did his soul become immortal on the
third day? Was his soul shut up in Joseph's
sepulchre that it should come forth thence? Did
his aoul have the print of the nails in ita hands
and feet? Did his soul have flesh and bones, aa
he wss seen to have? Besides, if there is to be
any proper sense in the term resurrection, that
which has fallen must be that which is raised.
The resurrection, therefore, must be a resurrection
of the body. " He ahall change our vile body that
it may be fashioned like unto hia glorious body,
according to the working whereby he is able even
to subdue all things unto himself." The doc-
trine of the resurrection, as taught by St Paul,
exposed him to the mockery of the Epicureans
and Stoics; it must therefore have been a resurrec-
tion of the body, for the immortality of the soul
would have been no theme of mockery to any
school of Greek philosophers. The immortality of
the soul, though, for want of sufficient evidenoa, it
might not be believed, was never rejected aa •*■
credible ,- but St Paul's appeal is, " why should
it aeem a thing Incredible with you that God
should raise the dead ? "
(3. ) Moreover it is the resurrection of this Afcn-
deal body, of which the apostle speaks. The res-
urrection of Christ, which is the type and first
fruits of ours, was manifestly the resurrection of
hia own body, of that very body which had been
placed in Joseph's sepulchre. Otherwise, if it
were merely the assumption of a body, of seme
body aa a fit covering and organ of the soul, why
is it said of his body that it saw no corruption ?
And what signifies his exhibiting to Thomas hia
hands and his aide aa means of his identification ?
When his disciples went to the sepulchre they
found not the body of the Lord Jesus. What had
beeom: of it? That waa the question. They felt
that question properly and sufficiently anawered
when tney found that he had risen from the dead.
11 It ia aown in corruption," saya the Apostle,
"it ia raised in Inoorrupnon." What a raJaaa
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RESURRECTION
V it be not whkt is sown? and what if town if it
ba not the body? " This corruptible," the Apos-
tle plainly add*, "this corruptible muat put on
inoorruption, and this mortal must put on im-
mortality." So then, it b not the incorruptible
aoul that ahall put on an incorruptible body, nor
the immortal aoul that ahall put on an immortal
body; but it ia this corruptible and mortal body
which is to put on — i. «., to assume, what it has
not yet and in its own nature, an incorruptible
and immortal constitution and organization, and
so be reunited to the incorruptible and immortal
soul
It was suggested by Locke, and is often repeated
by others, that >' the resurrection of the body,"
though confessed in the creed, is nowhere spoken
of in the Scriptures, but only " the resurrection
of the dead "; — a statement which furnishes a re-
markable illustration of the fact that a proposition
may be verbally true and yet practically false.
And, indeed, it can hardly be said to be even ver-
bally true; for, besides the resurrection of our
Saviour's body, we read in the Scriptures that
" many bodies of saints which slept arose and came
out of their graves after hU resurrection " ; and, in
general, that " our vile body shall be changed aud
fashioned like to his glorious body."
If the resurrection imports merely the assump-
tion of a body, of some body, and not of the body,
of this identical body, then why are the dead rep-
resented as coming forth, coming forth from their
graves, coming forth from the body sown as the
plant grows up out of the earth from the seed that
has been deposited in it ? What have they more
to do with their graves, or with the mass of cor-
ruption which has been buried in the earth ? The
souls of the faithful departed are now with Christ;
and to what end should they be made to come
forth again from their graves at their resurrection
upon his final appearing, — if they are then merely
to assume a body, some body, which shall have
nothing to do with the body which was laid in
the tomb? ■' We shall all be changed," says the
Apostle. He certainly does not mean that we shall
be changeling). He does not say that our bodies
ahall be exchanged for others, but " we shall be
changed," i. «., our bodies shall undergo a change,
a transformation whereby from natural they shall
become spiritual bodies, so that this very corrupt-
ible itself shall put on incorrupt! in.
Thus, though it is this very mortal body, this
identical body, that shall be raised from the dead,
it yet remains true that "flesh and blood," as such
and unchanged, "cannot inherit the kingdom of
God, neither doth corruption inherit inoorruption."
"It is sown a natural body, it is raised a spir-
itual body."
(3.) And this brings us to the third point,
that the resurrection of this same body is at
•ace a resurrection in a different body.
But some will say, what sort of body is a
spiritual body? Is not the expression a contra-
diction In terms? The answer is, that a spirit-
sal body is a body fitted by its constitution to
oe the eternal habitation of the pure and immor-
jsl spirit. How a body must be constituted in
jrder to be fitted for suoh a purpose, we do not
snow and cannot tall. But that for anything we
ia know or can urge to the contrary, there may be
suah a body — proper material body — without
any contradiction or absurdity, St. Paul labors to
by a multitude of illustrat i ons ehow-
REBURRECTIOH
ing the vast diversity that exists aming the
bodies with which we are actually acquainted
(1 Cor. xv. 89-44). Among all this variety of
bodies, therefore, which Almighty power is able ti
constitute, there certainly may be, and the Apostle
asserts that there certainly ia, a spiritual body.
Some, supposing that the term spiritual was in-
tended to describe the internal or essential const"
tution, rather than to indicate the use and purpose,
of this resurrection body, have surmised that it
would consist of some most refined and spiritualized
kind of matter: and have suggested that it might
be of an aerial, ethereal, or gaseous nature. But all
such speculations transcend the bounds of our
knowledge, and of our necessity ; and are apt to
end in something gross and grovelling, or subli-
mated and meaningless. The term spiritual, as
already said, is here used by the Apostle to indi-
cate, not how the resurrection body is constituted,
but that it is so constituted as to be a fit abode for
the spirit in an eternal and spiritual world.
In the contrasted expression •> natural body," the
term natural (ifoxutis) means, in the original, an-
imal or animated, psychical, ensouled, — if the word
may be allowed; which surely does not imply that
this body is composed of soul or of soul-like sub
stance, but that it is fitted to be the abode and or-
gan of the animal or animating part of man, of the
sensitive soul. And thus we can understand the
pertinence of the Apostle's allusion to Genesis, which
otherwise must seem — as it probably does to ordi-
nary readers — quite irrelevant and unmeaning.
Having bud down the assertion, " there ia a natu-
ral body, and there is a spiritual body," be adds:
" And so it is written, The first man Adam was
made a living soul, the last Adam was made a quick-
ening spirit." Now the word which is translated
natural is directly derived from that translated
soul, and thus the connection and the argument be-
come plain and obvious; as if the Apostle had aaid,
" There ia a soul-body, aud there is a spirit-body;
and so it is written, The first man Adam was made
a living soul, the last Adam was made a quickening
spirit."
For it is to be observed that the Scriptures often
make a distinction between soul and spirit, aa well
as between aoul and body. Man, according to this
Scripture philosophy, is viewed, not as bipartite
but as tripartite, not as consisting of soul and body,
but of body, soul, and spirit. So viewed, the body
is the material organization, the soul is the animal
and sensitive part, the spirit is the rational and im-
mortal, the divine and heavenly part. It is true
we are now, for the most part, accustomed to um
soul as synonymous with spirit, — and so the Scrip-
tures more frequently do, but they recognize ab£
the distinction just pointed out In Scripture
phrase, the spirit is the highest part of man, the
organ of the Divinity within him, that part which
alone apprehends divine things and is susceptible
of divine influenoes. Hence the Apostle says, " The
natural man reoeiveth not the things of the Spirit
of God, for they are foolishness unto him, neither
can he know them because they are spiritually dis-
cerned " — where the term natural is, in the orig-
inal, again ifovi«o'f , psychic, i. e. animal, pertaining
to the souL There are but two other cases in which
the word is used in the New Testament, and in both
it is translated sensual: James iii. 15, " earthly
sensual, devilish " ; and Jude 19, " sensual, having
not the Spirit." Thus, therefore, as the natural,
or sensual, or animal, or psychical body, or tot
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JRESTJKREOTION
■oat-body, is a body, not constitute.) of soul-eub-
etanee, but fitted for the uae and habitation of
the Mnaitive aoul ; so we conclude that the spirit-
ual bod; ia a body, not constituted or composed of
spiritual substance — which would be a contradic-
tion, — but a true ind proper body, a material
body, fitted for the use and eternal habitation of
the immortal spirit.
The thought ia sometimes suggested, in one form
or another, thai these bodies of ours are vile and
worthless, and do not deserve to be raised; and,
therefore, that the spiritual body will have nothing
to do with them. But it must be remembered
that Christianity does not teach us to despise, to
aloe, or to hate the body, vile and corruptible as
it ia. 'that is a Manicbean and heathen no-
tion. It is true, our present body may be viewed
both as an organ and as an incumbrance of the
sou. So far as it is an organ it is to be re-
stored; so for as it is an incumbrance it ia to be
changed. This mortal is to put on immortality.
That which ia sown in corruption is to be raised in
iucorruption. Christ at his appearing shall "change
our vile body, that it may be fashioned like unto
hia glorious body." That the spiritual body is to
be a modification of the natural body, being as-
sumed or clothed upon it as a new and glorious
form; that the one ia to have a real, proper, and
organic connection with the other, growing out of
it as it were; so that each person will have, at the
resurrection, not only on appropriate body, but his
ewn body, seems sufficiently evident from the Apos-
tle's whole argument (1 Cor. xv.), and particularly
from his illustration of the various plants which
grow up from the seed cast into the ground. Each
plant has an organic connection with its seed, and
Uod giveth " to every seed his own body." It is
the seed itself which is transformed into the plant
which rises from it.
(».) The resurrection of the body, of Ihit tame
body, of this same body transformed into a new and
tpiriiual body, is an event yet/ti<Mre.
" As in Adam all die, even so in Christ thaii all
be made alive. But," adds the Apostle, "every
man in hia own order: Christ the first fruits, after-
wards they that are Christ's at hit coining." Many
men had died before Christ, men with immortal
tools, yet none had been raised from the dead to
immortal life before Him ; He ia the first fruits, the
first-born, the first-begotten from the dead. Nor
ia it said that any shall be raised after Him until
hia earning. Then the last trumpet shall sound, and
(he dead shall be raised incorruptible, and we who
tre alhe and remain shall be changed. If the Chris-
ten doctrine of the resurrection were only this, that
at the moment of death each soul receives a spiritual
body fitted to Ita eternal state, why was not Christ
raised till the third day ? And why does the Apostle
represent the resurrection of which he treats as
aoth future and simultaneous for " them that are
Christ's ai hit coming " t Nor can we suppose the
Apostle ben to teach a merely spiritual resurrec-
tion, a resurrection from sin to holiness; for if so,
why does he say that it shall take place at the
sound of the last trump? And what would beoome
of the distinction made between the dead who are
to be raised, and the living who are to be changed ?
(5.) This future resurrection of the oody ia to
be a resurrection of all men at the last day.
This has partly appeared already under the pre-
ceding heads. We have seen that this is true of
•I that art ChritCt ; but whether, in 1 Cor. xv.,
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BESTJBBEOTION
2718
the Apostle teaches the final resurrection of all
mankind may be a question. He does indeed say,
"in Christ all shall be made alive," but whether
this means absolutely all, or only all who are in
Christ, may fairly be doubted. Perhaps the Apos-
tle's meaning here might be thus paraphrased:
" For as, by virtue of their connection with Adam,
who, by sin, incurred the sentence of death, all men
who are in him by nature, being sinners and actu-
ally sinning, die: even so, by virtue of their con-
nection with Christ, who, by bis righteousness, is
the restorer of life, shall all men who are vitally
united to Him by faith, be made alive, being raised
from the dead in his glorious image." But what-
ever may be the meaning of those particular words,
it is, no doubt, the doctrine of Scripture that alt,
absolutely all the dead will be raised. St. Paul
himself elsewhere unequivocally declares his belief
— and declares it, too, as the common belief not
only of the Christians, but of the Jews (tbe Phari-
sees) of his time, — that " there shall bea resurrec-
tion of the dead, both of the just and unjust " (Acts
zxiv. 15).
But it by no means follows that all will riso in
the same glorious bodies, or be admitted to the
same immortal blessedness. On the contrary, it
was expressly predicted of old that "some shall
awake to everlasting life, and some to shame and
everlasting contempt ; " — not to annihilation aa an
everlasting death opposed to the everlasting life,
but to thame and everlatlina contempt, which must
imply continued conscious existence. And our
Lord Himself, having made the declaration : " tbe
hour is coming, and now ia, when the dead shall
hear the voice of the Son of Uod, and they that
hear ahall live; " — which may refer, and probably
does chiefly refer, to a moral and spiritual resurrec-
tion ; — expressly and solemnly adds : " Marvel not
at this ; for the hour is coming (he does not add,
and now it), in the which all that are in the graves
shall hear hia voice, and shall come forth : they that
have done good, unto the resurrection of life; and
they that have done evil, unto the resurrection of
damnation " (John v. 85, 28, 23).
The future bodies of the wicked may, for aught
■ee know, be as ignominious, hideous, and loath-
some, as perfectly fitted to be instruments and in-
lets of unending and most exquisite pain and tor-
ment, aa the bodies of the aainta ahall be glorious
and happy. The Scripture doctrine contains noth-
ing positive on this point. St. Paul having briefly
stated that " in Christ all shall be made alive," even
if in thia he meant to include the wicked, gives no
further account of their resurrection ; but goes op
immediately to speak of those who are Christ's at
his coming; and thenceforth confines hia attention
exclusively to them. This waa natural for the Apos
tie, who nevertheless certainly believed in a resurrec-
tion of tbe unjust as well as of the just; as it is still
for Christians, who believe the same. The special
Christian doctrine of the resurrection is a doctrine
of hope and joy ; but as such it it a doctrine in
which those who are not Christ's — who have not
the Spirit of Christ, — have no share.
This resurrection is to be one general lesuii ee-
tioo at the last day.
That such was the received doctrine in the time
of our Lord is evident from John xi. 93, 84: " Je-
sus smith unto her, thy brother shall rise again.
Martb* saith unto him, I know that be shall rise
again in the resurrection at the last day." Oar
L-rd hlmsell seems to recognize tha doctrine in
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RB8UBRECTION
Ed* frequent uk of the phran, " I will rain Um up
at the lot day," John vi. 89, 40, 44, 54. Hie
nine doctrine is distinctly taught by St. Paul (1
Then. it. 14-18). Aa to the date of the coming
*f the Lord, of which he apeak*, and that it will
hare a reference to the wicked ai well aa to the
'uat, see the fint ten Term of the next chapter.
See alao the second epistle ; particularly 2 Thees.
I 7-10. And for the date, see again 2 These, ii.
1-6. It is evident that the day of the coming of
the Lord was, in St. Paul's view, in the uncertain
future. It one sense it was always at hand, in an-
other sense it was not at hand, 2 Theas. it 2. That
he did not presume that he himself should be alive
and remain unto the coming of the Lord, is plain
from his solemn protestation (1 Cor. zv. 31) of his
standing in such hourly jeopardy that he lired in
the immediate prospect of death every day; while,
in the very same connection and chapter (1 Cor.
xv. 62) he associates himself with those who shall
be alive at the sounding of the last trump, as he
bad also done at 1 Theas. iv. 15-17. But it is not
to be forgotten that elsewhere he expressly associ-
ates himself with those who will have departed be-
fore the coming of the I/>rd; — 2 Cor. iv. 14:
< Knowing that He which raised up the Lord Jesus
shall raise up us also by Jesus, and t/iaii present us
with you ; " note alao the whole context in this
and in the following chapter. Now this second
epistle to the Corinthians was written almost
immediately after the first Nor does he after-
wards betray the slightest symptom of disappoint-
ment in the prospect of his approaching martyr-
dom (2 Tim. iv. 6-8). If the Apostle bad felt
that he had been grossly deluded and deceived in
regard to '• that day," and " his appearing," and
been left, " by the word of the Lord," to lead others
Into the same delusion and error, would he have
retained this triumphant confidence at the last, and
expressed it without one word of explanation or
retractation of his (alleged) former delusive hopes?
There is one passage in the Apocalypse which
seems inconsistent with the doctrine of one general
resurrection at the last day (Rev. xz.). Here we
have a "first resurrection," either of all the saints
or of the martyrs only; and, after a long interval,
• general resurrection and judgment. How this
representation is to be interpreted is a subject of
doubt and dispute. It may be difficult to reconcile
It with the other statements of Scripture on the
same subject. But, at farthest, it would separate
into only too great portioni or acta, that which is
elsewhere regarded in one point of view.
III. Tub Chkistiajc doctrhsb op the Remjb-
RECTIOH SOT IMPOSSIBLE OB IXCKKDIBLK.
Before proceeding to defend this doctrine against
injections, it may he proper to state distinctly what
the doctrine is, and what it is not. It la, (1) that
there will be a general resurrection at the last day
tf flit bodies of all mankind.
(2.) That the body in which each man will be
wised will be the tarn* aa that in which he had
lived , but changed, transformed at the resurrec-
tion, so as, from a natural body, to become a
spiritual body ; it will be at once the same and
tHftrent
Such is the doctrine; but how far and in what
respect* the spiritual bodies will be the same as the
oatural bodies — besides that they will have an
organic connection with them ; horn far they will
la taw them in size, in form, in organization, In
REBURKECriVOH
Hmbs, in functions; whether, e. a., they wffl feaaaj
the hair, beard, nails, etc. ; how far they amy be
subject to the physical laws of material things with
which we are conversant; whether they wUl have
the same senses as the natural bodies, or more or
less; whether they will have fixed forms, or the
power of assuming various forms; what will be
their essential constitution, or how they may exer-
cise their functions in relation either to the spiritual
or the material world — exixpt that they will be
real bodies ("flesh and bones"), though not cor-
ruptible bodies ("flesh and blood"); the doctrine
neither affirms nor denies. These are all matters
of mere speculation. To the question, " How an
the dead raised up ? and with what bodies do they
come? " the Scriptures vouchsafe no further an-
swer than " spiritual bodies," " like Christ's glori-
ous body." His body retained the print of the
nails, and the rent in the side after his r esurre c-
tion, but it appeared also in various forms; be at*
and drank with his disciples after his resurrection,
but so did the angels eat with Abraham; that
body at length rose above the clouds, disappeared
from the gaze of his disciples, and ascended to the
right hand of God; it was seen afterward* by St
Stephen in heavenly glory, and by St Paul in a
manifestation of overwhelming splendor. But after
all no decision is furnished in regard to those
speculative questions; and the positive doctrine of
Scripture is left within the limit* already stated.
And now it remains to show that there I* noth-
ing impossible or incredible involved in this doe-
trine.
(1.) It is objected that a material organixation
cannot possibly be made incorruptible and immor-
tal, and fitted to a spiritual state and spiritual
purposes. But how does the objector know this ?
(2.) It is said to be impossible that the identical
body should be raised, because that body will have
gone entirely out of existence, and in order for a
resurrection or a restoration to take place, the thing
so restored or raised must necessarily be in ex-
istence.
This must mean one of two things : either, that,
as a definite body, in respect to its form and
constitution, it hss ceased to exist; or that, in
respect to it* very substance and the material
which composed it, it has been annihilated.
The latter sense cannot be intended by an ob-
jector who recognizes the law of nature, that no
particle of matter is ever lost And according to
the former sense, the objector would make the
restoration, reconstruction, reorganization of any
body, under any circumstances, and on any hy-
pothesis, a shear absurdity; for, in order that •
body may be restored, reconstructed, reorganised,
he expressly makes it necessary that it should
already exist actually constructed and organized.
Is this self-evident ? or, perhaps the position of the
objector comes to this: if a house, e. g., has fatter.
to ruin, and you restore it as it was before, it is not
the same house; but If you restore it when It I*
nut dilapidated, or reconstruct it without taking it
to pieces — however great the changes you may
make — it will be the same house. But does re-
storing mean merely repairing? And do recon-
structing and reorganizing mean merely changing
the existing structure and organization? If so
these words, as well aa the word " resurrection," art
commonly used in an abusive sense, or rather wits
no sense at alL
(8.) But it is thought that even though th*
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RESURRECTION
Ml/ might be restored if it were simply resolved
Into duaf, jet, inasmuch as it b resolved into
ttemetUary princi/>k», into oxygen ai.d other gattt,
which become mixed and confounded with tbe mass
»f gases of the same kind, or combined variously
with gases of different kinds, it is impossible that
the same portions of these gases should be segre-
gated and brought together into the same body
again.
This will require careful consideration. We take
for granted that the "elementary principles " into
which the body is said to be resolved are matter,
true and proper matter. This they certainly are
unless our metaphysical analysis is prosecuted be-
yond all our chemical tests. At all events, they
are either matter or not matter. If they are not
matter, then masses of matter have been anni-
hilated. If they are true and proper matter, then,
Bke all matter, they are, or consist of, material
particle*. And the definite, identical, material
particles of a cubic inch of oxygen are no more
annihilated or absolutely lost or confounded by
being mixed with another cubic inch, or with ten
thousand cubic feet, of oxygen gas, than are the
definite identical particles of a cubic inch of diut
liy being mixed with any quantity of homogeneous
dust. It is certainly assuming more than is telf-
eeiilttU to say that omniscience cannot identify
them and trace them through their uew combina-
tions, and that omnipotence cannot segregate them
and restore them to their former connections. It
is not here contended that this could be done by
any human power or merely natural process, but it
is insisted that the thing involves no contradiction,
and therefore is not absolutely impossible. The
case just stated involves precisely the pinching
point of the objection, if it pinches anywhere. For,
as to saying that one simple substance loses its
identity by entering into com/xwtvm with another
simple substance, that is plainly fiilae even on nat-
ural principles. I .et us try a few instances.
If a certain number of grains of pure copper be
combined with their definite proportion of oxygen,
and this oxyde of copper lie dissolved in nitric acid,
we shall have the nitrate of copper, which may
exist in a perfectly liquid form. But by decom-
posing this nitrate of copper the pure copper may
be reproduced — the very same copper and no other
— the identical copper with which the process was
jegun. Now copper is as truly an " elementary
arinciple " as oxygen gas.
But gases themselves may be recovered from their
combinations as well as metals. Let a quantity
of oxygen and hydrogen be combined in due pro-
portion for forming water. Let the water be de-
composed by means of a quantity of potassium,
and the hydrogen will be liberated, the very same
hydrogen as at first; and the potash being after-
wards djooniposed, the original, identical oxygen
may alas be recovered. If, in these processes, some
portion of the original, simple substances should
oacape ftom us, it would only show the imperfeo-
Cou of our manipulations, but would not in the
slightest degree affect tbe applicability and force of
me argument for the present purposes. That b a
nan business of dtyrttt. No principle is in-
volved in tbe recovery of the whole, which b not
evolved in the recovery of a part If, then, with
our limited, practical powers, we can recover a part,
surely it cannot be said to transcend the powers of
•mDipotsnee to recover the whole.
bo much for the oases of inorganic oomhina
RESURRECTION 2716
tions. Now take eases which involve the orgamk
uifluenoe of the priuciple of life.
Let a quantity of calcium and a quantity of
phosphorus be respectively combined with a dot
proportion of oxygen; let the lime be combined
with the phosphoric acid; and let this phosphate
be mixed with a soil (or, certain ingredients of a
soil) which. did not before contain a particle ot
calcium or phosphorus. Let some grains of wheat
be planted in that soil; and, by an analysis of the
product, we may obtain, in its original simple form,
a portion at least of the identical calcium and
phosphorus with which we began, mingled, per-
haps, in this case, with a small proportion cf each
of those substances derived from the seed.
One case more: A takes certain crystals of
arsenic, and, having pulverized them and combined
the metal with the proper proportion of oxygen,
mingles the poison with B's food, who swallows it
and dies. Some time after, by an analysu of the
contents and coal'mg$ of B's stomach, the amnio
b recovered and recrystallized. It either b or b
not the identical arsenic which A gave. If it can
be proved to the satisfaction of a jury that it b not
the same, then tbe evidence that A b guilty of the
alleged act of poisoning B, b not at all increased
by the detection of thb arsenio in B's stomach, for
it b not the arsenic which A b alleged to bar*
administered, but some other.
If it be said that the arsenic as a mass b indeed
the same, but that the individual crystab are not
" identical " with those originally pulverised, the
answer b, that thus the specific point now in ques-
tion b yielded, namely, that the alleged impossi-
bility of tbe resurrection of the "identical" body
cannot arise in any degree from the fact that the
simple elements, into which it has been resolved,
enter into new cowhinatum*. The whole difficulty
b carried back to the point to which we have
already referred it, namely, the fact that then
simple elements become mingled with other quan-
tities of komogentoiu elements. We admit, in
the case supposed, a very high degree of improba-
bility that the reproduced crystals of arsenic are,
each of them, identical, as a matter of fact, with
some one of the original crystals. But can any
one prove that, as a matter of fact, they certainly
are not identical ; still more, can he prove that it
is absolutely impossible and self contradictory that
they should be? As to the supposition of mechan-
ical marks or defects, tbey could not indeed be re-
produced by crystallization ; but the identity being
in other respects restored, they could easily be
reproduced, or very nearly approximated, by me-
chanical means.
We plant ourselves at one of those original
crystab. It consists of certain individual ltd
identical, though homogeneous, particles, arranged
according to a certain law in certain definite rela-
tive positions. It b dissolved; and its particles
are mingled with other homogeneous particles.
Now the question is, can it be rationally conceived
that those original particles should be segregated
from their present mixture, snd restored, each and
all, to their original relative positions, and the
whole to its original form » We freely admit that
such a result cannot be lecured by any skill of
man; but we fearlessly assert that the aoconiphsh-
inent of such a result cannot be proved to tran-
scend the power and wisdom of Almighty God,
who can identify every particle of matter wtich he.
has created, and control its movements from begin-
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2716
RESURRECTION
■tag to end according to the counsels of hii own
vflL We not onlj inert that nich a remit can
be conceived to be accomplished by the exercise of
miraculous power, but we uaert that its actual
accomplishment would not violate any known pos-
itive laws of nature, but would be In perfect ac-
cordance with them all ; and, indeed, is one of the
possible contingencies under those laws. But the
most scientific men will confess that there may be
exceptions to the recognized laws of nature, or
perhaps we should rather say, higher laws harmo-
nizing both the rule and the exception ; laws which
may transcend the scope of their loftiest general-
isations.
If, finally, it be insisted that, after all, the crys-
tal so reproduced, t. e. with all its original parti-
cles in all their original relations, is not " identical "
with the original crystal; then the word "identi-
cal " must be used in a sort of hyper-metaphysical
sense in which it is not applicable to material, vis-
ible things at all. For, according to such a view,
supposing an ultimata particle of water to consist
of a paitfcle H oxygen united to a particle of hy-
drogen (and the contrary cannot be proved), it
would follow that, if this particle of water be
decomposed into the two gaseous particles, the re-
union of these same gaseous particles would not
reproduce the "identical," original particle of
water, but a different one. And a fortiori it
would follow that an ounce of water being decom-
posed and the same elements reunited, or being
converted into steam, and that steam condensed.
or even being poured out of one vessel into another,
or merely shaken in the same vessel, the water
which would result and remain would not be
"identical" with the original water, but somewhat
different. Hence it would follow that, as all visi-
ble material things are in a constant flux, the idea
of identity would be absolutely inapplicable to any-
thing in the physical universe, except, perhaps, to
the elementary and unchangeable constituent par-
ticles. Nay more, it would follow that all such
words as reproduction, reorganization, restoration,
and even reminiscence itself, not to speak of " res-
irrection," involve a logical absurdity; and not
snly so, but the very terms '• identical with " are
uousensical ; for, inasmuch as, in every proposition
which conveys any meaning, the predicate must be
conceived, in some respect, diverse from the sub-
ject, to assert that the one is " identical with " the
other is a downright and palpable self-contradiction.
(4.) The general resurrection of the bodies of
ill mankind is sometimes said to be impossible, for
vant of material wherewith to reconstruct them,
it has been gravely asserted that after a few gen-
erations more shall have passed away, there will
not be matter enough in the whole globe of the
earth t> reconstruct all the bodies of the dead.
To this it is sufficient to say that, even if such
a reconstruction as the objector presumes were ne-
cessary — which it is not — there is more than
weight and mass enough of matter in the atmae
phere which presses upon the surface of the Brit-
ish Islands, or of the States of New England, New
fork, and New Jersey (as will be found upon a
"gid mathematical computation, allowing the pres-
sure upon each square foot to 1* 2,000 lbs., and
Me average weight of the bodies to be 76 lbs. each),
tnui would be necessary to reconstruct all the bod-
ies of mankind whieh should have existed upon
Uk carlh more than 2,000,000 of years from this
'smtm; —ami that, supposing three generations in
RESCRREOTIOV
a century all the way from Adam onwards, az,l •
continuous population of 1,400,000,000 of Inhab-
itants.
(6. ) It is objected that the same particles may
have constituted a part of several successive nomas,
bodies at the moment of their dissolution; and
therefore it is impossible that each cf these bodies
should be raised identical with that which was dis-
solved. This brings the idea of the resurrection
of the identical body nearer to an apparent contra-
diction than any other form of objection that w*
know of.
There are at least two ways of answering this
objection, (a.) However likely the alleged feet
may be, unless its absolute certainty can be de-
monstrated, there is room left for the possibility
of the contrary. How can we know but that God
so watches over the dust of every human body,
and so guides it in all its transmigrations that it
shall never be found to constitute a part of any
other human body when that body ditst Thus
the objection is answered by demanding proof of
the alleged fact on which it is based, (i.) As our
bodies are constantly undergoing change while we
live without being thereby destroyed or losing their
identity, so the " identical " body being raised, it
may undergo an instantaneous change to an indefi-
nite extent. It may, therefore, be instantly di-
vested of any particles which may be required for
the reconstruction of another body; and this last
being reconstructed, any needed particles msy be
transferred to a third; and so on, to any extent
We have only to suppose, therefore, that the bod-
ies of mankind shall be raised successively, in the
order of their dissolution (at intervals however
small, infinitely small if you please, so that there
shall be a practical siraultaneousness); and though
a certain particle should have been common to
every one, having passed through the whole series
in six or eight thousand, or million, of years, yet
it may be caused to circulate through the whole
number again, as they may be successively raised,
in less than the millionth part of the least assign-
able instant of time; for no limit can be set to
the possible rapidity of motion. Thus the objec-
tion is answered, admitting the allegation on which
it is baaed.
It way be said that these are violent supposi-
tions. We may admit it; but at the same time
we have four things to say with that admission.
(<•.) Neither of those suppositions is, like the cre-
ation of matter from nothing, absolutely incon-
ceivable to our minds. (6.) If the objection alleged
merely a high degree of apparent improbability
instead of an absolute impossibility, we should not
urge such suppositions in reply to it. (ft) Thoss
suppositions are made in answer to the objection
taken on its own principles, and entirely irrtsper.
tive of what may be the actual doctrine of Scrip*
lure on this question, (rf.) However violent tba
suppositions suggested may be, they will answer
their present purpose of refutation, and it will be
seen in the sequel that we shall have no need of
them.
(6.) The objector has all along proceeded upon
the assumption, that the resurrection of this iden-
tical body necessarily involves, (1) that the body
raised must be identical with the body as it existed
and was constituted at the moment of death ; and
(9) that, in order to be thus Identical, It must con-
sist of the very same particles inclusively and es
clusively, arranged in tile very same positions, eon
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RESTJRREOTIOX
tlnstlnns, an. Hationships- We have aoove
jndertaken to rerate the objections, even on the
admission of both those assumptions; but now we
deny them both. And we assert that in order to
a resurrection of the body — of this identical body,
in a true, proper, scriptural, and " human " sense, —
it is neither necessary, in the first place, that the
body raised should be identical with the precise
body which expired tie last breath ; nor, in the
second place, that it should be identical with any
body whatever, in so strict a sense as that de-
manded.
The first point can be settled at once. Here is
a man at the age of thirty years, in perfect health
an 1 soundness of body and mind. Before he dies,
he may lose his arms or bis legs; he may become
blind and deaf, or a maniac ; be may die in utter
decrepitude. Now, if, at the last day, the body
given him should be identical with his present
body instead of being identical with that mutilated
or decrepit frame with which he will have died,
would there be no resurrection of the body, no
resurrection of his own proper body ? Would it be
a " new creation " instead of a resurrection, sim-
ply became the raised body would not be identi-
cal with the body precisely as it existed and was
constituted at the moment of death? Does a
man's body never become hit own until he dies —
until ha loses possession of it? What becomes,
then, of all the horror so often expressed at the
imagined reappearance of the lame, the blind, the
halt, the withered, the crippled, the maniac, the
savage? Why not insist also upon the resuscitation
of the fevers and ague fits, the cancers and lepro-
sies, the gouts and rheumatisms, and all the mortal
diseases and ills the flesh was heir to st the moment
of death? In short, why not maintain that, if
the body la raised at all, it must be, when raised, in
the very act of dying again t for the internal states
are aa essential to identity as the external features !
We turn now to tbe second point, namely, that,
in order to a proper resurrection of the body, it is
not necessary that the body raised should be iden-
tical with any former body whatever, in such a
sense as thst it must consist jf precisely the same
elementary particles, neither more or less, arranged
in precisely the same positions, combinations, and
relationships.
Now it is a well-known fact, that not only does
a great change take place in our bodies between the
periods of infancy and old age, but, while we live,
'hey are constantly in a process of change, so that
tbe body which we hare at one moment is not
perfectly " identical" with "that which we had at
any preceding moment; and some physiologists
have estimated that every particle of our material
frame it changed in the course of about seven years.
From this net it follows that no person ever wakes
with that identical body with which he went to
sleep, yet the waking man does not fail to recog-
nize himself. But according to this strict notion
of identity, as often as the body sleeps, it sleeps an
s t e rn al sleep, and the body with which a man wakes
is always a " new creation," tor the body which
wakes is never " Identical " with that which i
billed to dumber I Surely such absurdities will
jot be maintained. We will suppose, therefore, tbe
body which rises to differ from tbe bod) which
tved before onto to the tame extent as the body
■faieh wake* diners from the body which fell asleep;
Tvatd there then be a re su rre ct ion of the body in
saj foper swase? If so than our proposition Is
RESURRECTION 2711
established and the opposite assumption is over-
thrown. And, besides, a principle is thus gained
which reaches much farther than is bandy neces-
sary to overthrow that assumption ; for, if a slight
difference is consistent with such a practical and
substantial identity as is required for a proper res-
urrection of the body, will any one tell us pre-
cisely the limit of this difference; except that there
must be some organic or real historical connection,
something continuously in common, between tbe
body which is raised and that which lived before?
And so much we shall certainly maintain.
Let us here amuse ourselves a moment in con-
structing an hypothesis.
A distinguished physiologist, Johannes Mtiller,
has given a well-known theory of the " vital prin-
ciple." " Life is a principle," says he, " or impon-
derable matter, which is in action, in the substance
of the germ, enters into the composition of the
matter of this germ, and imparts to organic com-
binations properties which cease at death." Now
the principle of animal life in man is presumed to
be distinct from the intelligent and immortal spirit.
On these premises, let us suppose that, in the
economy of human nature it is so ordered that,
when the spirit leaves the body, the vital principal
is neither lost and annihilated on the one band,
nor on the other able to keep up the functions of
the animal system, but lies dormant in con-
nection with so much of the present, natural
body as constituted the seminal principle or es-
sential germ of that body, and is to serve as a
germ for the future, spiritual body; and this por-
tion may be truly body, material substance, and
yet elude all possible chemical tests and sensible
observation, all actual, physical dissolution, and all
appropriation to any other human body. On the
reunion of tbe spirit at the appointed hour with
this dormant vital principle and its bodily germ, we
may suppose an instantaneous development of the
spiritual body in whatever glorious form shall seem
good to infinite wisdom. Such a body, so produced,
would involve a proper resurrection of the present
body. Tbe new body would be a continuation of
the old, a proper development from it. The germi-
nal essence is the same, the vital or animal prin-
ciple ia the same, the conscious spirit is the same.
The organic connection between tbe two is as real
as that between any man's present body and the
seminal principle from which it was first developed
in the womb; as that between the blade of wheat
and the bare grain from which it grew.
We throw out the above not as a doctrine, not
as a theory of the resurrection, but as a mere casual
hypotherit — one among many possible hypotheses.
The part assigned in it to the " vital principle "
may be omitted, if any so prefer. And if the hy-
pothesis ss a whole is found not to be consistent
with a proper resurrection of the body, it is by all
means to be rejected.
(7.) It i< thought quite improbable that the
same bodies will rise with all their present parts,
members, organs, and appurtenances, not to say thetf
peculiar abnormal developments and defects.
We have already said, the Christian dogma of
the resurrection contains nothing definite on them
points. We hare shown that such a res u rrec ti on,
in all Its details, is not absolutely Impossible; but
we hare shown that such a resurrection is no*
necessary to the proper idea of the r e su rrection of
tbe body. We have shown that the body raises'
would be tbe same as the present body, if it poo
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2718 RESURRECTION
I the same matter and form as the present body
nes at any period tcnaierer of its age. We
bow add that tie resurrection of the tame body
noes not require that the body raised should have
aO the matter or the precise form of the present
body as it actually existed here at any period of life.
It would be a resurrection of the body, and of the
same body, if all the bodies of the dead should be
raised in the vigor and beauty of youth or early
manhood; tbe infant being instantaneously de-
veloped to such a stature, the aged restored to it,
and all deformities and defects forthwith removed.
And as to organs and members; doubtless whatever
characteristics of our present bodies will contribute
to the glory and beauty and purposes of the future
body of the Christian will be retained in it; and
whatever characteristics would mar that glory or
beauty or fruition, or interfere with those purposes,
will be changed. It may be that the prints of the
wounds in oar Saviour's hands and feet, or some-
thing significantly corresponding to tbem, may re-
main forever in his glorified body, as visible me-
mentoes of his dying love, as marks of honor and
grace to excite all tbe redeemed and the holy to still
higher strains of love and adcration and praise.
Since we are to be comforted for our departed
friends by tbe assurance that " them that sleep in
Jesus God will bring with Him," it may well be
believed that we shall recognize in tbe future life
those whom we have loved in this; but to this end
it is not necessary that the spiritual body should
retain all or any of the lineaments of the present
body. The beautiful plant that rises from the
grain that has been sown and has died, differs
widely in all its external form and aspect from the
seed, yet by It we can as certainly distinguish its
kind ss by the seed itself. And this system of cor-
respondences may reach much further than we have
yet traced it. Tbe spiritual body may hare an
Intensity and transparency of expression for tbe
character and individuality of the soul, such as the
brightest mortal face we ever beheld, the clearest
and most soul-expressive eye of mortal mould into
whose depths we ever gazed, could not enable us
to conceive. Then, there may be means of com-
municating thought and feeling in the future
world, as far transcending all the power of the
most perfect human speech aa that transcends tbe
inarticulate language of brutes. Thus there may
be abundant means of recognition independent of
any outward identity of form.
(8.) Finally, the resurrection of the body is
thought improbable, because science, in her deepest
researches, finds no symptoms or intimations of
such an event.
It is alleged that, as far as has been ascertained
by chemical or any other physical tests, the human
body is subject to tbe same laws of development,
growth, and decay, while it lives ; and of dissolu-
tion, decomposition, and dispersion, when it dies,
sa those to which the bodies of the ox and the
boras are subject. But what does this prove? Does
It prove that therefore God will not reconstruct and
reanimate the human body ? Is it therefore to be
thought a thing incredible that God should raise
tbe dead ? We can see no such force of proof in
•hose facts. We are not aware that anybody has
undertaken to bring positive evidence of a resur-
rection of tbe body from chemistry or natural phil-
osophy; and we cannot conceive what disproof there
« iii toe absence of proof derivable from those
matters.
RESURRECTION
But (it is insisted) sfter the minutest chemical
analysis, after the most patient and thorough teat
ing by all known agents and re-agents, after tht
most careful examination, and after ages of ex-
perience, we have never found any more signs of s
tendency to a resurrection in the body of a dead
man than in that of a dead dog. And what then ?
Therefore there is and can be no resurrection of the
human body ? Most lame and impotent conclusion !
At though we already knew everything pertaining
to the powers, properties, and possibilities even of
material things; at though we were not prying
deeper and deeper into tbe secrets of nature every
day ; aa though there were not evidently dynamics
and laws at work in the material world which elude
all our chemical tests and physical re-agents; and
a» though toe could see distinctly around and abate
tht power of Almighty God, which, with its higher,
and perchance forever inscrutable laws, presides over
and controls all tbe laws and functions of nature-
All positive evidence for a resurrection of tbe body
must be sought for in the teaching of Revelation ;
and that evidence, be it more or lest, is not in the
slightest degree affected by this cbemico-phyaical
argument; it is left just as it wsa and where it
was, entire and intact.
IV. History of the Doctrine.
It remains to give a brief outline of the history
of the doctrine of the Resurrection, as it hat been
held in the Christian Church.
Tbe Chiliarchs and Gnostics, from the first, held
extreme views, the former tending to an unscrip-
tural grossness of detail, and the latter to an equally
unscriptural refining away of the substantial fact.
Justin Martyr, Ireneus and Tertullian, inclining to
the Chiliarchs, taught a double resurrection. These
and Clemens Komanus, Athenagoras, Theophilus,
and Minutius Felix, all believed in a proper resur-
rection of the body. Origen spiritualized it. (See
Teller, Fulet dogm. de Stmr. Varmt,pcr 4 priora
Statin.) Gregory of Nazianms, Gregory of Nyssa,
and Basil the Great, adopted in part the views of
Origen. Jerome went to an extreme against them.
Augustine ultimately opposed them, hut more mod-
erately. Chrysostom believed in the identity of
the body raised and the present body, but followed
St. Paul's exposition. Kpiphanius and Theophilus
of Alexandria agreed with Jerome; but Theophilus
ordained Synesius, who could not assent to "the
prevailing notions." [Showing two things: (1)
that certain views, nagiely, those of Jerome, were
then the prevailing views, and (2) that to accept
tbem was not considered (by Theophilus) essential.]
Ruffinus confessed the resurrection hujut cam is,
and John of Jerusalem distinguished between Jltth
and body, but with neither of them was Jerome
satisfied. Jerome's became the prevailing doctrine
of the Church of Rome, and has so continued sub
stantially to the present day. Tbe reformer: gen-
erally adopted the same doctrine, adhering, however,
more decidedly to the Augustinian and Pauline
representations.
Tbe Socinlans, and, after them, the Unitarians,
have been inclined to deny the proper resurrection
of the body. The Swedenborgians also do the same,
holding that each soul, immediately upon death, it
clothed with its spiritual body. Many persons it
all the Protestant communions have, in later years
felt compelled by tbe presumed philosophical difft
cutties of tbe cats, to give up the doctrine of
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EEtr
r e sui l e ct ion of the bod;, and have either
remained illent, without any avowed or definite
Belief upon the subject, or hare openly aided with
the Sodnlans or the Swedenborgians.
The creeds and the ajmbola and confession! of
the Reformed Churches, however, hare remained
unchanged. See, e. g. Article IV. of the Church
of England, " On the Resurrection of Christ,"
which, speaking of Christ's ascension "with flesh,
bones, and all things appertaining to the perfection
of man's nature," covers nearly the whole ground
of hesitation and difficulty. See also all the three
creeds, especially the Atbanasian. That of the
Apostles still confesses the Remrrectio carnit.
D. R, O.
* For the literature of this subject, one may
consult the bibliographical appendix to W. K.
Alger's Critical Biliary of the Doctrine of a
Future Life, Nos. 2929-3132, and on the Resur-
rection of Christ, Noa. 3133-3181. A.
BETJ (Wl [friend] : tayav in Geo. ; [Rom.]
'Pa-vitr [but Vat Alex. Payav] in Chr.: Reu, [Ai-
gau] ). Son of Peleg, in the line of Abraham's ances-
tors (Gen. xi. 18, 19, 20, 21; 1 Chr. i. 25). He lived
two hundred and thirty-nine years according to the
genealogy in Genesis. Bunsen (Bibelmrk) says
Jteu is Koha, the Arabic name for Edessa, an as-
sertion which, borrowed from Knobei, is utterly
destitute of foundation, as will be seen at once on
comparing the Hebrew and Arabic words. A
closer resemblance might be found between Reu
and Rhagm, a large town of Media, especially if
the Greek equivalents of the two names be taken.
• In 1 Chr. L So the A. V. ed. 1611, follow-
ing the Bishops' Bible and the Genevan Version,
reads Rkiiu, representing the Am by H, as in
some other cases. A.
JOETJBBK
2718
RBU'BEN 0>Vn [see below]: VovPrjr
tad 'Pov&tn Joseph. '•potfjSnXof: Pesh. Syr.
Ribil, and so also in Arab. vers, of Joshua: Ru-
lefi), Jacob's first-born child ((Jen. xxix. 82), the
son of Leah, apparently not bom till an unusual
interval had elapsed after the marriage (81 : Joseph.
Ant. 1. 19, $ 8). This is perhaps denoted by the
name itself, whether we adopt the obvious signifi-
cation of its present form — reu ben, i. e. " be
■oldye,asonl"(Gesen. The*, p. 1247 6)— or (2)
the explanation given in the text, which seems to
Imply that the original form was "^fl^? ,! W^,
rai biomjt, " Jehovah hath teen my affliction," or
(3) that of Joeephus, who uniformly presents it
M Roubel, and explains it (Ant. i. 19, § 8) as the
"pity of God" — txtar rov ©»S, as if from
*3H9 "*»n (Furst, ITandub. ii. 344a).« The no-
Hesa'of the patriarch Reuben in the book of Gen-
and the early Jewish traditional literature are
~ r frequent, and on the whole give a faror-
a Redslob (Die AatatamtnU. Namtn, 88)
that Rental Is the original <brm of the name, which
«as corroptsd into Brabso, aa Bethel Into BHtin, and
■ ami into Serin. Be treats it as signifying the
'fleck of IW,"a deity whose worship greatly flour-
HMd to the neighboring country of Hoab, and who
ante the Dams of Ntbo had a famous sanctuary in
■as vary territory of Reuben. In this case It woild
w a parallel to the title, « people of Uhemoeh " whlah
leoMcab. ThsaltsnUtoooCthsobaoiWtf
able view of his disposition. To him, and km?
alone, the preservation of Joseph's life appears to
have been due. His anguish at the disappearance
of his brother, and the frustration of his kindly
artifice for delivering him (Gen. xxxrii. 22), his
recollection of the minute details of the painful
scene many years afterwards (ilii. 22), his oflfer'to
take the sols responsibility of the safety of the
brother who had succeeded to Joseph's place in the
family (xlii. 37), all testify to a warm and (for those
rough timet) a kindly nature. Of the repulsive
crime which mars his history, and which turned
the blearing of his dying father into a curse — his
adulterous connection with Bilhah, — we know from
the Scriptures only the fact (Gen. xxxr. 22). In
the post-biblical traditions it is treated either as
not having actually occurred (as in the Targum
Pteudq/onalJtnn), or else as the result of a sudden
temptation acting on a hot and vigorous nature (aa
in the TettnnenU of Ike Tveelte Patriarch*) — a
parallel, in some of its circumstances, to the in-
trigue of David with Bathsheba. Some severe
temptation there must surely have been to impel
Reuben to an act which, regarded in its social rather
Jian in its moral aspect, would be peculiarly abhor-
rent to a patriarchal society, and which is specially
and repeatedly reprobated in the Law of Hoses.
The Rabbinical version of the occurrence (ss given
in Turg. Ptewlijon.) is very characteristic, and
well illustrates the difference between the spirit of
early and of late Jewish history. " Reuben went
and disordered the couch of Bilhah, bis father's
concubine, which was placed right opposite the
couch of Leah, and it was counted unto him as if
he had lain with her. And when Israel heard it
it displeased him, and he said, ' Lo! an unworthy
person shall proceed from me, as Ishmael did from
Abraham and Esau from my father.' And the
Holy Spirit answered him and said, ' All are right-
eous, and there is not one unworthy among them.' "
Reuben's anxiety to save Joseph is represented sa
arising from a desire to conciliate Jacob, and his
absence while Joseph was sold from his fitting
alone on the mountains in penitent fasting.
These traits, slight as they are, are those of an
ardent, impetuous, unbalanced, but not ungenerous
nature; not crafty and cruel, as were Simeon and
Levi, but rather, to use the metaphor of the dying
patriarch, boiling b up like a vessel of water over the
rapid wood-fire of the nomad tent, and as quickly
subsiding into apathy when the fuel was with-
drawn.
At the time of the migration Into Egypt' Ren
ben's sons were four (Gen. xlvi. 9; 1 Chr. v. 3).
From them sprang the chief families of the bibs
(Num. xxvi. 6-11). One of these families — that
of Pallu — became notorious aa producing Eliab,
whose sons or descendants, Dathan and Abiram.
perished with their kinsman On In the divine ret-
ribution for their conspiracy against Moses (Num.
syllable In RauM would, on this theory, And a parel-
Isl to tbeMraUxtatf and Sehbaal of Saul's family, whe
became MephleoateM and Iabftotaei*.
* Such appears to be a mora accurate rendering -4
the word which In the A. T. Is rendered « unstable
(Ocean. Pent. Sam. p. 88).
c According to the ancient tradition preserved by
Demetrius (In Xuseb. Prop. So. U. 21), Reuben us)
45 Tsars old at the tune of the migration.
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2720
KEUBEN
tft 1, xxvt 8-11). The centiu at Mount Shnl
(Nam. i. 20, 81, ii. 11) shows that at the Exodus
the numbers of the tribe were 46,600 men above
twenty years of age, and fit Tor active warlike ser-
vice. In point of numerical strength, Reuben was
then sixth on the list, Gad, with 46,650 men, being
next below. On the borders of Canaan, after the
plague which punished the idolatry of Baal-Peor.the
numbers had fallen slightly, and were 43,730; Gad
was 40,500; and the position of the two in the list
is lower than before, Ephreira and Simeon being the
only two smaller tribes (Num. xxvi. 7, Ac).
During the journey through the wilderness the
position of Reuben was on the south side of the
Tabernacle. The •' camp " which went under hi*
name was formed of his own tribe, that of Simeon «
(Leah's second son), and Gad (son of Zilpah, Leah'*
slave). The standard of the camp was a deer*
with the inscription, "Hear, oh Israeli the Lord
thy God is one Lord ! " and its place in the march
was second (Tnrgum Pieudnjon. Num. ii. 10-16).
The Reubeoito, like -their relatives and neigh-
bors on the Journey, the Gadites, had maintained
through the march to Canaan the ancient calling
of their forefathers. The patriarchs were " feeding
their flocks " at Shechem when Joseph was sold
into Egypt. It waa as men whose "trade had
been about cattle from their youth" that they
were presented to Pharaoh (Gen. xlvi. 82, 34), and
In the land of Goshen they settled "with their
flocks and herds and all that they had " (xlri. 82,
xhriL 1). Their cattle accompanied them in their
flight from Egypt (Ex. xii. 38), not a hoof waa
left behind ; and there are frequent allusions to them
on the journey (Ex. xxxiv. 3; Num. xi. 22; Deut.
viii. 13, Ac.). But it would appear that the tribes
who were destined to settle in the confined territory
between the Mediterranean and the Jordan had,
during the Journey through the wilderness, for-
tunately relinquished that taste for the possession
of cattle which they oould not have maintained
after their settlement at a distance from the wide
pastures of the wilderness. Thus the cattle had
come into the hands of Reuben, Gad, and the half
of Manasseh (Num. xxril. 1), and it followed nat-
urally that when the nation arrived on the open
downs east of the Jordan, the three tr.bes just
named should prefer a request to their leader to be
allowed to remain in a place so perfectly suited to
their requirements. The part selected by Reuben
had at that date the special name of " the Miahor,"
with reference possibly to its evenness (Stanley,
a. <f P. App. } 6). Under its modern name of
the Bdka it is still esteemed beyond all others by
the Arab sheep-masters. It is well watered, covered
with smooth short turf, and losing itself gradually
m those illimitable wastes which hare always been
and always will he the favorite resort of pastoral
nomad tribes. The country east of Jordan does
not appear to hare been included in the original
land promised to Abraham. That whioh the spies
tauninsd waa comprised, on the east and west,
a Beuben and Simeon are named together by Jacob
In Ora. xlvili. 6 ; and then la perhaps a trace of the
sonnaetion In the Interehang* of the names m Jud
•W. l(Vulg.)andlx.2.
» It Is ssM that this wss originally an ox, but
•hanged by Moses, last It should recall the sin of the
aaktsnealf.
• A law vetatous hare been bold enonih to render
KKUBEN
between the "coast of Jordan" and "the sea.'
But for the pusillanimity of the greater number of
the tribes it would hare been entered from theaonts
(Num. xiii. 30), and in that case the east of Jor
dan might never have been peopled by Israel a.
all.
Accordingly, when the Reubenites and their fel-
lows approach Hoses with their request, his main
objection is that by what they propose they will
discourage the hearts of the children of Israel
from going over Jordan into the land which Jeho-
vah had given them (Num. rrrii. 7). It ia only on
their undertaking to fulfill their part in the conquest
of the western country, the land of Canaan proper,
and thus satisfying him that their proposal was
grounded in no selfish desire to escape a full share
of the difficulties of the conquest, that Hoses will
consent to their proposal.
The " blessing " of Reuben by the departing
Lawgiver [Deut. xxxiii. 6] is a passage which has
severely exercised translators and commentators.
Strictly translated as they stand in the received
Hebrew text, the words are as follows:' —
« tat Rautwn live and not die,
And 1st his men be a number " (i. e. arw).
As to the first line there appears to be no doubt,
but the second line has been interpreted in two
exactly opposite ways. 1. By the LXX. : —
R And let his man rf be many In number."
This has the disadvantage that "IgDO is never
employed elsewhere for a large number, but always
for a email one (e. g. 1 Chr. xvi. 19; Job xvi 22,
Is. x. 19; Ex. xii. 16).
2. That of our own Auth. Version: —
" And let not his men be arw."
Here the negative of the first line is presumed to
convey its force to the second, though not there
expressed. This is countenanced by the ancient
Syrian Version (Peshito) and the translations of
Junius and Tremellius, and Scbott and Winter.
It also has the important support of Gesenius
(Thu. p. 968 a, and Pent. Sam. p. 44).
3. A third and very ingenious interpretation ia
that adopted by the Veneto-Grerk Version, and also
by Hichaelia (Bibd fir UngeUJirten, Text), which
assumes that the vowel-points of the word "WJPi
" his men," are altered to YITQ, " his dead " —
"And let his dead be few" —
as if In allusion to some recent mortality In the
tribe, such as that in Simeon after the plague of
Baal-Peor.
These Interpretations, unless the last should
prove to be the origins! reading, originate in the
net that the words in their naked sense convey a
curse and not a blessing. Fortunately, though
differing widely in detail, they agree in general
th* Hebrew as It stands. Thus the Vulgate, Luther
De Wette, and Bunsen.
d The Alex. LXX. adds th* nam* of Simeon ("an*
let Symeon be many In number ") : but this, thongs
approved of by sflcbadis On the notes to the passage
In his KM fitr UnftUArten), on the ground that then
Is no reason for omitting Simeon, !« not su ppo rted a)
any Oedax or any other Teuton.
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REUBEN
The lenediction of the great leader
goat out over the tribe which ma about to separate
Itself from its brethren, in a farrant aspiration for
its welfare through all the risks 3! that remote and
trying situation.
Both in this and the earlier blessing of Jacob,
Reuben retains his place at the head of the family,
and it must not be overlooked that the tribe, to-
gether with the two who associated them wives
with it, actually received iU inheritance liefore
either Judah or Ephr&im, to whom the birthright
which Reuben had forfeited was transferred (1 Chr.
v. 1).
From this time it seems as if a bar, not only the
material one of distance, and of the intervening
river and mountaiu-wall, but also of dinerenci in
feeling and habits, gradually grew up more sub-
stantially between the eastern and western tribes.
The first act of the former after the completion of
the conquest, and after they had taken part in
the solemn ceremonial in the valley between Ebal
and Gerizim, shows how wide a gap already ex-
isted between their ideas and those of the western
tribes.
The pile of stones which they erected on the
western bank of the Jordan to mark their boun-
dary — to testify to after ages that though sep-
arated by the rushing river from their brethren and
the country in which Jehovah had fixed the place
where He would be worshipped, they had still a
right to return to it for his worship — was erected
in accordance with the unalterable habits of Be-
douin tribes both before and since. It was an act
identical with that in which Laban and Jacob
engaged at parting, with that which is constantly
performed by the Bedouins of the present day.
But by the Israelites west of Jordan, who were fast
relinquishing their nomad habits and feelings for
those of more settled permanent life, this act was
completely misunderstood, and was construed into
an attempt to set up a rival altar to that of the
Sacred Tent. The incompatibility of the idea to
the mind of the Western Israelites is shown by the
fact, that notwithstanding the disclaimer of the
2i tribes, and notwithstanding that disclaimer hav-
ing proved satisfactory even to Phiiiehas, the author
of Joshua xxii. retains the name niiUach for the
pile, a word which involves the idea of sacrifice •»-
a. e. of dmghter (see Geseniua, Thtt. p. 402) — in-
stead of applying to it the term gal, as is done in the
ease (Gen. xxxi. 46) of the precisely similar "heap
of witness." » Another Reubenite erection, which
for long kept up the memory of the presence of the
tribe on the west of Jordan, was the stone of Bohan
ben-Reuben which formed a landmark on the boun-
dary between Judah and Benjamin. (Josh. xv.
8.) This was a single stone (£Aen), not a pile,
and it appears to have stood somewhere on the road
from Bethany to Jericho, not far from the ruined
khan so well known to travellers.
No judge, no prophet, no bero of the tribe of
Reuben is handed down to us. In the dire ex-
■ In the Sniud •ftmd.ititm of Uu Holy Striptwm
»v the Rev. 0. Wellbeloved and others (London, 1867)
«• panjfe is rendered —
*)f»Rei!
Thong]
Reuben live and not die,
— :h hii men be few."
»a exceU«ot evaakm of the difficulty, provided It be
etadesHm as a translation.
e la* "altar" Is actually celled Bd, or "witness"
REUBL 2721
tremity of their brethren in the north undat
Deborah and Barak, they contented thenuelvet
with debating the news amongst the streams c ol
the Mishor: the distant distress of his brethren
oould not move Reuben, he lingered among his
sheepfohls and preferred the shepherd's pipe "* and
the bleating of the flocks, to the clamor of th<
trumpet and the turmoil of battle. His individ-
uality fades more rapidly than Gad's. The elevcr
vnliuit Gadites who swam the Jordan at its highest
to join the son of Jesse in his trouble (1 Chr. xii
8-15), Barzillai, Ehjah the Gileadite, the siege of
Ramoth-Gilead with its picturesque incidents, all
give a substantial reality to the tribe and country
of Gad. But no person, no incident, is recorded,
to place Reuben before us in any distincter form
than at a member of the community (if com-
munity it can be called) of " the Reubenites, the Ga-
dites, and the half-tribe of Manasseh " (1 Chr. xi?.
37). The very towns of his inheritance — Hash
bon, Aroer, Kirjathaim, Dibon, Baal-meon, Sibmah
Jazer, — are familiar to us as Moabite, and not at
Israelite towns. The city-life so characteristic of
Moabite civilization had no hold on the Reubenites.
They are most in their element when engaged in
continual broils with the children of the desert,
the Bedouin tribes of Hagar, Jetur, Nephish,
Nodab ; driving off their myriads of cattle, asses,
camels; dwelling in their Unit, as if to the manor
born (1 Chr. v. 10), gradually spreading over the
vast wilderness which extends from Jordan to the
Euphrates (ver. 9), and every day receding further
and further from any community of feeling or of
interest with the western tribes.
Thus remote from the central seat of the na-
tional government and of the national religion, it
is not to be wondered at that Reuben relinquished
the faith of Jehovah. "They went a whoring
after the gods of the people of the land whom God
destroyed before them," and the last historical
notice which we possess of them, while it records
this fact, records also as its natural consequent*
that the Reubenites and Gadites, and the half-tribe
of Manasseh, were carried off by Pul and Tiglath-
Pileser, and placed in the districts on and about
the river Khabir in the upper part of Mesopo-
tamia — "in Halah, and Habor, and Hare, and
the river Gozan " (1 Chr. v. 36). G.
• REU'BENITES O?? 1 ** - !: commonly
'Pov£r)i>, but Josh. xxii. 1, 0.' viol "Pov (Hi*, Alex
01 Pou/8ne»T<u; 1 Chr. xxvi. 33, *Povj3nrI [Vat
-«i] : Ruben, Jtubenita), and once sing., REU'-
BENITE (1 Chr. xi. 49; LXX. omit; Vug.
Rubtnitet). Descendants of Rkubkx (Mum. xxti.
7; Deut. iii. 12, 16, iv. 43, xxix. 8; Josh. i. 12
xii. 6, xiii. 8, xxii. 1; 3 K. x. 33; 1 Chr. v. 6, 26,
xi. 43, xii. 37, xxvi. 32, xxvii. 16). A.
REU'EL (b»31 [frimJ of God] : 'p a
yo\A\K'- Raliutl, Rnyuti). The name of several
persons mentioned in the Bible.
1. One of the sons of Esau, by his wife Bash*
(Josh. xxii. 84) by the Bedouin Reubenites, Joat as the
pile of Jacob and Laban was called Qai-ed, the heap
of witness.
■ The word used here, pefer, seems to refer to arti-
ficial streams or ditehes for Irrigation. [Dim]
* This Is Bwald'a rendering ( DicAttr da A. B. I ISD*
adnoted by Buneen, of the passage rendered la ths
A V. « bleating of the flocks "
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2722 RETJMAH
Bath lifter of Iahmael. Hit sons were four —
Nahath, Zerah, Sharamah, and Mizzah, " dukes "
at Edom (Geo. xxxvi. 4, 10, 13. 17; 1 Chr. i. 85,
2. One of the names of Moses' father-in-law
(Ex. ii. 18); the same which, through adherence
to the LXX. form, is given in another passage of
the A. V. Kaoueu Moses' father-in-law was a
Midiauite, but the Midianites are in a well-known
passage (Gen. xxxvii. 28) called also bhmaelites,
and if this may be taken strictly, it is not im-
possible that the name of Kenel may be a token
of his sonnection with the Ishmaelite tribe of that
name. There is, however, nothing to confirm this
suggestion.
3. Father of Eliasaph, the leader of the tribe of
Gad, at the time of the census at Sinai (Num. ii.
14). In the parallel passages the name is given
Dk teu, which is retained in this instance also by
the Vulgate (Duel).
4. A Benjamite whose name occurs in the gene-
alogy of a certain Elah, one of the chiefs of the
tribe at the date of the settlement of Jerusalem
(1 Chr. is. 8). G.
REUTHAH (np-Vn [raised, high] : ?«*>«,;
Alex. Pcqpa: Roma), The concubine of Nabor,
Abraham's brother (Gen- xxii. 24).
REVELATION OP ST. JOHN CAw«*<J-
Aintat 'IatoVrou: Apocalypiis Bend Joannii Apot-
toli). The following subjects in connection with
this book seem to have the chief claim for a place
in this article : —
A. Canonical Authority and Author-
ship.
B. Time and Place of Wetting.
C. Language.
D. Contents and Structure.
E. History op Interpretation.
A. Canonical AuTHORrrr and Author-
ship. — The question ss to the canonical authority
of the Revelation resolves itself into a question of
authorship. If it can be proved that a book, claim-
ing so distinctly as this does the authority of divine
inspiration, was actually written by St- John, then
no doubt will be entertained as to its title to a
place in the Canon of Scripture.
Was, then, St. John the Apostle and Evangelist
the writer of the Revelation? This question was
first mooted by Dionysius of Alexandria (Eusebiue,
H. E. vii. 86). The doubt which be modestly
suggested has been confidently proclaimed in mod-
eii times by Luther ( Vorreile atifaie Offcnbarung,
1622 and 1634), and widely diffused through his
Influence. Liicke (EinUUung, p. 802), the most
learned and diligent of modern critics of the Reve-
lation, agrees with a majority of the eminent
scholars of Germany in denying that St. John was
the author
But the general belief of the mass of Christians
(n all ages has been in favor of St. John's author-
cup. The evidence adduced In support of that
belief consists of (1) the assertions of the author,
and (2) historical tradition.
(1.) The author's description of himself in the
1st oi.d 22d chapters is certainly equivalent to an
■uertion that be is tbe Apostle, (n.) He names
liuiaelf simply John, without prefix or addition —
name which at that period, and in Asia, must
tare been taken by every Christian as the designa-
tion Id the first instance of the gnat Apostle who
REVELATION OF ST. JOHN
dwelt at Ephesus. Doubtless there wen oik*
Johns among the Christians at that time, but only
arrogance or an intention to deceive could acooun
for the assumption of this simple style by any other
writer. He is also described as (A) a servant of
Christ, (e) one who had borne testimony as an
eye-witness of the word of God and of the testi-
mony of Christ — terms which were surely designed
to identify him with tbe writer of the verses Johc
xix. 36, i. 14, and 1 John i. 2. He is (rf) in Pat-
mos for the word of God and the testimony of
Jesus Christ: it may be easy to suppose that other
Christians of the same name were banished thither,
but the Apostle is the only John who is distinctly
named in early history as an exile at Patmos. He
is also (e) a fellow-sufferer with those whom he
addresses, and (f) the authorized channel of the
most direct and important communication that
was ever made to the seven churches of Asia, of
which churches John the Apostle was at that time
the spiritual governor and teacher. Lastly (g) the
writer was a fellow-servant of angels and a brother
of prophets — title* which are far more suitable to
one of the chief Apostles, and far more likely to
bare been assigned to him than to any other man
of less distinction. All these marks are found
united together in the Apostle John, and in him
alone of all historical persons. We must go out
of the region of fact into the region of conjecture
to find such another person. A candid reader of
tbe Revelation, if previously acquainted with St
John's other writings and life, must inevitably con-
clude that the writer intended to be identified with
St. John. It is strange to see so able a critic as
Liicke (Euddtung, p. 514) meeting this conclusion
with the conjecture that some Asiatic disciple and
namesake of the Apostle may have written the
book in the course of some missionary labors or
some time of sacred retirement in Patmos. Equally
unavailing against this conclusion is the objection
brought by Ewald, Creduer, and others, from tbe
fact that a promise of the future blessedness of tbe
Apostles is implied in xviii. 20 and xxi. 14; as if
it were inconsistent with the true n-odesty and
humility of an Apostle to record — ss Daniel of
old did in much plainer terms (Dan. xii. 13) — a
divine promise of salvation to himself personally.
Rather those passages may be taken as instances of
the writer quietly accepting as his just due such
honorable mention as belongs to all the Apostolic
company. Unless we are prepared to give up the
veracity and divine origin of the whole book, and
to treat the writer's account of himself as a mere
fiction of a poet trying to cover his own insignifi-
cance with an honored name, we must accept that
description as a plain statement of fact, equally
credible with the rest of the book, and in har-
mony with the simple, honest, truthful character
which is stamped on the face of the whole narra-
tive.
Besides this direct assertion of St. John's author-
ship, there is also an implication of it running
through tbe book. Generally, the instinct of single-
minded, patient, faithful students has led them to
discern a connection between the Revelation and
St. John, and to reoognize not merely the earn*
Spirit as the source of this and other books of Holy
Scripture, but also the same peculiarly -formed
human instrument employed both in producing
this book and tbe fourth Gospel, and in speaking
the characteristic words and performing the char
acteristic actions recorded of St. John. This svi
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REVELATION OF ST. JOHN
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Isnns b set forth at great length, and with much
fore* and eloquence, by J. P. I<ange, in hie Essay
on the Connection between the Individuality of the
Apostle John ana that of the Apocalypse, 18118
{I'trmueht: Svliriftm, ii. 173-331). After in-
vestigating the peculiar features of the Apostle's
character and position, and (in reply to l.iicke) the
personal traits shown by the writer of the Revela-
tion, he concludes that the book is a mysterious
but genuine effusion of prophecy under the New
Testament, imbued with the spirit of the Gospel,
the product of a spiritual gift so peculiar, so great
and noble that it can be ascribed to the Apostle
John alone. The Revelation requires for its writer
St. John, just as his peculiar genius requires for
its utterance a revelation.
(9.) 'lb come to the historical testimonies in
favor of St. John's authorship: these are singularly
distinct and numerous, and there is very little to
weigh against them, (a.) Justin Martyr, cir. 160
a. !>., says: "A man among us whose name was
John, oue of the Apostles of Christ, in a revelation
which was made to him, prophesied that the be-
lievers in oar Christ shall live a thousand years in
Jerusalem" (Tryph. §81, p. 179, ed. Ben.), (6)
The author of the Huratorian Fragment, cir. 170
A. D., speaks of St. John as the writer of the
Apocalypse, and describes him as a predecessor of
St. Paul, i. e. as Credner and l.iicke candidly in-
terpret it, his predecessor in the office of Apostle,
(c.) Helito of Sardes, cir. 170 A. D., wrote a treatise
on the Revelation of John. Kusebius (//. E. iv.
3b ■ mentions this among the books of Melito which
bad come to his knowledge; and, as he carefully
records objections against the Apostle's authorship,
it may be fairly presumed, notwithstanding the
doubts of Kleuker and l.iicke (p. 614), that Kuse-
bius found no doubt as to St. John's authorship in
the book of this ancient Asiatic bishop, (d.) The-
ophilus, bishop of Antioch, cir. 180, in a controversy
with Hermogenm, quotes passages out of the Rev-
elation of John (Euseb. H. A', iv. 24). («.) Irenams,
sir. 196, apparently never having heard a suggestion
of any other author than the Apostle, often quotes
the Revelation as the work of John. In iv. 30, §
1 1, he describes John the writer of toe Revelation
ss the same who was leaning on Jesus' bosom at
supper, and asked Him who should betray Mini.
The testimony of Irenasus as to the authorship of
Revelation is perhaps more important than that
of any other writer: it mounts up into the preced-
ing generation, and is virtually that of a contem-
porary of the Apostle. For in v. 30, § 1, where he
vindicates the true reading (668) of the number
of the Beast, he cites in support of it not only the
eld correct copies of the book, but also the oral
testimony of the very persons who themselves had
seen St John face to face. It is obvious that
Irenseus s referenoe for information on such a point
to those contemporaries of St. John implies his
undonbting belief that they, in common with him-
self, viewed St John as the writer of the buok.
l.iicke (p. 574) suggests that this view was possibly
groundless, because it was entertained before the
learned fathers of Alexandria bad set the example
sf historical criticism ; but his suggestion scarcely
weakens the foroe of the fact that such was th»
telief of Asia, and it appears a strange suggestion
When we remember that the critical discernment
if the Alexandrians, to whom he refers, led them
s9 coinci de with Iretueus in his view. (/".) Apoi-
ssssBSB (sir. 300) of Enhesos ( ?;, in controversy with
the Montanists of Phrygia, quoted passages oat of
the Revelation of John, and narrated a miracit
wrought by John at Epheeus (Euseb. Ii. E. v. 18).
(g.) Clement of Alexandria (cir. 300) quotes the
book as the Revelation of John (Stromatii, vi. 13,
p. 687), and as the work of an Apostle (Pied ii.
12, p. 307). (A.) Tertullian (a. I). 207), in at
least oue place, quotes by name " the Apostle John
in the Apocalypse " {Adv. Maroon, iii. 14). (i.)
Hippolytus (cir. 200) is said, in the inscription on
his statue at Rome, to have composed an apology
for the Apocalypse aud Gospel of St. John the
Apostle. He quotes it as the work of St. John
{Dt AtdichrUto, § 36, col. 766, ed. Migne). fj.)
Origen (cir. 233), in his Commentary on St. John,
quoted by Kusebius {H. E. vi. 25), says of tha
Apostle, " he wrote also the Revelation." The tes-
timonies of later writers, in the third and fourth
centuries, in favor of St John's authorship of the
Revelation, are equally distinct and far more numer-
ous. They may be seen quoted at length in Liieke,
pp. 628-638, or in Dean Alford's Prolegomena
{N. T., vol. iv. pt. ii.). It may suffice here to say
that they include the names of Victorinus, Meth-
odius, Kphreni Syrus, Kpiphanius, Basil, Hilary,
Athanasius, Gregory [of Nyssa], Didymus, Am-
brose, Augustine, and Jerome.
All the foregoing writers, testifying that the book
came from an Apostle, believed that it was a part
of Holy Scripture, But many whose extant works
cannot be quoted for testimony to the authorship
of the book refer to it as possessing canonical au-
thority. Thus (ii.) Capias, who is described by
Ireiueus as a hearer of St. John and friend of Poly-
carp, is cited, together with other writers, by An-
dreas of Cappadocia, in his Commentary on the
Revelation, as a guarantee to later ages of the
divine inspiration of the book (Routh, Rttiq. Saer.
i. 16 j Cramer's Cattnn, Oxford, 1840, p. 176). The
value of this testimony has not been impaired by
the controversy to which it has given rise, in which
Liieke, Block, Heugstenberg, aud Rettig have taken
different jiarts. (6.) In the Epistle from the
Churches of Lyons and Vienne, a. d. 177, inserted
in Kusebius, H . E. v. 1-3, several passages (e. g. i
6, xiv. 4, xxii. 11) ore quoted or referred to in the
same way as passages of books whose canonical
authority is unquestioned, (c.) Cyprian {E/tp. 10,
12, 14, 19, ed. Fell) repeatedly quotes it as a part
of canonical Scripture. CUrysostoni makes no dis-
tinct allusion to it in any extant writing; but we
are informed by Suidaa that he received it as canon-
ical. Although omitted (perhaps as not adapted
for publio reading in ohuroh) from the list of
canonical books in the Council of Laodicea, it was
admitted into the list of the Third Council of
Carthage, A. D. 397.
Such is the evidence in favor of St. John's
authorship and of the canonical authority of this
book. The following facts must be weighed on tor
other side.
MarcUn, who regarded all the Apostles except
St Paul as corrupters of tha truth, rejected the
Apocalypse aud all other books of the N. T. which
were not written by St. Paul The Aiogi, an
obscure sect, circa 180 A. D., in their seal against
Montanisiu, denied the existence of spiritual gifts
in the church, and rejected the Revelation, saying
it was the work, not of John, but of Cerinthus
(Kpiphanius, Adv. Hen: li.). The Roman presby-
ter Caius (oiroa 196 A. d.), who also wrote against
Mjntanism, is quoted by Kusebius (U. £. itt. 38)
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REVELATION OJf ST. JOHN
M ascribing nrUin Revelations to Cerinthus: but it
la doubted (see Kouth, JUL Sucr. ii. 138) whether
the Revelation of St. John is the book to which
Caius refers. But the testimony which is consid-
ered the most important of all in ancient times
against the Revelation is contained in a fragmeut
■A Dionysius of Alexandria, circa 240 K. D., the
most influential and perhaps the ablest bishop in
that age. The passage, taken from a book Oh (As
Prumuet, written in reply to Nepos, a learned
Judaizing Chiliast, is quoted by Eusebius (//. E.
vtt. 26). The principal poii.ta in it are these:
Diouysius testifies that some writers before him
altogether repudiated the Ke\ elation as a forgery
of Cerinthus; many brethren, however, prized it
wry highly, an i Dionysius would not venture to
reject it, but received it in faith as containing
things too deep and too sublime for his understand-
ing. [In his Epistle to Hermammon (Eueeb. H. E.
til. 10) he quotes it as he would quote Holy Scrip-
ture.] He accepts as true what la stated in the
book itself, that it was written by John, but be
argues that the way in which that name is men-
tioned, and the general character of the language,
are unlike what we should expect from John the
Evangelist and Apostle; that there were many
Johns in that age He would not say that John
Hark was the writer, since it is not known that he
was in Asia. He supposes it must be the work of
tome John who lived in Asia; and he observes
there are said to be two tombs in Ephesus, each of
which bears the name of John. He then points
out at length the superiority of the style of the
Gospel and the First Epistle of John to the style
of the Apocalypse, and says, in conclusion, that,
whatever he may think of the language, he does
not deny that the writer of the Apocalypse actually
saw what he describes, and was endowed with the
divine gifts of knowledge and prophecy. To this
extent, and no farther, Dionysius is a witness
against St. John's authorship. It is obvious that
he felt keenly the difficulty arising from the use
made of the contents of this book by certain un-
sound Christians under his jurisdiction; that he
was acquainted with the doubt at to its canonical
authority which tome of his predecessors entertained
at an inference from the nature of its contents;
that he deliberately rejected their doubt and ac-
cepted the contents of the book as given by the
inspiration of God ; that, although ha did not un-
derstand how St. John could write in the style in
which the Revelation it written, he yet knew of no
authority for attributing it, as he desired to at-
tribute it, to some other of the numerous persons
who bore the name of John. A weightier difficulty
arises from the fact that the Revelation is one of
the books which are absent from the ancient Pethito
<ersk>n ; and the only trustworthy evidence in favor
of its reception by the ancient Syrian Church it a
single quotation which it adduced from the Syriac
wmlu (ii. 832 c) of Ephrem Syrut. Eusebius Is
rhnarkably sparing in his quotations from the
■ Revelation of John," and the uncertainty of hit
opinion about it it best shown by hit statement in
H. E. Hi. 39, that « it is likely that the Revelation
fas teen by the second John (the Ephesian pres-
vyter), if wy one it unwilling to believe that it
kim seen ty the Apostle." Jerome states (Ep. ad
Ifrfdimum, etc.) that the Greek churches felt, with
respect to the Revelation, a similar doubt to tfca
of the Latins respecting the Epistle to the Hebretn,
Neither be nor his equally influential contemporary
Augustine shared such doubts. Cyril of Jerusalem.
Chrysostom, Theodore of Moot uestia, and Tbeodoret
abstained from making use of the book, sharing, it
it possible, the doubta to which Jerome refers. But
they have not gone so far as to express a distinct
opinion against it." The silence of these writers it
the latest evidence of any importance that has been
adduced against the overwhelming weight of the
testimony in favor of the canonical authority awl
authorship of this book.
B. Time and Place of Witmso. — Thedate
of the Revelation is given by the great majority of
critics at A. D. 96-97. The weighty testimony of
Ireneut it almost sufficient to prevent any other
conclusion. He says (Adv. liar. v. 30, § 8): "It
(i. e. the Revelation) was teen no very long time
tgo, but almost iu our own generation, at the dost
of Domitian's reign." Eusebius alto records as a
tradition which he does not question, that in the
persecution under Domitian, John the Apostle and
Evangelist, being yet alive, was banished to the
island Patmot for hit testimony of the divine word.
Allusions in Clement of Alexandria aud Origen
point in the same direction. There it no mention
in any writer of the first three centuries of any
other time or place. Epiphaniua (li- 12), obviously
by mistake, says that John prophesied in the reign
of Claudius. Two or three obscure and later au-
thorities say that John was banished under Nero.
Unsupported by any historical evidence, some
commentators have put forth the conjecture that
the Revelation was written at early as the time of
Nero. This is simply their inference from the style
and contents of the book. But it it difficult to tee
why St. John's old tge rendered it, a* they allege,
impossible for him to write hit inspired message
with force and vigor, or why his residence in
Ephesus must have removed the Hebraistic pecu-
liarities of hit Greek. It it difficult to see in tbt
passages i. 7, ii. V, iii. 9, vi. 12, 16, xi. 1, anything
which would lead necessarily to the couclutiou, that
Jerusalem was in a prosperous condition, and that
the predictions of it* fall had not been fulfilled
when those verses were written. A more weighty
argument in favor of an early date might be urged
from a modern interpretation of xvii. 10, if that
interpretation could be established. Galba it al-
leged to be the sixth king, the one that "is.'' In
Nero these interpreters see the Beast that was
wounded (xiii. 3), the Beast that was and it not,
the eighth king (xvii. 11). For some time after
Nero's death the Roman populace believed that he
was not dead, but had fled into the East, whence
he would return and regain his throne: and these
interpreters venture to suggest that the writer of
the Revelation shared and meant to express the
absurd popular delusion. Even the able and learned
Reust ( Tlieol Chrel. i. 443), by way of supporting
this interpretation, advances his untenable claim
to the first discovery of the name of Nero ubsst
in the number of the beast, 666. The inconsistency
of this interpretation with prophetic analogy, with
the context of Revelation, and with the fact that
the book is of divine origin, it pointed out by
Hengttenberg at the end of hit Commentary at
ch. xiii., and by Elliott, Hum Apoe. iv. 647-
a • This cannot properly be Hid of Cyril of J«ra- canonical ( dutch. Iv. 88, al. 23). See Wtttoto, Oats*
■lam (B. ». t>. 860), who clearly repudiates It ar DOt.rfUuN. T. pp. 898, 491 1 A.
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REVELATION OF ST. JOHN
It hat been Inferred from I. 3, 9. 10, that the
Revelation was written in Ephesus, immediately
■Iter the Apostle's return from Patmo*. But the
text b scarcely sufficient to support this conclusion.
The style in which the messages to the Seren
Churches are delivered rather suggests 'Jie notion
that the book was written in Patmoa.
C Lanouaok. — The doubt first suggested by
Harenberg, whether the Revelation was written in
Aramaic, has met with little or no reception. The
silence of all ancient writers as to any Aramaic
original is alone a sufficient answer to the sugsres-
tion. Lttcke (/•.into*. 441) has also collected in-
ternal evidence to show that the original is the
Greek of a Jewish Christian.
I.Qcke has also (pp. 448-464) examined in
minute detail, after the preceding labors of Donker-
Cortius, VogeL Winer, Ewald, Kolthoff, and Hit-
aig, the peculiarities of language which obviously
distinguish the Revelation from every other book of
the New Testament And in subsequent sections
(pp. 680-747) he urges with great force, the differ-
ence between the Revelation on one side and the
Smith Gospel and first Epistle on the other, in
respect of their style and composition and the
(Dental character and attainments of the writer of
each. Hengstenberg, in a dissertation appended to
his Commentary, maintains that they are by one
writer. That the anomalies and peculiarities of
the Revelation have been greatly exaggerated by
some critics, is sufficiently shown by Hitzig's
plausible and ingenious, though unsuccessful, at-
tempt to prove the identity of style and diction in
the Revelation and the Gospel of St. Mark. It may
be admitted that the Revelation has many surpris-
ing grammatical peculiarities. But much of this
is accounted for by the fact that it was probably
written down, as It was seen, " in the Spirit,"
whilst the ideas, in all then 1 novelty and vastness,
filled the Apostle's mind, and rendered him less
capable of attending to forms of speech. His
Gospel and Epistles, on the other hand, were com-
posed equally under divine influence, but an Influ-
ence of a gentler, more ordinary kind, with much
eare, after long deliberation, after frequent recol-
lection and recital of the facts, and deep ponder-
ing of the doctrinal truths which they involve.
D. Con IKK is. — The first three verses contain
the title of the book, the description of the writer,
and the blessing pronounced on the readers, which
possibly, like the last two verses of the fourth Gos-
pel, may be an addition by the hand of inspired
survivors of the writer. John begins (i. 4) with a
salutation of the Seven Churches of Asia. This,
coming before the announcement that he was in
the Spirit, looks like a dedication not merely of
the first vision, but of all the book, to those
ehurcbes. In the next five verses (1- W) be
touches the key-note of the whole following book,
the great fundamental ideas on which all our notions
of the government of the world and the Church
we built; the Person of Christ, the redemption
wrought by Him, his second coming to judge man-
find, the painful hopeful discipline of Christians
in the midst of this present world : thoughts which
may well be supposed to hare ueen uppermost in
the mind of the persecuted and exiled Apostle even
before the Divine Inspiration came on him.
a. The lint vision (i. 7-UL 89) shows the Son
ef Man with his injunction, or Epistles to the
■even Churches. While the Apostle Is pondering
Jtoss treat truths and the critical condition of his
2726
Church which he had left, a Divine Person nan
bling those seen by Eaekiel and Daniel, and iden
tified by name and by description as Jesus, appears
to John, and with the discriminating authority of a
Lord and Judge reviews the state of those churches,
pronounces his decision upon their several charac-
ters, and takes occasion from them to speak to all
Christians who may deserve similar encourage-
ment or similar condemnation. Each of these
sentences, spoken by the Son of Man, is described
as said by the Spirit. Hitherto the Apostle has
been speaking primarily, though not exclusively,
to some of his own contemporaries concerning
the present events and circumstances. Hei.ee-
fbrth he ceases to address them particularly. His
words are for the ear of the universal Church in
all ages, and show the significance of things which
are present in hope or fear, in sorrow or in joy, to
Christians everywhere.
b. (ir. 1-viii. 1). In the next vision, Patmoa
and the Divine Person whom he aaw are gone.
Only the trumpet voice is heard again calling him
to a change of place. He is in the highest court
cf heaven, and aees God sitting on his throne.
The seven-sealed book or roll is produced, and thu
slain Lamb, the Redeemer, receives it amid the
sound of universal adoration. As the seals are
opened in order, the Apostle sees (1) a conqueror
on a white horse, (2) a red horse betokening war,
(3) the black horse of famine, (4) the pale horse
of death, (5) the eager souls of martyrs under the
altar, (6) an earthquake with universal commotion
and terror. After this there is a pause, the course
of svenging angels Is checked while 144,000, the
children of Israel, servants of God, are sealed, and
an innumerable multitude of the redeemed of all
nations are seen worshipping God. Next (7) the
seventh seal is opened, and half an hour's silenos
in heaven ensues.
c Then (viii. 2-xl. 19) seven angels appear with
trumpets, the prayers of saints are offered up, the
earth is struck with fire from the altar, and the
■even trumpets are sounded. (1) The earth and
(9) the sea and (8) the springs of water and (4)
the heavenly bodies are successively smitten, (5) a
plague of locusts afflicts the men who are not
sealed (the first woe), (6) the third part of men
are slain (the second woe), but the rest are im-
penitent. Then there is a pause : a mighty angel
with a book appears and cries out, seven thunders
sound, but their words are not recorded, the ap-
proaching completion of the mystery of God is
announced, the angel bids the Apostle est the
book, and measure the Temple with its worshippers
and the outer court given up to the Gentiles; the
two witnesses of God, their martyrdom, resur-
rection, ascension, are foretold. The approach of
the third woe Is announced and (7) the seventh
trumpet is sounded, the reign of Christ is pro-
claimed, God has taken his great power, the time
has come for Judgment and for the destruction of
the destroyers of the earth.
The three preceding visions are distinct from one
another. Each of the last two, like the longer
one which follows, baa the appearance of a distinot
prophecy, reaching from the prophet's time to the
end of the world. The second half of the Revela-
tion (jii.-ixii.) comprises a series of visions which
are connected by various links. It may be de-
scribed generally as a prophecy of the assaults of
the dVl and his agents (= the dragon, the tan-
horned oesat, the two-homed beast or buss prophet
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2726
REVELATION OF ST. JOHK
led the harlot) upon the Church, and their final
abstraction. It appears to begin with a reference
to events anterior, not only to those which are pre-
dicted in the preceding chapter, but also to the
time in which it was written. It seems hard to
interpret the birth of the child as a prediction, and
not as a retrospective allusion.
d. A woman (xii.) clothed with the sun is seen
in heaven, and a great red dragon with seven
crowned heads stands waiting to devour her off-
spring; her child is caught up unto Cod, and the
mother flees into the wilderness for 1260 days.
The persecution of the woman and her seed on
earth by the dragon, is described ss the conse-
quence of a war in heaven in which the dragon
was overcome and cast out upon the earth.
St. John (xiii.) standing on the sea-shore sees a
beast with seven heads, one wounded, with ten
crowned horns, rising from the water, the repre-
sentative of the dragon. All the world wonder at
and worship him, and he attacks the saints and
prevails. He is followed by another two-homed
beast rising out of the earth, who compels men to
wear the mark of the beast, whose number is
•86.
St. John (xiv.) sees the Lamb with 1*4,000
standing on Mount Zion learning the song of praise
of the heavenly host. Three angels fly forth call-
ing men to worship God, proclaiming the fid 1 , of
Babylon, denouncing the worshippers of the bcwt-
A blessing is pronounced on the faithful dead, and
the judgment of the world is described under the
image of a harvest reaped by angels.
St. John (xv. t xvi.) sees in heaven the saints
who had overcome the beast, singing the song of
Moses and the Lamb. Then seven angels come out
of the heavenly temple having seven vials of wrath
which they pour out upon the earth, sea, rivers,
sun, the seat of the beast, Euphrates, and the air,
after which there is a great earthquake and a hail-
storm.
One (ivii., xviii.) of the last seven angels carries
St. John into the wilderness and shows him a har-
lot, Babylon, sitting on a scarlet beast with seven
beads and ten horns. She is explained to be that
great city, sitting upon seven mountains, reigning
over the kings of the earth. Afterwards St. John
sees a vision of the destruction of Babylon, por-
trayed as the burning of a great city amid the
lamentations of worldly men and the rejoicing of
skints.
Afterwards (xix.) the worshippers in heaven are
beard celebrating Babylon's fall and the approach-
ing marriage-supper of the Lamb. The Word of
(jod is seen going forth to war at the bead of the
heavenly armies: the beast and bis false prophet
are taken and cast into the burning lake, and
their worshippers are slain.
An angel (xx.-xxii. 5) binds the dragon, i. e. the
devil, for 1000 years, whilst the martyred saints
who had not worshipped the beast reign with Christ.
Then the devil is unloosed, gathers a host against
the camp of the saints, but is overcome by fire
bom heaven, and is cast into the burning lake with
the beast and false prophet. St. John then wit-
nesses the process of the final judgment, and sees
and describes the new heaven and the new earth,
and the new Jerusalem, with its people and their
way of life.
In the last sixteen verses (xxii. 6-21 ) the angel
solemnly asseverates the truthfulness and impor-
Inras of the foregoing sayings, pronounces a bless-
ing on those who keep them exactly, gives warn-
ing of his speedy coming to judgment, and nf tbt
nearness of the time when these prophecies aha!
be fulfilled.
E. Interpretation. — A abort account of the
different directions in which attempts have been
made to interpret the Revelation, is all that can be
given in this place. The special blessing promised
to the reader of this book (i. 3), the assistance tn
common Christian experience afforded by its pre-
cepts and by some of its visions, the striking im-
agery of others, the tempting field which it supplies
for intellectual exercise, will always attract students
to this book and secure for it the labors of many
commentators. Ebrard reckons that not less than
eighty systematic commentaries are worthy of note-
and states that the leas valuable writings on this
inexhaustible subject are unnumbered, if not innu-
merable. Fanaticism, theological hatred, and vain
curiosity, may have largely influenced their com-
position ; but any one who will compare the neces-
sarily inadequate, and sometimes erroneous, exposi-
tion of early times with a good modern commen-
tary will see that the pious ingenu:'./ of so many
centuries has not been exerted quite in vain.
The interval between the Apostolic sge and that
of Constantine has been called the Chiliastic period
of Apocalyptic interpretation. The visions of St.
John were chiefly regarded as representations of
general Christian truths, scarcely yet embodied in
actual facts, for the most part to be exemplified or
fulfilled in the reign of Antichrist, the coming of
Christ, the millennium, and the day of judgment.
The fresh hopes of the early Christians, sod the
severe persecution they endured, taught them to
live in those future events with Intense satisfaction
and comfort. They did not entertain the thought
of building up a definite consecutive chronological
scheme even of those symbols which some modems
regard as then already fulfilled ; although from the
beginning a connection between Itome and Anti-
christ was universally allowed, and parts of the
Revelation were regarded as the filling-up of the
great outline sketched by Daniel and St. Paul.
The only extant systematic interpretations in
this period are the interpolated Commentary on
the Revelation by the martyr Victorinns, eirc. 470
A. D. (BiltlioUieci Patrum Mnxiina, iii. 414, and
Migne's Patrokgia Latino, v. 318; the two edi-
tions should be compared), and the disputed Trea-
tise on Antichrist by Hippolytus (Migne's Pabv-
hyia (Jraat, x. 726). But the prevalent views of
that age are to be gathered also from a passage in
Justin Martyr (Trypko, 80, 81), from the later
books, especially the fifth, of Irenaeus, and from
various scattered passages in Tertullian, Origen.
and Methodius. The general anticipation of the
lost days of the world in Lactantius, vii. 14-26.
has little direct reference to the Revelation.
Immediately after the triumph of Cunstantine,
the Christians, emancipated from oppression and
persecution, and dominant and prosperous in their
turn, began to lose their vivid expectation of out
Lord's speedy Advent, and their spiritual concep-
tion of his kingdom, snd to look upon the tem-
poral supremacy of Christianity as a fulfillment <£
the promised reign of Christ on earth. The Ro-
man empire become Christian was regarded n»
longer as the object of prophetic denunciation, but
as the scene of a millennial development- This vi»w
however, was soon met by the figurative interpre-
tation of the millennium as the reign ol Chri<t b
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REVELATION OF ST. JOH1T
2r27
I of all true believers. At the barhwos
heretical inraden of the falling empire ap-
", the; were regarded bj the suffering Chris-
tians as fulfilling the woes denounced in the Reve-
lation. The beginning of a regular chronological
interpretation is seen in Berengaud (assigned by
same entice to the 9th century), who treated the
Revelation as a history of the Church from the
beginning of the world to its end. And the origi-
nal Commentary of the Abbot Joachim is remark-
able, not only for a farther development of that
method of interpretation, but for the scarcely dis-
guised identification of Babylon with Papal Rome,
and of the second Beast or Antichrist with some
Universal Pontiff.
The ohief commentaries belonging to this period
are that which is ascribed to Ticbonius, circ. 890
A. »., printed in the works of St Augustine; Pri-
maaiua, of Adrumetum in Africa, A. D. 650, in
Higne's Pati-ologia Latino, lxviii. 1406; Andreas
of Crete, drc. 650 A. d., Arethas of Cappadocia
and (Ecumeaios of Theetaly in the 10th century,
whose commentaries were published together in
Cramer's Catena, Oxon., 1840; the Kxpbtnalio
Apoc. in the works of Bade, A. D. 735; the Expo-
olio of Berengaud, printed in the works of Am-
brose; the Commentary of Haymo, A. D. 853, first
pnblished at Cologne in 1531; a short Treatise on
the Scab by Ansebn, bishop of Havilberg, A. D.
1146, printed in D'Achery's Spicileyium, i. 161;
the Expod'io of Abbot Joachim of Calabria, A. D.
13U0, printed at Venice in 1587.
In the dawn of the Reformation, the views to
which the reputation of Abbot Joachim gave cur-
rency, were taken up by the harbingers of the im-
pending change, as by Wicklifie and others; and
they became the foundation of that great historical
school of interpretation, which up to this time
Hems the most popular of all. It is impossible to
xmstruet an exact classification of modern inter-
preters of the Revelation. They are generally
placed in three great divisions.
a. The Historical or Continuous expositors, in
whose opinion the Revelation is a progressive his-
tory of the fortunes of the Church from the first
century to the end of time. The chief supporters
af this most interesting interpretation are Mede,
Sir I. Newton, Vitringa, Bengel, Woodbouse, Fa-
aer, E. B. Elliott, Wordsworth, Hengitenberg,
Ebrard, and others. The recent commentary of
l>ean Alford belongs mainly to this school.
b. The Pneterist expositors, who are of opinion
thai the Revelation has been almost, or altogether,
Ufilled in the time which has passed since it was
written ; that it refers principally to the triumph
af Christianity over Judaism and Paganism, sig-
nalized in the downfall of Jerusalem and of Rome.
The most eminent expounders of this view are
Alcaear, Grotius, Hammond, Bossuet, Calmet, Wet-
stein. Eichhorn, Hug, Herder, Ewald, Micke, De
Wette, Diisterdieck, Stuart, Ijre, and Maurice.
This is the ctvorite interpretation with the critics
of Germany, one of whom goes so far as tu state
that the writer of the Revelation promised the
fulfillment of his visions within the space of
three years and a half from the time in which he
e. The Futcrist expositors, whose views show a
mrong reaction against some extravagancies of the
wo preceding schools. They believe that the whole
took, excepting perhsps the first three chapters,
veers principally, if not exclusively, to events which
are yet to come. This view, which b asserted te
be merely a revival of the primitive interpretation,
has been advocated in recent times by Dr. J. H.
Todd Dr. 8. R. Maitland, B. Newton, C. Maitland,
I. Williams, De Burgh, and others.
Each of these three schemes b open to objec-
tion. Against the Futurist it b argued, that it is
not consistent with the repeated declarations of a
speedy fulfillment at the beginning and end of the
book itself (see eh. 1. 8, xxii. 6, 7, 12, 90). Chris-
tians, to whom it was originally addressed, would
have derived no special comfort from it, had its
fulfillment been altogether deferred for so many
centuries. The rigidly literal Interpretation of
Babylon, the Jewish tribes, and other symbob
which generally forms a part of Futurist schemes,
presents peculiar difficulties.
Against the Pneterist expositors it is urged, tha-
prophecies fulfilled ought to be rendered so pa-
spicuoua to the general sense of the Church as to
supply an argument against infidelity; that the
destruction of Jerusalem, having occurred twenty-
five years previously, could not occupy a large
space in a prophecy.: that the supposed predictions
of the downfalls of Jerusalem and of Nero appear
from the context to refer to one event, but are by
this scheme separated, and, moreover, placed in a
wrong order; that the mesniring of the temple
and the altar, and the death of the two witnussw
(eh. si.), cannot be explained eonsbtently with tat
con taxi.
Against the Historical scheme it b urged, uiat
its advocates differ very widely among themselves;
that they assume without any authority that the
1360 days are so many years; that several of iti
applications — e. y. of the symbol of the ten-horned
beast to the Popes, and the sixth seal to the con-
version of Constantine — are inconsistent with the
context; that attempts by some of this school to
predict future events by the help of Revelation have
ended in repeated failures.
In conclusion, it qiey be stated that two method!
have been proposed by which the student of th«
Revelation niay escape the incongruities and falls-
ciea of the different interpretations, whilst he nisi
derive edification from whatever truth they contain.
It has been suggested that the book may be re-
garded as a prophetic poem, dealing in general and
inexact descriptions, much of which may be set
down as poetic imagery, mere embellishment. But
such a view would be difficult to reconcile with the
belief that the book b an inspired prophecy. A
better suggestion u made, or rather b revived, by
Dr. Arnold in hu Sermons On Ike Interpretation
of Prnphecy: that we should bear in mind that
predictions have a lower historical sense, as well as
a higher spiritual sense; that there may be one Of
more than one typical, imperfect, historical fulfill-
ment of a prophecy, in each of which the higher
spiritual fulfillment b shadowed forth more or lees
distinctly. Mr. Elliott, iu hb Harm Apocnlypiiom,
iv. 622, argues against thb principle; but perhaps
not successfully. The recognition of it would pave
the way for the acceptance in a modified sense of
many of the interpretations of the Historical school,
I and would not exclude the most valuable portiom
i of the other schemes. W. T. B.
I * literature. The most valuable Introdneuoa
I to the Apocalypse is LUcke'a KersucA emer toUttm-
\digen KM. in die Offcnb. d. Jchannet (1833),
, 2d ed., greatly enlarged, 2 Abth., Bonn, 185*.
1 Besides the Commentaries (a few of which will be
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2728 REVELATION OF ST. JOHN
■•cottoned below), and the generml Introduction! to
the N. T., m those of Hug, Schott, De Wette,
Credner, Guericke, Reus (see also his art. Johan.
Apok. in Eraefa and G ruber's Atlyem. Encyklop.
Sect II. Bd. xxii. (1842) p. 79 ff.), Bleek, and Da-
vidson, the following are some of the more notice-
able essays on tbe antborahip, date, and plan of the
book: A Discourse, Historical and Critical, on the
Revelations ascribed to SL John (by F. Abaurit),
Lend. 1730; also, in a different trans., in his Mis-
cellanies (Loud. 1774). This was reviewed bj L.
Twells, in his CriL Examination of the Late New
Test and Version of the N. T., m Greek and
English [Mace's], Lond. 1732, trans, in part by
Wolf in his dura PhiloL el CriL v. 387 ff. (Basil.
1741 ). (G. L. Oeder, ) Frde Unlers. Ob. die sogen.
Offenb. Joh., mil Anm. von Sender, Halle, 1769.
Bemler, Jfeue Caters, ib. d. Apok., Halle, 1776.
(F. O. Hartwig,) ApoL d. Apok. wider falschen
Tadel u. falsches Lob, 4 Thle., Chemn. 1780-83.
G. a Storr, Neue Apol. d. Qffenb, Joh., Tub. 1782.
Donker-Curtius, De Apoc ah Indole, DocL el
tcribendi Genere Joamds AposL non abhorrente,
"Uraj. 1799. Bleek, BeitrSge ear KriL u. Deu-
tcny d. Qffenb. Joh., In the TheoL Zeitschr. of
Bchlciennscher, De Wette and Liicke, Heft 2 (Berl.
1820); comp. his BeitrSge zur Evangelien-Kritik
(1846 ), p. 182 ff., 267 ff., and his review of Liicke in
the TheoL Stud. u. KriL, 1854, Heft 4, and 1856,
Heft. 1. Kolthoff, Apoc joantti AposL rindUata,
Ham. 1834. Dannemann, Wer ill der Verfasser
d. Offenb. Johamist Hannov. 1841. Hitzig,
Ueber Johannes Marcus u. seine Sehriften, oder
welcher Johannes hat die Qffenb. verfasst t Ziir.
1843. Neander, Planting and Training of the
Christian Church, p. 365 ff., Robinson's trans.,
N. Y. 1865. W. F. Rinck, ApoknlypL For-
schungen, Zur. 1863. E. Boehraer, Verfasser «.
Abfassungsuit d. Joh. Apoc., Halle, 1856. 6. R.
Nores, The Apocalypse analysed and explained,
in the Christ Examiner for Hay 1860, reprinted
in the Journal of Sac Lit. for Oct. 1860. The
Apocalypse, in the Westm. Ret. for Oct. 1861.
(8. Davidson,) The Apocalypse of SL John, in tbe
National Rev. for April 1864; substantially tbe
same as bis art. Revelation in the 3d ed. of Kitto's
Cyclop, of BibL Lit. R. D. C. Robbins, The
Author of the Apocalypse, In the BUM. Sacra for
AprU and July, 1864. Alb. Renlle, La tiL apoc-
alypHque chez lesjuifs et lee Chretiens, In the Rev.
ies Deux Mondet for Oct. 1, 1866. B. Weiss,
Apokatypasche Studien, in TheoL Stud. u. Krit.
I860, pp. 1-69, cf. p. 768 ff.
Of the multitudinous Commentaries on this tor-
tured book only a few of the more remarkable can
he named here. The history of tbe interpretation
is given in detail by Liicke (p. 951 ff.) and after
him by Stuart (i. 450 ff.); comp. the outline in
De Wette (Etceg. Handb.). Jos. Mede, Clam
Apocalyptka and Comas, in Apoc (1627, 1632), in
his Works, vol. U. Grotius, AmoL in N. T., Par.
1644, often reprinted. Bossuet, L'Apoc. arte me
explication. Par. 1690. Vitringa, Amutpum Apoc.
(1705), ed. ait., Amst 1719, 4to. Daubuz, Per-
petual Comm. rn the Rev. o/° SL John, Land. 1720,
fol. Sir Is. Newton, Obs. upon the Proph. of
Daniel and Me Apoc of SL John, Lond. 1733, 4to.
bowman, Paraphrase and Notes on the Ret., Lond.
1737, 4to, often reprinted. BengeL Erklarle Of-
REZEPH
fenb. Johamit, Stuttg. 1740, 3* Anft. 17H;
comp. his Gnomon. Herder, MAP AN ASA. Das
Buck von d. Zukunfl dee Herrn, Riga, 1779
Eichborn, Comm. in Apoc., 2 torn, Gott. 1791 -
comp. Christian Disciple (Host) for April, 1899
and Christ Examiner, Hay, 1830. J. C. Wood-
house, The Apoc translated, with Notes, Lond
1805 ; also Annotations on the Apoc (a sequel tc
EWey and Slade). Lond. 1828. Heinricha, Comm.
in Apoc 2 pt Gott 1818-21 (vol. z. of the Test.
Nov. Edit. Kopp.). Ewald, Comm. an Apoe. exe-
geticus et criticus, Gott. 1828; Die Johaneuischeu
Sehriften iters, u. erklart, Bd. ii. Gott. 1869.
(Important.) Ziillig, Die Offenb. Joh, voOstandig
erklart, 2 Thle., Stuttg. 1834-40. Tinina, Die
Offenb. Joh, durth EinL, Vebers. u. ErkL Allen
verstandlich gemackt, Leipx. 1839. E. B. Elliott,
Bora Apocalypticcs (1843), 6th ed., 4 vols. Lond.
1862. Hoses Stuart, Comm. on the Apocalypse, 9
vols. Andover, 1845, also reprinted in England;
perhaps his most elaborate work. De Wette, Kurt*
ErkL d. Offenb. Joh., Leipz. 1848 (Bd. iii. Tfa. 9
of his Exeg. Bandb.), 3« Aufl., bearb. von W
Hoeller, 1862. Hengstenberg, Die Qffenb. d. heil
Joh., 2 Bde. Beri. 1849, 2« Ausg. 1861-62, trans.
by P. Fairbairn, Edin. 1851. Ebrard, Die Offenb.
Joh. erklart, Kiinigsb. 1853 (Bd. vii. of Olshan-
sen's BibL Comm.). Auberlen, Der Proph. Dan-
iel u. die Offenb. Juh., Bus. 1854, 2* Aufl. 1867,
Eng. trans. Edin. 1856. Diisterdieck, Krit exeg.
Handb. ib. d. Offenb. Joh., Gtti. 1859, 2» Aufl.
1865 (Abth. zvi. of Meyer's Kommentar). F. D.
Maurice, Lectures on Uie Apoc, Cambr. 1861.
Bleek, Vorlesungen wber die Apok, Beri. 1869.
Volkmar, Comm. turn Offenb. Joh*, Ziir. 1862.
Desprez, The Apoc. fulfilled, new ed., Lond. 1865.
We may also name the editions of tbe Greek Test.
by Bloomfield, Webster and Wilkinson, Alford, and
Wordsworth, who has also published a separate ex-
position of the book. See further the literature
under Ahticiikist.
Critical editions of the Greek text, with a new
English version and various readings, have been
published by Dr. S. P. TregeUes (Lond. 1844)
and William Kelly (Lond. 1860), followed by his
Lectures on the Apoc (Lond. 1861). The Second
Epistle of Peter, the Epistles of John and Judas,
and the Revelation : trans, from the Greek, with
Notes, New York (Amer. Bible Union), 1864,
4to, was prepared by tbe late Rev. John LUlie,
D. D.
On the theology of tbe Apocalypse, one may
consult the works on Biblical Theology by Lutter-
beck, Reuss, Hessner, Lechler, Schmid, Baur, and
Beyschlag, referred to under John, Gospel of,
vol. U. p. 1439 a, and the recent work of B. Weiss.
BibL TheoL des N. T., Beri. 1868, p. 600 ff.
A.
KE'ZEPH (*\%1 [stronghold, Flint]: 4,
[fsuplt, Vat] •po*«f», and tapM;" [Comp.
'Poo-la), fatrtfi ; Sin. in Is. Popes:] Resepf r
One of the places which Sennacherib mentions, in
his taunting message to Hezekiah, as having been
destroyed by his predecessor (2 K. xix. 12; la,
xxxvii. 12). He couples it with Haran and other
well-known Hesopotamian spots. The name is
still a common one, Yakut's Lexicon quoting nine
towns so called. Interpreters, however, are at va-
» Tha Akx. MS. exhibit! the sum forms of the
aaae as the Vat ; but hi a cartons eoinetaenos hi'
tarchangsd, uaaariy, P«*<« In 2 Kings, P«eW br
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BEZIA
dance b e t wee n the principal two of then. The
one U a day's march west of the Euphrates, on
the road from Rneen to HSmt (Gesenius, Keil,
Tbenius, Michaehs, SuppL); the other, again. Is
east of the Euphrates, near Bagdad (Hitxig). The
former is mentioned by Ptolemy (v. 15) under the
name of *Pi)«-<ta)a, and appear*, in the present im-
perfect state of our Meonpotamian knowledge, to
be the more feasible of the two. G.
RE'ZIA (HJ?1 [dtligH]: 'Poo-iii [Vat.
Parna:] Krui). An Asherite. of the sons of
Ulut (1 t'hr. vii. 38).
RE'ZIN (f*?~\ [perh. stable, firm, or prinet,
oes.]: 'Paaaotiv, 'Poffi'r, ['Poo-Im, faaaiw. Vat
in b. Pocmv, fatrtin, ¥<urvwr\ Sin. in Is. Pooo-
ow; Alex. Paoao-atr, exc Is. vii. 8, Pcurttv]
Siui*). 1. A king of Damascus, contemporary
with Pekah in Israel, and with Jotham and Ahaz
in Judasa. The policy of Rezin seems to have been
to ally himself closely with the kingdom of Israel,
and, thus strengthened, to carry on constant war
against the kings of Judah. He attacked Jotham
during the latter part of his reign (2 K. xr. 37);
but his chief war was with Ahax, whose territories
be invaded, in company with Pekah, soon after
Ahax bad mounted the throne (about n. c. 741).
The combined army laid siege to Jerusalem, where
Ahax was, but " could not prevail against it " (Is.
vii. 1; IK. xvi. 6). Rezin, however, " recovered
Bath to Syria" (2 K. xvi. 6); that is, he con-
quered and held possession of the celebrated town
of that name at the head of the Gulf of Akabah,
which commanded one of the most important lines
of trade in the East. Soon after this he was
attacked by Tiglath-Pileser II., king of Assyria, to
whom Ahax in his distress had made application ;
his armies were defeated by the Assyrian hosts; his
city besieged aud taken; his people carried away
captive into Susiana ( ? Kin) ; and be himself slain
(2 K. xvi. 9; compare Tiglath-Pileser' s own in-
scriptions, where the defeat of Rezin and the de-
struction of Damascus are distinctly mentioned).
This treatment was probably owing to his being re-
garded as a rebel; since Damascus had been taken
and hud under tribute by the Assyrians some
time previously (Rawlinson's Herodottu, i. 467).
G. R.
2. [TaveV ; in Neh., Rom. 'P<ur<r<»V, FA.
Paxrvr.J One of the families of the Nethinim
(Ear. ii. 48; Neh. vii. 40). It furnishes another
example of the occurrence of non-Israelite names
amongst them, which is already noticed under M«-
hunim [lii. 187S, note a; and sea Sisera]. In 1
Esdr. the name appears as Daiaan, in which the
change from R to D seems to imply that 1 Esdras
at one time existed in Syriae or some other Semitic
anguage. G.
REZON Cl'lTI [prince]: [Rom. om.; Vat]
'Effrnty. Alex. Pa(o>r: Bourn). The son of Eli-
sdah, a Syrian, who, when David defeated Hadad-
exar king of Zobsh, put himself at the head of a
hand of freebooters and set up a petty kingdom at
Damascus (1 K. xi. S3). Whether he was an
officer of Hadadezer, who, foreseeing the destruc-
tion which David would inflict, prudently escaped
with some followers; or whether he gathered his
hand of the remnant of those who survived the
aanigntir, does not appear. The latter is more
(datable. The settlement of Rezon at itanascus
scold oat have bean till some time after the dis-
178 •
RHEGIUM
2729
estrone battle In which the power of Hsdsdesst
wsa broken, for we are told that David at the same
time defeated the army of Damascene Syrians who
came to the relief of Hadadezer, and put garrisons
in Damascus. From his position at Damascus he
harassed the kingdom of Solomon during his whole
reign. With regard to the statement of Nicoiaus
in the 4th book of his History, quoted hy Josephus
(Ant. vii. S, $ 2), there is less difficulty, as there
seems to be no reason for attributing to it any
historical authority. He says that the name of
the king of Damascus, whom David defeated, was
Hadad, and that his descendants and successors
took the same name for ten generations. If this
be true, Rezon was a usurper, but the origin of the
story is probably the confused account of the LXX.
In the Vatican MS. of the LXX. the account of
Kenm is inserted in ver. 14 in close connection
with Hadsd, and on this Josephus appears to have
founded his story that Hadad, on leaving Egypt,
endeavored without success to excite ldumea to
revolt, and then went to Syria, where he Joined
himself with Rezon, called by Josephus Kaazarus,
who at the head of a band of robbers was plunder-
ing the country (Ant. viii. 7, § 6). It wsa Hadad
and not Rezon, according to the account in Jose-
phus, who established himself king of that part
of Syria, and made inroads upon the Israelites.
Iu 1 K. xv. 18, Denhadad, kbig of Damascus in
the reign of Asa, is described ss the grandson of
Hezion. and from the resemblance between the
names Kezon and Hezion, when written in Hebrew
characters, it has been suggested that the latter is
a corrupt reading for the former. For this sug-
gestion, however, there does not appear to be suffi-
cient ground, though it was adopted both by Sir
John Harsham (Citron. Can. p. 346) and Sir Isaac
Newton (CAronoi p. 221). Bunsen (Bidelaerk, I.
cclxxi.) makes Hezion contemporary with Rehcv
boam, and probably a grandson of Rezon. The
name is Aramaic, and Ewald compares It with
Rezin. W. A. W.
RHE'GIUM (tiytoy: Rhegnm). The men-
tion of this Italian town (which was situated on
the Bruttian coast, just at the southern entrance
of the straits of Messina) occurs quite incidentally
(Acta xxviii. 13) in the account of St. Paul's
voyage from Syracuse to Puteoli, after the ship-
wreck at Malta. But, for two reasons, it is wettfcy
of careful attention. By a curious coincidence the
figures on its coins are the very " twin-brothers "
which gave the name to St. Paul's ship. Sea
(attached to the article Castor and Pollux) the
coin of Bruttii, which doubtless represents the
forms that were painted or sculptured on the vessel
And, again, the notice of the intermediate position
of Rhegium, the waiting there for a southerly wind
to carry the ship through the straits, the run to
Puteoli with such a wind within the twenty-four
hours, are all points of geographical accuracy which
help us to realize the narrative. As- to the history
of the place, it was originally a Greek colony: it
wss miserably destroyed by Dionysiua of Syracuse:
from Augustus it received advantages which com-
bined with its geographical position, in ""**"% it
important throughout the duration of the Roman
empire: it was prominently associated, in the
Middle Ages, with the varied fortunes of the Greek
emperors, the Saracens, and the Romans: and
still the modern Rtggio is a town of 10,000 in-
habitants. IU distance across the straits from
Messina is only about six miles, and. it hi wall asaa
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J
2730 RHESA
from the telegraph station abort that Sicilian
town." J. S. H.
SHE'S A CPrttrd: Beta), son of Zorobabel in
the genealogy of Christ (Luke Ui. 27). Lord A.
Hervey has ingeniously conjectured that Rhea* ia
no person, bat merely the title Roth, i. e. " Prince,"
originally attached to the name of Zerubbabel, and
gradually introduced as an independent name into
the genealogy. He thus removes an important ob-
stacle to the reconciliation of the pedigrees in Mat-
thew and Luke (Henrey's Geneahi/iet, etc. pp. Ill,
114, 358-360). [Genealogy or Jesus Christ,
i. 886 a; Zerubbabeu] G.
RHO'DA CP<»q [roM-otuA]: Rhode), lit.
Rote, the name of a maid who announced Peter's
arrival at the door of Mary's house after his mirac-
ulous release from prison (Acta xii. 13). [Por-
ter.]
RHODES (Titos [rose]: Rhodut). The his-
tory of this island is so illustrious, that it is inter-
esting to see it connected, even in a small degree,
with the life of St. Paul. He touched there on his
return-voyage to Syria from the third misssionary
journey (Acts xxi. 1). It does not appear that he
landed from the ship. The day before he had been
at Cos, an island to the N. W. ; and from Rhodes
be proceeded eastwards to Patara in Lycia. It
seems, from all the circumstances of the narrative,
that the wind was blowing from the N. W., as it
very often does in that part of the Levant Rhodes
is immediately opposite the high Cnrian and Lycian
headlands at the S. W. extremity of the peninsula
of Asia Minor. Its position has had much to do
with its history. The outline of that history is as
follows. Its real eminence began (about 400 R. c.)
with the founding of thai city at the N. E. extrem-
ity of the island, which still continues to be the
capital. Though the Dorian race was originally
and firmly established here, yet Rhodes was very
frequently dependent on others, between the Pelo-
ponnesian war and the time of Alexander's cam-
paign. After Alexander's death it entered on a
glorious period, its material prosperity being largely
developed, and its institutions deserving and obtain-
ing general esteem. As we approach the time of
the consolidation of the Roman power in the Le-
vant, we hare a notice of Jewish residents in Rhodes
(1 Mace. xv. 23). The Romans, after the defeat of
Antiochus, assigned, during some time, to Rhodes
certain districts on the mainland [Caria; Lycia];
and when these were withdrawn, upon more mature
provincial arrangements being mode, the island still
enjoyed (from Augustus to Vespasian) a consider-
able amount of independence-* It is in this inter-
val that St. Paul was there. Its Byzantine history
is again eminent. Under Constantine it was the
metropolis of the " Province of the Islands." It
was the last place where the Christians of the East
held out against the advancing Saracens; and sub-
sequently it was once more famous as the borne and
RIBLAH
fortress of the Knights of St. John. Tbesaiet jfssaV
inent remains of the city and harbt r are meaaoriak
of those knights. The "best account of Rhodes will
be found in Ross, Reitcn aufden tiriech. Itutht,
iii. 70-113, and Reiten naeh Km, Halikamatfot,
Rhodot, etc., pp. 53-80. There is a good view, as
well as an accurate delineation of the coast, in the
English Admiralty Chart No. 1639. Perhaps the
best illustration we can adduce here is one of the
early coins of Rhodes, with the conventional rose-
flower, which bore the name of the island on one
side, and the bead of Apollo, radiated like the sun,
on the other. It was a proverb that the sun shoes
every day in Rhodes. J. S. H.
a * Kegfio Is In fall view from tbe harbor of Mes-
sina. The Apostle passed there In winter, probably in
February (as Luke's notations of time Indicate), and
at that season he must have seen the mountains, both
of Sicily and of the mainland, covered with mow.
The name is from p^ywfu, to brink or bvrtt through,
as If the sea had there torn eff Sicily from the con-
ttBsnt Sea Pape'a WllrUrt. /in Oritch. Bigmnamm,
s. v. H.
* Two Incidents In the Ufa of Herod the Gnat oon-
I wish .Shades, are *«U -worthy of mention hare
Can of anodes.
RHOD'OCTJ8 (TMiWoj: Rhodoau). A Jew
who betrayed the plans of his countrymen to Anti-
ochus Eupator. His treason was discovered, and
he was placed in confinement (9 Mace. xiii. 81).
B.F.W.
RHOTDTJS Cp&oi: Rktdut), 1 Mace. xv. 83
[Rhodes.]
RIUAI [2 syl.] 03*1 \vhom Jehovah de-
fault] : 'Pi/3d [Vat Pt,$a] in Sam., r,$,4; Alex.
Pnfru [FA. Pa/Jeiai] inChr.: Ribat). The father
of Ittai the Benjamite of Gibeah, who was one of
David's mighty men (2 Sam. xxiii. 99 ; 1 Chr. xi.
31).
• RIBBAND. [Lace.]
RIBXAH, L (nbann, with the definite
article [ftrtilily]: BnAd* in both MSS.: Rtbla).
One of the landmarks on the eastern boundary of
tbe land of Israel, as specified by Moses (Nam.
xxxir. 11). Its position is noted in this passage
with much precision. It was immediately between
Shepham and the sea of Cinnereth, and on the
" east side of the spring." Unfortunately Shqham
has not yet been identified, and which of the great
fountains of northern Palestine is intended by " the
spring " is uncertain. It seems hardly possible,
without entirely disarranging the specification of
the boundary, that the Riblah in question can be
tbe same with the " Riblah in the land of Hamath "
which is mentioned at a much later period of the
history. For, according to this passage, a great
distance must necessarily have intervened between
Riblah and Hamath. This will be evident from ■
mere enumeration of the landmarks.
1. The north boundary: The Mediterranean,
When he went to Italy, about the close of the last Re-
publican struggle, he found that the city had snffcnrd
much from Cassias, and gave liberal sums to restore it
(Joseph. Ant. xlv. 14, } 8). Hera, also, after the bat-
tle of Aetlum, he met Augustus and secured his favor
(ibid. xv. 6, | 6).
e Originally It appears to have stood As0mA«° ; bat
the 'A*i has now attached Itself to the preceding aaast
— S«nrf«i««». Can this be the Aaaau of 1 Mas*
ts.lt
Digitized by CjOOQIC
RIBLAH
Mount Hot, the entrance of Hamath. Zedad, Ziph-
ron, Hazar-enan.
2. The eastern boundary commenced from Ha-
sar-enan, turning soutt : Shepham, Kiblah, passing
east of the spring, to east side of Sea of Galilee.
Now it seems impossible that Kiblah can be in the
land of Hamath ," seeing that four landmarks occur
between them. Add to this its apparent proximity
to the Sea of Galilee.
The early Jewish interpreters have felt the force
of this. Confused as is the catalogue of the boun-
dary in the Targum Pseudojonathan of Num. xxxiv.,
It is plain that the author of that version considers
" the spring " as the spring of Jordan at Bnnint,
and Kiblah, therefore, as a place near it. With
this agrees Parcbi, the Jewish traveller in the 13th
and 14th centuries, who expressly discriminates be-
tween the two (see the extracts in Zunz's Benja-
min, ii. 418), and in our own day J. D. Michaelis
(Bibti fir UngtUhrten ; Suppl. ad Aezica, No.
2313), and Bonfrerius, the learned editor of Euse-
bius's Onommtiam.
No place bearing the name of Riblah has been
yet discovered in the neighborhood of Banias.
2. Riblah in the land of Hamath (nbljn, once
n,nb?~), i. «. Ribtathah: »A<0Aa0S in both
MSS.;'[Rom. in 2 K. xxiii. 33, 'PafiKaAp, xxv.
6, 21, 22. 'P.flAaftf :] Rebiatka). A place on the
great road between Palestine and babylonia, at
which the kings of Babylonia were accustomed to
remain while directing the operations of their ar-
mies in Palestine and Phoenicia. Here Nebuchad-
nezzar waited while the sieges of Jerusalem and of
Tyre were being conducted by his lieutenants:
hither were brought to him the wretched king of
Judsse, and his sons, and after a tune a selection
from all ranks and conditions of the conquered city,
who were put to death, doubtless by the horrible
death of impaling, which the Assyrians practiced,
and the long lines of the victims to which are still
to be seen on their monuments (Jer. xxxix. 5, 6,
lii. 9, 10, 26, 27; 2 K. xxv. 6, 20, 21). In like
manner Pharaoh-Necho, after his successful victory
over the Babylonians at Carchemish, returned to
Riblah and summoned Jehoahu from Jerusalem
before him (2 K. xxiii. 33).
This Kiblah has no doubt been discovered, still
retaining its ancient name, on the right (east)
bank of the tt-Asy (Orontes), upon the great road
»hich connects Binlbek and //urns, about 35 miles
N. R. of the former and 20 miles S. W. of the latter
peace. The advantages of its position for the en-
campment of vast hosts, such as those of Egypt and
Babylon, are enumerated by Dr. Kobinson, who vis-
ited it in 1852 (BiU. Ret. iii. 545). He describes
it s* '* lying on the hanks of a mountain stream in
Use midst of a vast and fertile plain yielding the
moat abundant supplies of forage. From this point
the roads were open by Aleppo and the Euphrates
to Nineveh, or by Palmyra to Babylon .... by
Ike end of Lebanon and the coast to Palestine and
Egypt, or through the BukAa and the Jordan
Valley to the centre of the Holy Laud." It ap-
• If Mr. Porter's Uanttneations of Zsdsd and Hat-
■lenaii are adopted, the difficulty Is Increased tenfold.
• The two great HSS. or the LXX. — Tadian (Ifel)
tsl Alex. — present the name as follows : —
3 K. xxlH. 83, 'A0Aai ; A«0Aaa.
t st. xxv. «, V^oiir; X.P—**.
KIDDLE 2781
pears to have been first alluded to by Brokings*
in 1816.
Riblah is probably mentioned by Esekiel (vi
14), though in the present Hebrew text and A. T
it appears as Diblah or Diblath. The change from
R to D is in Hebrew a very easy one. Riblah
suits the sense of the passage very well, while on
the other hand Diblah is not known.' [Diblath.]
G.
* RICHES, Rev. xviii. 17, not plural but sin-
gular: " In one hour so great riches is come to
nought " (so also Wisd. v. 8). The original plu-
ral was ric/ittsit (Fr. richeae), as in Wicklifle "s
version, and was generally obsolete at the time of
the translation of the A. V. It stood at first also
in Jer. xlviii. 36, but as Trench mentions (Author-
ixtd Vtrtion, p. 60) was tacitly corrected, by
changing " is " to " are." H.
RIDDLE (rTT^n : dtnyita, r P 6^K- nt ia- pro-
blemn, propotitio). The Hebrew word is derived
from an Arabic root meaning " to bend off," '* to
twist," and is used for artifice (Dan. viii. 23), a
proverb (Prov. i. 6), a song (1's. xlix. 4, Ixxviii. 2),
an oracle (Num. xiL 8), a parable (Ezr. xvii. 2).
and in general any wise or intricate sentence (Ps.
xciv. 4; Hab. ii. 6, 4c.), as well as a riddle in our
sense of the word (Judg. xiv, 12-19). In these
senses we may compare the phrases oTooa))) \6ya>y,
arocKpal wapa0o\ay (Wisd. viii. 8; Ecclus. xxxix.
2), and wcpnrAoicJ) \iyay (Eur. Phan. 497; Ge-
sen. s. p.), and the Latin tcirpvs, which appears to
hare been similarly used (Aul. Uell. Noel, Alt. xii.
6). Augustine defines an enigma to be any " ob-
scura allegoria " (Oe TVi'it. xv. 9), and points out,
as an instance, the passage about the daughter of
the horse-leech in Prov. xxx. 15, which has been
elaborately explained by liellermann in a mono-
graph on the subject (jEnigmata Hebraica, Ell
1798). Many passages, although not definitely
propounded as riddles, may be regarded as such,
e. y. Prov. xxvi. 10, a verse in the rendering of
which every version diners from all others. The
riddles which the queen of Sheba came to ask of
Solomon (1 K. x. 1, i)x0e weipdVcu airrbv cV at-
riypuuri; 2 Chr. ix. 1) were rather "hard ques-
tions " referring to profound inquiries. Solomon
is said, however, to have been very fond of the
riddle proper, for Joaephus quotes two profane his-
torians (Menander of Ephesus, and Dius) to authen-
ticate a story that Solomon proposed numerous
riddles to Hiram, for the non-solution of which Hi-
ram was obliged to pay a large fine, until he sum-
moned to his assistance a Tyrian named Abdemon,
who not only solved the riddles, but propounded
others which Solomon himself was unable to an-
swer, and consequently in his turn incurred the
penalty. The word atriyna occurs only once in
the N. T. (1 Cor. xiii. 12, "darkly." «V alrly/urn,
comp. Num. xii. 8; Wetstein, JV. T. ii. 158);
but, in the wider meaning of the word, many in-
stances of it occur iu our Lord's discourses. Thus)
Erasmus applies the term to Matt. xii. 43-45.
The object of such implicated meanings is obvi-
ous, and Is well explained by St. Augiutlnei
2 K. xxv. 20, A«j9Aa«a; Ac0Aa»a.
2 K. xxv. 21, •p.pXaM ; A.ff^ata.
Jer. 111. 9, 10, 26, 27, fafiXoBi, In both.
• • For interesting notices of this Riblah, see
Thomson's diary of a " Journey from Aleppo to L
anon," AM. Sacra, v 690 f. H
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2782
RIDDLE
• manifestis paseimur, c&tcurii txtrcemw" (De
Uoct. Chi-itL ii. 6).
We know that all ancient nations, and especially
Orientals, bare been fond of riddles (RosenmiiUer,
Morgenl. Ui. 68). We find traces of the custom
among the Arabs (Koran, zxt. 35), and indeed
several Arabic books of riddles exist — as Kelib al
Algae in 1469, and a book of riddles solved, called
AM al themin. But these are rather emblems and
devices than what we call riddles, although tbey
are very Ingenious. The Persians call them Atgdt
and Maamma (D'Herbelot, s. v. Algsx). Thsy
were also known to the ancient Egyptians (Jablon-
ski. Pantheon jEgypL 48). They were especially
used in banquets both by Greeks and Romans (Mai-
ler, Dor. ii. 393; Athen. x. 467; Pollux, vi. 107;
A. Gell. rviii. 9; Diet, of Ant. p. 22), and the kind
of witticisms adopted may be seen in the literary
dinners described by Plato, Xenophon, Athenaeus,
Plutarch, and Macrobiua. Some hare groundleaaly
supposed that tlie proverbs of Solomon, 1-eoiuel,
and Agur, were propounded at feasts, like the par-
ables spoken by our Lord on similar occasions (Luke
xiv. 7. etc).
Kiddles were generally proposed in verse, like
the celebrated riddle of Samson, which, however,
was properly (as Voss points out, Intti. Oratt. iv.
11) no riddle at all, because the Philistines did not
possess the only clew on which the solution could
depend. For this reason Samson had carefully con-
ended the fact even from his parents (Judg. xiv.
14, etc.). Other ancient riddles in verse are that
of the Sphinx, and that which la said to have
caused the death of Homer by his mortification at
being unable to solve it (Plutarch. VU. Horn.),
Krano. Junius distinguishes between the greater
enigma, where the allegory or obscure intimation
is continuous throughout the passage (as In Ex.
xvil. 2, and in such poems as the Syrinx attributed
to Theocritus); and the /ester enigma or inral-
ttyita, where the difficulty is concentrated in the
peculiar use of some one word. It may be useful
to refer to one or two instances of the latter, since
they are very frequently to be found in the Bible,
and especially in the Prophets. Such is the play
on the word D3# ("» portion," and "Shechem,"
toe town of Ephraim) in Gen. xlviii. 22; on "i*t3&
[matter, »» fortified city," and D*""! 2 *?. Ifis-
raim, Egypt) in Mlo. vii. 13; on "TflD? {Shalcid,
"an almond-tree"), and 1\W (thakad, "to
hasten "), in Jer. i. 11 ; on itpVT {Dimih, mean-
ing "Edom" arid "the land of death"), in Is.
«xi- 11; on TftBS?i a Shethach (meaning « Baby-
lon,*' and perhaps " arrogance"), in Jer. xxr. 96,
Ii 41.
It only remains to notice the single instance of
a riddle occurring in the N. T., namely, the number
if the bemt. This belongs to a class of riddles
<ery common among Egyptian mystics, the Gnos-
tics, some of the Fathers, and the Jewish Cabbalists.
The latter called it Gcmatriii (i. e. -ycvprrpla) of
which instances may be found in Carpzov (App.
CriL p. 642), Reland {Ant. Hebr. i. 26), and some
RIMMOBT
of the commentators on Rev. xiU. 16-18. Inns
EJfT") (nichath), "serpent," U made by the Jaws
one of toe names of the Messiah, because He
numerical value is equivalent to rTtPJJ; and the
names Shushan and Esther are connected together
because the numerical value of the letters com-
posing them is 661. Thus the Hsrcosians regarded
the number 24 as sacred from its being the sun
of numerical values in the names of two quaternions
of their AZom, and the Gnostics used the nam*
Abraxas as an amulet, because its letters araennt
numerically to 866. Such idle fancies an not
(infrequent in some of the Fathers. We havn
already mentioned (see Cross) the mystic explana-
tion by Clem. Alexandrinns of the number 318 in
Gen. xiv. 14, and by Tertollian of the number 800
(represented by the letter T or n erou) in Jodg.
vii. 6, and similar instances are supplied by the
Testimonia of the Pseudo-Cyprian. The most
exact analogies, however, to the enigma on the
name of the beast, sre to be found in the so-called
Sibylline verses. We quote one which Is exactly
similar to it, the answer being found in the name
'l»o-oui = 888, thus: 1 = 10 -f- 1 = 8-4-o- = 900
-f o = 70-f ii = 400-f r = 200=888. It hi
as follows, and is extremely curious:
*Hf«i aap*o6£fKK tytrntt Ipotoviinot ir yfi
TVevcpa ^wfiferra SVpci, ri 0* tywwi W avrf
Aim* aarpeyiAm* (?), apuffier t &A»v j fu » u ( »4 r»
'Ovrw yap fiercuta , oovat 0>«uta M rovrstc,
*H4" inarovrdSaie mth awxaroripot erffpMeecv
Ovvopa enkuvn.
With examples like this before us, it would be
absurd to doubt that St. John (not greatly re-
moved in time from the Christian forgers of the
Sibylline verses) intended some name sa an answet
to the number 666. The true answer must be
settled by the Apocalyptic commentators. Moat
of the Fathers supposed, even as far back as Ire-
naeus, the name AdVc icos to be indicated. A list
of the other very numerous solutions, p roposed in
different sges, may he found in Elliott's Bora
Apocalyptical, from which we hare quoted sews]
of these instances (flbr. Apoc iii. 229-984).
F. W. F.
• RIB for R-nt, Ex. lx. 89 and Is. xxvifl. 9ft
(marg. spelt), in the oldest editions of the A. V.
H.
RIMTMON ClMS"! [pomegranate]: •PeppAr:
Remmon). Rimmon, a Benjamite of Beeroth, was
the father of Rechab and Baanah, the murderers
of Ishbosheth (2 Sam. iv. 2, 6, 9).
RIBTMON Cl'lffi") [pomegranate]: 'PtautsV:
Remmon). A deity, worshipped by the Syrians
of Damascus, where there was a temple or house
of Rimmon (2 K. v. 18). Traces of the name of
this god appear also in the proper names Hadad-
rimmon and Tabrimmon, but its signification is
doubtful. Serarius, quoted by Selden {De dtt
Syru, ii. 10), refers it to tbe Heb. rimmon, a
pomegranate, a fruit sacred to Venus, who is thus
the deity worshipped under this title (compart
Pomona, from potmtm). Ursinus {Arboretum Bibl
cap. 33, 7) explains Rimmon as the pomegranate,
In this passage it la generally thought 'hat She-
Is pot for Babel, by the principle or alphabstt-
Inrsnion known as the atkbask. It will be sssn
t the p as sages above quoted an chiefly instances
of paronomasia. On tbe profound use of this f
by the prophets and other writers see Kwald, Di.
eroplMn d. Alt. Bund, 1. 48; Bestotnsl, Urtpr. 4
BpracUyf.n.
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RIMMON
Jhf emblem of the fertilizing principle of nature,
the peuonified natura nahuram, a symbol of fre-
iDtnt occurrence in the old religiors (Bahr, Sym-
iolit, il. 132). If this be the true origin of the
name, It presents us with a relic of the ancient
tree-worship of the East, which we know to have
prevailed in Palestine. But Selden rejects this
derivation, and proposes Instead that Rimmon la
from the root WT, rum, " to be high," and sig-
nifies "most high;" like the Phoenician Etioan,
and Heb. ff^'S. Hesychius gives fafiit, 6
tyurrot $*it. Clericus, Vitringa, Rosenmuller,
and Gesenius were of the same opinion.
Movers (Phdn. i. 196, Ac.) regards Rimmon as
the abbreviated form of Hadad-Kinunon (as Peor
far Baul-Peor), Hadad being the son-god of the
Syrians. Combining this with the |iomegranate,
which was his symbol, iladad-Rimmon would then
be the sun-god of the late summer, who ripens the
inmagranate and other fruits, and, after infusing
into them his productive power, dies, and is
mourned with the "mourning of Hadadrimmon
in the valley of Megiddon " (Zech. zii. 11).
Between these different opinion! there is no pos-
sibility of deciding. The name occurs but once,
and there is no evidence on the point. But the
conjecture of Selden, which is approved by Gese-
aiue, has the greater show of probability.
W. A. W.
RIMMON ( S'l&H, >. e. Rimmond [pom*-
yraaate]: q 'Pc^uiy: Semmono). A city of
Zebuiun belonging to the Merarite Levites (1 Chr.
vi. 77). There is great discrepancy between the
list in which it occurs and the parallel catalogue
of Josh. xxi. The former contains two names in
place of the four of the latter, and neither of them
the same). Bat it is not impossible that Dimnah
(Josh. xxi. 34) may have been originally Rimmon,
as the D and R in Hebrew are notoriously easy to
confound. At any rate there is no reason for sup-
posing that Rimmono is not identical with Kioimon
of Zabulun (Josh. xir. 18), in the A. V. Rkmmon-
mkthoar. The redundant letter was probably
transferred, in copying, from the succeeding word
— at an early date, since all the MSS. appear to
exhibit H, as does also the Targum of Joseph.
[Dr. Robinson inquires whether this Rimmon
any not be the present Rtmin&neh, a little north
d Nazareth. See Bihl Ac*, ii. 340 (2d ed.).— H.]
6.
RI3TMON O'Wl [pomtgranaU] : 'Epa^J,
Ttftfidr; Alex, Pewum; [in 1 Chr., Rom. *P«u-
wir, Vat. Vtn/uty'] Bemmon). A town in the
southern portion of Jodah (Josh. xv. 32), allotted
to Simeon (Josh- xix. 7; 1 Chr. iv. 32: in the
tanner of these two passages it is inaccurately given
in the A. V. as Rbmmoh). In each of the above
lists the name succeeds that of Am, also one of the
cities of Judah and Simeon. In the catalogue of
the place* reoecupied by the Jews after the return
bom Babylon (Neh. xi. 29) the two are joined
(("tan ?*? ' L-XX. omits: ef hi Semmm), and
appear in the A. V. as En-Rimmon. There is
joshing to support this single departure of the
Hebrew text from its practice in the other lists
axeept the fact that the Vatican LXX rtf the
jdjtioti of Mai may be trusted) has joined the
•antes in each of the lists of Joshua, from whicl.
« aaay be inferred thai at the time of the LXX.
RIMMON, THE ROOK 2788
translation the Hebrew text there also sh o w s'
them joined. On the other hand there does no*
appear to be uiy sign of such a thing in the
present Hebrew MSS.
No trace of Rimmon has been yet discovered in
the south of Palestine. True, it is mentioned in
the Onomatticon of Eusebius and Jerome; but
they locate it at 15 miles north of Jerusalem, ob-
viously confounding it with the Rock Rimmon.
That it was iu the south would be plain, even
though the lists above cited were not extant, from
Zech. xiv. 10, where it is stated to be " south of
Jerusalem," and where it and Geba (the northern
frontier of the southern kingdom) are named as
the limits of the change which is to take place in
tlie aspect and formation of the country. In this
ease Jerome, both in the Vulgate and in his Com-
mentary (in Zech. xiv. 9 ff. ), joins the two names,
and understands them to denote a hill north of
Jerusalem, apparently well known (doubtless the
ancient Gibkah), marked by a pomegranate tree
— "collis Rimmon (hoc enim Gabaa sonat, ubi
arbor malagranati est) usque ad australem plague
Jerusalem." G.
RIM'MON PA'RRZ (VT?? f®l [/>*»*■
oranate of tie breach or rent] : "Ptufjunv tools)
The Dame of a march-station in the wilderness
(Num. xxxiii. 19, 20). Rimmon is a common
name of locality. The latter word is the same aa
that found in the plural form in Baal-Perazim,
" Baal of the breaches." Perhaps some local con-
figuration, such as a " cleft," might account for its
being added. It stands between Rithmah and
Libnah. No place now known has been identified
with it. H. H.
RIM'MON, THE ROCK fl'l»"in* »V>£:
fl weVpa rev *P<pjueV; Joseph. *<Vpa 'Pod: pttrm
cujut vocabulum est Semmon; petra Semmon).
A cliff (such seems rather the force of the Hebrew
word tela) or inaccessible natural fastness, in which
the six hundred Benjamitea who escaped the slaugh-
ter of Gibeah took refuge, and maintained them-
selves for four months until released by the act of
the general body of the tribes (Judg. xx. 45, 47,
xxi. 13).
It is described as in the " wilderness " (midbnr),
that is, the wild uncultivated (though not unpro-
ductive) country which lies on the east of the
central highlands of Benjamin, on which Gibeah
was situated — between them and the Jordan Val-
ley. Here the name is still found attached to a
village perched on the summit of a conical chalky
hill, visible in all directions, and commanding the
whole country (Rob. SibL Set. i. 440).
The hill la steep and naked, the white limestone
everywhere protruding, and the houses dinging to
its sides and forming as it were huge steps. On
the south side it rises to a height of several hun-
dred feet from the great ravine of the Wady Mat-
ydk i while on the west side it is almost equally
isolated by a cross valley of great depth (Porter,
A.mkM. p. 217; Mr. Finn, In Van de Velde,
Memoir, p. 345). In position it is (as the crow
flies) 3 miles east of Bethel, and 7 N. E. of Gibeah
( TtdeU et-Ful). Thus in every particular of name,
character, and situation it agrees with the require-
« In two out of Its four occurrencns, ths artiele B
omitted both in 'be Hebrew sod LXX.
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2784 bing
menta of the Hock Rimiuon. It ty known in
Ifae days of Eusebius and Jerome, who mention it
{Onvawsticon, "Remmon ") — though confounding
It with Hiinmon in Simeon — as 15 Roman niilet
northwards from Jerusalem. G.
RING (np?El: tcueriKm: ammha). The
ring was regarded as an indispensable article of a
Hebrew's attire, inasmuch as it contained his sig-
net, and even owed its name to this circumstance,
the term tnbbaath being derived from a root sig-
nifying "to impress a seal." It was hence the
symbol of authority, and as such was presented by
Pharaoh to Joseph (Gen. xli. 42), by Ahasuerus to
Hainan (Ksth. iii. 10), by Antiochus to Philip (1
Mace. vi. 15), and by the father to the prodigal
son in the parable (Luke it. 22). It was treasured
accordingly, and became a proverbial expression for
a most valued object (Jer. xxii. 24: Hag. ii. 23:
Eeclua. xlix. 11). Such rings were worn not only
by men, hut by women (Is. iii. 21; Mishn. Shaib.
p. 6, § 3), and are enumerated among the articles
presented by men and women for the service of the
Tabernacle (Ex. xxxv. 22). The signet-ring was
worn on the right hand (Jer. L c). We may con-
clude, from Ex. xxviii. 11, that the rings contained
a stone engraven with a device, or with the owner's
name. Numerous specimens of kgjptian rings have
lieen discovered, most of them made of gold, very
massive, and containing either a scarabeus or an
engraved stone (Wilkinson, ii. 837). The number
Egyptian Kings.
of rings worn by the Egyptians was truly remark-
able. The same profusion was exhibited also by
the Greeks and Romans, particularly by men (Diet.
of Ant. "Rings"). It appears also to have pre-
vailed among the Jews of the Apostolic age; for in
Jam. ii. 2, a rich man is described as xotwooWti/-
ktos, meaning not simply " with a gold ring," as
in the A. V., but "golden-ringed" (like the
Xpvaix'V> " golden-handed " of Lucian, Timoa,
e. 2D), implying equally well the presence of several
gold rings. For the term y&U, rendered "ring"
in Cant. v. 14, see Ornaments. W. L. B.
• RINGLEADER (Acts xxiv. 5), applied to
Paul by Tertullus in his speech before Felix, where
it stands for Trparotrrirni. It implies, of itself,
nothing opprobrious, being properly a military title,
namely, of one who stands in front of the ranks
as leader. It marks a bad preeminence here,
especially from being associated with Aotpo't,
"plague, pest" (A. V. pettilrnt fellow). Ring-
leader had a good or neutral sense as well as bad
in the older English writers. H.
RIN'NAH (nj-J [a ay of jog, or wailing]:
'A.ri; Alex, farrmr: Ritmn). One of the sons
X? Shimon in an obscure and fragmentary gene-
alogy of the descendants of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 20).
tn the LXX. and Vulgate he is made " the sen of
UasiA," Ben-hanan being thus translated.
• n5"f. This reading la preferred by Bochart
Waais y, HI. 10), and Is oonnected bj him with the
RITHMAH
RIPHATH (D^n [a brtaima in fltm
terror, Sin.] : 'Pi<f>i8; Alex. Pupat in Chr.: M-
phntk), the second son of Gomer, and the brother of
Ashkenas and Togarmah (Gen. x. 3). The He-
brew text in 1 Chr. i. 6 gives the form Diphaih,'
but this arises out of a clerical error similar to that
which gives the forms Kodanim and Hadad for
Dodanim and Hadar (1 Chr. i. 7, 60; Gen. xxxvi.
39). The name Riphath occurs only in the gen-
ealogical table, and hence there is little to guide us
to the locality which it indicates. The name itself
has been variously identified with that of the Rhi-
pajan mountains (Knobel), the river Khebaa in Bi-
thynia (Bochart), the Rhibii, a people living eastward
of the Caspian Sea (Schulthess), and the Ripheao*
[Riphathaeans?], the ancient name of the Paphlago-
nians (Joseph. Ant. i. 6, § 1). This last view is cer-
tainly favored by the contiguity of Asbkenac and
Togarmah. The weight of opinion is, however, In
favor of the Rhipsan mountains, which Knobel
( VdUctrt. p. 44) identifies etymologically and geo-
graphically with the Carpathian range in the N. E.
of Dacia. The attempt of that writer to identify
Riphath with the Celts or Gauls, is evidently board
on the assumption that so important a race ought
to be mentioned in the table, and that there is no
other name to apply to them : but we have no evi-
dence that the Gauls were for any lengthened period
settled in the neighborhood of the Carpathian range.
The Rhipean mountains themselves existed more
in the imagination of the Greeks than in reality, and
if the received etymology of that name (from j>trai,
"blasts") be correct, the coincidence in sound
with Riphath is merely accidental, and no connec-
tion can bo held to exist between the names. The
later geographers, Ptolemy (iii. 5, § 15, 19) and
others, placed the Rhipnan range where no range
really exists, namely, about the elevated ground
that separates the basins of the Euxine and Baltic
seas. W. L. B.
RIS'SAH (rtpH [a i-vm] : [Rom. PemrdVi
Vat. Aco-sra; Alex.] Vtaaa- Rem). The name,
identical with the word which signifies " a worm,"
is that of a march-station in the wilderness (Num.
xxxiii. 21, 22). It lies, as there given, between
Liuuah and Kekelathah, and has been considered
(Winer, <■ «.) identical with Rasa in the Peuimg.
/finer., 82 Roman miles from Ailah (Elah), and
203 miles south of Jerusalem, distinct, however,
from the tfjtnra of Joseph us (Ant, xiv. 16, J
2). No site has been identified with Rissah.
H. H.
RITHTWAH (HCni [«* *»] :'P«*V":
Rethma). The name of a march-station in the
wilderness (Num. xxxiii. 18, 19). It stands there
next to Hazeroth [Hazkroth], and probably lay
in a N. E. direction from that spot, but no place
now known has been identified with it. The name
is probably connected with C^l, Arab. aJk,
commonly rendered "juniper," but more correctly
" broom." It carries the affirmative it, common
in names of locality, and found especially among
many in the catalogue of Num. xxxiii. H. H.
names of the town Tobata and the mountain
In the N. of lata Minor.
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RIVER
UlVJSK- In the sense in which we *o.ploy the
vord, namely, for a perennial stream of considerable
use, a river b a much rarer olijeet in the East than
in the West The majority of the inhabitants of
Palestine at the present day have probably never
seen one. With the exception of the Jordan and
the Ulnng, the streams of the Holy Land are either
entirely dried up in the summer months, and con-
verted into hot lanes of glaring stones, or else re-
duced to very small streamlets deeply sunk in a
narrow bed, and concealed from view by a dense
growth of shrubs.
The cause of this is twofold : on the one hand
th: hilly nature of the country — a central mass
of highland descending on each side to a lower
level, and on the other the extreme heat of the
dfanate during the summer. There is little doubt
that in ancient times the country was more wooded
than it now is, and that, in consequence, the evap-
oration was less, and the streams more frequent:
yet this cannot hare made any very material dif-
fatnee in the permanence of the water in the
thousands of valleys which divide the hills of Pal-
RIVER OF EGYPT
2786
For the various aspects of the streams of the
country which such conditions inevitably produced,
the ancient Hebrews had very exact terms, which
they employed habitually with much precision.
1. For the perennial river, Nihir OrP). Pos-
sibly used of toe Jordan ic Ps. lxvi. 6, lxxiv. 15 ;
of the great Mesopitamian and Egyptian riven
generally in Geo. ii. 10, Ex. vii. 19; 9 K. xvii. 6;
Ex. iii. 15, Ac. But with the definite article, han-
Nahnr, "tie river," it signifies invariably the
Euphrates (Gen. Toad, ill; Ex. xxiii. 31; Num.
xriv. 6; 3 Sam. x. 16, Ac., Ac). With a few ex-
ceptions (Josh. i. 4, xxiv. 3, U, 16; Is. Iii. 19; Ex.
xxxi. IS), ndhar is uniformly rendered " river " in
ear version, and accurately, since it is never applied
to the fleeting fugitive torrents of Palestine.
«. The term for these la nachal (Vn3), for
which our translators have used promiscuously, and
sometimes almost alternately, " valley," " brook."
and " river." Thus the " brook " and the " val-
ley " of Eshcol (Num. xiii 23 and xxxiL 9); the
••valley," the "brook," and the "river'' Zand
(Num. xxi. 18; Deal. ii. 13; Am. vi. 14); the
" brook " and the " river " of Jabbok (Gen. xxxii.
S3; Dent. ii. 87), of Arnon (Num. xxi. 14; Drat ii.
24), of Kiahon (Judg. iv. 7; 1 K. xviii.40). Com-
pare also Deut. iii. 16, 4e.«
Neither of these words expresses the thing in-
tended; but the term "brook" is peculiarly un-
happy, since the pastoral idea which it conveys is
quite at variance with the general character of the
wadies of Palestine. Many of these are deep ab-
rupt chasms or rents in the solid rock of the hills,
and have a savage, gloomy aspect, far removed
from that of an English brook For example, the
Arnon forces its way through a ravine several hun-
dred feet deep and about two miles wide across the
tap. The Wnily Ztrka, probably the Jabbok,
vfcieh Jacob was so anxious to interpose between
lis family and Esau, is equally unlike the quiet
•meadowy brook" with which we are familiar.
And those which are not so abrupt and savage an
in their width, their irregularity, their forlorn arid
look when the torrent has subsided, utterly unlike
'•brooks." Uufortunately our language does not
contain any single word which has both the mean-
ings of the Hebrew nachal and its Arabic equiva-
lent toady, which can be used at once for a dry val-
ley and for the stream which occasionally flows
through it. Ainsworth, in his Annotations (on
Num. xiii. 23), says that " bourne " has both
meanings; but " bourne " is now obsolete in Eng-
lish, though still in use in Scotland, where, owing
to the mountainous nature of the country, the
"burns" partake of the nature of the wadies of
Palestine in the irregularity of their flow. Mi.
Burton (G'eog. Journ. xxiv. 209) adopts the Italian
fiumara. Others have proposed the Indian term
nullah. The double application of the Hebrew
nachal is evident In 1 K. xvii. 3, where Elyah la
commanded to hide himself in (not by) the nuchal
Cherith and the brink of the nachal
8. Ytdr ("TOP), a word of Egyptian origin
(see Gesen. Thes. p. 568), applied to the Nile only,
and, in the plural, to the canals by which the Nile
water was distributed throughout Egypt, or to
streams having a connection with that country. It
is the word employed for the Nile in Genesis and
Exodus, and is rendered by our translators " the
river," except in the following passages, Jer. xlvL
7,8; Am. viii. 8, ix. 5, where they substitute " a
flood " — much to the detriment of the prophet's
metaphor. [See Nile, vol. iii. p. 2140 &.]
4. Y&bal (73V), from a root signifying tumult
or fullness, occurs only six times, in four of which
it it rendered "river," namely, Jer. xvii. 8; Dan.
viii. 2, 3, 6.
6. Ptltg (3/??)f from an uncertain root, prob-
ably connected with the idea of the division of
the laud for irrigation, is translated >< river " in Ps.
I. 3, liv. 9; Is. xxx. 26; Job xx. 17. Elsewhere it
is rendered " stream '" (Ps. xlvi. 4), and in Judg. v.
16, 16, " divisions," where the allusion is probably
to the artificial streams with which the pastoral
and agricultural country of Reuben was irrigated
(Ewald. Dichter, i. 129; Gesen. The*, p. 1103 ft).
6. Aphik GT'SS). This appears to be used
without any clearly distinctive meaning. It is
probably from a root signifying strength or force,
and may signify any rush or body of water. It if
translated "river" in a few passages: Cant v.
12; Es. vi. 3, xxxi. 12, xxxii. 6, xxxiv. 13, xxxv. 8,
xxxvi. 4, 0; Joel 1. 20, Iii. 18. In Ps. exxvi. 4
the allusion is to temporary streams in the dry re-
gions of the " south." * G.
RIVER OF EGYPT- Two Hebrew terms
are thus rendered in the A. V.
1. O^a-in?: wemuet Ary»rro»:jliejitis
jEgypti (Gen. xv. 18), " the river of Egypt," that
i is, the Nile, and here — as the western border of
i the Promised Land, of which the eastern border
I was Euphrates — the Pelusiae or easternmost
branch.
■ Jerome, lo bis Quauionu in Otnaint, xxv. 19,
■am the following curious distlnetton between a val-
es' sari • Sarreat: "B \u. pre valid lormu ttripnu
art, nmnquam mim m vatU invnitnr ptUtut aoaat
vims."
» • It should b»« river '(nrinltl in bofn Inetea
ess, Rev. xU. 15, 16, and not « flocd " (A. 7./. H
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J
2786 riveh or bgypt
•• 0?J?P HflJ: X «Mmx»» ArytWtw,
pAparyt Arywrrou, woroyios Alyiwrou, ttvoxi-
ooupa, pi.: torrent jEggpti, rivtu Jiyypti (Num.
xxxiv. »; Josh, xv. 4, 47; 1 K. viiL 65; 2 K. xxiv.
7 : Is. xxvii. 12, in the last passage translated " the
itream of Egypt"). It is the common opinion
that this second term designates a desert stream
on the border of Egypt, still occasionally Bowing in
the valley called WddU-'Artuh. Tie centre of
the ralley is occupied by the bed of this torrent,
which only flows after rains, as is usual in the des-
ert valleys. The correctness of this opinion can
only be decided by au examination of the passages
in which the term occurs, for the ancient transla-
tions do not aid us. When they were made there
must have been great uncertainty on the subject.
In the LXX. the term is translated by two literal
meanings, or perhaps three, but it Is doubtful
whether vllj can be rendered "river," and is once
represented by Rhinocoliira (or Rhinocorura), the
name of a town on the coast, near the WwH-
VArtetk, to which the modern El-'Areeth has suc-
ceeded. ,
This stream is first mentioned as the point when
the southern border of the Promised Land touched
the Mediterranean, which formed its western bor-
der (Num. xxxiv. 8-0). Next it is spoken of as in
the same position with reference to the prescribed
borders of the tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 4), and
as beyond Gaza and its territory, the westernmost
of the Philistine cities (17). In the later history
we find Solomon's kingdom extending " from the
entering in of Hamath unto the river of Egypt "
(1 K. viii. 65), and Egypt limited in the same man-
ner where the loss of the eastern provinces is men-
tioned: "And the king of Egypt came not again
any more out of his land : for the king of Babylon
bad taken from the river of Egypt unto the river
Euphrates all that pertained to the king of Egypt "
(2 K. xxir. 7). In Isaiah it seems to be spoken of
as forming one boundary of the Israelite territory,
Euphrates being the other, "from the channel of
the river unto the stream of Egypt " (xxvii. 12),'
appearing to correspond to the limits promised to
Abraham.
In certain parallel passages the Nile is distinctly
specified instead of "the Nachal of Egypt." In
the promise to Abraham, the Nile, " the river of
Egypt," is mentioned with Euphrates as bounding
the land in which be then was, and which was
promised to his posterity (Gen. xv. 18). Still
more unmistakably is Shihor, which is always the
Nile, spoken of as a border of the land, in Joshua's
description of the territory yet to be conquered :
'This [is] the land that yet remaineth: all the
isgions of the Philistines, and all Geshuri, from
the Sihor, which [is] before Egypt, even unto the
borders of Ekron northward, [which] is counted
to the Canaanite " (Josh. xiii. 2, 3).
■ Herodotus, whose account Is rather obscure, says
that from Phoenicia to the borders of the city Cadyns
(probably Oasa) the country belonged to the Pauestuw
9rrlans ; from Cadytis to Jenysus to the Arabian king ;
■ben to the Byrians again, as far as Uk« Serbonls, new
■fount Cuius. At Luke Serbonls, Bgypt began. The
•aMem extremity of Uke Serbonls is somewhat to the
westward of Bbiaocolura, and Mount Casius is more
than half way from the latter to Pelusium. Herodotus
tfterwaris states, mora precisely, that from Jenysus to
"lake SertMuis and Mount Casius " was three days'
Jaazaey through a desert without water. He evidently
BITHB OF BGYPT
It must be observed that the distinctive <
tor of the name, " Nachal of Egypt," as has beat
well suggested to us, almost forbids our mpposing
an insignificant stream to be intended, although
such a stream might be of importance from post
tion as forming the boundary.
If we infer that the Nachal of Egypt is the
Nile, we have to consider the geographical conse-
quences, and to compare the name with known
names of the Nile. Of the branches of the Nile,
the easternmost, or Pelusiac, would necessarily be
the one intended. On looking at the map it seems
incredible that the Philistine territory should eves-
have extended so &r; the WadU-'Ar'** in dis-
tant from Gasa, the most western of die FhilistSns
towns; but Pelusium, at the mouth and most east-
ern part ot the Pelusiac branch, is very remote.
It must, however, be remembered, that the bract
from Gasa to Pelusium is a desert that could neves-
have been cultivated, or indeed inhabited by s set-
tled population, and was probably only held in the
period to which we refer by marauding Arab tribes,
which may well have been tributary to the Philis-
tines, for they must have been tributary to them or to
the Egyptians, on account of their isolated position
and the sterility of the country, though no doubt
maintaining a half-independence." All doubt on
this point seems to be set at rest by a passage, in
a hieroglyphic inscription of Sethee I., head of the
XlXth dynasty, b. c. cir. 1340, on the north wall
of the great temple of El-Ramak, which mentions
"the foreigners of the SHASU from the fort of
TAKU to the land of KANANA" (SHASD
SHA'A EM SHTEM EN TABU ER PA-KAN'-
ANA, Brugsch, Ctoyr. Imchr. I p. 261, No.
1265, pi. ilvii.). The identification of " the fcrt
of TARU" with any place mentioned by the
Greek and Latin geographers has not yet been sat-
isfactorily accomplished. It appears, from the bas-
relief, representing the return of Sethee I. to Egypt
from an eastern expedition, near the inscription
just mentioned, to have been between a Leontop-
olis and a branch of the Nile, or perhaps canal, on
the west Bide of which it was situate, commanding
a bridge (/iai No. 1266, pi. xlviii.). The Leontop-
olis is either the capital of the Leontopolite Nome,
or a town in the Heliopolite Nome mentioned by
Jotephus (Ant. xiii. 8,§ 1). In the former case
the stream would probably be the Tanitio branch,
or perhaps the Pelusiac ; in the latter, perhaps the
Canal of the Red Sea. We prefer the first Leon-
topolis, but no identification is necessary to prove
that the SHASU at this time extended front.
Canaan to the east of the Delta (Bee on the whole
subject G'eoor. Imchr. i. pp. 260-266, iii. pp. 20, 21 ).
Egypt, therefore, in its most flourishing period,
evidently extended no further than the east of the
Delta, its eastern boundary being probably the
Pelusiac branch, the territory of the SHASU, an
Arab nation or tribe, lying between Egypt and
makes Mount Casius mark the western boundary of the
Syrians ; for although the position or Jenysus is uncer-
tain, the whole distance from Oasa (and if Cadyus be not
Oasa, we cannot extend the Arabian territory further
east) doss not greatly exceed three days' Journey (Ui.
6. Bee RawUnun's edit. 896-400). If we adopt Caps.
Spratt's Identifications of Pelusium and Mount Casius
we must place them much nearer together, and the
latter far to the west of the usual supposed place (8m
town). But in this case Herodotus would luteal the
western extremity of Uke Serbonls, which seems »
likely.
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BITER OF EGYPT
It might he supposed that at this time
the SHASU had made an inroad into Egypt, but
it muat be remembered that in the latter period of
the kingi of Judah, and during the classical period,
Pduaium wai the key of Kgypt ou tbn side. The
Philistines, in the time of their greatest power,
which appears to bate been contemporary with the
period of the Judges, may well be supposed to
hate reduced the Arabs of this neutral territory to
the condition of tributaries, as doubtless was also
done by the I'haraous.
It must lie remembered that the specification of
a certain lioundary does not necessarily prove that
the actual landa of a state extended so far; the
limit of its sway is sometimes rather to be under-
stood. Solomon ruled as tributaries all the king-
doms between the Euphrates and the land of the
Philistines and the border of Egypt, when the
Land of Promise appears to bate been fully occu-
pied (1 K. hr. 91, eomp. 94). When, therefore,
it is specified that the Philistine territory as far as
the Nachal-M ixraim remained to be taken, it need
scarcely be inferred that the territory to be inhab-
ited by the Israelites was to extend so far, and this
stream's being an actual boundary of a tribe may
be explained on the same principle.
If, with the generality of critics, we think that
the Nachal-Mizraini is the Wddt-P Artak, we
must conclude that the name Shihor is also applied
to the latter, although elsewhere designating the
Kile," for we have seen that Nachal- Mixraim and
Shihor are used interchangeably to designate a
stream on the border of the Promised Land. This
difficulty seems to overthrow the common opinion.
It must, however, be remembered that in Joshua
xiii. 3, Shihor has the article, as though actually
or originally an appellative, the former seeming to
be the more obvious inference from the context.
[Shihor or Egypt; Sihor.]
The word Nachal may be cited on either aide.
Certainly in Hebrew it is rather used for a torrent
or stream than for a river; but the name Naehal-
Mizraim may come from ■ lost dialect, and the
parallel Arabic word toddee, i4j0l» though ordi-
nsrily used for valleys and their winter-torrents,
as in the case of the rVadid-'Artak itself, has
been employed by the Arabs in Spain for true
livers, the Guadalquivir, etc. It may, however, be
suggested, that in Nacbal-Hixraim we have the
ancient form of the Ncel-Mur of the Arabs, and
that Nachal was adopted from its similarity of
sound to the original of NtiXor. It may, indeed,
be objected that N«Xo> is held to be of Iranian
origin. The answer to this is, that we find Javan,
we will not say the Ionians, called by the very
name, HANEN, used in the Kosetta Stone for
"Greek- (SHAEK EN HANEN, TOI* TK
EAAHNIKOIJ ITAMMA2IN), in the lists of
countries and nations, or tribes, conquered by, or
i Is a Shlhor-Ubnath in the north of Palet-
tes, manaWrjed in Joshua (xtx. 98), and supposed to
eneaao a j to (he Betas, if Its name signify "the river
rizpah 2787
subject to, the Pharaohs, as early as the reiga of
Amenoph III., B. c. cir. 1400.* An Iranian sad
even a Greek connection with Egypt ss early at
the time of the Exodus, is therefore not to be
treated as an impossibility. It is, however, re-
markable, that the word NsiAot does not occur in
the Homeric poems, as though it were not of
Sanskrit origin, but derived from the Egyptians ot
Phoenicians.
Brugtch compsres the Egyptian H17AW EN
KEM "Water of Egypt, - ' mentioned in the phrase
"From the water of Egypt ss far as NEHEREEN
[Mesopotamia] inclusive," but there is no interna'.
evidence in favor of bis conjectural identification,
with the stream of W&dU-'Arttih (Geog. Jmchr.
i. 54, 65, pL til no. 303). JEL S. P.
• Dr. J. L. Porter (Handbook, and Art. la
Kitto's Cgdop. o/Bibl lit.) proposes to solve the
difficulty created by the terms JVaAflr-Mizraim and
NiicJtul-Himim by making " the proper distinc-
tion between the country given in covenant promise
to Abraham, and that actually allotted to the
Israelites." The Nile may have been in contem-
plation in the original promise, and the term
.iVaAar-Mizraim may have been " the designation
of the Nile in Abraham's time, before the Egyp-
tian word yttr became known."
Nachal is commonly used in the Hebrew Scrip-
tures in its primary meaning of a " torrent'* or an
intermittent brook — as Job vi. 15, the brook that
dries away, Is. xr. 7, and Amos. vi. 14, the brook
of the desert, the wady lying between Kerek and
Gebal — and it is highly improbable that this
term would have been chosen to designate the vast
and ceaseless volume of the Nile. Robinson (Phgt.
Geog. of the Holy Lvul, p. 193) gives his mature
opinion in favor of the rendering " torrent of
Egypt, which of old was the boundary between
Palestine and Egypt At the present day it is
called Wady d-'Arish ; and comes from the passes
of Jebel eUTih towards Sinai, draining the gases
central longitudinal basin of the desert. It reaches
the sea without a permanent stream ; and is still
the boundary between the two countries. Near its
mouth is a small village, tl-'ArUh, on the site of
the ancient Jtainooo h tra, as is shown by columns
and other Romau remains."
Upon the whole the probabilities are in favor of
this identification, and the weight of authority 1*
upon its side. J. P. T.
• RIVERS OF WATER [Foot, Waitm-
IHO WITH THE.]
RIZTAH (nSV~! i T«r«M»; [Aha. in 1 Baa.
xxl. 8, PttMbae;] Joseph. 'Pwo-eU: Ketpha), con-
cubine to king Saul, and mothes of his two eons
Armoni and Hephibosheth. Like many others of
the prominent female characters of the Old Testa-
ment — Ruth, Rahab, Jezebel, etc — Rizpah would
seem to have been a foreigner, a Hivite, descended
from one of the ancient worthies of that nation,
Ajah or Aiah,° son of Zlbeon, whose name and
iter Ifamtn itr hmitr a*/ dm Jig. Dtnlcmvltm,
KonlgL Akad. Berlin). BU views have, however, been
combated by Bmuen {Efypi'i Ron, HI. 608-606),
«* glass." But we have no ground for giving Shiner . Arafxh (Gtagr. huda. It lift, pi. zHL no. 2), and D*
at the Bjrjptaaos, and doubtless of the Phoenician and
r Boson 1st! of nor theast e rn Egypt, with the menu-
i of glass Is rtmamband, It snms mors likely
let aataor Hsnath was named from the Nile.
* WeaaTwswIthLsfelostatlihldeatttwMlonCCliw
e The Syriao-Pfehlto and AtaMo Terskms, m 28am
ill., read Ana for Alah — the name of another sneka-.
Hivite, the brother of Ajah, and equally the son of
■boon. Bat It Is not fair to kvy mneh sums on this,
salt may be only the sarar— assay made— «* »•••—
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2788
BIZFAH
feme are p t ie er ie d in the bhmaeBte record of Geo.
xxxvi. If thi» be the ease, Saul ni commencing
• practice, which seems with subsequent kings to
have grown almost into a rote, of choosing non-
Iaraelite women for their inferior wire*. David's
intrigue with Batheheba, or Bath-shua, the wife of
a Hittite, and possibly henelf a Canaanitess, a is per-
haps not a ease in point; but Solomon, Rehoboam,
and their successors, teem to hare had their bareme
filled with foreign women.
After the death of Saul and occupation of the
country west of the Jordan by the Philistines,
Rixpah accompanied the other inmates of the royal
family to their new residence at Mahanaim; and it
is here that her name is first introduced to as as
the subject of an accusation larded at Abner by
bhbosheth (3 Sam. iii. 7 ), a piece of spite which
led first to Abner's death through Joab't treachery,
and ultimately to the murder of Ishbosheth him-
self. The accusation, whether true or false — and
from Abner's vehement denial we should naturally
conclude that it was false — involved more than
meets the ear of a modern and English reader.
For amongst the Israelites it was considered " at a
step to the throne to have connection with the
widow or the mistress of the deceased king." (See
Michaelis, Lata of Afoul, art. 64.) It therefore
amounted to an insinuation that Abner was about
to make an attempt on the throne.
We bear nothing more of Rizpah till the tragic
story which has made her one of the most familiar
objects to young and old in the whole Bible (8 Sam.
xxi. 8-11). Every one can appreciate the love
and endurance with which the mother watched over
the bodies of her two sons and her five relatives, to
save them from an indignity peculiarly painful to
the whole of the ancient world (see Ps. lxxix. 8;
Horn. II. i. 4, 6, Ac., Ac.). But it is questionable
whether the ordinary conception of the scene. is
accurate. The seven victims were not, at the A.
V. implies, "hung;" they were crucified. The
seven crosses were planted in the rock on the top
of the sacred bill of Gibeah ; the hill which, though
not Saul's native place,' was through his long resi-
dence there so identified with him as to retain his
name to the latest existence of the Jewish nation
lata transcriber; or of one so familiar with the an-
Biant names as to have confounded one with the
other.
a Oomp. Gen. xxxvtH., wham the "daughter of
thus," the Ganaanltess, should really be Bath-shua.
» Saul was probably born at Zelah, where Kbit's
sspulchra, and therefore his home, was situated.
Paua.]
• "1YT9, 8 earn- *xl «•
• P^J, ku-Sah.
• 1- 7J| : aswayf, tp rtt y yar a: " n * » *
8. pn^, tram JJT^, "break:" Jturfa: «la-
*• ^7$' ■P"**'*' "■*»• "■"*/>" "spoil."
d)
•]
1. VT13, part, from TJJ, "rob:" ipoesavieW:
«Ul«. M." ">!■!■> I.."
EOBBKET
(1 Sam. xi. 4, Ac., and sea Joseph. B. J. w. % f
1). The whole or part of this bill seems at the
time of this occurrence to have been in some special
manner' dedicated to Jehovah, possibly the spot
on which Ahiah the priest had deposited the Ark
when he took refuge in Gibeah during the Philis-
tine war (1 Sam. xiv. 18). Tie victims were sacri-
ficed at the beginning of barley-harvest — the sacred
and festal time of the Passover— and in the full
blaze of the summer aim they hung till the fall of
the periodical rain In October. Daring the whole
of that time Kixpah remained at the foot of the
crosses on which the bodies of her sons were ex-
posed: the Mater dolorow, if the expression may
be allowed, of the ancient dispensation. She had
no tent to shelter her from the scorching sun which
beats on that open spot all day, or from the drench-
ing dews at night, but she spread on the rocky
floor the thick mourning garment of black sack-
cloth' which as a widow she wore, and crouching
there she watched that neither vulture nor jackal
should molest the bodies. We may surely be justi-
fied in applying to Ricpah the words with which
another act of womanly kindness was commended,
and may say, that " wheresoever the Bible shall go,
there shall also this, that this woman hath done, be
told for a memorial of her." G.
ROAD. This word occurs but once in the
Authorized Version of the Bible, namely, in 1
Sam. xxrll. 10, where it is used in the sense of
u raid" or "inroad," the Hebrew word (tSB^)
being elsewhere (e. g. ver. 8, xxiU. 87, m. 1, 14,
Ac) rendered "invade" and "invasion."
A road in the sense which we now attach to
the term is expressed in the A. V. by " way " and
"path." [Wat] G.
• BOBBERS. [Chcbchh, Robbim or;
TniKVKB.]
ROBBERT-* Whether in the larger tense
of plunder, or the more limited sense of theft, sys-
tematically organized, robbery has ever been one of
the principal employments of the nomad tribes of
the East. From the time of Ishmael to the present
day, the Bedouin has been a " wild man," and a
robber by trade, and to carry ont bit objects tuo-
8. D*B3, Job zvlil.8: 1,^,: situ. Tsrgum
with A. V., hat " robbers ; " but It is most commonly
rendered at LXX., Job v. 6, ritimu.
4. TTB7*: A»*t4>: latroi from TV$, "watte."
6. nptP*: bflptt: dtriphnu: A. T. « spoOsr."
6. 3J| : sAsVrst: fitt: A. T. "tbJeC''
(8.) Hot: —
1. TV^ : (u*W>: dtpopulir.
8. ?T| : Atwpaa : •iofanttr anew*.
8- *TW, "return," "repeat;" hence in PL ear
round, ebeumvent (Pa. cxix. 61) : monrAampm : cw
ernnpUtti; usually affirm, reiterate steal Hone (flea, u
997).
8. Tiy^: ha*W>: dkifit.
«. DPttJ (same at fast): raoreawea:
T. 33|: *Uwrm:fl—r. A. V. 'steal"
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ROBBERY
Merally, so far from being es*eemed disgraceful, is
legerdsd u in the highest degree creditable (Gen.
«« IS: Burckhardt, Jfulu on Bed. i. 137, 157).
An Instance of in enterprise of a truly Bedouin
character, but distinguished by the exceptional
features belonging to its principal actor, is seen in
the night-foray of David (1 Sam. xxri. 6-12), with
which also we may fairly compare Hoio. 11. K.
804, Ac. Predatory inroads on a large scale are
seen in the incursions of the Sabsams and Cbal-
dssans on the property of Job (Job 1. 15, 17); the
revenge coupled with plunder of Simeon and Levi
(Gen. xxxiv. 28, 29); the reprisals of the Hebrews
upon the Midianites (Num. xxii. 32-54), and the
frequent and often prolonged invasions of "spoil-
ers" upon the Israelites, together with their re-
prisal*, during the period of the Judges and Kings
(Judg. ii. 14, vi. 3, 4; 1 Sam. xi., xv.; 2 Sam.
viii., x.; 2 K. v. 2; 1 Chr. v. 10, 18-22). Indi-
vidual instances, indicating an unsettled state of
the country during the same period, are seen in
the " liers-in-wait " of the men of Shecheni (Judg.
Ix. 25), and the mountain retreats of David in the
cave of Adullam, the hill of Hachilah, and the
wilderness of Maori, and his abode in Ziklag, in-
vaded and plundered in like manner by the Amalek-
ites (1 Sam. xxii. 1, 2, xxiii. 19-25, xxvi. 1, xxvii.
6-10, xxx. 1).
Similar disorder in the country, complained of
■core than once by the prophets (llos. iv. 2, vi. 9;
Hie. ii. 8), continued more or less through Hao-
cahstan down to Roman times, favored by the cor-
rupt administration of some of the Roman gover-
nors, in accepting money in redemption of punish-
ment, produced those formidable bands of robbers,
so easily collected and with so much difficulty sub-
dued, who found shelter in the caves of Palestine
and Syria, and who infested the country even in
the time of our Lord, almost to the very gates of
Jerusalem (Luke x. 30; Acts v. 36, 37, xxi. 38).
[Judas of iJalii.ee; Caves.] In the later his-
tory also of the country the robbers, or sicarii, to-
gether with their leader, John of Gischala, played
a conspicuous part (Joseph. B. J. iv. 2, 5 1 ; 3, § 4;
7, $ 2).
The Mosaic law on the subject of theft is con-
tained in Ex. xxii., and consists of the following
enactments: —
1. He who stole and killed an ox or e sheep, was
to restore five oxen for the ox, and four sheep for
the sheep.
2. If the stolen animal was found alive the
thief was to restore double.
3. If a man was found stealing in a dwelling-
house at night, and was killed in the act, the homi-
cide was not held guilty of murder.
4. If the act was committed during daylight, the
thief might not be killed, but was bound to make
foil restitution or be sold into slavery.
5. If money or goods deposited in a man's house
eere stolen therefrom, the thief, when detected, was
o pay double: but
6. If the thief could not be found, the master of
je bouse was to be examined before the judges.
7. If an animal given in charge to a man to
l-eep were stolen from him, i. «, through his negli-
Cenee, be was to make restitution to the owner.
tOATH.]
There seems no reason to suppose that the jaw
■all went any alteration in Solomon's time, as
ICehaaue s uppo s es ; the expression in Crov. vi. 30,
U, la, that a thief detected In stealLg shoul-1 restore
ROGELIM 2789
sevenfold, t. *. to the full amount, and fur this pnr-
pose, even give all the substance of his house, and
thus in case of failure be liable to servitude (MjV
chaelis, Laws of Motes, § 284). On the other hand,
see Bertfaeau on Pror. vi. ; and Keil, Arch. Hebr
§ 154. Man-stealing was punishable with death
(Ex. xxi. 16; Deut. xxiv. 7). Invasion of right
in land was strictly forbidden (Deut xxvii. 17 ; Is
v. 8; Mic. ii. 2).
The question of sacrilege does not properly com*
within the scope of the present article. H. W. P.
• ROBE. [Mumt]
ROB'OAM CPo0od>: Xoboam), Eoclns. xlviV
23; Matt i. 7. [Rkhoboam.]
ROE, ROEBUCK 0??, <s*of(m.); !%»??,
tzibiyyih (f.): Sopnii, UpKuv, SopniStoy: caprea,
(Lunula). There seems to be little or no doubt
that the Hebrew word, which occurs frequently in
the O. T., denotes some species of antelope, prob-
ably the (Jraella dorau, a native of Egypt and
North Africa, or the G. Arabica of Syria and
Arabia, which appears to be a variety only of the
dorcm. The gazelle was allowed as food (Deut
xii. 15, 22. etc.); it is mentioned as very fleet of
foot (2 Sam. ii. 18; 1 Chr. xii. 8); it was hunted
(Is. xiii. 14; Prov. vi. 6); it was celebrated for its
loveliness (Cant ii. 9, 17, viii. 14). The gazelle
is found in Egypt, Barbery, and Syria. Stanley,
(S. <f P. p. 207) says that the signification of the
word Ajalon, the valley " of stags," is still justified
by '• the gazelles which the peasants hunt on its
mountain slopes." Thomson ( The Land and At
Book, p. 172) ears that the mountains of NaphtaH
" abound in gazelles to this day."
Oa»«Co Arabic*.
The arid gazelle (G. Arabica), which, If not •
different species, is at least a well-marked variety
of the dorcai, is common in Syria, and is hunted
by the Arabs with a falcon and a greyhound ; the
repeated attacks of the bird upon the head of the
animal so bewilder it that it falls an easy prey to
the greyhound, which is trained to watch the flight
of the falcon. Many of these antelopes are also
taken in pitfalls into which they are driven by the
shouts of the hunters. The large, full, soft eye of
the gazelle has long been the theme of oriental
praises. W. H.
ROO'ELIM(D^3 v l [/uffer's place, Get].
[Rom. *PsrycAAf/i; Vat]] P»?fAAciji,and so Alex.,
though once ParycXiiit: Bogelim). The residence
of Barzilla. Jm Gileadite (2 Sam. xvil. 27, xi*. 81}
in toe highlands east of the Jordan. It is men-
Digitized by CjOOQlC
2740
ROHGAH
Uoued on tbia occasion only. Nothing is nid to
ipiide us to ita situation, and no name at all resem-
bling it appears to have bean hitherto discovered on
the spot.
If interpreted as Hebrew the name is derivable
from rtfftl, the foot, and signifies the " fullers " or
" washers," who were in the habit (as they still
are in the East) of using their feet to tread the
cloth which they are cleansing. But this is ex
tremely uncertain. The same word occurs in the
rune Ex-houel. G.
roh'gah (n|rpn, c«*a, n$rn, Km
[refcrie*]: fooyi; Alex. Ovpturya- Bon'ga). An
Asherite, of the sons of Shamer (1 Chr. viL 34).
KOIMUS CPsl/to>). Rbhum 1 (1 Esdr. r. 8).
The name is not traceable in the Vulgate.
ROLL (n?3P: «^oX(j). A book in ancient
times consisted of a single long strip of paper or
parchment, which was usually kept rolled up on a
stick, and was unrolled when a person wished to
read it. Hence arose the term mtgiliah, from
gUal," " to roll," strictly answering to the Latin
vohanen, whence comes our volume ; hence also the
expressions, " to spread " and " roll together,"' in-
stead of " to open " and " to shut " a book. The
full expression for a book was "a roll of writing,"
or "a roll of a book" (Jer. xxxvi. S; Ps. xl. 7;
Ex. ii. 9), but occasionally " roll " stands by itself
(Zech. t. 1, 2 j Ear. vi. 2). The KKpaXts of the
I OCX. originally referred to the ornamental knob
(the umbilicus of the Latins) at the top of the stick
or cylinder round which the roll was wound. The
use of the term mtgiUnh implies, of course, the ex-
istence of a soft and pliant material: what this ma-
terial was in the Old Testament period, we are not
informed ; but as a knife was required for its de-
struction (Jer. xxxri. 23), we infer that it t
parchment. The roll was usually written on one
tide only (Mishn. Krub. 10, § 3), and hence the
particular notice of one that was " written within
and without" (Ex. ii. 10). The writing was ar-
ranged in columns, resembling a door in shape,
and hence deriving their Hebrew name, c just as
'• column," from ita resemblance to a columna or
pillar. It has been asserted that the term mtgiliah
does not occur before the 7th cent n. c, being
first used by Jeremiah (Hitxig, in Jer. xxxvi. 2);
and the conclusion has been drawn that the use of
such materials as parchment was not known until
that period (Ewald, Getch. i. 71, note; Gesen.
'/'lies. p. 289). This is to assume, perhaps too con-
fidently, a late date for the composition of Ps. xl.,
and to ignore the collateral evidence arising out of
the expression "roll together" used by Is. xxxiv.
4. and also out of the probable reference to the
I 'entateuch in Ps. xl. 7, " the roll of the book," a
c>| y of which was deposited by the side of the
Ark (Deut. xxxi. 26). . We may here add that the
term in Is. viii. 1, rendered in the A. V. "roll,"
none correctly means tablet. W. L. B.
"«' Flying roll" (Zech. v. 1, 9) means a book or
pa r chme n t rolled up, represented in the prophet's
rision as seen borne through the air. It was an
live symbol of Jehovah's judgments written
b*
• In the Hebrew, BHB (I K. xtx. 14) and V?|
ft- xxxtv. 4) : In the Qraek, inmmw and Trwnmv
> It. 17, SO).
ROMAN EMPIRE
oat as it were, and decreed, which at Us I
would descend and sweep away the ungodly. See
K*U, Die KUmaiPrcplitten, p.690 1 (1868). B
• ROLLER (Vtftn, from a verb = « at
bind") = bandage, so called from its form as ■
roll, Exek. xxx. 21. The prophet declares that Um
arm of Pharaoh should be broken and no art or
appliance of surgery could enable it to wield again
the sword of the oppressor. H.
ROMAMTI-E'ZER ("1$ VWJBTI:
"?»/irrtr4(tp; [Vat. Pm/iet, PoiMAx«srf>0 Atex.
VuiUjtBrtQep in 1 Chr. xxv. 4, but Vmiu6-iui(*p
in 1 Chr. xxv. 81 . Romemthieter). One of the
fourteen sons of Heman, and chief of the 94th
division of the singers in the reign of David (1
Chr. xxv. 4, 31). [HoniiB, Amer. ad.]
• ROWAN, ROTKANS (*Psuuub*: Roma.
ftui), 1 Maec viii. 1, 23-29, xil. 16, xiv. 40, it. 16;
2 Mace. viii. 10, 36, xL 34; John xl. 48; Acts xA.
91, 37, 38, xxii. 25-29, xxiii. 97, xxv. 16, xxviii. 17.
[Romas Emituk, Rome.] A.
•ROMAN CITIZENSHIP. [Crnx**-
sHir.]
ROMAN EMPIRE. The history of the Ro-
man Empire, properly so called, extends over a pe-
riod of rather more than five hundred years, namely,
from the battle of Actium, b. c. 31, when Augustus
became sole ruler of the Koman world, to the abdi-
cation of Augustulus, a. D. 476. The Empire, how-
ever, in the sense of the dominion of Rome over a
large number of conquered nations, was in full
force and had reached wide limits some time be-
fore the monarchy of Augustus was established.
The notices of Roman history which occur in tha
Bible are confined to the last century and a half of
the commonwealth and the first century of tha im-
perial monarchy.
The first historic mention of Rome in the Bible
is in 1 Mace. i. 10. Though the date of the founda-
tion of Rome coincides nearly with the beginning
of the reign of Pekah in Israel, it was not till the
beginning of the Sd century B. o. that the Romans
had leisure to interfere in tha affairs of the East.
When, however, the power of Carthage had been
effectually broken at Zama, B. c. 202, Roman arms
and intrigues soon made themselves felt through-
out Macedonia, Greece, and A»l» Minor. About
the year 161 B. c. Judas Maccabeus heard of the
Romans as the conquerors of Philip, Perseus, and
Antiochus (1 Mace. viii. 5, 6). " It was told him
also bow they destroyed and brought under then-
dominion all other kingdoms and isles that at any
time resisted them, but with their friends and
such as relied upon them they kept amity " (viii.
11, 12). In order to strengthen himself against
Demetrius king of Syria he sent ambassadors to
Roma (viii. 17), and concluded a defensive alliance
with the senate (viii. 22-32). This was renewed by
Jonathan (xil. 1) and by Simon (it. 17; Joseph.
Ant xii. 10, § 6, xiil. 5, § 8; 7, J 8). Notices of
the embassy sent by Judas, of a tribute paid to
Rome by the Syrian king, and of further inter-
course between the Romans and the Jews, occur
in 9 Mace. It. 11, viii. 10, 36, xi. 84. In thi
« /TV"! 1 "? (A T. "leaves," Jer. xxxri. 28). Hit.
slf maintains that the word means ** leaves," saw
that the mtgiliah in this caw vssa book ltkeaarewf
imjubIsII ix flf numerous pages.
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ROMAN EMPIRE
jourae of the uimtlve mention in made of tbe
Roman senate (re $ou\tirrif>ior, 1 Mace. xii. 3),
rf tbe consul Lucius (<J Etotui, 1 Mace. xv. 16,
13), and the Roman conttitution is described in a
somewhat distorted folic (1 Mace. viii. 14-18).
The history of the Maccabean and Idunuean
dynasties forma no part of our present subject.
[Haccabus; Hkrod.] Here a brief summary
af tbe progress of Komao dominion in Judaea will
ROMAN EMPIRE
2741
In the year 65 B. c, when Syria was made a
Roman province by Pouipey, tbe Jewi were still
governed by one of tbe Asmonaean princes. Aristo-
bulua bad lately driven bis brother Hyrcanus from
tbe chief priesthood, and was now in his turn at-
tacked by Aretes, king of Arabia Petnea, the ally
of Hyrcanus. Potnpey's lieutenant, M. ^Emilius
Seeurua, interfered in tbe contest B. a 64, and the
next year Pompey himself marched an army into
Judaea and took Jerusalem (Joseph. AnL xiv. 2,
8, 4; B. J. i. 6, 7). From this time the Jews
were practically under the government of Home.
Hyrcanus retained tbe high-priesthood and a titu-
lar sovereignty, subject to the watchful control of
his minister Antipater, an active partisan of the
Roman interests. Finally, Autipater'a son, Herod
the Great, was made king by Antony's interest,
B. c 40, and confirmed in the kingdom by Augus-
tas, B. c. 30 (Joseph. AnL xiv. 14, xv. 6). The
Jews, however, were all this time tributaries of
Rome, and their princes in reality were mere Ko-
man procurators. Julius Caaar is said to have ex-
acted from them a fourth part of their agricul-
tural produoe in addition to the tithe paid to
Hyrcanus (Ant. xiv. 10, §6). Komao soldiers
ware quartered at Jerusalem in Herod's time to
support him in bis authority (AnL xv. 3, § 7).
Tribute was paid to Borne, and an oath of allegiance
to the emperor as well as to Herod appears to
have been taken by the people (Ant. xrii. 3, § 2).
On the banishment of Arcbelaua, A. u. 6, Judaea
became a mere appendage of the province of
Syria, and was governed by a Roman procurator,
who resided at Caeaarea. Galilee and the adjoining
diatricta were still left under the government of
Herod 'a sons and other petty princes, whose do-
minions and tiUea were changed from time to
time by successive emperors : for details am Hkrod.
Such were tbe relations of the Jewish people to
the Roman government at tbe time when the N. T.
history begins. An ingenious illustration of this
state of things has been drawn from tbe condition
af British India. The Governor General at Cal-
cutta, the subordinate governors at Madras and
Bombay, and tbe native princes, whom domiuions
have been at one time enlarged, at another incorpo-
rated with the British presidencies, find their re-
spective counterparts in the governor of Syria at
Antaoch, the procurators of Judaea at Caeaarea, and
the members of Herod's family, whoae dominions
were alternately enlarged and suppressed by the
toman emperors (Conybeare and flowaon, Lift of
jt. Paul, i. 27). These and other sharacteristics of
toman rule come before us oonstai.tly in the N. T.
Thus we bear of Caesar the sole king ' lohn xix. 15)
—of Cyreniua, "governor of Syria" (Luke ii. 2)
—of Pontius Pilate, Felix, and Festus, the "gov-
ernors," *• «■ procurators, of Judasa — of the "te-
smreha" Herod, Philip, and Lysanias (Luke iii.
I) — of "king Agrippe" (Acta xrv. 13)— of Ro-
wan soldiers, legions, centurions, publicans — of the
wiboitHMUxy (Matt. xxii. 19)— the taxing of
the whole world " (Luke Ii. 1) — Italian and A»
gustac. cohorts (Acts x. 1, uviL 1) — the appeal
to Caaaar (Acta xxv. 11). Three of the Roman em-
perors are mentioned in the N. T. — Augustus
(Luke ii. 1), Tiberius (Luke Hi. 1), and Claudius
(Acts xi. 28, xviii. 2). Nero is alluded to under
various titles, as Augustus (Xtftattrit) and Caeaa.
(Acts xxv. 10, 11, 21, 25; Phil. iv. 22), as i k&-
pur, "my lord*' (Acts xxv. 26), and apparently
in other paaaages (1 Pet. ii. 17; Bom. xiii. ljL
Several notices of the provincial administration ol
the Romans and the condition of provincial cities
occur in the narrative of St. Paul's journeys (Acta
xiii. 7, xvi. 12, 35, 38, xviii. 12, xix. 38).
In illustration of the sacred narrative it may be
well to give a general account, though necessarily
a short and imperfect one, of the position of the
emperor, the extent of the empire, and tbe admin
istration of the provinces in the time of our Lora
sod bis Apostles. Fuller information will be sound
under special articles.
I. When Augustus became sole ruler of the Ro-
man world he was in theory simply the first dtixea
of the republic, entrusted with temporary powers
to settle the disorders of the State. Tacitus says
that he was neither king nor dictator, but " prince "
(Tec Ann. i. 9), a title implying no civil authority,
but simply the position of chief member of the sen-
ate (princeps senatua). The old magistracies were
retained, but the various powers and prerogatives
of each were conferred upon Augustus, so that while
others commonly bore the chief official titles, Au-
gustus had tbe supreme control of every department
of the state. Above all be was tbe Emperor (Im-
perator). This word, used originally to designate
any one entrusted with the imperium, or full mili-
tary authority over a Roman army, acquired a new
significance when adopted as a permanent title by
Julius Caesar. By his use of it as a constant pre-
fix to his name in the city and in tbe camp he
openly asserted a paramount military authority over
the state. Augustus, by resuming it, plainly indi-
cated, in spite of much artful concealment, the real
basis on which his power rested, namely, the sup-
port of the army (Merivale, Roman Empire, voL
iii.). In the N. T. the emperor ia commonly des-
ignated by the family name " Caesar," or the dig-
nified and almost sacred title " Augustus " (for its
meaning, eomp. Ovid, Fasti, L 609). Tiberius is
called by implication irytiuiy in Luke Iii. 1, a title
applied in the N. T. to Cyreniua, Pilate, and
others. Notwithstanding tbe despotio character of
the government, the Komans seem to have shrunk
from speaking of their ruler under his military tills
(see Merivale, Rom. Empire, iii. 452, and note) or
any other avowedly despotio appellation. The use
of the word i kuoios, aomimu, " my lord," in Acta
xxv. 26, marks the progress of Roman servility be-
tween the time of Augustus and Nero. Augustus
and Tiberius refused this title. Caligula first bore
it (see Alford's note in L e.s Ovid, Fait, ii. 142).
Tbe term $acrt\t6s, " king," In John xix. 16, 1
Pet. ii. 17, cannot be closely pressed.
The Empire was nominally elective (Tac. Attn
xiii. 4); but practically it passed by adoption (see
Galba'a speech in Tac. Bit. i. 15), and till Nero's
time a sort of hereditary right seemed to be recog-
niW. The dangers inherent in a military govern-
ment were, on the whole, successfully averted til
the death of Pertinax, a. d 193 (Gibbon, eh. in.
p. 80) but outbreaks of military violence were not
wanting in this earlier period (coup. Wenck's not*
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2742
SOMAN EMPIRE
•a Gibbon, L c). The army m systematic*!];
bribed by donative* at the commencement of each
reign, and the mob of the capital continually fed
and amused at the expense of the provinces. We
are reminded of the insolence and avarice of the
soldiers in Luke iii. 11. The reigns of Caligula,
Nero, and Domitian show that an emperor might
shed the noblest blood with impunity, so long a*
he abstained from offending the soldiery and the
populace.
II. Extent of the Empire. — Cicero's description
of the Greek states and colonies as a « fringe on the
skirts of barbarism " (Cic. De Jtep. ii. 4) has been
well applied to the Roman dominions before the
conquests of Pompey and Cesar (Merivale, Rom.
Empirt, iv. 409). The Soman Empire was still
oonfined to a narrow strip encircling the Mediter-
ranean Sea. Pompey added Asia Minor and Syria.
Cesar added Gaul. The generals of Augustus over-
ran the N. W. portion of Spain and the country
between the Alps and the Danube. The bounda-
ries of the empire were now the Atlantio on the
W., the Euphrates on the E, the deserts of Africa,
the cataracts of the Nile, and the Arabian deaerts
on the S., the British Channel, the Rhine, the
Danube, and the Black Sea on the N. The only
subsequent conquests of importance were those
of Britain by Claudius, and of Dacia by Trajan.
The only independent powers of importance were
the Parthians on the E and the Germans on the N-
The population of the empire in the time of
Augustus has been calculated at 85,000,000 (Meri-
vale, Rom. Empirt, iv. 442-460). Gibbon, speaking
of the time of Claudius, puts the population at
130,000,000 (Decline and Fall, ch. ii.). Count
Franz de Champagny adopts the same number for
tho reign of Nero (Let Centre, ii. 428). All these
estimates are confessedly somewhat uncertain and
conjectural."
This large population was controlled in the time
of Tiberius by an army of 25 legions, exclusive of
the pnetorian guards and other cohorts in the
capital. The soldiers who composed the legions
may be reckoned in round numbers at 170,000
men. If we add to these an equal number of aux-
iliaries (Tac. Ann. iv. fi) we have a total force of
340,000 men. The pnetorian guards may be reck-
oned at 10,000 (Dion Cass. Iv. 24). The other co-
horts would swell the garrison at Rome to 15,000
or 16,000 men. For the number and stations of
the legions in the time of Tiberias, comp. Tac
Ann. iv. 6.
The navy may have contained about 21,000 men
(Let Cemre, ii. 429; comp. Merivale, iii. 534).
The legion, as appears from what has been said,
must have been " more like a brigade than a regi-
ment," consisting as it did of more than 6,000 in-
fantry with cavalry attached (Conybeare and How-
son, ii. 285). For the "Italian and Augustan
bands" (Acta x. 1, xxvil. 1) see Army, vol. L p.
164 [and Italian Baud, Amer. ed.].
III. The Prorinca . — The usual fate of a coun-
try conquered by Rome was to become a subject
jrorince, governed directly from Rome by officers
ant out frr that purpose. Sometimes, however,
ss we have seen, petty sovereigns were left in pos-
session of a nominal independence on the borders,
ar within the natural Hmita, of the province. Such
e * On this subject one may consult 0. Q. Zumpt's
W<*r ten Starnd dee Btvolktnmq u. d'l ToUtnrrmeK-
anf MR Alttrtkmn, 161. pp. 1-SB (Berl. 1841). H.
EOMAN EMPIRE
a system was useful for rewarding at ally, tor de-
ploying a busy ruler, for gradually accustoming a
stubborn people to the yoke of dependence. Then
were differences too in the political condition of
cities within the provinces. Some were free cities,
t. *., were governed by their own magistrate*, and
were exempted from occupation by a Roman garri-
son. Such were Tarsus, Antioch in Syria, Ath-
ena, Epheaus, Thessakmica. See the notices oi
the "Polltarcha" and "Demos" at Tbessaloniea,
Acts xvii. 6-8, the "town-clerk" and the as-
semblv at Epheaus, Acta xix. 85, 89 (C. and H
Life of SU Paul I 857, ii. 79). Oeeasionally
but rarely, free cities were exempted from taxa
tion. Other cities were " Colonies," t. e. comma
nities of Roman citizens transplanted, like garrl
eons of the imperial city, into a foreign land
Such was Philippi (Acta xvi. 18). Such, too,
were Corinth, Troas, the Piaidian Antioch. The
inhabitants were for the most part Romans (Acta
xvi. 21), and their magistrates delighted in the Ro-
man title of Piaster (arpaTny6s), *nd in the at-
tendance of lictors (iafilovYot), Acts xvi. 85. (C
and H. L 315.)
Augustus divided the provinces Into two chases,
(1) Imperial, (2) Senatorial; retaining in his own
hands, for obvious reasons, those provinces where
the presence of a large military force was neces-
sary, and committing the peaceful and unarmed
provinces to the Senate. The Imperial province*
at first were — Gaul, Lusitania, Syria, Phoenicia,
Cilieia, Cyprus, and jEgypt The Senatorial prov-
inces were Africa, Numidla, Asia, Acluea and
Kpirua, Dalmatia, Macedonia, Sicily, Crete and
Cyrene, Bithynia and Pontua, Sardinia, Bsetlca
(Dion C. liii. 12). Cyprus and Gallia Narbonen-
sia were subsequently given up by Augustus, who
in turn received Dalmatia from the Senate. Many
other changes were made afterwards. The N. T.
writers invariably designate the governors of Sen-
atorial provinces by toe correct title of AXh/ra-
toi, proconsuls (Act* xiii. 7, xviii. 12, xix. 38).
[Cyprus.] For the governor of an Imperial prov-
ince, properly styled " Legatus Ctesaris " (rata-
0«vtv)i), the word fneuiv (Governor) is used in
the N. T.
The provinces were heavily taxed for the benefit
of Rome and her citizens. " It was as if England
were to defray the expense* of her own administra-
tion by the proceeds of a tax levied on her Indian
empire" (Liddell, Hut. of Rome, i. 448). In old
times the Roman revenue* were raised mainly from
three sources: (1.) The domain lands; (2.) A di-
rect tax (tributum) levied upon every citizen; (8.)
From customs, tolls, harbor duties, etc. The agra-
rian law of Julius Cesar is said to have extin-
guished the first source of revenue (Cic. ad AU. u.
xvi.; Dureau de la Malle, ii. 430). Roman citi-
zens had oeaeed to pay direct taxes since the eon-
quest of Macedonia, B. c. 167 (Cic. de Off. ii. 22;
Plut JEmU. Paul 38), except in extraordinary
emergencies. The main part of the Roman revenue
was now drawn from the province* by a direct uu
Oripwor, <p«>or, Matt. xxii. 17, Luke xx. 22),
amounting probably to from 5 to 7 per cent, on the
estimated produce of the soil (Dureau de la Malle,
ii. 418). The Indirect taxes too (ri\ii, ceetigaSa,
Matt xvii. 25; Dureau de la Malle, ii. 449) appeal
to have been very heavy (Ibid. ii. 438, 448). Au-
gustus on coming to the empire found the regular
sources of revenue impaired, while hli expense*
maat have been very great To say nothing of to*
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BOMAN EMPIRE
lay of the army, bo it aid to hare supported no
jss than 900,000 citiaens in Idleness by the miser-
able system of public gratuities. Hence tbe neces-
sity of a careful raluation of the property of the
■hole empire, which appears to have been made
more than once in his reign. [Census.] For tbe
historical difficulty about the taxing in Luke it. 1,
see Ctbxxius. Augustus appears to hare raised
both the direct and indirect taxes (Durum de la
Halle, ii. 433, 448).
The provinces are said to hare been better gov-
erned under tbe Empire than under the Common-
wealth, and those of the emperor better than those
of the Senate (Tae. Ann. i. 76, ir. 6; Dion, liil.
14). Two important changes were Introduced un-
der the Empire. The governors received a fixed
pay, and the term of their command was prolonged
(Joseph. AnL xviii. 6, § 6). But the old mode of
levying the taxes se em s to bare been continued.
The companies who turned the taxes, consisting
generally of knights, paid a certain sum into the
Roman treasury, and proceeded to wring what they
could from the provincials, often with tbe conniv-
ance and support of the provincial governor. The
work was doue chiefly by underlings of the lowest
diss (portitores). These are tbe publicans of the
N. T.
On the whole it seems doubtful whether the
wrongs of tbe provinces can hare been materially
alleviated under tbe imperial government. It U
not likely that such rulers as Caligula and Nero
would be scrupulous about the means used for re-
plenishing their treasury. The stories related even
of the reign of Augustus show bow slight were
the checks on the tyranny of provincial governors.
See the story of Lieinua in Gaul (Diet, of Gr. and
Rom. Biog. sub net), and that of the Dalmatian
chief (Dion, It.). The sufferings of St. Paul, pro-
tected as be was to a certain extent by his Roman
eitiaenshin, show plainly bow little a provincial had
to hope from the justice of a Roman governor.
It is impossible here to discuss tbe difficult ques-
tion relating to Roman provincial government
raised on John xviii. 31. It may be sufficient here
to state, that according to strict Roman law the
Jews would lose the power of life and death when
their country became a province, and there seems
no sufficrat reason to depart from the literal in-
terpretatiou of the verse just cited. See Alford,
ml c. On the other side tee Bisooe, On th» AcU,
p. 113.
The condition of tbe Roman Empire at the time
when Christianity appeared has often been dwelt
■poo, as affording obvious illustrations of St Paul's
expression that the " fullness of time had come "
(GaL iv. 4). The general peace within tbe limits
of tbe Empire, the formation of military roads, the
suppression of piracy, the march of tbe legions, the
voyages of tbe corn fleets, the general increase of
traffic, the spread of the Latin language in tbe
Wast as Greek had already spread in the East, the
asternal unity of the Empire, offered facilities hith-
erto unknown for the spread of a world-wide relig-
tm. The tendency, too, of a despotism like that
jf the Roman Empire to reduce all its subjects to
i dead level, was a powerful instrument in breaking
town the pride of privileged races and national
stBgions, and familiarizing men with the truth that
• God hath made of one blood all nations on the
tee of the earth" (Acts xvii. 94, 96). But still
■era striking I ban this outward preparation for the
tUfoekm of the Gospel was the appearance of a deep
SOMAS BMPIRB
274*
and wide-spread corruption which seemed to defy
any human remedy. It would be easy to accumu-
late proofs of tbe moral and political degradatioc
of the Romans under tbe Empire. It is needless
to do more than allude to tbe corruption, tbe
cruelty, the sensuality, the monstrous and unnat-
ural wickedness of the period as revealed in tbe
heathen historians and satirists. "Viewed as a
national or political history," says the great his-
torian of Rome, " the history of the Roman Empire
is sad and discouraging in tbe last degree. We
tee that things had come to a point at which no
earthly power oould afford any help; we now bare
the development of dead powers instead of that of
a vital energy" (Niebuhr, Led. v. 194). Not
withstanding the outward appearance of peace,
unity, sad reviving prosperity, the general condi-
tion of the people must hare been one of g reat
misery. To say nothing of tbe fact that probably
one-half of the population constated of slaves, the
great inequality of wealth at a time when a whole
province oould be owned by six landowners, the
absence of any middle class, the utter want of any
institutions for alleviating distress such as are found
in all Christian countries, the inhuman tone of
foaling and practice generally prevailing, forbid us
to think favorably of tbe happiness of the world
in the famous Augustan age. We must remember
that '• there were no public hospitals, no institu-
tions for the relief of the infirm and poor, no
societies for tbe improvement of the condition of
mankind from motives of charity. Nothing was
done to promote the instruction of the lower classes,
nothing to mitigate the miseries of domestio slavery.
Charity and general philanthropy were so little re-
garded as duties, that it requires a very extensive
acquaintance with the literature of the times to
find any allusion to them " (Arnold's Later Roman
Commonwealth, ii. 398). If we add to this that
there was probably not a single religion, except the
Jewish, which was felt by the more enlightened
part of its professors to be real, we may form soma
notion of the world which Christianity had to
reform and purify. We venture to quote an elo-
quent description of Its " slow, imperceptible, con-
tinuous aggression on tbe heathenism of the Roman
Empire."
" Christianity was gradually withdrawing soma
of all orders, even slaves, out of the vices, the
ignorance, the misery of that corrupted social sys-
tem. It was ever instilling feelings of humanity,
yet unknown or coldly commended by an impotent
philosophy, among men and women whose infant
ears had been habituated to the shrieks of dying
gladiators; it was giving dignity to minds pros-
trated by years, almost centuries, of degrading
despotism; it wss nurturing purity and modest)
of manners In an unspeakable state of depravation;
it was enshrining the marriage-bed in a sanctity
long almost entirely lost, and rekindling to a steady
warmth the domestic affections ; it was substituting
a simple, calm, and rational faith for tbe worn-out
superstitions of heathenism ; gently establishing in
the soul of man the sense of immortality, till it
became a natural and inextinguishable part of
his moral being' (Hilman's Loan Christianity,
i. 94).
Tbe chief prophetic notices of the Roman Empire
are found In the Book of DanleL especially Li oh.
xi. 30-40, and in tt. 40, rU. 7, 17-19, according to
the oujomon interpretation of the " fourth king-
dom, comp. 9 Esdr. xL 1. but see DamJMU At-
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2744 ROMANS, EPISTLB TO THE
cording to aoma interpreters the Romans an In-
tanded in Deut xxviii. 49-47. For the mystical
notices of Roma in tha Revelation oomp. Bomb.
J. J. H.
* On the general subject of the praoeding article,
tea Merivale's Hitlory of the Roman Empire, espe-
cially voL vi. H.
ROMANS, THE EPISTLE TO THE.
1. The dot* of thia epiitle la fixed with more ab-
aoluta certainty and within narrower limits, than
that of any other of St. Paul's epistles. The fol-
lowing consideration* determine the time of writing.
First. Certain naniea in the aalutationa point to
Corinth, aa the place from which the letter waa
lent. (1.) Phoebe, a deaooneaa of Cenchreea, one
of the port towns of Corinth, is commended to the
Komana (xvi. 1, 2). (3.) Gaiua, in whose house
Ht. Paul waa lodged at the time (xvi. S3), it prob-
ably the person mentioned aa one of the chief
members of the Corinthian Church in 1 Cor. 1. 14,
though the name waa very common. (3.) Eraatus,
here designated " the treasurer of the city " (qIko-
rd/tos, xvi. 23, E. V. "chamberlain ") is daewbere
mentioned in connection with Corinth (9 Tim. iv.
80; see also Acts xix. 22). Secowity. Having thus
determined the place of writing to be Corinth, we
have no hesitation in fixing upon the visit recorded
in Acta xx. 8, during tha winter and spring fol-
lowing the Apostle's long residence at Ephesua, as
the occasion on which the epistle waa written.
For St. Paul, when he wrote tha letter, was on the
point of carrying the contributions of Macedonia
and Achaia to Jerusalem (xv. 25-27), and a com-
pariaon with Acta xx. 22, xxiv. 17, and aiao 1 Cor.
xvi. 4; 2 Cor. viii. 1, 2, ix. 1 ff., shows that hs waa
u engaged at this period of his lite. (See l'ak-y's
Bora Paulina, cb. ii. § 1.) Moreover, in thia
epiatle he declares his intention of visiting the
Komana after be has been at Jerusalem (xv. 23-
26). and that such waa his design at thia par-
ticular time appears torn a casual notice in Acta
xix. 91.
The epiatle then waa written from Corinth during
St. Paul's third missionary Journey, on the occa-
sion of the second of the two visits recorded in the
Acts. On this occasion he remained three months
m Greece (Acta xx. 3). When he left, the tea
«aa already navigable, for he waa on the point of
sailing for Jerusalem when he waa obliged to change
hit plans. On the other hand, it cannot have been
late in the spring, because after passing through
Macedonia and visiting several places on the coast
ef Asia Minor, he still hoped to reach Jerusalem
by Pentecost (xx. 16). It was therefore in the
winter or early spring of the year that the Epiatle
o the Romans was written. According to the
■nost probable system of ohronology, adopted by
Anger and Wieaeler, this would be the year A. D.
58.
2. The Epiatle to the Romans is thus placed in
chronological connection with the epistles to the
Gaiutiana and Corinthians, which appear to have
been written within the twelve months preceding.
the First Epistle to the Corinthians waa written
oetore St Paul left Ephesut, the Second from
Macedonia when be waa on hit way to Corinth, and
the Epistle to the Galatiana moat probably either
ha Macedonia or after hit arrival at Corinth, i. e.
after the epistles to the Corinthians, though tha
■ate of the Galatian Epiatle it not absolutely cer-
tain. [Galatiahs, Epistle to thb.] We shall
hna to nonce the relations existing between these
ROMANS, EPISTLB TO THB
contemporaneous epistle* hereafter. At i_
will be sufficient to say that they present a I
able resemblance to each other in style and matter
— a much greater resemblance than can be traced
to any other of St Paul's epiatle*. They an at
once the most intense and most varied in reeling
and expression — if we may to aay, the moat Pan-
line of all St Paul's epistle*. When Bear excepts
these four epistles alone from bit sweeping con-
demnation of the genuineness of all the letters
bearing St Paul's name {PauUa, der Apoetti) this
is a mere caricature of sober criticism : but under-
ljing this erroneous exaggeration is the tact that
the epistles of this period — St Paul'* third mis-
sionary Journey — have a character and an intensity
peculiarly their own, corresponding to the eirouxt ■
stances of the Apostle's outward and inward life a",
the time when they were written. For the sped*.'
characteristics of thia group of epistles, set a paper
on the Epiatle to the GtJatiane in the Journal tf
Oat*, and Sacr. Phil, iii. p. 288.
8. The occasion which prompted thia epiatle,
and the crrcumjtrmces attending its writing, were
as follows. St Paul bad long purposed visiting
Rome, and still retained this purpose, wishing also
to extend hit journey to Spain (1. 9-13, xv. 92-28);
for the time, however, he waa prevented from car-
rying out his design, aa he waa bound far Jeru-
salem with the alms of the Gentile Christiana, and
meanwhile he addressed thia letter to the Romans,
to supply the lack of his personal teaching. Phoebe,
a deaooneaa of the neighboring church of Ceuehreae,
wat on the point of starting for Rome (xvi. 1, 9),
and probably conveyed the letter. The body of the
epiatle wat written at the Apostle's dictation by
Tertius (xvi. 22); but perhaps we may infer from
the abruptness of the final doxology, that It wit
added by the Apostle himself, more especially aa we
gather from other epistles that it waa his practice
to conclude with a few striking words in hit own
handwriting, to vouch for the authorship of the
letter, and frequently also to impress tome important
truth more strongly on his readers.
4. The origin o/tke Soman Cnwrck la involved
in obscurity. If it had been founded by St Peter,
according to a later tradition, the absence of any
allusion to him both in thia epistle and hi the
letters written by St Paul from Rome would admit
of no explanation. It it equally dear that no
other Apostle waa the founder. In thia very epia-
tle, and in dose connection with the mention of
hit proposed visit to Rome, the Apostle declare*
that it was hit rule not to build on another man's
foundation (xv. 20), and we cannot suppose that
be violated it in thia instance. Again, ha speaks
of the Romero aa especially felling to hit abare aa
the Apostle of the Gentiles (i. IS) vrtth an evident
reference to the partition of the bead of labor be-
tween himself and St Peter, mentioned in Gal. ii.
7-8. Moreover, when he declares bis wish to im-
part tome spiritual gift (gapio-pa.) to them, " that
they might be established " (i. 11', this impose
that they had not yet been visited by an Apoatle,
and that St Paul contemplated supplying tha
defect, at was done by St Peter and St John m
the analogous case of the churches founded by
Philip in Samaria (Acta till. 14-17).
The statement in the Clementines (Bom. I. § •
that tha first tidings of the Gospel reached Rome
during the lifetime of our Lord, it evidently t
fiction for the purposes of the romance. On the
other hand, it it dear that the foundation of this
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BOMAJSS, EPISTLE TO THtt
ery for hack. St Paul in thii
•stale salutes certain believers resident in Rome —
Aadronicne and Junia (or Juuianiu?) — adding
that they were distinguished among the Apostles,
and that they vera converted to Christ before him-
self (xvi. 7), for such seems to be the meaning of
the pillage, rendered somewhat ambiguous by the
1 of the relative pronouns. It may be that
9 of those Romans, '• both Jews and proselytes,"
on the day of Pentecost (0/ •wiSnuevyru
'IovSotof r« koI rooarjXi/roi, Acts ii-
I0)i carried back the earliest tidings of the new
doctrine, or the Gospel may hare first reached the
imperial city through those who were scattered
ale sad to escape the persecution which followed on
the death of Stephen (Acts riii. 4, xi. 19). At
all events, a close and constant communication was
kept op between the Jewish residents in Rome and
their fellow-countrymen in Palestine by the exigen-
cies of commerce, in which they became more and
more engrossed, as their national hopes declined,
and by the custom of repairing regularly to their
sacred festivals at Jerusalem. Again, the impe-
rial edicts alternately banishing and recalling the
Jews (compare t. g. in the case of Claudius,
Joseph. Ant. xix. 6, § 3, with Suet Claud, e. 35)
must have kept up a constant ebb and flow of
migration between Rome and the East, and the
ease of Aquila and Priecilla (Acts xviii. 9; see
Palsy, Bar. Paul, c ii. § 8) probably represents a
oumeroua abss through whose means the opinions
and doctrines promulgated in Palestine might reach
the metropolis. At first we may suppose that the
Gospel was preached there in a confused snd im-
perfect form, scarcely more than a phase of Juda-
ism, as in the ease of Apollo* at Corinth (Acts
tvin. 85), or the disciples at Ephesus (Acts xix.
1-3). As time advanced and better instructed
teachers arrived, the clouds would gradually clear
sway, till at length the presence of the great Apos-
tle himself at Rome dispersed the mists of Judaism
wbjefa still hung about the Roman Church. Long
after Christianity bad taken up a position of direct
antagonism to Judaism in Rome, heathen states-
a~n and writers still persisted in confounding the
aw with the other. (See Merirale, Hist of Rom*,
ri. 378, etc)
5. A question next arises as to the composition
if Ike Human Ciurch, at the time when St Paul
wrote. Did the Apostle address a Jewish or a
Gentile community, or, if the two elements were
combined, was one or other predominant so as to
give a character to the whole Church? Either
nutan s baa been vigorously maintained, Baur for
instance asserting that St Paul was writing to
Jewish Christians, Olshaoseo arguing that the Ro-
sen Church consisted almost solely of Gentiles.
Ws an naturally led to seek the truth in some in-
termediate position. Jowett finds a solution of the
ibSeolty in the supposition that the members of
the Roman Church, though Gentiles, had passed
trough a phase of Jewish proselrtism. This will
{plain some of the phenomena of the epistle, but
not all. It is more probable that St. Paul ad-
hssssd a mixed church of Jews and Gentiles, the
latter perhaps being the more numerous.
There are certain passages which imply the
presence of a large number of Jewish converts to
Christianity The use of the second person in ad-
dressing the Jews (cc ii. and ill.) hi dearly not
Msnmed merely for argumentative p-rpcses, but
applies to a portion at least of those into whose
1 ©MANS, EPISTLE TO THK 2745
hands the letter would fall. The constant appeals
to the authority of " the Law " may in many eases
be accounted for by the Jewish education of the
Gentile believers (so Jowett, voL ii. p. 83), but
sometimes they seem too direct and positive to ad-
mit of this explanation (itt. 19, vii. 1). In the
7th chapter St Paul appears to be addressing Jews,
as those who like himself had once been under tl>>
dominion of the Law, but had been delivered front
it in Christ (see especially verses 4 and 6). And
when in xi. 13, be says " I am speaking to you —
the Gentiles," this very limiting expression, " the
Gentiles," implies that the letter was addressed to
not a few to whom the term would not apply.
Again, if we analyze the list of names in thw
16th chapter, and assume that this list approxi-
mately represents the proportion of Jew and Gen
tile in the Roman Church (an assumption at least
not improbable), we arrive at the same result It
is true that Mary, or rather Mariam (xvi. 3) is
the only strictly Jewish name. But this fact ia
not worth the stress apparently laid on it by Mr.
Jowett (ii. p. 37). For Aquila and PriscUla (ver.
8) were Jews (Acts xviii. 3, 36), and the church
which met in their bouse was probably of the
same nation. Audroniciis and Junia (or Juntas?
ver. 7) are called St Paul's kinsmen. The same
term is applied to Herodion (ver. 11). These per-
sons then mutt have been Jews, whether " kins-
men " is taken in the wider or the more restricted
sense. The name Apelles (ver. 10), though a
heathen name also, was most commonly borne by
.lews, as appears from Horace, Sat I. r. 100. If
the Aristobulus of ver. 10 was one of the princes
of the Herodian bouse, as seems probable, we have
also in " the household of Aristobulus " several
Jewish converts. Altogether it appears that a very
large fraction of the Christian believers mentioned
in these salutations were Jews, even supposing that
the others, bearing Greek and Latin names, of
whom we know nothing, were heathens.
Nor does the existence of a large Jewish ele-
ment in the Roman Church present any difficulty.
The captives carried to Rome by Pompeius formed
the nucleus of the Jewish population in the metropo-
lis [RohkJ. Since that time tbey had largely in-
creased. During the reign of Augustus we hear
of above 8,000 resident Jews attaching themselves
to a Jewish embassy which appealed to this emperor
(Joseph. Ant. xvii. 11, $1). The same emperor
gave them a quarter beyond the Tiber, and allowed
them the free exercise of their religion (Philo, Leg.
ad Cowan, p. 668 M. ). About the time when St
Paul wrote, Seneca, speaking of the influence of
Judaism, echoes the famous expression of Horace
(£/>. ii. 1. 166) respecting the Greeks — " vieti vic-
torious leges dederunt " (Seneca, in Augustin, d*
Ch. Dei, vi. 11). And the bitter satire of Juvenal
and indignant complaints of Tacitus of the spread
of the infection through Roman society, are well
known*
On the other hand, situated in the metropolis of
the great empire of heathendom, the Roman Church
must necessarily have been in great measure a Gen-
tile Church ; and the language of the epistle bears
out this supposition. It is professedly as the Apos-
tle of the Gentiles that St Paul writes to the Ro-
mans (i. 6). He hopes to have some fruit among
thein, as he had among the other Gentiles (i. 13).
L*-!r on in the epistle he speaks of the Jews in the
third person, as if addressing Gentiles, " I could
I wish that myself were accursed for my brethren.
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2746 ROMANS, EPISTLE TO THE
my kinsmen after the flesh, who ate Israelites, etc."
(hi. 3, 4). And again, " my heart's desire and
prayer to God for them is that they might be
saved " (x. 1, the right reading is Mp array,
not Mp rev 'I<rpo^\ as in the Received Text)
Compare also xi. 83, 25, and especially xi. 30,
" For as ye iu times past did not believe God, .
. . . so did these also (i. e. the Jews) now not
believe," etc. In all these passages St, Paul clearly
addresses himself to Gentile readers.
These Gentile converts, however, were not for
the most part native Romans. Strange as the
paradox appears, nothing is more certain than that
the Church of Rome was at this time a Greek and
not a l-atin Church. It is clearly established that
the early Latin versions of the New Testament were
made not for the use of Rome, but of the provinces,
especially Africa (Westeott, Canon, p. 269). AH
the literature of the early Roman Church was
written in the Greek tongue. The names of the
bishops of Rome during the first two centuries are
with but few exceptions Greek. (See Hitman,
Latin Christ, i. 27.) And In accordance with
these met* we find that a very large proportion of
the names in the salutations of this epistle are
Greek names; while of the exceptions, Priscilla,
Aqnila, and Junia (or Junias), were certainly Jews;
and the same is true of Kufus, if, as is not improb-
able, be is the same mentioned Mark xv. 21. Julia
was probably a dependent of the imperial house-
hold, and derived her name accordingly. The only
Roman names remaining are Amplias (t. e. Ampli-
atus) and Urbanus, of whom nothing is known,
but their names are of late growth, and certainly
do not point to an old Roman stock. It was there-
lore from the Greek population of Rome, pure or
mixed, that the Gentile portion of the Church was
almost entirely drawn. And this might tie ex-
pected. The Greeks formed a very considerable
fraction of the whole people of Rome. They were
the most busy and adventurous, and also the most
Intelligent of the middle and lower classes of society,
The influence which they were acquiring by their
numbers and versatility is a constant theme of re-
jroach in the Roman philosopher and satirist (Jut.
tii. 60-80, vl. 184; Tac. rfe OrtiU 29). They com-
plain that the national character is undermined,
that the whole city has become Greek. Speaking
the language of international intercourse, and
brought by their restless habits into contact with
foreign religions, the Greeks had larger opportuni-
ties than others of acquainting themselves with the
truths of the Gospel: while at the same time hold-
ing more loosely to traditional beliefs, and with
minds naturally more inquiring, they would be
more ready to welcome these truths when they
same in their way. At all events, for whatever
reason, the Gentile converts at Rome were Greeks,
not Romans: and it was an unfortunate conjecture
an the part of the transcriber of the Syriac Peshito,
Aat this letter was written " in the Latin tongue,"
WtiDTU Every line in the epistle bespeaks
J> original.
When we inquire Into the probable rank and
station of tho Roman believers, an analysis of the
names in the list of salutations again gives an ap-
proximate answer These names belong for the
most part to the middle and lower grades of society.
Many of them are found in the columbaria of the
frnsdmen and slaves of the early Roman emperors,
[flea Journal of Clou, and Haer. PUL It. p. 67.)
ROMANS, EPISTLE TO THE
It would be too much to assume that they net
the same persons, but at all events the identity of
names points to the same social rank. Among the
leas wealthy merchants and tradesmen, among the
petty officers of the army, among the slaves and
freedmen of the imperial palace — whether Jews or
Greeks — the Gospel would first find a firm footing.
To this last class allusion is made in Phil. It. 22,
" they that are of Cesar's household." From these
it would gradually work upwards and downwards;
but we may be sure that in respect of rank the
Church of Rome was no exception to the general
rule, that " not many wise, not many mighty, not
many noble" were called (1 Cor. i. 26).
It seems probable from what has been laid above,
that the Roman Church at this time was composed
of Jews and Gentiles in nearly equal portions
This tact finds expression in the account, whether
true or false, which represent* St. Peter and St
Paul as presiding at the same time over the Church
at Rome (Uionys. Cor. ap. Euaeb. H. E. 11. 25;
Iren. iii. 3). Possibly also the discrepancies in the
lists of the early bishops of Rome may find a solu-
tion (Pearson, Minor TheoL Work; ii. 449; Bun-
sen, Hippolytm, i. p. 44) in the Joint Episcopate of
Linus and Cletus, the one ruling over the Jewish,
the other over the Gentile congregation of the me-
tropolis. If this conjecture be accepted, It It an
important testimony to the view here maintained,
though we cannot suppose that in St. Paul's time
the two elements of the Roman Church had dis-
tinct organizations.
6. The heterogeneous composition of this church
explains the general character of the Epistle to the
Romans. In an assemblage so various, we should
expect to find not the exclusive predominance of a
single form of error, but the coincidence of dif-
ferent and opposing forms. The Gospel had here
to contend not specially with Judaism nor specially
with heathenism, but with both together. It was
therefore the business of the Christian Teacher to
reconcile the opposing difficulties and to hold out
a meeting point in the Gospel. This is exactly
what St. Paul does in the Epistle to the Romans,
and what from the circumstances of the case he xaa
well enabled to do. He was addressing a large
and varied community which had not been founded
by himself, and with which he had had no direct in-
tercourse. Again, it does not appear that the letter
was specially written to answer any doubt* or set-
tle any controversies then rife in the Roman Church.
There were therefore no disturbing influences, such
as arise out of personal relations, or peculiar cir-
cumstances, to derange a general and systematic
exposition of the nature and working of the Gos-
pel. At the same time the vast importance of the
metropolitan Church, which could not have been
overlooked even by an uninspired teacher, naturally
pointed it out to the Apostle, as the fittest body to
whom to address such an exposition. Thus the
Epistle to the Romans is more of a treatise tnan o>
a letter. If we remove the personal allusions in
the opening verses, and the salutations at the close,
it seems not more particularly addressed to the
Church of Rome, than to any other church of
Christendom. In this respect it differs widely
from the epistles to the Corinthians and Galatians,
with which as being written about the same time
it may most fairly be compared, and which are fuO
of personal and direct allusions. In one Instanes
alone we teem to trace a special reference to the
ehurco of the metropolis. The injunction of
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BOMANS, EPISTLE TO THE
ibedience to temporal mien (xiii. 1) would moat
itly be addressed to a congregation brought face
\o face with the imperial government, and the
more bo, a* Borne had recently been the soene of
frequtnt disturbances, on the part of either Jews or
Chriatiana, arising out of a fereriah and restless an-
ticipation of Messiah's coming (Suet Cinid. 25).
Uther apparent exception! admit of a different ex-
planation.
7. This explanation is in fact to be sought in its
reLttion to the contempwaneuia rpittlet. The
letter to the Komans cloees the group of epistles
written during the third missionary journey. This
group contains beside*, as already mentioned, the
letters to the Corinthian* and Galatians, written
probably within the tew months preceding. At
Corinth, the capital of Achaia, and the stronghold
of heathendom, the Gospel would encounter its se-
verest struggle with Gentile vices and prejudices.
In Galatia, which either from natural sympathy or
from close contact seems to have been more ex-
posed to Jewish influence than any other church
within St. Paul's sphere of labor, it had a sharp
contest with Judaism. In the epistles to these
two churches we study the attitude of the Gospel
towards the Gentile and Jewish world respectively.
These letters are direct and special. They are
svuked by present emergencies, are directed against
actual evils, are full of personal applications. The
Epistle to the Romans is the summary of what be
had written before, the result of his dealing with
the two antagonistic forms of error, the gathering
together of the fragmentary teaching in the Co-
rinthian and Galatian letters. What is there im-
mediate, irregular, and of partial application, is
here arranged and completed, and thrown into a
general form. Thus on the one hand his treat-
ment of the Mosaic law points to the difficulties he
encountered in dealing with the Galatian Church,
while on the other his cautions against antinoniian
excesses (Kom. vi. 15,4c.), and his precepts against
giving offense in the matter of meat* and the ob-
servance of days (Kom. xiv.), remind us of the
errors which he had to correct in his Corinthian
sooverte. (Compare 1 Cor. vi. 19 ff., and 1 Cor.
viii. 1 ff.) Those injunctions then which seem at
first sight special, appear not to be directed against
sny actual known failings In the Roman Church,
bat to be suggested by the possibility of those ir-
regularities occurring in Rome which he had al-
ready encountered elsewhere.
8. Viewing thia epistle then rather in the light
if a treatise than of a letter, we an enabled to
uplain certain phenomena m tee lad. In the
eeeived text a doxology stands at the close of the
epistle (xri. 85-37). The preponderance of evi-
dence ia In favor of this position, but there is
respectable authority for placing it at the end of
eh. xiv. In some texts again it is found in both
pUess, while others omit it entirely. How can we
account for this? It has been thought by some to
discredit the genuineness of the doxology itself:
Bert there is no sufficient ground for this view. The
arguments against its genuineness on the ground
of style, advanced by Keiebe, are met and refuted
by Fritssche (Son. vol. L p. xxxv.). Iiaur goes
still further, and rejects the two last chapters; but
men an inference falls without, the range of sober
ariticism. The phenomena of the MSS. seem best
explained by supposing that the letter was circu-
lated at an early date (whether during the Apostle's
HWIim or not it is idle to inquire) in two forae,
BOMANS, EPISTLE TO THE 2747
both with and without the two last chapters, la
the shorter form it was divested as far as possible
of its epistolary character by abstracting the per-
sonal matter addressed especially to the Komaus,
the doxology being retained at the close A still
further attempt to strip this epistle of any special
references is found in MS. G, which omits iv 'Ptfe/xy
(i. 7), and T o»? «V 'P«*up (i. 15), for it is to be
observed at the same time that this MS. omits the
doxology entirely, and leaves a apace after ch. xiv.
This view is somewhat confirmed by the parallel
case of the opening of the Ephesian Kpistle, in
which there is very high authority for omitting
the words iv 'Etpicry, and which bears strong
marks of having been intended for a circular
letter.
9. In describing the purport of this epistle we
may start from St. Haul's own words, which, stand-
ing at the beginning of the doctrinal portion, may
be taken as giving a summary of the contents:
" The Gospel is the power of God luito salvation
to every one that believeth, to the Jew first and
also to the Greek: for therein Is the righteousness
of God revealed from faith to faith " (i. 16, 17).
Accordingly the epistle has been described as com-
prising "the religious philosophy of the world's
history." The world in its religious aspect ia
divided into Jew and Gentile. The different posi-
tion of the two as regards their past and present
relations to God, and their future prospects, are ex-
plained. The atonement of Christ is the centre of
religious history. The doctrine of Justification by
faith is the key which unlocks the hidden mysteries
of the divine dispensation.
The epistle, from its general character, lends
itself more readily to an annlyiii than is often the
case with St. Paul's epistles. The body of the
letter consists of four portions, of which the first
and last relate to personal matters, the second ia
argumentative and doctrinal, and the third practi-
cal and hortatory. The following is a table of its
contents : —
Salutation (i. 1-7). The Apostle at the outset
strikes the keynote of the epistles in the expres-
sions "ealUd as an apostle," "called as saints."
Divine grace is everything, human merit nothing.
L Personal explanations. Purposed visit te
Rome (i. 8-15).
II. Doctrinal (1. 18-xi. 38).
The gmeral proposition. The Gospel is the
salvation of Jew and Gentile alike. This
salvation comes by faith (i. 16, 17).
The rest of this section ia taken up in estab-
lishing this thesis, and drawing deductions
from it, or correcting misapprehensions,
(a.) All alike were under condemnation before
the Gospel:
The heathen (i. 18-39).
The Jew (ii. 1-99).
Objections to this statement answered (111.
1-8).
And the position itself established from
Scripture (iii. 9-90).
(4.) A righleoumeu (justification) Is Hiieakd
under the gospel, which being of faith, not
of law, is also universal (iii. 91-96).
And boasting is thereby excluded (iii. 97-31).
Of this justification by faith Abraham is an
example (iv. 1-95).
Thus then we are justified in Christ, in whoa
alo>.e we glory (v. 1-11).
And thia acceptance in Christ is as ant
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8748 ROMANS, EPISTLE TO THE
wi» the condemnation in Adam
(t. 12-19).
(o.) The moral coiuequenea of our deliver-
woe-
The Law was given to multiply (in (r. 20,
21). When we died to the Law we died to
•in (vi. 1-14). The abolition of the Law,
however, is not a signal Tor moral licenae
(vi. 16-23). On the contrary, aa the Law
hw patted away, to mutt tin, for tin and
the Law are correlative; at the tame time
thii ii no disparagement of the Law, but
rather a proof of human weakness (vii.
1-25). So henceforth in Christ we are free
from sin, we have the Spirit and look for-
ward in hope, triumphing over our present
afflictions (viii. 1-39).
(A) The rejection of the Jem i* a matter of
deep sorrow (iz. 1-6).
Yet we must remember —
(i.) That the promise was not to the whole
people, but only to a select seed (ix. 6-13).
And the absolute purpuee of God in so
ordaining is not to be canvassed by
man (ix. 14-19).
(.1) That the Jews did not seek justification
aright, and so missed it. This justifica-
tion was promised by faith, and is
offered to all alike, the preaching to tbe
Gentiles being implied therein. Tbe
character and results of the Gospel dis-
pensation are foreshadowed in Scripture
(x. 1-21).
(lii.) That the rejection of the Jews is not
final. This rejection has been the means
of gathering in the Gentiles, and through
tbe Gentiles they themselves will ulti-
mately be brought to Christ (xi. 1-86).
IBL Practical exhortations (xii. 1-xv. 13).
(a.) To holiness of life and to charity in gen-
eral, the duty of obedience to rulers being
inculcated by tbe way (xii. 1-xiii. 14).
(4.) And more particularly against giving
offense to weaker brethren (xiv. 1-xv. 13).
IT. Personal matters.
(a.) The Apostle's motive in writing the
letter, and his intention of visiting the
Romans (xv. 14-33).
(6.) Greetings (xvi. 1-23).
The letter ends with a benediction and doxology
(xvi. 24-27).
While this epistle contains the fullest and most
systematic exposition of the Apostle's Unching, it
is at the same time a very striking expression of
his character. Nowhere do his earnest and affec-
tionate nature, and his tact and delicacy in hand-
ling unwelcome topics appear more strongly than
when he is dealing with the rejection of his fellow-
eoontrymen the Jews.
The reader may be referred especially to the
introductions of Olsbauseu, Tboluck, and Jowett,
«*" suggestive remarks relating to the scope and
purport of the Epistle to the Romans.
10. Internal evidence is so strongly in favor of
the gemdnenett of the Epistle to the Romans that
t has never been seriously questioned. Even tbe
sweeping criticism of Baur did not go beyond
tondemning tbe two last chapters as spurious.
But while the epistle bears in itaelf tbe strongest
triofa of iU Pauline authorship, the external testi-
dor.y in .ts favor is not inconsiderable.
The reference to Rom ii. 4 in 2 Pet. ill. 16 is
ROMANS, EPISTLE TO THE
indeed more than (kubtfuL In the Epistle of 8a.
James again (ii. 14), there if an allusion to par.
versions of St. Paul's language and doctrine which
has several points of contact with the Epistle fa)
tbe Romans, but this may perhaps be explained
by the oral rather than the written teaching of
the Apostle, as the dates teem to require. It is
not the practice of the Apostolic fathers to cite the
N. T. writers by name, but marked passages from
the Romans are found embedded in the epistles of
Clement and Polycarp (Rom. i. 29-82 in Clem.
Or. c. xxxv., and Rom. xiv. 10, 12, in Polye.
Phil o. vi.). It teems also to hare been directly
cited by the elder quoted in Iremeus (iv. 27, 3,
"ideo Paulum dixisae; " cf. Rom. xi. 21, 17), and
is alluded to by the writer of the Epistle to Dfof-
netut (c ix., cf. Rom. HI. 21 foil., v. 20), and by
Justin Martyr (Mil. o. 23, cf. Rom. iv. 10, 11
and in other passages). Tbe title of Melito's trea-
tise, On the Hearing of Faith, seems to be an allu-
sion to this epistle (see however Gal. ili. 2, 8). It
has a place moreover in the Huratorian Canon and
iu the Syriac and Old Latin Versions. Nor have
we the testimony of orthodox writers alone. The
epistle was commonly quoted as an authority by
the heretics of tbe sub-apostolic age, by the Ophites
(HippoL adv. Bar. p. 99, cf. Rom. i. 20-96), by
Baailides (10. p. 238, cf. Rom. viii. 19, 22, and v.
13, 14), by Valentinus (to. p. 196, cf. Rom. viii.
11 ), by the Valentinians Heracleon and Ptolemcus
(Westcott, On the Canon, pp. 336, 840), and per-
haps also by Titian (Orat. e. iv., cf. Rom. i. 20),
besides being included in Harcion's Canon. In
the latter part of the second century the evidence
in its favor is still fuller. It is obviously alluded
to in tbe letter of the churches of Vienne and
Lyins (Euaeb. //. E. v. 1, cf. Rom viii. 18), and
by Athenagoras (p. 18, cf. Rom. xii. 1 ; p. 37, cf.
Rom. i. 24) and Theophilus of Antioch (Ad AutoL
p. 79, cf. Rom. ii. 6 foil.; p. 136, cf. Rom. xiii. 7,
8); and is quoted frequently and by name by
Irenseus, Tertullian, and Clement of Alexandria (see
Kirchhofer, QueUen, p. 198, and esp. Westcott,
On the Canon, passim).
11. The Commentaries on this epistle are very
numerous, as might be expected from its impor-
tance. Of the many patristic expositions only a few
are now extant. The work of Origen is preserved
entire only in a loose Latin translation of Rufinus
( Orig. ed. de la Rue, iv. 468), but some fragments
of the original are found in the PhiiocaSa, and
more in Cramer's Catena. The commentary on
St. Paul's epistles printed among the works of St.
Ambrose (ed. Ben. ii. Appx. p. 21), and hence
bearing the name Ambrosiaater, is probably to be
attributed to Hilary the deacon. Besides these
are the expositions of St Paul's epistles by Chry-
sostom (ed. Houtf. ix. p. 426, edited separately by
Field), by Pelagius (printed among Jerome's
works, ed. Tallarti, xi. Pt. 3, p. 136), by Prima-
sius (Magn. BibL Vet. Pair, vi Pt. 2, p. 80), and
by Tbeodoret (ed. Schulze, iii. p. 1). Augustine
commenced a work, but broke off at i. 4: it
bears the name lnchoata Expotitio Epittola ad
Bom. (ed. Ben. iii. p. 92S). Later he wrote Ex-
potitio quarundam PropotiUomim Epittola ad
Bom., alao extant (ed. Ben. iii. p. 903). To these
should be added tbe later Catena of (Ecumenim
(10th cent.) and the notes of Theophyiact (Uto
cent.), tbe former containing valuable extracts
from Photius. Portions of a commentary of Cyril
of Alexandria were published by Mai (JVo*. Pa*
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KOMANS, EPISTLE TO THE
Bibl. ill p. 1). The Catena edited by Cramer
|1844) comprises two ejections of Variorum notes,
She one extending from 1. 1 to ix. 1, the other tarn
rU. T, to the end. Besides passages from extant
sommentaries, they eontain important extracts from
Apolnnsrius, Theodonii of Hopancatia [ed. Fritx
who, 1847; Mlgne, Patrol. Or. Ixrl.], Severianus,
Uennadiua, Photioa, and others. There are also the
Greek Sekoha, edited by MatthiU, in his large Greek
Test (Riga, 1783), from Moscow MSS. The cotn-
mmtary of Eatfaymiua Zigabenua (Tholuck, EinL
% 6) exists in MS., but has never been printed.
Of the later commentaries we can only mention
a few of the most important. The dogmatic value
of this epistle naturally attracted the early re-
formers. Helancthon wrote several expositions of it
(Walch, Bibl TheoL It. 679). The Commentary
of Calvin on the Romans is considered the ablest
part of his able work. Among Roman Catholic
writers, the older works of Estius and Com. a
Lapide deserve to be mentioned. Of foreign an-
notators of a mora recent date, besides the general
commentaries of Bengel, Olxhansen, De Wette, and
Meyer (3d ed. 1859 [4th ed. 1886] ), which are highly
valuable aids to the study of this epistle, we may
single out the special works of Riickert (9d ed. 1839 ),
Reicbe (1834), Fritzsche (1838-43), and Tholuck
(5th ed. 1856). An elaborate commentary has
also been published lately by Van Hengel. Among
English writers, besides the editions of the whole
of the New Testament by Alford (4th ed. 1861)
and Wordsworth (new ed. 1861), the most impor-
tant annotations on the Epistle to the Romans are
those of Stuart (6th ed. 1857), Jowett (3d ed.
1859), and Vaughan (8d ed. 1861). Further in-
formation on the subject of the literature of the
Epistle to the Romans may be found in the intro-
ductions of Reicbe and Tholuck. J. B. L.
* Recent Literature. — On the composition of
the Roman Church and the aim of the epistle
valuable essays have been lately published by W.
Mangold, Der RSmerbritf u. the Anfange d. rim.
Oemeinde, Marb. 1866, and W. Beyschlag, Dni
getchichltiche Problem dee Rimerbrieft, in the
Tkeul Stud. u. Kril., 1867, pp. 627-665; oomp.
Hilgenfeld, Die Pauhu-Brie/e u. tare neueten
BenrbeiUmgen, in bis Zeittchr. f. uriu. Thtot.
1866, ix. 998-316, 887-387. Return (Saint Paul,
Paris, 1869, pp. Ixiit-lxxv.) supposes the Epistle
to the Romans to hare been a circular letter, of
which there were four copies with distinct endings
(sent to the churches at Rome, Ephesus, Tbeasa-
lonica, and some unknown church), the body of the
letter remaining the same. The details of his
theory and the arguments for it cannot be given
here. It is fully discussed by Prof. Lightfoot (the
uthor of the preceding article) in the Journal of
Philology, 1869, voL ii. pp. 864-396. His own
hypothesis is, that the epistle as originally written
was without the benediction xri. 94 (omitted by
Laehnb, TTsch., and Tregellea as wanting in the best
MSS.) and the doxology (xri. 35-37). " At tome
later period of his lift . . . . it occurred to
lie Apostle to give to this letter a wider cireula-
■on. To this and he made two changes in it: he
obliterated aD mention of Rome in the opening
paragraphs by alight alterations [substituting t,
Vywa-s tm tat tw *P&nv in i. 7, and omitting «V
P*Vp i» L 16 — for the traces of this In MSS.,
etc., see Tiaeh.] ; and be cut off the two last jhap-
•ers containing personal matters, adding at the
■una time a doxology [xri. 95-37] as a termlna-
BOME
2749
tkm to the whole.'' This it will be perc ei ved la a
modification of the view presented in § 8 of the
article above.
Among the more recent Commentariet, we ma)
notice Umbreit, Der Brief an die Rimer, auf d
Grande da A. T. autgelfgt, Gotha, 1856; Ewald,
Die Sendtchreiben del Ap. Paului doers, u. er-
tUrt, Gott 1857; John Brown (>< Prof, of Exeget
Theol. to the United Presbyterian Church "}, Ana.
Igtical Exposition of the Ep. to the Romant, Ellin,
alto N. Y., 1857; John Forbes, AnnlyL Coma, on
the Ep. to the Romant, tracing the tram of Thaight
by the aid of ParaOelim, Edin. 1868; J. P. Laige,
Der Brief PauR an die Rimer, 3* Ann. 180P
(Theil vi. of his Bibelatrk), greatly enlarged and
enriched by Dr. Schaff and the Rev. M. B. Riddle,
in the Amer. translation, N. T. 1869 (vol. v. of
Lange'a Comm.); and J. C. K. von Hofmann, Pr
Brief Pauti an die Rimer, Nbrdlingen, 1868
(Theil Ui. of his Die keU. Schrift d. tf. T. tueam-
menhangend untertucht). Of the commentaries
mentioned by Lightfoot, that of Fritascbe is par
ticuhrly distinguished for its philological thorough-
ness.
Of American commentaries, we may further
name those of Dr. Charles Hodge (Old School
Presbyterian), Philad. 1835, new ed., revised and
greatly enlarged, 1864; S. H. Turner (Episco-
palian), N. Y. 1853; and the more popular Notes
of Albert Barnes (New School Presb.), H. J. Rip-
ley (Baptist), A. A. Livermore (Unitarian), and L
R. Paige (Universaiist).
On the theology of this epistle and the doctrine
of Paul in general, in addition to the works re-
ferred to under the art. Paul, vol. iii. p. 3397, one
may consult the recent volume of Weiss, Lehrb.
d. BibL ThtoL d. If. T., Berl. 1868, pp. 816-507.
Rom. r. 13-19 is discussed by Prof. Timothy Dwigbl
in the New Englander for July, 1868, with partic-
ular reference to the Commentary of Dr. Hodge.
For a fuller view of the very extensive literature
relating to the epistle, see the American translation
of Lange's Commentary as above referr e d to, p.
48 ft. ; oomp. p. 37 ft., 37, and for special mono-
graphs, the body of the Commentary on the more
important passages. The older literature is de-
tailed in the well-known bibliographical works of
Walch, Winer, Dana, and Darting. A.
ROME CPaVn, Ethn. and Adj. 'Paficuot, *Per
Itaixis In the phrase ypififiara 'PffiaZxd, Luke
xxiii. 38), the famous capital of the ancient world,
is situated on the Tiber at a distance of about 16
miles from its mouth. The "seven hills" (Rev. rril.
9) which formed the nucleus of the ancient city
stand on the left hank. On the opposite side of this
river rises the far higher ridge of the Janieulum.
Here from very early times was a fortress with a
suburb beneath it extending to the river. Modern
Rome lies to the N. of the ancient city, covering
with its principal portion the plain to the N. of the
seven hills, once known as the Campus Martins,
and on the opposite bank extending over the low
ground beneath the Vatican to the N. of the
ancient Janieulum. A full account of the history
and topography of the city Is given elsewhere
(Diet, of Gr. and Rom. Geogr. Ii. 719). Here it
will be considered only in its relation to Bible Wa-
tery.
Rome is not mentioned In the Bible except in
the boots of Maccabees and In three books of the
N. T., namely, the Acta, the Epistle to the Re-
mans, and the 3d Epistle to Timothy. For Mat
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aotieei of Rome in the book* of Ma cca b e e s see Ro-
max Empire.
Hie conquests of Pompey seem to have given
rise to the first settlement of Jews «t Rome. The
Jewish king Aristobulna and his eon formed part
of Pompey 's triumph, and many Jewish • captives
and emigrants were brought to Rome at that time.
A special district was assigned to them, not on the
site of the modern " Ghetto," between the Capitol
and the ialand of the Tiber, but across the Tiber
(Philo, Leg. ad Caium, it. 568, ed. Mangey).
Many of these Jews were made freedmen (Phikt,
L e.). Julius Caesar showed them some kindness
(Joseph. Ant. xiv. 10, {8; Suet. Conor, 84).
They were favored also by Augustus, and by Tibe-
rius during the latter part of his reign (Philo, I
c. ). At an earlier period apparently be banished
a gnat number of them to Sardinia (Joseph. Ant.
xviii. 3, § 6; Suet. Tib. 86). Claudius •'com-
manded all Jewa to depart from Rome" (Acts
xviii. 8), on account of tumults connected, pos-
sibly, wish the preaching of Christianity at Rome
(Suet. Claud. 26, "Judaea impulaore Chresto
saaidue tumultuantea Romi ezpulit "). This ban-
ishment cannot have been of long duration, for
we find Jews residing at Rome apparently in con-
siderable numbers at the time of St. Paul's visit
(Acts xxviii. 17). It is chiefly in connection with
St Paul's history that Rome comes before us in
the Bible.
In illustration of that history it may be useful
to give some account of Rome in the time of Kent,
the "Cesar" to whom St Paul appealed, and in
whose reign be suffered martyrdom (Eue. B. E.
U.25).
1. The city at that time must be imagined as a
large and irregular man of buildings unprotected
by an outer wall. It had long outgrown the old
Servian wall (Dionys. Hsl. AM. Horn. iv. 13; ap.
Merivale, Ron. HitL iv. 497); but the limita of
the suburbs cannot be exactly defined. Neither
the nature of the buildings nor the configuration
of the ground were aucb aa to give a striking ap-
pearance to the city viewed from without " An-
cient Rome had neither cupola nor campanile "
(Conybeare and Howaon, Life of SL Paul, ii. 871 ;
Merivale, Rom. Jimp. iv. SIS), and the hills, never
lofty or imposing, would present, when covered with
the buildings and street* of a huge city, a confused
appearance like the hills of modern London, to
which they have sometimes been compared. The
risit of St Paul lies between two famous epochs in
.be history of the city, namely, its restoration by
Augustus and ita restoration by Nero (C and H.
i. 13). The boast of Augustus is well known,
'• that he had found the city of brick and left it of
marble " (Suet Aug. 38). For the improvements
•fleeted by him, see Diet, of Gr. and Ron. Geogr.
i. 740, and Niebuhr'a Lecture* m Ron. Hit. il.
177. Some parts of the city, especially the Forum
and Campus Martins, must now have presented a
magnificent appearance, but many of the principal
buildings which attract the attention of modern
travellers in ancient Rome were not yet built The
streets were generally narrow and winding, flanked
by densely crowded lodging-houses (insula;) of enor-
mous height Augustus found it necessary to
limit their height to 70 feet (Strab. v. 235). St
Paul's first visit to Rome took place before the
Nenmian conflagration, but even alter the reatora-
won cf the city, which followed upon that event,
ssaai of the old evils continued (Tac. tlitL iii. 71;
ROME
Juv. Sat iii. 193, 969). The population of ths
city has been variously estimated : at half a mil
lion (by Dureau de la Malle, 1. 403, and Merivale
Rom. Empire, iv. 525), at two millions and up-
wards (Hoeck, Romische Getchichte, I. ii. 131: C
and H. Life if St. Paul, ii. 376 ; Diet, of Geogr
11. 746), even at eight millions (Lipaiua, De Mag-
nitudme Ron., quoted in Diet, of Geogr.). Prob-
ably Oibbon'a estimate of one million two hundred
thousand is nearest to the truth (Milman'a note on
Gibbon, oh. xxxi. vol. iii. p. 120). One half ol
the population consisted, in all probability, of
slaves. The larger part of the remainder consisted
of pauper citizens supported in idleness by the mis-
erable ayatem of public gratuities. There appears
to have been no middle class and no free industrial
population. Side by side with the wretched classes
just mentioned was the comparatively small body
of the wealthy nobility, of whose luxury and profli-
gacy we bear so much in the heathen writers of tlie
time. (See for calculations and proofs the works
cited.)
Such was the population which St Paul would
find at Rome at the time of his visit We learn
from the Acta of the Apostles that he was detained
st Rome for " two whole years," " dwelling in his
own hired house with a soldier that kept him "
(Acts xxviii. 16, 80), to whom apparently, accord-
ing to Roman custom (Senec. Ep. v.; Acts iii. 6,
quoted by Brotier, ad Tac. Ann. iii. 22), he was
bound with a chain (Acts xxviii. 80; Eph. vi. 30;
PhiL 1. 13). Here be preached to all that came to
him, no man forbidding him (Acts xxviii. 30, 81).
It is generally believed that on his " appeal to Cae-
aar " be was acquitted, and, after some time spent
in freedom, was a second time imprisoned at Rome
(for proofs, see C. and H. Lift of Si. Paul, ch.
xxvii., and Alford, Gr. Tat. iii. ch. 7). Five of
hia epistles, namely, those to the Colossisns, Ephe-
aiana, Pbilippiana, that to Philemon, and the 2d
Epistle to Timothy, were, in all probability, written
from Rome, the latter shortly before hia death (2
Tim. iv. 6), the others during his first imprison-
ment It is universally believed that he suffered
martyrdom at Rome.
9. The localities in and about Rome especially
oonnected with the life of St Paul are — (1.) The
Appian Way, by which he approached Rome (Acta
xxviii. 15). (See Appii Forum, and Diet, cf
Geogr. "Via Appia,") (2.) "The palace," or
"Caesar's court" (to wpuniptov, PhiL i. 13).
This may mean either the great camp of the Prae-
torian guards which Tiberius established outeidj
the walla on the N. E. of the city (Tac Ann. Iv. 2;
Suet Tib. 87), or, as seems more probable, a bar-
rack attached to the Imperial residence on the Pal-
atine (Wiesekr, as quoted by C. and H., Life of
SL Paul, ii. 433). There is no sufficient proof
that the word " Pnetorium " waa ever used to des-
ignate the emperor's palace, though it ia used for
the official residence of a Roman governor (John
xviii. 38; Acta xxiii. 85). The mention of "O-
aar'a household" (PhiL iv. 22), confirms the
notion that St Paul's residence was in the im-
mediate neighborhood of the emperor's house
on the Palatine. [Judombht-Hall, ; Pbjeto-
BIUM.]
3. The connection of other localities at Roma
with St Paul's name rests only on traditions ol
more or less probability. We may mention espe-
cially — (1.) The Haroertlne prison or Tullianwa
built by Ancua Martins near the fonur (Uv. 1. W
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Merited by txJlust (Cat. 65). It stJl exists be-
neath the church of 8. Oiutrppt dti Falegnami.
Ben it is said that St. Peter and St. Paul were
fellow-prisoners for nine months. This ia not the
place to discuss the question whether St. Peter was
Iter at Borne. It may be sufficient to state, that
though there is no evidence of such a risit in the
N. T., unieaa Babylon in 1 Pet. t. 13 ia a mystical
•ant for Rome, yet early testimony (Dionysius, ap.
Kuseb. ii. 25), and the universal belief of the early
Church aeem sufficient to establish the fact of his
baring suffered martyrdom there. [Peter, vol. iii.
a. 2454-] The story, however, of the imprison-
soant in the Mamertine prison seems inconsistent
■nth 9 Tim., especially iv. 11. (3.) The chapel on
the Ostian road which marks the spot where the
two Apostles are said to have separated on their
way to martyrdom. (3.) The supposed scene of
St. Paul's martyrdom, namely, the church of St.
Paolo alle tre fontane on the Ostian road. (See
the notice of the Ostian road in Cuius, ap. Eus. //.
E. ii. 25.) To these may be added (4.) The sup-
posed scene of St. Peter's martyrdom, namely, the
church of SL Pietro in Montorio, on the Janicu-
lum. (6.) The chapel " Domine quo Vadis," on
the Appian road, the scene of the beautiful legend
of our Lord's appearance to St. Peter as be was
escaping from martyrdom (Ambrose, Ep. 33). (6.)
The places where the bodies of the two Apostles,
after having been deposited first in the catacombs
bcoifnp-ttpia) (Eus. H. E. ii. 25), are supposed to
have been finally buried — that of St. Paul by the
Ostian road ; that of St. Peter beneath the dome
of the famous Basilica which bears his name (see
Gains, ap. Eus. H. E. ii. 25). All these and many
other traditions will be found in the Annals of
Baronius, under the last year of Nero. " Value-
less ss may be the historical testimony of each of
these traditions singly, yet collectively they are of
' some importance as expressing; the consciousness
of the third and fourth centuries, that there had
bean an early contest, or at least contrast, be-
tween the two Apostles, which in the end was
completely reconciled; and it is this feeling
which gives a real interest to the outward forms
in which it is brought before us, more or less
indeed in all the south of Europe, but especially
In Borne itself " (Stanley's Sermtmi and Eunyt,
a, 101).
4. We must add, as sites unquestionably con-
nected with the Roman Christians of the Apostolic
age — (1.) The gardens of Nero in the Vatican, not
tar from the spot where St Peter's now stands.
Here Christians wrapped in the skins of beasts
were torn to pieces by dogs, or, clothed in inflam-
mable robes, were burnt to serve as torches during
the midnight games. Others were crucified (Tac.
Ann. it. 44). (9.) The Catacombs. These sub-
terranean galleries, commonly frocs 8 to 10 feet in
height, and from 4 to 8 in width, and extending
for miles, especially in the neighborhood of the old
Appian and Nomentan ways, were unquestionably
used as places of refuge, of worship, ard of burial
by the early Christians. It is impossible here to
upon the difficult question of their origin,
BOOM
2761
• L 'Jwrf (Mats. U. 21).
1 X.*»r<MarkU.2).
•. Meat (Luke ii. 7, xtv. 22 ; 1 Oar. air. 18).
4. Ha£ (Luke all. 17, when the word room shoals
to printed to Italics).
•> Aistsjss (•- «• a sa ees s s a r , Acts xx4r. 17>
and their possible connection with the deep sand-
pits and subterranean works at Rome mentioned
by classical writers. See the story of the murder
of Aainiua (Cic. pro Clutnl. 13), and the account
of the concealment offered to Nero before his
death (Suet. Jfero, 48). A more complete ac-
count of the catacombs than any yet given, may
be expected in the forthcoming work of the Car-
aliere G. B. de Rossi. Some very interesting no-
tices of this work, and descriptions of the Roman
catacombs are given in Burgon's Lettert from
Borne, pp. 120-258. " De Rossi finds bis earliest
dated inscription A. D. 71. From that date to A. D.
300 there are not known to exist so many as thirty
Christian inscriptions bearing dates. Of undated
inscriptions, however, about 4,000 are referable to
the period antecedent to the emperor Constantino"
(Burgoo, p. 148). [See De Rossi's Irucriptionei
ChritL Urbu Roma, Vol. I. Rom. 1881, fol.]
Nothing is known of the first founder of Um
Christian Church at Borne. Christianity may,
perhaps, have been introduced into the city not
long after the outpouring of the Holy Spirit on
the day of Pentecost, by the " atnngen of Rome,"
who were then at Jerusalem (Acts ii. 10). It is
clear that there were many Christians at Rome be-
fore St. Paul visited the city (Rom. i. 8, 13, 13,
xv. 30). The names of twenty-four Christians at
Rome are given in the salutations at the end of the
Epistle to the Romans. For the difficult question
whether the Roman Church consisted mainly of
Jews or Gentiles, see C. and H., Lift of St. Paul,
li. 157; Alford's Proleg.; and especially Prof.
Jowett's Epitllet of St, Paul to the Romnne, Ga-
litiam, and Theanlonirins, ii. 7-28. The view
there adopted, that they were a Gentile Church but
Jewish converts, seems most in harmony with such
pasaiges as ch. 1. 6, 13, xi. 13, and with the gen-
eral tone of the epistle.
Linus (who is mentioned, 2 Tim. ir. 21), and
Clement (Phil. iv. 3), are supposed to hare suc-
ceeded St. Peter as biahopa of Rome.
Rome seems to be described under the name of
Rab\lon in Rev. ziv. 8, xvl. 19, xvii. 5, xviii. 2, 21.
and again, as the city of the seven hills (Rev. xvii.
9, cf. xii. 3, xiii. 1). See too, for the interpreta-
tion of the mystical number 888 in Rev. xiii. 18,
Alford's note, 1. o.
For a good account of Rome at the time of St.
Paul's visit, see Conybeare uid Howaon's Lift of
St. Paul, ch. xxiv., of wlich free use has been
made for the sketch of the city given in tbU ar
tide. J. J. H.
BOOF. [Dabebatr, Amer. ed.; HocbcJ
BOOM. This word is employed in the A. V.
of the New Testament ss tne equivalent of no less
than eight distinct Greek " terms. The only one
of these, however, which need be noticed here is
TovTOKAio-fa (Matt, xxiii. 6; Mark xii. 39; Luke
xiv. 7, 8, xx. 48), which signifies, not a •• room " la
the sense we commonly attach to it of a chamber,
but the highest place on the highest couch round
the dinner or supper-table — the " uppermost seat,"
ss it is more accurately rendered in Luke xi. 48.
[Mbalb.] The word " seat ' ' is, however, generally
6. UpmotXttit (chief, highest, uppermost
See above).
7. "Ariyaior (an upper room, Mark xjr It ; Li
xxu.12).
8. T* tms^or (the upper recto, acta L Wit
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BOSE
appropriated by our translators to xaBt'Spa, which
wems to mean tome kind of official chair. In Luke
xiv. 9, 10, they have rendered roVos by both
" place " and '• room."
The Dptok Room of the Last Supper ia noticed
mder ita own head. [See Housk, vol. ii. p. 1105.]
G.
BOSE (n^SSTJ, chabaistseleth: nplrm,
t»9n; Aq. k&Kv\: fiat, fiSum) occurs twice only,
namely, in Cant. ii. 1, « I am the Rose of Sharon,"
and in Is. xxxv. 1, " the desert shall rejoice and
blossom as the rose." There is much difference
of opinion as to what particular flower is here
denoted. Tremellius and Diodati, with some of
the Rabbins, believe the rose is intended, but there
seems to be no foundation for such a translation.
Celsius (Hierob. i. 488) has argued in favor of the
Narcissus (Polyanthus narcissus). This rendering
b supported by the Tnrgum on Cant. ii. 1, where
Chabatstteleth ia explained by narfc* (Dp~l3).
This word, says Royle (Kitto's Cyc. art "Cha-
bazzeleth "), is " the same as the Persian nnrgus,
the Arabic iirr 7-1 \ which throughout the East
Indicates Narcissus Tazeita, or the polyanthus
narcissus." Gesenius (Thts. s. v.) has no doubt
that the plant denoted is the " autumn ciocus "
(Colchicum auUimnnk). It is well worthy of re-
mark that the Syriac translator of Is. xxxv. 1
explains chabalttsclelh by chamtsalyotho," which is
evidently the same word, m and 6 being Inter-
changed. This Syriac word, according to Michael is
(Suppl. p. 659), Gesenius, and RosentuiiUer {Bib.
Bat. p. 142), denotes the Colchicum autumnale.
The Hebrew word points etymologically to some
bulbous plant; it appears to us more probable that
the narcissus is intended than the crocus, the
former plant being long celebrated for its fragrance,
while the other has no odorous qualities to recom-
mend it. Again, as the chabaistseleth a associated
with the lily in Cant. L c, it seems probable that
Solomon is speaking of two plants which blossomed
about the same time. The narcissus and the lily
(/.ilium candidum) would be in blossom together
in the early spring, while the Colchicum is an
tntumn plant. Thomson (Land and Book, pp.
A% 613) suggests the possibility of the Hebrew
name being identical with the Arabic Khubbaay
(j'yAAJs, or (gvL*^)) "the mallow," which
plant he taw growing abundantly on Sharon ; but
this view can hardly be maintained: the Hebrew
term Is probably a quadrlliteral noun, with the
harsh aspirate prefixed, and the prominent notion
implied in it is belsel, "a bulb," and has therefore
no connection with the above-named Arabic word.
Chateaubriand (/(meVflire, ii. 130) mentions the
narcissus sa growing in the plain of Sharon; and
Strand (Flor. Palcest. No. 177) names it as a plant
of Palestine, on the authority of Rauwolf and
Hasselquist; see also Kitto's Phyt. Hi*. 0/ Palest
a. 816. Hitler (Hiercphyt. ii. 30) thinks the cha-
batstseletA denotes some species of asphodel (Aspho-
• • ''from the locality of Jericho," says Mr. Wa-
rns*, "and the situation by the waters, this rose Is
SMSt probably tha Oleander, tfas Rhododendron, or
— re — of the Qrwas, one of tha most beautiful an*?
BOSH
delus) : but the finger-like roots of this genus of
plants do not well accord with the " bulb " root
implied in the original word.
Though the rose ia apparently not mentioned hi
the Hebrew Bible, it is referred to In Ecclus. xxlv.
14, where it is said of Wisdom that she is exalted
••as a row-plant (&» e>vrs) b6Sou) In Jericho"
(eomp. also ch. 1. 8; xxxix. 13; Wisd. ii. 8).»
Roses are greatly prized In the East, more espe-
cially for the sake of the rose-water, which is is
much request (see Hasselquist, 7Vnr. p. 848). Dr
Hooker observed the following wild roses in Syria:
Rota tglantrria (L.), R. temper-sirens (L.), M.
HenktUann, R. Phoenicia (Boiss), R. seriacta, R.
angustifoUa, and R. Libanotica. Some of these
are doubtful species. R. centifoUa and damascene)
are cultivated everywhere. The so-called "Rose
of Jericho " is no rose at all, but the Anastaiica
Hierochuntina, a cruciferous plant, not uncommon
on sandy soil in Palestine and Egypt. W. H.
BOSH (ttWl [head]: -]>•},: Jim). In the
genealogy of Gen. xlvi. 21, Rash is reckoned among
the sons of Benjamin, but the name does not occur
elsewhere, and it is extremely probable that " Eh!
and Rash" is a corruption of '• Ahiram " (eomp.
Num. xxvi. 38). See Burrington's Genealogies, I.
281.
BOSH (ttW~l : f<is, Ex. xxxvffi. 8, 8, xxxix.
1: translated by the Tulg. capitis, and by the A.
V. "chief," as if Vfeh, "head"). The whole
sentence thus rendered by the A. V. " Magog the
chief prince of Meahech and Tubal," ought to run
Magog the prince of Roan, Mesech, and Tubal ; "
the word translated " prince " being N'tHJ, the
term usually employed for the head of a nomad
tribe, as of Abraham (in Gen. xxiii. 6), of the
Arabians (Gen. xrii. 20), and of the chiefs of the
several Israelite tribes (Num. vii. 11, xxxiv. 18), or
in a general sense (1 K. xi. 34; Ex. xii. 10, xlr. 7,
xlvi. 2). The meaning is that Magog is the bead
of the three great Scythian tribes, of which " Roah "
is thus the first. Gesenius considers it beyond
doubt that by Rnsh, or 'PoSs, is intended the tribe
on the north of the Taurus, so called from their
neighborhood to the Rhit, or Volga, and that in
this name and tribe we hare the first trace of the
Rugs or Russian nation. Yon Hammer identifies
this name with Rtss in the Koran (xxv. 40; 1. 12),
the peoples Aad, Thamud, and the Asshabir (or
Inhabitants) of Rass or Ross." He considers that
Mohammed had actually the passage of Ezekiel In
view, and that "Asshabir" corresponds to Nisi,
the " prince " of the A. V., and ipxorra of the
LXX. (Sur Us Origines Russet, Petersburg, 1825,
pp. 24-29). The first certain mention of the Rus-
sians under this name is in a Latin Chronicle under
the year A. D. 839, quoted by Bayer ( Origines
Russica, Comment. Acad. PetropoL 1726, p. 409).
From the junction of Tiros with Meahech and
Tubal in Gen. x. 2, Yon Hammer conjectures toe
identity of Tiros and Roth (p. 26).
The name probably occurs again under the
altered form of Raases, in Judith ii. 23 — this tuns
attractive plants of Palestine, which abounds m aft
the warmer parts of the country by the aide of poo*
and streams, and flourishes especially at Jericho, wbaa*
I have not seen our rose" (Nat. Hist, of the Bis*
p. 477). at
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rosin
a tat Ancient latin, and possibly alio in the
Byriao versions, in connection with TUras or Than.
Bat toe passage U too corrupt to admit of any
sertain deduction from it. [Ra&seb.]
This earl; Biblical notice of so great an empire
i* doubly interesting from ita being a solitary
instance. No other name of any modem nation
ocean in the Scriptural, ard the obliteration of it
by the A. V. ii one 6T the many remarkable varia-
tions of our version from the meaning of the sacred
text of the Uld Testament. For all further in-
formation see the above-quoted treatises of Von
Hammer and Bayer. A. P. S.
ROSIN. Properly "naphtha," as it is both
in the LXX and Vulg. (.ydpSa, naphtha), as well
a* the Peshito-Syriac. In the Song of the Three
Children (33), the servants of the king of Babylon
are said to have *' ceased not to make the oven not
with roan, pitch, tow, and small wood." .Pliny
(ii. 101) mentions naphtha as a product of Baby-
lonia, similar in appearance to liquid bitumen, and
having a remarkable affinity to fire. To this
natural product (known also as Persian naphtha,
petroleum, rock oil, Rangoon tar, Burmese naph-
tha, etc) reference is made in the passage in ques-
tion. Sir R. K. Porter thus describes the naphtha
springs at Kirkook in Lower Courdistan, mentioned
by Strabo (xvii. 738): "They are ten in number.
For a considerable distance from them we felt the
air sulphurous; but in drawing near it became
worse, and we were all instantly struck with ex-
eroeiating headaches. The springs consist of sev-
eral pits or wells, seven or eight feet in diameter,
and ten or twelve deep. The whole number are
within the compass of five hundred yards. A
Sight of steps has been cut into each pit for the
purpose of approaching the fluid, which rises and
Calls according to the dryness or moisture of the
weather. The natives lave it out with ladles into
bags made of skins, which are carried on the backs
tf asses to Kirkook, or to any other mart for its
sale The Kirkook naphtha is prin-
cipally consumed by the markets in the southwest
•f Courdistan, while the pits not far from Kufri
•nppiy Bagdad and its environs. The Bagdad
naphtha is black " ( Trav. ii. 440). It is described
by IHoscoridee (i. 101) as the dregs of the Baby-
lonian asphalt, and white in color. According to
Plutarch (Alex. p. So) Alexander first saw it in the
city of Eebatana, where the inhabitants exhibited
ita marvelous effects by strewing it along the street
which led to his headquarters and setting it on
fire. He then tried an experiment on a page who
attended him, putting him into a bath of naphtha
and setting light to it (Strabo, xvii. 743), which
■early resulted in the boy's death. Plutarch sug-
gests that it was naphtha in which Medea steeped
toe crown and robe which she gave to the daughter
of Croon ; and Snidas says that the Greeks called
it " Medea's oil," but the Medea « naphtha." The
Persian name Is JaU (na/l). Posidonins (in
Strabo) relates that in Babylonia there were springs
vf black and white naphtha. The former, says
strabo (xvii. 743), were of liquid bitumen, which
BUB
2758
they burnt in lamps instead of oil The latter
re of liquid sulphur. W. A. W.
• ROWERS. [Shif (6.)]
• ROWS, Cant i. 10. [Obijamknts, Per-
sonal, note i.]
RUBIES (D^a^, ptntgym/ t?V2$, pint-
Mm: \l0oi, \- woAirrtXcif! amda opa,' cunata
preliimsiinm, gemma, de ultimit Jlnibut, ebor an-
tiquum), the invariable rendering of the above-
named Hebrew words, concerning the meaning of
which there is much difference of opi nion and great
uncertainty. " The price of wisdom is above pent-
nlra " (Job xxviii. 18; see also Pror. iii. 15, viiL
11, xxxi. 10). In Lam. iv. 7 it is said, "the
Nazarites wen purer than snow, they were whiter
than milk, they were more ruddy in body than
oenfnim." A. Boote (Animad. Sac. iv. 3), on
account of the ruddiness mentioned in the last
passage, supposed •■coral" to be intended, for
which, however, there appears to be another Hebrew
word. [Coral.] J. D. Michaelis [Suppl. p. 2023'i
is of the same opinion, and compares the Hebrew
s _
IT}?? with the Arab. ^V-O, " a branch." Gese-
nius ( The*, s. v.) defends this argument. Bochart
(Hierot. iii. 801) contends that the Hebrew term
denotes pearls, and explains the " ruddiness " al-
luded to above, by supposing that the original word
Pi Ii) signifies merely " bright in color," or
"color of a reddish tinge." This opinion is sup-
ported by RosenmiiHer (SchoL in Thren.), and
others, but opposed by Maurer (Comment.) and
Gesenius. Certainly it would be no compliment
to the great people of the land to say that their
bodies were as red as coral or rubies, unless we
adopt Maurer' s explanation, who refers the " rod
dinesa " to the blood which flowed in their veins.
On the whole, considering that the Hebrew word
is always used in the plural, we are inclined to
adopt Bochart's explanation, and understand pearls
to be intended.' [Pbaklb.] W. H.
• RUDDER-BANDS, Acts xxvH. 40
[Ship (2.)]
RUE (.irfryavav: ruta) occurs only in Luke xi
43: " Woe unto you, Pharisees! for ye tithe mint
and rue and all manner of herbs." The raj here
spoken of is doubtless the commn Rutt grave-
ofena, a shrubby plant about 3 feet high, of strong
medicinal virtues. It is a native of the Mediter-
ranean coasts, and has been found by Haasrlquist
on Mount Tabor. LHoseorides (iii. 46) describes
two kinds of -rtrycuKir, namely, w. iptivir and r.
mi-fVTeV, which denote the Ruin montana and
R. gravehlen* respectively. Rue was in great
repute amongst the ancients, both as a condiment
and as a medicine (Pliny, JV. H. xlx. 8; CohimelL
R. Rum. xii. 7. § 5; Diosoorides, /. c). The Tal
mod enumerates rue amongst kitchen-herbs (She-
bkth, ch. ix. § 1), and regards it as free of tithe,
as being a plant not cultivated in gardens. In our
Lord's time, however, rue was doubtless a garden-
plant, and therefore tithable, as is evident from
our Lord's words, '• these things ought ye to have
• ffc. Ohald. "VI (xkRh. 1. 8), wht-h the A. V.
■aakea" waits," anj which seams tc he 'dentteai with
.«>, *m, "pearls;" gjO, durrak, «a
pearl,'' is by some understood to mean " mother of
pearl," or the kind of alabaster sailed In German
ftp enmuttmum. The LXX. has ifnim kitat. Is*
Oeennas, and Winer (KM. Rtalw. 1. 71).
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2754 rufus
toot." The roe ii too wdl known to need de-
sumption" W. H.
EUTUS ('Powpor [nd, rtdduk]: Rufm) is
mentioned in Mark xv. 31, along with Alexander,
at a ton of Simon the Cyrena^an, whom the Jewf
compelled to Lear the crou of Jenu on toe way to
Golgotha (Luke xxiii. 26). Ai the Evangelist
Informi his readers who Simon wis by naming the
sons, it it evident that the latter were better
known than the father in the circle of Cbrittiant
where Mark lived. Again, in Rom. xvi. 13, the
Apostle Paul salutes a Kufut whom be designate!
at "elect in the Lord " Ukasktov it Kvply), and
whose mother he gracefully recognizes as having
earned a mother's claim upon himself by acts of
kindness shown to him. It is generally supposed
thut this Kufut was identical with the one to whom
Mark refers; and in that case, as Mark wrote his
gospel in all probability at Rome, it was natural
that he should describe to his readers the father
(who, since the mother was at Rome while the
father apparently was not there, may have died, or
have come later to that city) from his relationship
to two well-known members of the tame com-
munity. It is some proof at least of the early
existence of this view that, in the Actit Andrea tl
Petri, both Rufus and Alexander appear as com-
panions of Peter in Rome. Assuming, then, that
the same person is meant in the two passages, we
have before us an interesting group of believers —
a father (for we can hardly doubt that Simon
became a Christian, if he was not already such, at
the time of the crucifixion), a mother, and two
brothers, all in the same family. Yet we are to
bear in mind that Rufus was not an uncommon
name (Wetateiii, Nov. Tat., vol. 1. p. 634); and
possibly, therefore, Mark and Paul may have had
in view different individuals. II. B. H.
RUHA'MAH (fDrn [commuirattd] :
tAemttVi) : mutricordinm cotueada). The mar-
gin of our version renders it >' having obtained
mercy " (Hot. it 1). The name, if name it be, is
like Lo-ruhaniah, symbolical, and at that was given
to the daughter of the prophet Hoses, to denote
thst God's mercy was turned away from Israel, so
the name Ruhamah is addressed to the daughters
of the people to denote that they were still the ob-
ject! of his love and tender compassion.
RUMAH (nO-TI [high, txaltid}: toopAx
Joseph. 'A$ov/ui. noma). Mentioned, once only
(2 K. xxiii. 36), as the native place of a certain
Pedaiah, the father of Zebudsh, a member of the
Harem of king Josiah, and mother of Eliakim or
lehoiakim king of Judah.'
It has been conjectured to be toe same place as
t rumah (.ludg. ix. 41), which was apparently near
Shscheia. It it more probable that it it identical
with Dumah, one of the towns in the mountains of
Juiitn, near Hebron (Josh. xv. 52), not far distant
from libnah, the native town of another of Joaiah's
wives. The Hebrew D and R are to similar at
jften to be confounded together, and Dumah must
have at any rate been written Rumah in the He-
brew text from which the LXX. translated, ainee
they give it at Renina and Rouma.
Jotephus mentions a Rumah in Galilee (B. J.
Ii. 7, 5 21). G.
• • " We collected," lays Tristram, " four species
sll£ la Palestine. Ruta rrawofcu is cultivated ''(ATM.
Ma*. •/«•> BMr, p. 478). H.
RUTH
RUSH. [Rked.]
RUST (Bpwrtt, lit •■ arugo) ocean as the bsm
lation of two different Greek words in Matt, vt 19.
20, and in Jam. v. 8. In the former passage the
word 0pmrit. which It joined with o^jr, "moth,"
has by tome been understood to denote the larva of
tome moth injurious to corn, as the Tinea grantUo
(tee Stainton, Jnttcta Britan. iii. 30). The He-
brew W^ (Is I. 9) is rendered fymaii by Aquila-
comp. alto tpitt. Jtrtm. v. 12, &wb loi «a! /fyw
pArar, " from rust and motht " (A. V. Bar. vi. 12).
Scultttut (Extrc. Emng. ii. 35, CriL Sac. ri.)
believes that the words (H)i ko! Upwns are an hen-
diadya, for <rl)i fip&ncwv. The word can scarcely
be taken to signify " rust," for which there U
another term, Us, which it used by St James to
express rather the "tarnish" which overspread*
silver than <> nut," by which name we now under-
stand " oxide of iron." B^wrif is no doubt in-
tended to have reference in a general sense to an j
corrupting and destroying substance that may at-
tack treasures of any kind which have long been
suffered to remain undisturbed. The allusion of
St. James it to the corroding nature of Us on met-
als. Scultetus correctly observes, " asrugine de-
formantur quidem, sed non eorrumpuutur nummi ; '
but though this it strictly speaking true, the an-
cients, just as ourselves in common i&rlance, spoke)
of the corroding nature of " rust " (oomp. Ham-
mond, Annotat. in Matt. vi. 19). W. H.
RUTH (rVD: -Port: probably for ITWI,*
" a friend," the feminine of Reu). A Moabttuh
woman, the wife, first, of Mahkm, secondly of Boas,
and by bim mother of Obed, the ancestress of Da-
vid and of Christ, and one of the four women
(Tharaar, Rahab, and Uriah's wife being the other
three) who are named by St. Matthew in the gen-
ealogy of Christ [Rahab.] The incidents in
Ruth's life, tt detailed in the beautiful book that
bears her name, may be epitomised at follows, A
severe famine in the land of Judah, caused perhaps
by the occupation of the land by the Moabites un-
der Eglon (at Utsher thinks possible),' induced
Elimelech, a native of Bethlehem Kphratah, to emi-
grate into the laud of Moab, with bis wile Naomi,
and his two tout, Mahlou and Chilion. At the
end of ten years Naomi, now left a widow and
childless, having heard that there was plenty again
in Judah, resolved to return to Bethlehem, and
her daughter-in-law, Ruth, returned with ber.
" Whither thou goest, I will go, and where tbow
lodtjest, I will lodge : thy people shall be my people,
and thy God my God : where thou diest 1 will die
and there will I be buried : the Lord do so to me, and
more also, if aught but death part thee and me:"
was the expression of the unalterable attachment
of the young Moabitish widow to the mother, to
the land, and to the religion of ber lost husband.
They arrived at Bethlehem just at the beginning
of barley harvest, and Ruth, going out to glean
for the support of her mother-in-law and herself,
chanced to go into the field of Hosz, a wealthy man,
the near kinsman of her father-in-law Elimelech.
The story of her virtues and ber kindness and
fidelity to her mother-in-law, and ber preference
for the land of her husband's birth, had gone befon
6 Some think It is for DW1, "besot/."
e Patrick suggests the (unlaw in the ilayaef
(Jnde;. vi. M).
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RUTH, BOOK OF
Mr; job! ia mediately upon learning who the strange
yooi£ woman was, Boaz treated her with '-he ut-
most kindness and respect, and sent her home
ladan with corn which the had gleaned. Encour-
aged by this incident, Naomi instructed Ruth to
claim at the hand of Boas that he should perform
the part of her husband's near kinsman, by pur-
chasing the inheritance of Elimelech, and taking
her to be his wife. But there was a nearer kins-
man than Boaz, and it was necessary that he
should have the option of redeeming the inheritance
for himself. He, however, declined, fearing to mar
bisowu inheritance. Upon which, with all due
solemnity, Boaz took Ruth to be his wife, amidst
the blessings and congratulations of their neighbors.
As a singuLir example of virtue and piety in a rude
age and among an idolatrous people; as one of the
first-fruits of the Gentile harvest gathered into the
Church; as the heroine of a story of exquisite
beauty and simplicity; as illustrating in her history
the workings of Divine Providence, and the truth
of the saying, that '• the eyes of the Lord are over
the righteous; " and for the many interesting rev-
elations of ancient domestic and social customs
which are associated with her story, Kuth has al-
ways held a foremost place among the Scripture
characters. St. Augustine has a curious specula-
tion on the relative blessedness of Kuth, twice mar-
■ied, and by her second marriage becoming the an-
cestress of Christ, and Anna remaining constant in
her widowhood (Dt buno VuluiL). Jerome ob-
serves that we can measure the greatness of Kuth's
lirtue by the greatness of her reward — "Ex ejus
Marine Christus oritur " (Epist. xxii. nd Paulam).
As the great-grandmother of King David, Ruth
must have nourished in the latter part of Eli's
' udgeship, or the beginning of that of Samuel. But
there seem to be no particular notes of time in the
book, by which her age can be more exactly defined.
The story was put into its present shape, avowedly,
king after her lifetime: see Ruth i. 1, iv. 7, 17.
(Bertheau on Ruth, in the Exeg. Hnndb. ; Rosen-
mull. Pi-oam. m Ub Ruth; Parker's De Wette;
SwaM, GcjcA. i. 205, iii. 760 ff.) A. C. H.
* KUTH, BOOK OF. The plan of the Dio-
lionnry requires that some account should be given
of the book of which Ruth is the heroine. The
topics which claim remark are — its place in the
canon, its age, authorship, object, sources of the his-
tory, its archawlogy and the additional literature.
The position of this book in the English Bible
accords with that of (be Septuagint, it being very
troperly inserted between Judges and 1 Samuel as
sssntially a supplement to the former and an in-
_oductioi>4o the latter, for though Eli and Samuel
as the immediate precursors of the kings occupy a
place in 1 Samuel, the book of Ruth forms a
connecting link between the period of the judges
and that of toe monarchy. If Obed the son of
Boaz was the rather of Jesse (iv. 17) the events
i the book of Ruth relates must have token
i the last century of the age of the judges.
The arrangement in our ordinary Hebrew Bibles at
present places this history, without any -egard to
the chronology, among the kngioj/raphn or sacred
writings (Psalms, Proverbs, Job, Solomon's Song,
Rush, Lamentations, Eoclesiastes, Esther, Daniel,
Sara, Nehemiah, Chi inicles), so classified with
rtzrrenct fc> their ethical or practical contents.
|Caik>ii.] Yet some critics maintain that the
~~*l«ew order was that of thn Septuagint
RUTH, BOOK OF 2756
aii J the other a later transposition. (Sea against
that view Cassel, Dj» Buck Ruth, p. 301 f.)
The date of the composition it is impossible to
ascertain with much precision. It must have been
written after the birth of David (iv. 17) and prob-
ably after his reign ; for the genealogy at the close
presupposes that he had acquired at the time a
historical and theocratic importance which belonged
to him only after he had finished his career as war-
rior, king, and prophet. It is no certain proof of
a much later authorship than this that the custom
of •• plucking off the shoe " ss a legal form had be-
come obsolete when the book was written (iv. 7, 8),
for many changes in the life of the Hebrews must
have taken place rapidly after tha establishment of
the monarchy, and in addition to this, if Boaz was
the immediate ancestor of Obed, ajud Cled was the
father of Jesse (iv. 17 ) an interval or three genera-
tions at least lay between Boaz and the close oi
David's reign. Some critics point out certain woidi
and grammatical forms in the book which they allegi
to be proof of a later composition, and would eves
bring it down to the Chaldee period of Jewish his-
tory. Examples of this are > "T : a?./D, Tl??^
(U. 8, 21), ]8rfei£ (ii. 9), vro» Tfix
(itt. 3), > ij1??y (ffi. *), tOQ instead of TTV^
(i. 20), 7lT? instead of 137> and others, but at
these and some other expressions, partly peculiar
and portly infrequent only, either do not occur at
all in the later books, or occur at the same time in
some of the earlier books, they surely cannot be
alleged with any confidence as marks of a Chaldee
style (see Keil's Einl. in das A. Tat. p. 415 f., and
Wright's Book of Ruth, p. xli. ff.). The few un-
common words or phrases are found in fact in the
passages of our book where the persons introduced
appear as the speakers, and not in the language of
the historian, and may be considered as relics of
the conversational phraseology of the age of the
judges, which happen to be not elsewhere pre-
served. Bleek decides In like manner that the lan-
guage of the book settles nothing with regard to
the time when the book was written. The earlier
origin of the book of Ruth, as De Wette admits
(EinL in dut A. Tt$L § 19-1), is manifest from the
entire absence of any repugnance to intermarriage
between the Hebrews and foreigners. The extrac-
tion of Ruth is not regarded as offensive or requir-
ing so much as a siugle word of apology. It is
impossible on this account that it should belong to
the time of Ezra and Nehemiah, when so different
a feeling prevailed in regard to such alliances (sea
Ezr. ix. and x. and Neh. xiii. 23 ff.). The au-
thor is unknown. One of the Jewish traditions
names Samuel as the writer; but, as has been sug
gested already, David was comparatively unknown
till after the death of Samuel.
With regard to the sources of the history wr con
only say with Bleek (Einl. in dm A. Tut. p. 355)
that we cannot decide whether the writer found
and used an extant written document or merely
followed some tradition preserved in the family of
David which came to his knowledge. Nothing ra
the significance of tbi personal Hebrew names casta
any doubt on the truthfulness of the narrative
Out of all the names occurring there only two,
Mahlon and Chilion, give the least semblance of
truth to that allegation. The coiTespondenee be-
tween tne meaning of then (as usually ienusd'
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i
J
2756
BOTH, BOOK OF
and the early death of the person* who bear them,
ma; be accidental, or the origiual names may hare
been changed after their death. On thia point tee
Chiuok and Names (Amer. ed.).
The object of the book baa been variously
(tared. That the author merely intended to up-
bold the authority of the levirate lav requir-
ing a brother-in-law to marry the widow of a
deceased brother (Gen. xxxriii. 8; Dent. xzv. 6 ff.)
ia entirely improbable; for the assumption of that
relationship appears here only as an incident of the
history, and in reality Boas was not the brother
of Mablon, the husband of Ruth (iv. 10), but only
a remote kinsman of the family, and his action
in the case was voluntary and not required by any
Mosaic statute. To regard also the object as
merely that of tracing the genealogy of David's
iunily is certainly too limited a view. We must find
the explanation of the purpose in tbe facta them-
selves which the history relates, and the narrator's
manifest interest in precisely these facts as shown
in the tone and coloring which he has given to the
history. It is tbe pious, genuinely theocratic spirit
exhibited by the actors in the little book, which con-
fers upon it its higher importance and characteristic
unity. This aim and tendency appear most con-
spicuously in ii. 11, 12. Ruth has left her heathen
native land; the God of her mother-in-law is her
God (i. 16). She has gone to an unknown people,
has taken refuge under tbe wings of the God of
Israel, has looked to Him for help, and has found
more than she could expect or conceive of in being
permitted to become the mother of the royal house
of David. (See Hiiveniick's £inl. ia dry A. Teat.
ii. 118.) The fact that Matthew (i. 3-6), who adds
however the names of Thamar and Rahab, and
Luke (Ui. 31-33) insert the genealogy of David
as given at the end of the book in the tables
of the genealogy of Christ, not only shows that the
book of Ruth formed a recognized part of the He-
brew Scriptures, but that God's arrangements in
providing a Saviour for all the races of mankind
held forth a significant foretoken of this uni-
versality in the character of tbe Saviour's lineage
as derived from Gentile ancestors as well as Jewish.
David's descent from Ruth is known to us only from
this book. The books of Samuel are silent on this
point, and Chronicles, though they mention Boas
as one of his ancestors, say nothing of Ruth
(1 Chr. ii. 11, 12).
The illustrations of oriental life furnished by
modern travellers impart to this book a character
of vividness and reality which deserves attention.
Naomi and Ruth arrived at Beth-lehem from
the land of Moab "in the beginning of barley
harvest " (i. 22). It was about the first of April,
therefore, for tbe cereal crops are generally ripe in
the south of Palestine at that time. Beth-lehem,
which signifies " house of bread " with reference to
ts fertility, is still famous for its fields of grain,
vhirh occur especially on the plains eastward as
me approaches from the valley of the Jordan.
SusL fields now, as was true anciently, are not en-
closed by walls or hedges, but separated by single
stones set us here and there, or by a footpath only ;
and hence it u said that it was " the hap " or lot
|f Ruth to light upon the part of the field which
elnnged to Boaz (u. 3). Notice tbe local pre-
aaioii of the narrator. To reach the grain-fields
sr threshing-floor from her home in Beth-lehem
Bath "went down" from the city (iii. 8, 6); for
Ba t h labia is on higher ground than the adjacent
BUTH, BOOK OF
region, and especially on the south and east sail
is almost precipitously cut off from its enviiona.
Tbe gleaning after the reapers (ii. 3, 7, 16) was
allowed to the poor among the Hebrews (a right
guaranteed by an express Mosaic siatute), and ii
still practiced in the East. Dr. Thomson being
in tbe vicinity of Beth-lehem at the time of
barley-harvest states that he saw women and chil-
dren gleaning after every company of reapers
{Lund and Book, ii. 609). The •' parched com "
which Boaz gave her at their rustic repast was not
such in our sense of the expression, but consisted
of roasted heads of grain. Tbe mode of prepar-
ing the food we learn from the methods still em-
ployed. Mr. Tristram describes one of them which
he saw in Galilee near Lake Hulth. "A few
sheaves of wheat were tossed on the fire, and as
soon as the straw was consumed the charred heatla
were dexterously swept from the embers on to »
cloak spread on the ground. The women of the
party then beat the ears and tossed them into the
air until they were thoroughly winnowed, when the
wheat was eaten without further preparation.
■ ■ ■ The green ears had become half charred by tht
roasting, and there was a pleasant mingling of
milky wheat and a fresh crust flavor as we chewed
the parched corn " (Land of firael, p. 590). Ac-
cording to another method some of the beat ears,
with the stalks attached, are tied into small par-
cels, and the corn-heads are held over the fin
until the chaff is mostly burned off; and, after
being thus roasted, they are rubbed out in the
hand and the kernels eaten (Thomson, ii. 610).
The Hebrew terms for corn thus roasted an
^b|? and M^biJ (Lev. xxiii. 14; Ruth ii. 14;
1 Sam. xvii. 17, xzv. 18; and 2 Sam. xvii. 18).
The chomett or vinegar in which the eaters
dipped their morsel (it. 14) was sour wine mingled
with oil, still a favorite beverage among the people
of the East (see Keil's BiU Archaotoyie, ii. 16). At
the close of the day Ruth beat out the grain of tbe
ears which she had gathered (ii. 17). " It is a com-
mon sight now," says Thomson, "to see a poor
woman ofSnaiden sitting by the way-side and beat-
ing out with a stick or stone the grain-stocks which
she has gleaned " (Land and Book, ii. 609). As late
as May 21, not far from Gaza, says Robinson, " we
found the lazy inhabitants still engaged in treading
out the barley harvest, which their neighbors had
completed long before. Several women were beat-
ing out with a stick handfuls of the grain which
they seemed to have gleaned " ( Biol. Res. ii. 386).
In another field the next day tie saw " 200 reapers
and gleaners at work ; a few were taking refresh-
ments and. offered us some of their parched
com " (Biti. Ret. iii. -394). The winnowing took
place by night in accordance with the aijfocultural
habits of the land at present; for the heat being
oppressive by day the farmers avoid iUjjeVer as
much as possible, and the wind also is ttptflo bs
stronger by night than during the A&f. The
Hebrew term (goren) describes tbe threshing^pof
as simply a plot of ground in the open air,' smoothed
off and beaten hard, such as the traveller now sees
everywhere as he passes through the country. is
might seem strange that a rich proprietor, like
Boaz, should be said to have slept at night in such
a place; but that is the custom still, rendered
necessary by the danger of pillage and tbe Entrust
worthiness of tht hired laborers. Robinson, speak-
ing of a night spent in the mountains of Hebros
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RYB
•ys: "Here are needed no guards around the
lent; the owner* of the crops came every night
ind elect npon their threshing-floors. We were
here in the midst of scenes precisely like those
of the book of Ruth (lii. 8-14); where Boss win-
nowed barley and laid himself down at night to
piard the heap of corn " (BibL Res. it. 446). •• It
is not unusual for the husband, wife, and all the
family to encamp at the baiders or threshing-doors,
until the harvest is over" (Thomson, ii. 511).
The " vail " in which Ruth carried home the " six
measures of barley " given to ber by Boax, was a
mantle as well as veil, " a square piece of cotton
cloth" such as eastern women still wear: "and I
have often seen it used," says Thomson, <• for just
such service ss that to which Ruth applied hers "
(ii. 609). Barley is rarely used for purposes of
(bod in Syria except by the poor; and that Ruth
and Naomi are represented ss glad to avail them-
selves of such means of subsistence comports with
the condition of poverty which the narrative as-
cribes to them. [Barley.] The scene in the
square at the gate (iv. 1-12) is thoroughly orien-
tal. It is hardly necessary to say that the gate in
eastern cities is now and has been from time imme-
morial the place of concourse where the people
come together to hear the news, to discuss public
affairs, to traffic, dispense justice, or do anything
else, that pertains to the common welfare (Gen.
xix. 1, xxxiv. 20; Dent xri. 18; xxi. 19).
Some of the writers on this book are mentioned
in the article on Ruth. The following may be
added: Umbreit, Uebtr Geist u. Zwrck des
Bucks Ruth, in the Studien u. Kritiken, 1834,
pp. 306-308. F. Benary, De Hebraorum Levi-
ratu, pp. 1-70 (1836). C. L. F. Metzger, Lib. Ruth
ex Heir, in Lai. vers, ptrpttuaque interpr. iUustr.
(Tub. 1866). Keil, BihL Commentar, iii. 857-
382, and transl. in Clark's Foreign T/ieoL Library,
viii. pp. 466-494. Paulus Cassel, Dm Buch dtr
Richter a. Ruth, in Lange's Bibelioerk, pp. 198-
142 (1866). C. K. H. Wright, Book of Ruth in
Hebrew and Chaldee (pp. vii.-xlviii. and 1-76, 1-49 ),
containing a critically revised text to the. Chaldee
Tvgum of Ruth and valuable notes, explanatory
and philological (1866). Christopher Wordsworth,
Joshua, Judge; Ruth, in his Boty Bible, with
Introduction and tfota, ii. pt i. pp. 168-170
(1865). Bishop Hall, two sermons on Naomi and
Ruth and Boat and Ruth, in his Contemplation*,
bk. xL Stanley's iccturee on the Jewish Church,
L 336-38. H.
BYE(nBt33, cuuemeth: (U, 6\vpa: far,
■new) occurs in' Ex. ix. 32; Is. xxviii. 26; in the
atter the margin reads "spelt." In Es, iv. 9 the
*xt has "fitches" and the marafc "rie." There
are many opinions ss to the signification of cus-
temeth ; some authorities maintaining that fitches
are denoted, others oats, and others rye. Celsius
has shown that in all probability "spelt" is
intended (Bierob. 11 98), and this opinion is sup-
anted by the LXX. and the Vulg. in Ex. tx. 32,
and by the Syriae versions. Rye is for the most
part a northern plant, sod was probably not culti-
vated in Egypt or Palestine in early times, whereas
•jest has been long cultivated in the East, where it
a osn it be this phrase which determined the asp
Jf tits Ta Denis, «s a thanksgiving tor victories ?
• for the p asssgss whkh Allow, the wrltsr Is m-
•• t to the Undnsn of airland.
BABAOTH, THE LORD 07 2757
is held In high estimation. Herodotus (U. 36)
says the Egyptians " make bread from spelt (awe
iKvaJuy), which some call sea," See also Pliny
(H. N. xvUi. 8), and Dioscorides (11. Ill), wh»
speaks of two kinds. The cuuemeth was culti-
vated in Egypt; it was not injured by the hail-
storm of the seventh plague (Ex. L &), as it was
not grown up. This cereal was also sown in Pal
estiue (Is. 1. c.), on the margins or " headlands "
of the fields (HfT?^?); it wss used for mixinf
with wheat, barley, etc., for making bread (Ex.
I c.). The Arabic, Chirtanat, "spelt," is regarded
by Gesenius ss identical with the Hebrew word,
m and n being interchanged and r inserted.
" Spelt " ( Triticum tpetia) is grown in some parte
of the south of Germany; it differs but slightly
from our common wheat ( T. vulgare). There are
three kinds of spelt, namely, T. spelta, T. dicoe-
cum (rice wheat), and T. monococcum. [Roc,
Amer. ed.] W. H.
s.
SAB'AOTH.THE LORD OF (Ke»«t««
0a&6: Dominus Sabaoth). The name is found in
the English Bible only twice (Rom. ix. 29 ; James
v. 4). It is probably more familiar through its
occurrence in the Sanctus of the Te Deum a - -
" Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord God of Sabaoth." It is
too often considered to be a synonym of, or to have
some connection with Sabbath, and to express the
idea of rest. And this not only popularly, but in
some of our most classical writers. 6 Thus Spenser,
Faery Queen, book vii. Santo viii. i: —
" But thenceforth all shall rest eternally
With Ulm that Is the Qod of Sabaoth hlght :
that great Sabaoth God, grunt me thst Subaoth's
sight."
And Bacon, Advancement of Learning, ii. 24: —
"... sacred and inspired Divinity, the Sataotb
and port of all men's labors and peregrinations "
And Johnson, in the 1st edition of whose Uiuum
ary (1766) Sabaoth and Sabbath are treated as the
same word. And Walter Scott, leanhoe, i. cli. 1 i
(lsted.): — "a week, aye the space between tw<
Sabaoths." But this connection is quite fictitious
The two words are not only entirely different, bu<
have nothing in common.
Sabaoth is the Greek form of the Hebrew won
tiehdith, "armies," and occurs in the oft-repeattt
formula which is translated in the Authorized Ver
sion of the Old Test by " Lord of hosts," " Ixm
God of hosts." We are apt to take " hosts " (prob
ably in connection with the modern expression thi
"heavenly host") as implying the angels — bn
this is surely inaccurate. Ttebaoth is in constan'
use in the O. T. for the national army or force of
fighting-men, 11 and there can be no doubt that ii
the mouth and the mind of an ancient Hebrew, Jo-
hovah-tsebddth was the leader and commander of
the armies of the nation, who " went forth witt
them" (Pa. xliv. 9), and led them to certain vic-
tory over the worshippers of Baal, Chemosh, Mo-
lech, Asbtaroth, and other false gods. In latet
times it lost this peculiar significance, and became
little if anything more than an alternative title te
God. The name is not found in the Pentateuch,
• <*VN??. See 1 Sam. HI. 9, 1 K. L 19, sad aas
sim In Burin's OmeonUmee, p. INS.
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2758
SABAT
w the books of Joshua, Judges, or Roth. It i»
frequent in the boclu of Samuel, rarer In Kings,
U found twice only in the Chronicle*, and not at
all in Fxekiel ; but in the Psalms, in Isaiah, Jere-
miah, and the minor Prophets It is of constant oc-
currence, and in fact is used almost to the exclusion
of every other title. [Tsevaoth, Am. ed.] G.
SATJAT (2tup4y; Alex, Xcupter; [Aid. la-
0dV:] Phaiphat). 1. The sons of Sabat are
enumerated among the sons of Solomon's servants
who returned with Zorobabel (1 Esdr. v. 34).
There is no corresponding name in the lists of
Ecra and Kehemiah.
8. (2o0dV: Babath.) The month Sebat (1
Usee xvi. 14).
BABATE'AS [AY.ed. 1611, SAB ATETJS]
(la&rruor; Alex. 3a0Paramti [Aid. SajBar-
rolof :] Siibbalkau). Shabbethai (1 Esdr. ix.
48; com p. Neh. viii. 7).
SAB'ATUS OifiaBof, [Aid. Idjjare,:] Z»b-
<tu). Zabad (1 Esdr. ix. 38; comp. Ear. x. 27).
SAB'BAN (2a3aVr»>: Banni). Bisjtoi 1
(1 Esdr. viii. 03; comp. Ezr. viii. 33).
SABBATH (njtB, "a day of rest," from
n?tP, " to cease to do," " to rest "). This is the
obvious and undoubted etymology. The resem-
blance of the word to 7307, " seven," misled Lno
tantius (/nit. iii. 14) and others; but it does not
seem mora than accidental. BKhr (Symbolii, ii.
633-34) does not reject the derivation from fQO?,
but traces that to 2107, somewhat needlessly and
fancifully, as it appears to us. Plutarch's associa-
tion of the word with the Bacchanalian cry <ra£oi
may of course be dismissed at once. We have also
(Ex. xvi. 93, and Lev. xxiii. 24) TirOtT, of more
intense signification than rnttf; also H2Q7
7iratt7, « a Sabbath of Sabbaths " (Ex. xxxi. 15,
and elsewhere). The name Sabbath is thus ap-
plied to divers great festivals, hut principally and
usually to the seventh day of the week, the strict
observance of which is enforced not merely in the
general Mosaic code, but in the Decalogue itself.
The first Scriptural notice of the weekly Sab-
bath, though it is not mentioned by name, is to be
found in Gen. ii. 3, at the dose of the record of the
S'x days' creation. And hence it is frequently ar-
gued that the institution is as old as mankind, and
u consequently of universal concern and obligation.
We cannot, however, approach this question till we
have examined the account of its enforcement upon
the Israelites. It is in Ex. xvi. 23-29 that we find
the first incontrovertible institution of the day, as
one given to, and to be kept by, the children of Is-
rael. Shortly afterwards it was reenacted in the
Fourth Commandment, which gave it a rank above
that of an ordinary law, making it one of the signs
of the Covenant. As such it remained together
with the Passover, the two forming the most sol-
snn snd distinctive features of Hebrew religious
ife. Its neglect or profanation ranked foremost
among national sins; the renewed observance of it
was sure to accompany national reformation.
Before, then, dealing with the question whether
■ Tide Patrick in toe., and Salden, Dt Jure Nat. el
tVM. U. ».
» Tile Grottos in toe., who rata* to Abu-Ban.
SABBATH
its original Institution comprised mai kind at I
or merely stamped on Israel a very marked badge
of nationality, it will be well to trace somewhat oj
its position and history among the chosen people
Many of the Rabbis date its first institution fron
the incident " recorded in Ex. xv. 25 ; and behevt
that the "statute and ordinance" there mentioned
as being given by God to the children of Israel was
that of the Sabbath, together with the command-
ment to honor father and mother, their previous
law having consisted only of what are called the
" seven precepts of Noah." This, however, seems
to want foundation of any sort, and the statute and
ordinance in question are, we think, sufficiently ex-
plained by the words of ver. 26, " If thou wilt dili-
gently hearken," etc. We are not on sure ground
till we come to the unmistakable institution in ch.
xvi. in connection with the gathering of manna.
The words in this latter are not in themselves
enough to indicate whether such institution was al-
together a novelty, or whether it referred to a day
the sanctity of which was already known to those
to. whom it was given. There is plausibility cer-
tainly in the opinion of Grotius, that the day was
already known, and in some measure observed m
holy, but that the rule of abstinence from work was
first given then, and shortly afterwards more ex-
plicitly imposed in the Fourth Conim»ndni«rt,
There it is distinctly set forth, and extended to the
whole of an Israelite's household, his son and his
daughter, his slaves, male and female, his ox and
his ass, and the stranger within his gates. It
would seem that by this last was understood the
stranger who while still uncircumcised yet wor-
shipped the true* God; for the mere heath in
stranger was not considered to lie under the law of
the Sabbath. In the Fourth Commandment, too,
the institution is grounded on the revealed truth
of the six days' creation and the Divine rest on
the seventh; but in the version of it which we
find in Deuteronomy a further reason is added:
" And remember that thou wast a stranger in the
land of Egypt, and that the Lord thy God brought
thee forth with a mighty hand and by a Btretched-
out arm; therefore the Lord thy God commanded
thee to keep the Sabbath day " (Deut. v. 16).
Penalties and provisions in other parts of the
Law construed the abstinence from labor prescribed
in the commandment. It was forbidden to light a
fire, a man was stoned for gathering sticks, on the
Sabbath. At a later period we find the Prophet
Isaiah uttering solemn warnings against profaning,
and promising large blessings on the due observ-
ance of the day (Is. Iviii. 13, 14). In Jeremiah's
time there seems to have been an habitual violation
of it, amounting to transacting on it such an ex-
tent of business as involved the carrying burden
about (Jer. xvii. 21-27). His denunciations of
this seem to have led the Pharisees in their bond-
age to the letter to condemn the impotent man for
carrying his bed on the Sabbath in obedience to
Christ who had healed him (John v. 10). We
must not suppose that our Lord prescribed a reai
violation of the Law ; and it requires little thought
to distinguish between such a natural and almost
necessary act as that which He commanded, and
the carrying of burdens in connection with busi-
ness which is denounced by Jeremiah. By Ezekiel
(xx. 12-24), a passage to which we must shortly
return, the profanation of the Sabbath is made for*
most among the national sins of the Jews. From
Kehemiah x. 31, ws learn that the people enters.
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SABBATH
We • eoianaut to renew the observance of the Law,
h which they pledged themselves neither to buy
•or sail victuals on the Sabbath. The practice wu
then not infrequent, and Kehemiah tell* us (ziii.
15-83) of the successful steps which he took for ita
stoppage.
Henceforward there is no eriddnce of the Sabbath
bang neglected by the Jewi except such as (1
Hacc 1. 11-15, 89-45) went into open apostasy.
The faithful remnant were so scrupulous concerning
it, as to forbear fighting in self-defense on that day
(1 Mace. ii. 30), and it was only the terrible conse-
quences that ensued which led Mattathias and his
friends to decree the lawfulness of self-defense on
the Sabbath (1 Hacc. Ii. 41).
When we come to the N. T. we find the most
marked stress laid on the Sabbath. In whatever
ways the Jew might err respecting it, he had al-
together ceased to neglect it. On the contrary,
wherever he went its observance became the most
visible badge of his nationality. The passages of
Latin literature, such as Ovid, Art Amnl., i. 416 ;
Juvenal, Sat zir. 96-106, which indicate this, are
too well known to require citation. Our Lord's
mode of observing the Sabbath was one of the main
features of his life, which his Pharisaic adversaries
most eagerly watched and criticised. They had
by that time invented many of those fantastic pro-
hibitions whereby the letter of the commandment
seemed to be honored at the expense of its whole
spirit, dignity, and value; and our Lord, coming
to vindicate and fulfill the Law in its real scope
and intention, must needs eome into collision with
Before proceeding to any of Uhi more curious
questions connected with the Sabbath, such as that
of its alleged pre-Hosaie origin and observance, it
will be well to consider and determine what were
its true idea and purpose in that Law of which
beyond doubt It formed a leading feature, and
among that people for whom, if for none else, we
know that it was designed. And we shall do this
with most advantage, as it seems to us, by pursu-
ing the inquiry in the following order: —
I. By considering, with a view to their elimina-
tion, the Pharisaic and Rabbinical prohibitions.
These we have the highest authority for rejecting,
ss inconsistent with the true scope of the Law.
II. By taking a survey of the general Sabbatical
periods of Hebrew time. The weekly Sabbath stood
in the relation of key-note to a scale of Sabbatical
observance, mounting to the Sabbatical year and
the year of Jubilee." It is but reasonable to sus-
pect that these can in some degree interpret each
other.
III. By examining the actual enactments of
Seripture respecting the seventh day, and the mode
in which such observance was maintained by the
best Israelites.
I. Nearly every one is aware that the Pharisaii
and Rabbinical schools invented many prohibitions
respecting the Sabbath of which we find nothing in
the original institution. Of these some may have
bean legitimate enforcements in detail of that insti-
tution, such as the Scribes and Pharisees " sitting
as Hoses' seat " (Matt. xziiL 2, 8) had a right to
atpoae. How a general law is to be carried out in
particular eases, must often be determined for
i It is obvious from the whole scope of the ehsptsr
I the words, " Ts Shall keep my sabbaths," In Lev.
tt>talsssd to all these. Ia the snnlng threat of
SABBATH 2769
others by such as hare authority to do so. To
this class may belong the limitation of s Sabbath-
day's journey, a limitation not absolutely at vari-
ance with the fundamental canon that the Sabbath
was made for man, not man for the Sabbath, al-
though it may have proceeded from mistaking a
temporary enactment for a permanent one. Many,
however, of these prohibitions were fantastic and
arbitrary, in the number of those " heavy burdens
and grievous to be home" which the later ex-
pounders of the Law " laid on men's shoulders."
We have seen that the impotent man's carryirg his
bed was considered a violation of the Sabbath — a
notion probably derived from Jeremiah's warning!
against the commercial traffic carried on at the
gates of Jerusalem in his day. The harmless act
of the disciples in the corn-field, and the beneficent
healing of the man in the synagogue with the
withered hand (Matt. xii. 1-13), were alike re-
garded as breaches of the Law. Our Lord's reply
in the former case will come txfore us under our
third head; in the latter He appeals to the prac-
tice of the objectors, who would any one of them
raise his own sheep out of the pit into which the
animal had fallen on the Salibath-d^y. From tl a
appeal, we are forced to infer that such practice
would have been held lawful at the time and place
in which He spoke. It is remarkable, however,
that we find it prohibited in other traditions, the
law laid down lieing, that in this case a man might
throw some needful nourishment to the animal, but
must not pull him out till the next day. (See
Hejlin, lliit. of Sabbath, i. 8, quoting Buxtorf.)
This rule possibly came into existence in conse-
quence of our Lord's appeal, and with a view to
warding off the necessary inference from it. Still
more fantastic prohibitions were issued. It was
unlawful to catch a flea on the Sabbath, exoept
the insect were actually hurting his assailant, or to
mount into a tree, lest a branch or twig should
be broken in the process. The Samaritans were
especially rigid in matters like these; and Dosi-
theus, who founded a sect amongst them, went so
far as to maintain the obligation of a man's re-
maining throughout the Sabbuth in the posture
wherein he chanced to be at its commencement —
a rule which most people would find quite destruc-
tive of its character as a day of rest. When minds
were occupied with such micrology, as this has been
well called, there was obviously po limit to the
number of prohibitions which the}' might devise,
confusing, as they obviously did, abstinence from
action of every sort with rest from business and
labor.
That this perversion of the Sabbath had become
very general in our Saviour's time is apparent bcth
from the recorded objections to acts of his on that
day, and from his marked conduct on occasions to
which those objections were sure to be urged. There
is no reason, however, for thinking that the Phar
isees had arrived at a sentence against pleasure of
every sort on the sacred day. The duty of hospi-
tality was remembered. It was usual for the rich
to give a feast on that day ; and our Lord's attend-
ance at such a feast, and making it the occasion of
putting forth his rules for the demesnor of guests,
and for the right exercise of hospitality, show that
the gathering of friends and social enjoyment wen
Judgment m ease of neglect or violation of the Law,
the Sabbatical year world seam to ba mainly reams'
to(TT.M,at>)-
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2760 SABBATH
not deemed inconsistent with the true scope and
spirit of the Sabbath. It was thought right that
the meats, though cold, should be of the best and
choicest, nor might the Sabbath be chosen for a
But.
Such are the Inferences to which we are brought
by our Lord's words concerning, and works on, the
sacred da;. We have already protested against
the notion which has been entertained that they
were breaches of the Sabbath intended as harbin-
gers of its abolition. Granting for argument's sake
that such abolition was in prospect, still our Lord,
" made under the Law," would hare violated no
part of it so long aa it was Law. Nor can any-
thing be inferred on the other side from the Evan-
E list's language (John v. IS). The phrase " He
d broken the Sabbath," obviously denotes not
the character of our Saviour's act, but the Jewish
estimate of it. He had broken the Pharisaic rules
respecting the Sabbath. Similarly his own phrase,
" the priests profane the Sabbath and are blame-
leas," can only be understood to assert the lawful-
ness of certain acts done for certain reasons on that
day, which, taken in themselves and without those
reasons, would be profanations of it There re-
mains only his appeal to the eating of the shew-
bread by David and his companions, which was no
doubt in its matter a breach of the Law. It
does not follow, however, that the act in justifi-
cation of which it is appealed to was such a
breach. It ia rather, we think, an argument a
fortiori, to the effect, that if even a positive law
might giro place on occasion, much more might an
arbitrary rule like that of the Kabbis in the case in
amotion.
Finally, the declaration that " the Son of Han
b Lord also of the Sabbath," must not be viewed
as though our Lord held Himself free from the
Law respecting it It is to be taken in connection
with the preceding words, " the Sabbath was made
for man," etc., from which it is an inference, as ia
shown by the adverb therefore ; and the Son of
Han is plainly speaking of Himself as the Han, the
Representative and Exemplar of all mankind, and
teaching us that the human race is lord of the
Sabbath, the day being made for man, not man for
the day.
If, then, our Lord, coming to fulfill and rightly
Interpret the Law, did thus protest against the
Pharisaical and Rabbinical rules respecting the Sab-
bath, we are supplied by this protest with a large
negative view of that ordinance. The acts con-
demned by the Pharisees were not violations of it.
Here action, as such, was not a violation of it, and
far less was a work of healing and beneficence. To
this we (hall have occasion by and by to return.
Meanwhile we must try to gain a positive view of
the institution, and proceed in furtherance of this
to our second head.
II. The Sabbath, as we have said, was the key-
note to a scale of Sabbatical observance — consist-
ing of itself, the seventh month, the seventh year,
and the year of Jnbilee. As each seventh day
was sacred, so was each seventh month, and each
seventh year. Of the observances of the seventh
month, little needs be said. That month opened
with the Feast of Trumpets, and contained the Day
•f Atonement and Feast of Tabernacles — the last
named being the moat joyful of Hebrew festivals.
It is not apparent, nor likely, that the whole of
the month was to be characterized by cessation
fcom labor; but it certainly hss a place in tb»
SABBATH
Sabbatical scale. Its great centre was the feast
of Tabernacles or Ingathering, the year and tbs
year's labor having then done their work and
yielded their issues. In this last respect its anal-
ogy to the weekly Sabbath is obvious. Only at
this part of the Sabbatical cycle do we find any
notice of humiliation. On the Day of Atonement
the people were to afflict their souls (Lev. xxiii.
87-29).
The rules for the Sabbatical year are very pre-
cise. Aa labor was prohibited on the seventh day,
so the land was to rest every seventh year. And
as each forty-ninth year wound up seven of such
weeks of years, so it either was itself, or it ushered
in, what was called '• the year of Jubilee."
In Exodus xxiii. 10, 11, we find the Sabbatical
year placed in close connection with the Sabbath-
day, and the words in which the former is pre-
scribed are analogous to those of the Fourth Com-
mandment: "Six years thou abalt sow thy land
and gather in the fruits thereof; but the seventh
year thou shalt let it rest and lie still ; that the
poor of thy people may eat; and what they leave
the beasts of the field shall eat." This is imme-
diately followed by a renewed proclamation of the
law of the Sabbath, " Six days thou shalt do thy
work, and on the seventh day thou shalt rest: ttut
thine ox and thine ass may rest, and the son of thy
handmaid, and the stranger may be refreshed." It
is impossible to avoid perceiving that in these pas-
sages the two institutions are put on the tarns
ground, and are represented as quite homogeneous.
Their aim, as here exhibited, is eminently a benefi-
cent one. To give rights to classes that would
otherwise have been without such, to the bond-
man and bondmaid, nay, to the beast of the field,
is viewed here as their main end. " The stranger,"
too, is comprehended in the benefit. Many, we
suspect, while reading the Fourth Commandment,
merely regard him as subjected, together with his
host and family, to a prohibition. But if we con-
sider how continually the gtranger is referred to
in the enactments of the Law, and that with a
view to his protection, the instances being one-and-
twenty in number, we shall be led to regard his
inclusion in the Fourth Commandment rather aa a
benefit conferred than a prohibition imposed on
bim.
The same beneficent aim is still more apparent
in the fuller legislation respecting the Sabbatical
year which we find in Lev. xxv. 8-7, " When ye
come into the land which 1 give you, then shall
the land keep a sabbath unto the Lord. Six years
thou shalt sow thy field, and aix years thou shalt
prune thy vineyard, and gather in the fruit thereof;
but in the seventh year shall be a sablnth of rest
unto the land, a sabbath unto the Lord; thou
sbalt neither sow thy field nor prune thy vineyard.
That which groweth of its own accord of thy har-
vest thou shalt not reap, neither gather the grapes
of thy vine undressed: for it is a year of rest
unto the land. And the sabbath of the land shall
be meat for you ; for thee, and for thy clave, ani
for thy maid, and for thy hired servant, and for thy
stranger that sojoumeth with thee, and for thy
cattle and for the beasts that are in thy land,
shall all the increase thereof be meat." One great
aim of both Institutions, the Sabbath-day and the
Sabbatical year, clearly was to debar the Hebrew
from the thought of absolute ownership of any-
thing. His time wsa not his own, aa was shown bin
by each seventh day being the Sabbath of the Lot*
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SABBATH
bis God; hi* land tu not hit own but God'* (Ler.
xxv. 23), m wm ihowo bj the Sabbath of each
seventh year, daring which it was to have rest,
and all individual right over it was to be sus-
pended. It was alio to be the veer of release from
debt (font. xv.). We do not read much of the
way in which, or the extent to which, the Hebrews
observed the Sabbatical year. The reference to it
(9 Ohr. xxxvi. 81) kads us to conclude that it had
been much neglected previous to tie Captivity, but
it was certainly not lost sight of afterwards, since
Alexander the Great absolved the Jews from pay-
ing tribute on it, their religion debarring them
from acquiring the means of doing so. [Sabbat-
ical Ykak.]
The year of Jubilee must be regarded as com-
pleting this Sabbatical scale, whether we consider
It as really the forty-ninth year, the seventh of a
week of Sabbatical years, or the fiftieth, a question
on which opinions are divided. [Jubilek, Year
or.] Tie difficulty in the way of deciding for
the latter, that the land could hardly bear enough
spontaneously to suffice for two years, seems dis-
posed of by reference to Isaiah xxxvii. 30. Adopt-
ing, therefore, that opinion as the most probable,
we must consider each week of Sabbatical years to
have ended in a double Sabbatical period, to which,
mo re over , increased emphasis was given by the pe-
culiar enactments respecting the second half of
sneh period, the year of Jubilee.
Those enactments have been already considered
in the article just referred to, and throw further light
on the beneficent character of the Sabbatical Law.
III. We must consider the actual enactments of
Scripture respecting the seventh day. However
homogeneous the different Sabbatical periods may
be, the weekly Sabbath is, as we have said, the
tonic or key-note. It alone is prescribed in the
Decalogue, and it alone has in any shape survived
the earthly commonwealth of Israel. We must
■till postpone the question of its observance by the
patriarchs, and commence our inquiry with the
institution of it in the wilderness, In connection
with the gathering of manna (Ex. xvi. 23). The
prohibition to gather the manna on the Sabbath
u accompanied by one to bake or to seethe on that
day. The Fourth Commandment gives us but
the generality, "all manner of work," and, seeing
that action of one kind or another is a necessary
accompaniment of waking life, and cannot there-
fore in itself be intended, as the later Jews im-
agined, by the prohibition, we are left to seek
tawwhra for the particular application of the
general principle. That general principle in itself,
however, obviously embraces an abstinence from
worldly labor or occupation, and from the en-
forcir.g such on servants or dependents, or on the
stranger. By him, as we have said, is most prob-
ably meant the partial proselyte, who would not
have received much consideration from the Hebrews
had they been left to themselves, as we must infer
trass the numerous laws enacted for his protection.
Had man been then regarded by him as made for
the Sabbath, not toe Sabbath for man, that is, had
the prohibitions of the commandment been viewed
as the putting on of a yoke, not the conferring of a
privilege, one of the dominant race would probably
bbvs felt no reluctance to placing rich a stranger
ander that yoke. The naming him therefore in
the commandment helps to interpret its whole
principle, and testifies to its having been a banefl-
sant privilege for all who came within it- It gaf
17*
SABBATH 2781
rights to the slave, to the despised stranger, eras
to the ox and the ass.
This beneficent character of the Fourth Com
mandment is very apparent in the version of it
which we find in Deuteronomy : " Keep the Sab-
bath-day to sanctify it, as the l.onl thy God hath
commanded thee. Six days thou sbslt labor and
do all thy work, 1 ut the seventh day is the Sab-
bath of the Lord thy God: in it thou shalt not da
any work, thou, nor thy son, nor thy daughter,
nor thy bondman, nor thy bondwoman, nor thine
ox, nor thine ass, nor thy stranger that is within
thy gates: that thy bondman and thy bond-
woman may rest as well as thou. And remember
that thou wast a slave in the land of Kgypt, and
that the Lord thy God brought thee out thence
through a mighty hand and by a stretched-out
arm: therefore the Lord thy God commanded
thee to keep the Sabbath-day" (Deut. v. 12-15).
But although this be so, and though it be plain
that to come within the scope of the command-
ment ws* to possess a franchise, to share in a privi-
lege, yet does the original proclamation of it is
Exodus place it on a ground which, closely con-
nected no doubt with then others, is yet higher and
more comprehensive. The divine method of work-
ing and rest is there proposed to man as the model
after which he is to work and to rest. Time then
presents a perfect whole, is then well rounded and
entire, when it is shaped into a week, modeled on
the six days of creation and their following Sab-
bath. Six days' work and the seventh day's rest
conform the life of man to the method of his Cre-
ator. In distributing his life thus, man may look
up to God as his Archetype. We need not sup-
pose that the Hebrew, even in that early stage of
spiritual education, was limited by so gross a con-
ception as that of God working and then resting,
ss if needing rest The idea awakened by the
record of creation and by the Fourth Commandment
is that of work that has a consummation, perfect
in itself and coming to a perfect end ; and man's
work is to be like this, not aimless, indefinite, and
incessant, but having an issue on which he can
repose, and see and rejoice in its fruit*. God's
rest consists in his seeing that all which He has
made is very good ; and man's works are in their
measure and degree very good when a six days'
faithful labor has its issue in a seventh of rest
after God's pattern. It is most important to re-
member that the Fourth Commandment la not
limited to a mere enactment respecting one day,
but prescribes the due distribution of a week,
and enforces the six days' work as much a* the
seventh day's rest.
This higher ground of observance was felt to
invest the Sabbath with a theological character,
and rendered it the great witness for faith in a
personal snd creating God. Hence its supremacy
over all the Law, being sometimes taken a* the
representative of it all (Neb. ix. U). The Tal-
mud says that "the Sabbath is in Importance
equal to the whole Law;" that "ha who dese-
crates the Sabbath openly is like him who trans-
gresses the whole Law; " while Maunonides winds
up hi* discussion of the subject thus: "He who
breaks the Sabbath openly is like th* worshipper
of the stars, and both are like heathen* in I
respect"
In all this, however, we have but a
of the general principle of resting on the Sabbath,
and must seek elsewhere for infnrmstioB as to the
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fetalis wherewith that principle ia to be brought
tot. We have already seen that the work forbidden
hi not to be confounded with action of every sort.
To make thia confusion was the error of the later
Jews, and their prohibitions would go far to render
the Sabbath incompatible with waking life. The
terms in the commandment show plainly enough
the sort of work which is contemplated. They are
T3yn and n3M7D,the former denoting terale
work, and the latter butintu (see Gesenius tub
soc.; Michaelia, Lam of Motet, it. 195). The
Pentateuch presents us with but three applications
of the general principle. The lighting a fire
in any house on the Sabbath was strictly forbid-
den (Ex. hit. 3), and a man was stoned for gath-
ering sticks on that day (Num. xv. 82-86). The
former prohibition is thought by the Jews to be
of perpetual force ; but some at least of the Rabbis
have held that it applies only to lighting a fire for
culinary purposes, not to doing so in cold weather
for the sake of warmth. The latter case, that of
the man gathering sticks, was perhaps one of more
labor and butintu than we are apt to imagine.
The third application of the general principle
which we find in the Pentateuch was the prohibi-
tion to go out of the camp, the command to every
one to abide in bit place (Kx. xvi. 39) on the Sab-
bath-day. This is so obviously connected with the
gathering the manna, that it seems most natural
to regard it as a mere temporary enactment for the
circumstances of the people in the wilderness. It
was, however, afterwards considered by the He-
brew! a permanent law, and applied, in the ab-
sence of the camp, to the city in which a man
might reside. To this was appended the dictum
that a space of two thousand ells on every side of
a city belonged to it, and to go that distance
beyond the walls was permitted as "a Sabbath-
day's journey."
The reference of Isaiah to the Sabbath gives us
no details. Those in Jeremiah and Nehemiah show
that carrying goods for sale, and buying such, were
equally profanations of the day.
There is no ground for supposing that to engage
the enemy on the Sabbath was considered unlaw-
ful before the Captivity. On the contrary, there is
much force in the argument of Michaelia (Lam of
Motet, iv. 196) to show that it was not His
reasons are as follows: —
1. The prohibited 7 1357, semiee, does not even
suggest the thought of war.
2. The enemies of the chosen people would have
continually selected the Sabbath as a day of attack,
had the latter been forbidden to defend themselves
then.
3. We read of long-protracted sieges, that of
Kabbah (2 Sam. zi., xii.), and that of Jerusalem in
the reign of Zedekiah, which latter lasted a year
and a half, during which the enemy would cer-
tainly have taken advantage of any such abstinence
from warfare on the part of the chosen people.
At a subsequent period we know (1 Mace ii.
34-88) that the scruple existed and was acted on
with most calamitous eflecU. Those effect* led
(1 Mace. ii. 41) to determining that action in self-
defense was lawful on the Sabbath, initiatory at-
tack not. The reservation was, it must be thought,
SABBATH
neariy as great a misconception oi the tnatttartloa
as the overruled scruple. CertaiiJy warfare has
nothing to do with the servile labor or the worldly
business contemplated in the Fourth Command-
ment, and k, as regards religious obserruice, a law
to itself. Yet the scruple, like many other scruples,
proved a convenience, and under the Roman Km
pire the Jews procured exemption from military
service by means of it It was not, howe v e r, with-
out its evils. In the siege of Jerusalem by 1'om-
pey (Joseph. Ant. xiv. 4), as well as in the final one
by Titus, the Romans took advantage of it, and,
abstaining from attack, prosecuted on the Sabbath,
without molestation from the enemy, such i
enabled them to renew the assault with
a In this Hght the Sabbath has found a champion
la saw who would not, we suppose, have paid It much
I m IU uwologioU
resources.
So far therefore as we have yet gone, so far an
the negative side of Sablatical observance is con-
cerned, it would seem that servile labor, whether
that of slaves or of hired servants, and all worldly
business on the part of masters, was suspended on
the Sabbath, and the day was a common .rjght to
rest and be refreshed, possessed by all classes in
the Hebrew community. It wss thus, as we have
urged, a beneficent institution." As a sign between
God and his chosen people, it was also a monitor
of faith, keeping up a constant witness, on the
ground taken in Gen. ii. 3, and in the Fourth Com-
mandment, for the one living and personal God
whom they worshipped, and for the truth, in op-
position to all the cosmogonies of the heathen, that
everything was created by Him.
We must now quit the negative for the positive
side of the institution.
In the first place, we learn from the Pentateuch
that the morning and evening sacrifice were both
doubled on the Sabbath-day, and that the fresh
shew-bread was then baked, and substituted on the
Table for that of the previous week. And this at
once leads to the observation that the negative
rules, proscribing work, lighting of fires, etc., did
not apply to the rites of religion. It became a
dictum that there was no Sabbath in half thingt.
To this our Saviour appeals when He says that the
priests in the Temple profane the Sabbath and art
blameless.
Next, it is clear that individual offerings wen
not breaches of the Sabbath ; and from this doubt-
less came the feasts of the rich on that day, which
were sanctioned, as we have seen, by our Saviour's
attendance on one such. It was, we may be pretty
sure, a feast on a sacrifice, and therefore a religions
act. All around the giver, the poor as well as
others, were admitted to it Yet farther, in " cases
of illness, and in any, even the remotest danger,"
the prohibitions of work were not held to apply.
The general principle was that " the Sabbath is de-
livered into your hand, not you into the hand of
the Sabbath " (comp. Mark ii. 27, 28).
We have no ground for supposing that anything
like the didactic institutions of the synagogue
formed part of the original observance of the Sab-
bath. Such institutions do .not come into being
while the matter to which they relate Is itself only
in process of formation. Expounding the Law
presumes the completed existence of the Law, ana
the removal of the living lawgiver. The sst utam
of the Talmud that " Moses ordained to the Israel-
a parson than M.
Dimmmdu).
(jm H am,
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SABBATH
la that they ifaauld rod the Tjt* on the Sabbath-
lays, the leasts, and the new moons," in itself im-
probable, is utterly unsupported by the Penta-
teuch. The rise of such custom in after times is
explicable enough. [Stnagoouk.] But from an
early period, if not, as is most probable, from the
rery institution, occupation with holy themes was
regarded as an essential part of the observance of
the Sabbath. It would seem to have been an
habitual practice to repair to a prophet on that
day, in order, it must be presumed, to listen to his
leashing (2 K. iv. 33). Certain Psalms too, e. g.
the 98d, were composed for the Sabbath, and
probably used in private as well as in the Taber-
aaele. At a later period we come upon precepts
that on the Sabbath the mind should be uplifted
so high and holy themes — to God, his character,
his revelations of Himself, his mighty works-
Still the thoughts with which the day was in-
vested were ever thoughts, not of restriction, but
of freedom and of joy. Such indeed would seem,
from Neh. viii. 9-18, to have been essential to the
notion of a holy day. We have more than once
pointed out that pleasure, as such, was never con-
sidered by the Jews a breach of the Sabbath ; and
their practice in this respect is often animadverted
on by the early Christian Fathers, who taunt them
with abstaining on that day only from what is
good and useful, but indulging in dancing and
luxury. Some of the heathen, indeed, such as
Tacitus, imagined that the Sabbath was kept by
them aa a Gut, a mistake which might have arisen
from their abstinence from cookery on that day,
and perhaps, as Heylin conjectures, from their
postponement of their meals till the more solemn
se n ice s of religion had been performed. But
there can be no doubt that it was kept as a feast,
sod the phrase huau Snhbataritu, which we find
in Sidonius Apollinaris (i. 2), and which has been
thought a proverbial one, illustrates the mode in
which they celebrated it in the early centuries
of our era. The following is Augustine's descrip-
tion of their practice: " Kcce hodiernus dies Sab-
bati est: hnnc in present! tempore otio quodam
cor p oraliter ianguido et fluxo et luxurioso celebrant
Judasi. Vacant enim ad nugaa, et cum Deus pre-
eeperit Sabbatum, iili in his quae Deus prohibet
exercent Sabbatum. Vacatio nostra a mails operi
boa. vacatio illorum a bonis operibus est. Melius
est enim arare quam saltare. Uli ab opere bono
vacant, ab opere nugatorio non vacant" (Aug.
Aiunr. M Pmlmot, Ps. xci. : see, too, Aug. De
decern Chordit, iii. 3; Chrysost. UomiL I., De
Lnzaro; and other references given by Bingham,
HetL Ant, lib. xx. cap. ii.). And if we take what
alone is in the I*w, we shall find nothing to be
counted absolutely obligatory but rest, cessation
from labor. Now, aa we have more than once
had occasion to observe, rest, cessation from labor,
eannot in the waking moments mean avoidance of
all action. This, therefore, would be the question
respecting the scope and purpose of the Sabbath
which would always demand to be devoutly con-
sidered and intelligently answered — what is truly
rest, what is that cessation from labor which is
really Sabbatical? And it is plain that, in ap-
plication and in detail, the answer to this must
•Boost indefinitely vary with men's varying cir-
sHsastaiioes, habits, education, and familiar
SABBATH
2768
We have seen then, that V whomsoever else the
■ni M l l li was intended, tne chosen race wen in
ion of an ordinance, whereby neither a man'*
time nor his property could be considered abso
lutely his own, the seventh of each week beinf
holy to God, and dedicated to rest after the pattern
of God's rest, and giving equal rights to all. Wt
have also seen that this provision was the tonic to
a chord of Sabbatical observance, through which
the same great principles of God's claim and so-
ciety's, on every man's time and every man's prop-
erty, were extended and developed. Of the Sab-
batical year, indeed, and of the year of Jubilee,
it may be questioned whether they were ever
persistently observed, the only Indications that we
possess of Hebrew practice respecting them being
the exemption from tribute during the foro-er ac-
corded to the Jews by Alexander, to which we have
already referred, and one or two others, all, how-
ever, after the Captivity. [Sabbatical Yeah-,
Year of Jubilee.]
But no doubt exists that the weekly Sabbath
was always partially, and in the Pharisaic and sub-
sequent times very strictly, however mistakenly,
observed.
We have hitherto viewed the Sabbath merely a*
a Mosaic "ordinance. It remains to ask whether,
first, there be Indications of its having been pre-
viously known and observed ; and, secondly, whether
it have an universal scope and authority over all
men.
The former of these questions is usually ap-
proached with a feeling of its being connected with
the latter, and perhaps therefore with a bias in
favor of the view which the questioner thinks will
support his opinion on the latter. It seems, how-
ever, to us, that we may dismiss any anxiety as to
the results we may arrive at concerning it. No
doubt, if we see strong reason for thinking that the
Sabbath had a pre-Mosaio existence, we see some-
thing in it that has more than a Mosaic character
and scope. But it might have had such without
having an universal authority, unless we are pre-
pared to ascribe that to the prohibition of eating
blood or things strangled. And again, it might
hare originated in the Law of Moses, and yet
possess an universally human scope, and an au-
thority over all men and through all time. Which-
ever way, therefore, the second of our questions
is to be determined, we may easily approach the
first without anxiety.
The first and chief argument of those who
maintain that the Sabbath was known before
Moses, is the reference to it in Gen. ii. 2, 3. This
is considered to represent it as coeval with man,
being instituted at the Creation, or at least, aa
Lightfoot views the matter, immediately upon the
Fall. This latter opinion is so entirely without
rational ground of any kind that we may dismiss
it at once. But the whole argument is very pre-
carious. We have no materials for ascertaining or
even conjecturing, which was put forth first, the
record of the Creation, or the Fourth Comma.' id
ment. If the latter, then the reference to (b»
Sabbath in the former is abundantly natural. Had,
Indeed, the Hebrew tongue the variety of preterite
tenses of the Greek, the words in Genesis might
require careful consideration in that regard ; but a*
the case is, no light eon be had from grammar ;
and on the supposition of these being written after
the Fourth Commandment, their absence, or that
of any equivalent to them, would be really mar-
The next indication of a pre Mosaic flabhtth has
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SABBATH
ken found in Gen. It. 3, when w» read that " in
process of time it cune to peas that Cain brought
J the fruit of the ground an offering unto the
Lord." The wordi rendered m proetu of time
mean literally " at the end of days," and it i* con-
tended that they designate a fixed period of days,
probably the end of a week, the seventh or Sab-
bath-day. Again, the division of time into week*
seems recognized in Jaeob'a courtship of Rachel
(Gen. xxix. 37, 28). Indeed the Urge recognition
of that diriaion from the earliest time is considered
a proof that it must have had an origin stove
and independent of local and accidental circum-
stances, and been imposed on man at the beginning
from above. Its arbitrary and factitious character
ia appealed to in further confirmation of this. The
sacredness of the seventh day among the Egyptians,
as recorded by Herodotus, and the well-known
words of Hrsiod respecting it, have long been cited
among those who adopt this view, though neither
of them in reality gives it the slightest support.
1-astly, the opening of the Fourth Commandment,
the injunction to remember the Sabbath-day, ia
appealed to aa proof that that day was already
known.
It ia easy to see that all this ia but a precarious
foundation on which to build. It is not clear that
the words in Gen. iv. 3 denote a fixed division of
time of sny sort. Those in Gen. xxix. obviously do,
but carry us no further than proving that the week
was known and recognized by Jacob and Labaii;
though it must be admitted that, in the case of time
so divided, aacred rites would probably be celebrated
on a fixed and statedly recurring day. The argu-
ment from the prevalence of the weekly division of
time would require a greater approach to univer-
sality in such practice than the facta exhibit, to
make it a cogent one. That division was unknown
to the ancient Greeks and Romans, being adopted
by the latter people from the Egyptians, as must
be inferred from the well-known passage of Dion
Cassias (xxxvii. 18, 19), at a period in his own
time comparatively recent; while of the Egyptians
themselves it is thought improbable that they were
acquainted with such division in early times. The
sacredness of the seventh day mentioned by Hesiod,
is obviously that of the seventh day, not of the
week, but of the month. And even after the
weekly division was established, no trace can be
found of anything resembling the Hebrew Sab-
bath.
While the injunction in the Fourth Command-
ment to remember the Sabbath-day may refer only
to its previous institution in connection with the
gathering of manna, or may be but the natural
precept to keep in mind the rule about to be de-
livered — a phrase nature! and continually recur-
ring in the intercourse of life, as, for example, be-
tween parent and child — on the other hand, the
lerplexity of the Israelites respecting the double
supply of manna on the sixth day (Ex. xvi. 32)
leads us to infer that the Sabbath for which such
extra supply was designed was not then known to
them. Moreover the language of Fxekiel (xx.)
seems to designate it as an ordinance distinctively
Hebrew and Mosaic.
We cannot then, from the uncertain notices
■hich we possess, infer more than that the weekly
Hvision of time was known to the Israelites and
"then before the Law of Moses. [Week.] There
■ probability, though not more, in the opinion of
awatfaaa, that the seventh day waa deemed aacred
SABBATH
to reBgioua observance; but that the SathassMt
observance of it. the cessation from kbor, waa
superinduced on it in the wilderness.
But to come to our second question, it by no
means follows, that even if the Sabbath were no
older than Moses, its scope and obligation are Ba-
ited to Israel, and that itself belongs only to tht
obsolete enactments of the Levities! Low. That
law contains two elements, the code of a particular
nation, and commandment* of human and uni-
versal character. For it moat not be forgotten
that the Hebrew was called out from the world,
not to live on a narrower but a far wider footing
than the children of earth ; that he was called oot
to be the true man, bearing witness for the destiny,
exhibiting the aspect, and realizing the blessedness,
of true manhood. Hence, we can always are, if
we have a mind, the difference between such feat-
ures of bis Law aa are but local and temporary,
and such as are human and univenaL To which
class belongs the Sabbath, viewed simply in itself,
ia a question which will soon come before us, and
one which does not appear hard to settle. Mean-
while, we must inquire into the case aa exhibited
by Scripture.
And here we are at once confronted with thai
fact that the command to keep the Sabbath forma
part of the Decalogue. And that the Decalogue
had a rank and authority above the other enaet-
menta of the Law, ia plain to the most cursory
readers of the Old Testament, and is indicated by
its being written on the two Tables of the Cove-
nant. And though even the Decalogue is afeetei
by tbe New Testament, it is not so in the way
of repeal or obliteration. It is raised, trans-
figured, glorified there, but itself remains in its
authority and supremscy. Not to refer just now
to our Saviour's teaching (Matt. xix. 17-19), of
which it might be alleged that it was delivered
when, and to tbe persons over whom, the Old Law
was in force — such passages aa Horn. xiii. 8, 9,
and Eph. vi. 2, 3, seem decisive of this. In soma
way, therefore, the Fourth Commandment has an
authority over, and is to be obeyed by, Christians,
though whether in the letter, or in some large
spiritual sense and scope, is a question which still
remains.
The phenomena respecting tbe Sabbath pre-
sented by tbe New Testament are, 1st, the frequent
reference to it in the four gospels ; and Sdly, the
silence of the epistles, with the exception it one
place (CoL ii. 16, 17), where it* repeal would
seem to be asserted, and perhaps one other (Hah
iv. 9).
1st The references to it in the four gospels are,
it needs not be said, numerous enough. We have
already seen the high position which it took in the
minds of the Rabbis, and the strange code of pro-
hibitions which they put forth in connection with
it. The consequence of this was, that no part of
our Saviour's teaching and practice would seem to
have been so eagerly and narrowly watched as that
which related to the Sabbath. He seems even to
have directed attention to this, thereby intimsting
surely that on the one hand the misapprehension,
and on the other the true fulfillment of the Sab-
bath were matters of deepest concern. We have
already seen tbe kind of prohibitions against which
both his teaching and practice were directed ; and
his two pregnant declarations, " Tbe Sabbath waa
made for man, not man for the Sabbath," and
"My Father worketh hitherto, and I work,"
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SABBATH
«hibit to us the Law of the Sabbath as human
ind mineral. The former nil it forth aa a priv-
lege and a blessing, and were we therefore to sup-
pose it absent from the provisions of the covenant
of grace, we most suppose that covenant to hare
stinted man of something that was made for him,
something that eonduoes to his well-being. The
latter wonderfully exalts the Sabbath by referring
It, even as do the record of creation and the
Fourth Commandment, to God as its archetype;
and in showing us that the repose of God does
not exclude work — inasmuch as God opens his
1 daily and filleth all things living with plen-
i — shows us that the rest of the Sabbath
doss not exclude action, which would be but a
death, but only that week day action which requires
to be rn-xmd up in a rest that shall be after the
pattern of his, who, though He has rested from
all the work that He hath made, yet •■ worketh
hitherto."
9dly. The epistles, it must be admitted, with
the exception of one place, and perhaps another to
which we have already referred, are silent on the
■object of the Sabbath. No rules for its observ-
ance are ever given by the Apostles — its violation
is never denounced by them. Sabbath-breakers
are never included in any list of offenders. Col.
U. 18, 17, seems a far stronger argument for the
abolition of the Sabbath in the Christian dispensa-
tion than is furnished by Heb- iv. 9 for its con-
tinuance; sod while the first day of the week is
snore than once referred to as one of religious
observance, it is never identified with the Sabbath,
nor are any prohibition* issued in connection with
the former, while the omission of the Sabbath from
the list of " necessary things " to be observed by
the Gentiles (Acts xv. 89) shows that they were
regarded by the Apostles ss free from obligation in
this matter.
When we turn to the monuments which we
possess of the early Church, we find ourselves on
the whole carried in the same direction. The
seventh day of the week continued, indeed, to be
observed, being kept as a feast by the greater part
•f the Church, and as a fast from an early period
•y that of Rome, and one or two other churches
*f the West; hut not as obligatory on Christians
n the same way as on Jews. The Council of
Laodicea prohibited all scruple about working on
it; and there was a very general admission among
the early Fathers that Christians did not Babba-
tize in the letter.
Again, the observance of the [xwrl's Day as a
gabhath would have been well-nigh impossible to
the majority of Christians in the first ages. The
slave of the heathen master, and the child of the
heathen father, could neither of them have the
control of his own conduct in such a matter ; while
the Christian in general would have been at once
betrayed and dragged into notice if be was found
abstaining from labor of every kind, not on the
seventh but the first day of the week. And yet
It is dear that many were enabled without blame
v> keep their Christianity long a secret; nor does
there seem to have been any obligation to divulge
st, until heathen interrogation or the order, to
sacrifice dragged it into daylight
When the early Fathers speak of the Lord's
lay, they sometimes, perhaps, by comparing, con-
sist H with the Sabbath; but we have never bund
t passage, previous to the conversion of Jonstan-
tfso, •xonibitory of any work or occupation on the
SABBATH
2T6&
former, and any such, did it exist, would
been in a great measure nugatory, fcr the i
just alleged. [Lord's Day.] After Constantino
things become different at ones. His celebrated
edict prohibitory of Judicial proceedings on the
Lord's Day was probably dictated by a wish to
give the great Christian festival as much honor as
was enjoyed by those of the heathen, rather than
by any reference to the Sabbath or the Eourth
Commandment; but it was followed by several
which extended the prohibition to many other oc-
cupations, and to many forms of pleasure held
innocent on ordinary days. When this became the
case, the Christian Church, which ever believed the
Decalogue, in some sense, to be of universal obliga-
tion, could not but feel that she wss enabled to
keep the Fourth Commandment in its letter as well
as its spirit; that she had not lost the type even
in possessing the antitype ; that the great law of
week-day work and seventh-day rest, a law so
generous and so ennobling to humanity at large,
was still in operation. True, the name Sabbath
was always used to denote the seventh, as that
of the Lord's Day to denote the first, day of the
week, which latter is nowhere habitually called the
Sabbath, so far as we are aware, except in Scotland
and by the English Puritans. But it was surely
impossible to observe both the Lord's Day, aa was
done by Christians after Constantine, and to read
the Fourth Commandment, without connecting the
two; and, seeing that such was to be the practice
of the developed Church, we can understand how
the silence of the N. T. epistles, and even the
strong words of St. Paul (Col. ii. 16, 17), do not
impair the human and universal scope of the
Fourth Commandment, exhibited so strongly in the
very nature of the Law, and in the teaching re-
specting it of Him who came not to destroy the
Law, but to fulfill.
In the East, indeed, where the seventh day of
the week was long kept as a festival, that would
present iteelf to men's minds aa the Sabbath, and
the first day of the week would appear rather in
its distinctively Christian character, and as of
apostolical and ecclesiastical origin, than in con
nection with the old Law. But in the West the
seventh day wss kept for the most part as a fast,
and that for a reason merely Christian, namely, in
commemoration of our Lord's lying in the sepul-
chre throughout that day. Its observance therefore
would not obscure the aspect of the Lord's Day as
that of hebdomadal rest and refreshment, and as
consequently the prolongation of the Sabbath in
the essential character of that benignant ordinance;
and, with some variation, therefore, of verbal state-
ment, a connection between the Fourth Command-
ment and the first day of the week (together, as
should be remembered, with the other festivals
of the Church), came to be perceived and pro-
claimed.
Attention has recently been called, in connection
with our subject, to a circumstance which is im-
portant, the adoption by the Roman world of the
Egyptian week almost contemporaneously with the
founding of the Christian Church. Dion Casslus
speaks of that adoption as recent, and we are
therefore warranted in conjecturing the time of
Hadrian as about that wherein it must have estab
lished itself. Here, then, would seem a signal
Providential preparation for providing the people
of God with a literal Sabbatismus; for prolonging
in the Christian kingdom that great iustittilloa
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2766 SABBATH
which, whether or not historically older than the
Hoeaic Law, is yet in its essential character adapted
to all mankind, a witness for a personal Creator
and Sustainer of the universe, and for his call to
men to model their work, their time, and their
dves, on his pattern.
Were we prepared to embrace an exposition
which has been given of a remarkable passage
already referred to (Heb. iv. 8-10), we should find
it singularly illustrative of the view just suggested.
The argument of the passage is to this effect, that
the rest on which Joshua entered, and into which
he made Israel to enter, cannot lie the true and
final rest, inasmuch at the Psalmist long after
wards speaks of the entering into that rest as still
future and contingent. In ver. 9 we have the
words " there remaineth, therefore, a rest for the
people of God." Now it is important that through-
out the passage the word for rest is mrraVauo'ts,
and that in the words just quoted it is changed
into oaBBario-^is, which certainly means the
keeping of rest, the act of sabbatizing rather than
the objective rest itself. It has accordingly been
suggested that those words are not the author's
conclusion — which is to be found in the form of
thesis in the declaration " we which have believed
do enter into rest " — but a parenthesis to the
effect that "to the people of God," the Christian
community, there remaineth, tkere is left, a sab-
batizing, the great change that has passed upon
them and the mighty elevation to which they have
been brought as on other matters, so as regards the
rest of God revealed to them, still leaving scope
for and justifying the practice. This exposition
is in keeping with the general scope of the Epistle
to the Hebrews; and the passage thus viewed will
seem to some minds analogous to xiii. 10. It is
given by Owen, and- is elaborated with great in-
genuity by Dr. Wardlaw in his Discourses on the
Sabbath. It will not be felt fetal to it that more
than 800 years should have passed before the
Church at large was in a situation to discover the
heritage that had been preserved to her, or to
enter on Its enjoyment, when we consider how de-
velopment, in all matters of ritual and ordinance,
must needs be the law of any living body, and
much more of one which had to struggle from
its birth with the impeding forces of a heathen
empire, frequent persecution, and an unreclaimed
society. In such case was the early Church, and
therefore she might well have to wait for a Con-
stantine before she could fully open her eyes to
the fact that sabbatizing was still left to her;
and her members might well be permitted not to
see the truth in any steady or consistent way even
then.
The objections, however, to this exposition are
many and great, one being, that it has occurred
to so few among the great commentators who hare
labored on the Epistle to the Hebrews. Chrysostom
(in loc.) denies that there is any reference to heb-
iomadal sabbatizing. Nor have we found any
commentators, besides the two just named, who
admit that there is snch, with the single exception
ef Ebrard. Dean Alford notices the interpretation
anly to condemn it, while Dr. Hessey gives another,
and that the usual explanation of the verse, sug-
gesting a sufficient reason for the change of word
• Aeoardrag to this exposition the words of ver.
•J, «*r he that bath satm*," tie. an nftrrad to
SABBATH-DAY'S JOU KNIT
from awlnwu to eaBBaruruis. It wou«d oof
have been right, however, to have passed it ovss
in this article without notioe, as it relates to ■
passage of Scripture in which Sabbath and Sab-
batical ideas are markedly brought forward.
it would be going beyond the scope of this arti-
cle to trace the history of opinion on the Sabbath
in the Christian Church. Dr. Hessey, in his Hamp-
ton Lectures, has sketched and distinguished every
variety of doctrine which has been or still is main-
tained on the subject.
The sentiments and practice of the Jews subse-
quent to our Saviour's time have been already re-
ferred to. A curious account — taken from Bux-
torf, De Synag. — of their superstitions, scruples,
and prohibitions, will be found at the close of thai
first part of Heylin's Hist, of the Sabbath. Csl>
met (ait. " Sabbath ") gives an interesting sketch
of their family practices at the beginning and end
of the day. And the estimate of the Sabbath, its
uses, and its blessings, which is formed by the more
spiritually minded Jews of the present day may be
inferred from some striking remarks of Dr. Kalisch
(Comm. on Exodus), p. 273, who winds up with
quoting a beautiful passage from the late Mrs.
Horatio Montefiore's work, A few Words to Ik*
Jews.
Finally, M. Proudhon's striking pamphlet, Dt
la Celebration da Dimanehe consuieree sous let
rapports de t Hygiene publique, de la Morale, det
relations de Fiimiile et de Cite, Paris, 1850, may
be studied with great advantage. His remarks
(p. 67) on the advantages of the precise propor-
tion established, six days of work to one of rest,
and the inconvenience of any other that could be
arranged, are well worth attention.
The word Sabbath seems sometimes to denote a
week in the N. T. Hence, by the Hebrew usage
of reckoning time by cardinal numbers, in rf /uf
raw <raj3/3aT«V, means on the Jirst day of the
week. The Kabbis hare the same phraseology,
keeping, however, the word Sabbath in the sin-
gular.
On the phrase of St. Luke, vi. 1, i» T «7 aoBSirtf
tevnpaKp&rv, see Sabbatical Thar.
This article should be read in connection with
that on the Lord's Day.
Literature. — Critici Saeri, on Exod. ; Heylin's
Bist. of the Sabbath ; Selden, De Jure Natur. et
Gent. ; Buxtorf, De Synag. ; Barrow, Expos, of
the Decalogue ; Paley, Moral and Political Philos-
ophy, v. 7; James, On the Sacraments and Sab-
bath; Whately's Thoughts on the Sabbath; Ward-
law, On the Sabbath ,- Maurice, On the Sabbath ;
Michaelis, Laws of Muses, arts, cxciv.-vi., cliviii.;
Oehler, in Heraog's Reab EncyU. "Sabbath";
Winer, RealwSrttrbuch, " Sabbath " ; Biihr, Byn-
botik des Mas. Cult. vol. ii. bk. ir. oh. II, § 'J; Ka-
lisch, Historical and Critical Commentary on 0.
T., in Exod. XX. ; Proudhon, De In Celibratim
d% Dimanche ,- and especially Dr. Hessey's Sun-
day ,- the Hampton Lecture for 1860. F. G.
• Historical Sketch of the Christian SabbatS,
by Rer. L. Coleman, BibL Sacra, i. 526-552, and
Change of the Sabbath from the Serenth to the
First Day of the Week, by John S. Stone, D. D.,
ThcoL Eclectic, ir. 542-570, are valuable artistes
on i his subject The literature is given with great
fullness in R. Cox's Literature of the Sabbali
Question, 3 rob., Edinb. 1866. H.
SABBATH-DAY'S JOURNEY (*.»
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SABBATH-DAY'S JOTJKNEY
idrev Kit, Acts i. 12). On occasion of a viola-
Jon of the commandment by certain of the people
who went to look for lEanna on th; seventh day,
Moses enjoined every man to " abide in his place,"
and forbade any man to " go out of hU place " on
that day (Ex. xvi. 29). It aeema natural to look
on this as a mere enactment pro re noli, and hav-
ing no bearing on any state of attain subsequent to
the journey through the wilderness and the daily
gathering of manna. Whether the earlier Hebrews
did or did not regard it thus, it is not easy to say.
Nevertheless, the natural inference from 2 K. ir. 23
a against the supposition of tuoh a prohibition be-
ing known to the spokesman, Elisha almost cer-
tainly living — as may be spcd from the whole nar-
rative — much more than a Sabbath-day's journey
torn Shunem. Heylin infers from the incidents of
Dsvid's flight from Saul, and Elijah's from Jezebel,
that neither felt bound by such a limitation. Their
situation, however, being one of extremity, cannot
be safely argued from. In after times the precept
in Ex. xvi. was undoubtedly viewed as a permanent
law. Bat as some departure from a man's own
phoe was unavoidable, it was thought necessary to
determine the allowable amount, which was fixed
at 2,000 paces, or about six furlongs, from the wall
of the city.
Though such an enactment may hare proceeded
from an erroneous view of Ex. xvi. 29, it is by no
means so superstitious and unworthy on the face of
it as are most of the Rabbinical rules and prohibi-
tions respecting the Sabbath-day. In the case of a
general law, like that of the Sabbath, some author-
ity must settle the application in details, and such
an authority "the Scribes and Pharisees sitting in
Moses' seat " were entitled to exercise. It is plain
that the limits of the Sabbath-day's journey must
have been a great check on the profanation of the
day in a country where business was entirely agri-
cultural or pastoral, and must have secured to " the
ex and the ass " the rest to which by the Law they
were entitled.
Our Saviour seems to refer to this law in warn-
ing the disciples to pray that their flight from Je-
rusalem in the time of its judgment should not
be "on the Sabbath-day " (Matt. xxiv. 20). The
Christians of Jerusalem would not, as in the case
of Gentiles, feel free from the restrictions on jour-
neying on that day; nor would their situation en-
able them to comply with the forms whereby such
journeying when necessary was sanctified; nor
would assistance from those around be procurable.
The permitted distance seems to have been
grounded on the space to be kept between the Ark
and the people (Josh. in. 4) in the wilderness, which
tradition said was that between the Ark and the
tents. To repair to the Ark being, of oourse, a
duty on the Sabbath, the walking to it was no vio-
lation of the day; and it thus was taken as the meas-
ure) of a lawful Sabbath-day's journey. We find the
same distance given as the circumference outside the
walls of the Levitical cities to be counted as their
suburbs (Num. xxxv. 6). The lerminuM a quo was
thus not a man's own house, but the wall of the
city where he dwelt, and thus the amount of lawful
Sabbath-day's journeying must therefore have fa-
iled greatly; the movements of a Jew in one of the
audi cities of his own land being restricted indeed
vhsn compared with those of a Jew in Alexandria,
Inttoeb, or Home.
When a man was obliged to go farther than a
i ■hbath <ay*s journey, on some good and allow-
SABBATICAL YBAB 2T87
able ground, it was incumbent on him on the even-
ing before to furnish himself with food enough fa
two meals. He was to sit down and eat at the ap-
pointed distance, to bury what he had left, and ut-
ter a thanksgiving to God for the appointed bound-
ary. Next morning he was at liberty to make
this point his terminus a quo.
The Jewish scruple to go more than 2,000 pace*
from his city on the Sabbath is referred to by
Origen, wtpl ipx* r * ' r ° '• DV ' erome > aa ' -Alga-
nam, quest. 10; and by (Ecumenius — with
some apparent difference between them as to the
measurement. Jerome gives Akiba, Simeon, and
Hillel, as the authorities for the lawful distance
F. G.
SABBATHETJS (SafJ/fcrraTor: SabbaOuem).
Shabbethai the Levite (1 Esdr. ix. 11; comp.
Ear. x. 16).
SABBATICAL YEAR- As each seventh
day and each seventh month were holy, so was each
seventh year, by the Mosaic code. We first en-
counter this law in Ex. xxiii. 10, 11, given in
words corresponding to those of the Fourth Com-
mandment, and followed (ver. 12) by the reiin-
forcement of that commandment. It is impossible
to read the passage and not feel that the Sabbath
Day and the Sabbatical Year are part* of one gen-
eral law.
The commandment is, to sow and reap for six
years, and to let the land rest on the seventh, "that
the poor of thy people may eat; and what they
leave the beasts of the field shall eat." It is added,
" In like manner ahalt thou deal with thy vineyard
and thy oliveyard."
We meat next with the enactment in Lev. xxv.
2-7, and finally in Deut. xv., in which last place
the new feature presents itself of the seventh year
being one of release to debtors.
When we combine these several notices, we find
that every seventh year the laud was to have
rest to enjoy ktr Bnbbnthi. Neither tillage nor
cultivation of any sort was to be practiced. The
spontaneous growth of the soil was not to be
reaped by the owner, whose rights of property
were in abeyance. All were to have their share in
the gleanings: the poor, the stranger, and even the
cattle.
This singular institution has the aspect, at first
sight, of total impracticability. This, however,
wears off when we consider that in no year was
the owner allowed to reap the whole harvest (Lev.
xix. 9, xxiii. 22). Unless, therefore, the remainder
was gleaned very carefully, there may easily have
been enough left to ensure such spontaneous de-
posit of seed as in the fertile soil of Syria would
produce some amount of crop in the succeeding
year, while the vines and olives would of course
yield their fruit of themselves. Moreover, it is
clear that the owners of land were to lay by corn
in previous years for their own and their families'
wants. This is the unavoidable inference from
Lev. xxv. 20-22. And though the right ol
property was in abeyance during the Sabbatical
year, it has been suggested that this only applied
to the fields, and not to the gardens attached to
houses.
The claiming of debts was unlawful during this
year, as we learn from Deut xv. The exceptions
laid down are in the case of a foreigner, and that
of there being no poor in the land. This latter,
however, it is straightway aai-1, is what wil' nam
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2768 SABBATICAL TEAS
happen. But though debt* might not be claimed,
it )e not said that thej might not be voluntarily
paid ; and it has been questioned whether the re-
lease of the seventh year was final or merely lasted
through the year. This law was virtually abro-
gated in later times by the well-known yrotbol" of
the great Hillel, a permission to the judges to al-
low a creditor to enforce his claim whenever he re-
quired to do so. The formula is given in the
Hiahna (SheviUh, 10, 4).
The release of debtors during the Sabbatical
year must not be confounded with the release of
slaves on the seventh year of their service. The
two are obviously distinct — the one occurring
at one fixed time for all, while the other must
have varied with various families, and with various
slaves.
The spirit of this law is the same as that of the
weekly Sabbath. Both have a beneficent tendency,
limiting the rights and checking the sense of prop-
erty ; the one puts in God's claims on time, the
other on the land. The land shall " keep a Sab-
bath unto the Lord." •' The land is mine."
There may also have been, as Kalisch conjec-
tures, an eye to the benefit which would accrue to
the land from lying fallow every seventh year, in a
time when the rotation of crops was unknown.
The Sabbatical year opened in the Sabbatical
month, and the whole Law was to be read every
such year, during the Feast of Tabernacles, to the
assembled people. It was thus, like the weekly
Sabbath, no mere negative rest, but wss to be
marked by high and holy occupation, and con-
nected with sacred reflection and sentiment.
At the completion of a week of Sabbatical years,
the Sabbatical scale received its completion in the
yew of Jubilee. For the question whether that
was identical with the seventh Sabbatical year, or
was that which succeeded it, »". e. whether the year
of Jubilee fell every forty-ninth or every fiftieth
year, see Jubilee, Teak or.
The next question that presents itself regarding
the Sabbatical year relates to the time when its ob-
servance became obligatory. It has been inferred
from i-CTiticus xxv. 2, " When ye come into the
land which I give you, then shall the land keep a
Sabbath unto the I.ord," that it was to be held by
the people on the first year of their occupation of
Canaan ; but this mere literalism gives a result in
contradiction to the words which immediately fol-
low: >' Six years thou shalt sow thy field, and six
years thou shalt prune thy vineyard, and gather in
the fruit thereof; but in the seventh year shall be
a Sabbath of rest unto the land." It is more rea-
sonable to suppose, with the best Jewish authorities,
that the law became obligatory fourteen years after
the first entrance into the Promised Land, the am-
plest of which took seven years and the distribu-
ion seven more.
A further question arises. At whatever period
the obedience to this law ought to have cora-
uwneed, was it in point of fact obeyed ? This is
an inquiry which reaches to more of the Mosaic
statutes than the one now before us. It is, we ap-
prehend, rare to see the whole of a code in full op-
eration ; and the phenomena of Jewish history pre-
vious to the Captivity present us with no such
a VODT>S - probably wpofiwXj or irpxrSofcj.
for this and other curious speculations on the ety-
r of the word, see Boxtorf, Ux. Talmud. 1807.
SABTAH
spectacle. In the threatenings eoatainai la law
xxvi., judgments on the violation of the Sabbatical
year are particularly contemplated (vr. 33, 34)
and that it was greatly if not quite neglected ap-
pears from 9 Chr. xxxvi. 30, 31: '• Them that es-
caped from the sword carried he away to Babylon ■
where they were servants to him and his sons until
the reign of the kingdom of Persia: to fulfill the
word of the Lord by the mouth of Jeremiah, until
the land had enjoyed her Sabbaths; for as long at
she lay desolate she kept Sabbath, to fulfill three-
score and ten yean." Some of the Jewish com-
mentators have inferred from this that their fore-
fathers had neglected exactly seventy Sabbatical
years. If such neglect was continuous, the law
must have been disobeyed throughout a period ot
190 years, i. e. through nearly the whole duration
of the monarchy; and as there is nothing in the
previous history leading to the inference that the
people were more scrupulous then, we must look to
the return from Captivity for indications of the Sab-
batical year being actually observed. Then we know
the former neglect was replaced by a punctilious at-
tention to the Law; and as its leading feature, the
Sabbath, began to be scrupulously reverenced, so
we now find traces of a like observance of the Sab-
batical year. We read (1 Mace. vi. 49) that " they
came out of the city, because they had no victuals
there to endure the siege, it being a year of rest to
the land." Alexander the Great is said to have
exempted the Jews from tribute during it, since it
was unlawful for them to sow seed or reap harvest
then ; so, too, did Julius Cawar (Joseph. Ant. xiv.
10, § 6). Tacitus (Hit. lib. v. 2, J 4), having
mentioned the observance of the Sabbath by the
Jews, adds: "Dein blandienti inertia septimum
quoque annum ignavias datum." And St. Pan], in
reproaching the Galatians with their Jewish tend-
encies, taxes them with observing years ss well as
days and months and times (Gal. iv. 10), from
which we must infer that the teachers who com-
municated to them those tendencies did more or
leas the like themselves. Another allusion in the
N. T. to the Sabbatical year is perhaps to be found
in the phrase, tv ffaASarp Sturtporpdrf (Luke
vi. 1). Various explanations have been given of
the term, but one of the most probable is that it
denotes the first Sabbath of the second year in the
cycle (Wieseler, quoted by Alford, vol. i.).
F. G.
SABBETJS ([Vat] XoBBoiat; [Rom. Aid.]
Alex. SoASoios: Sameat), 1 Eadr. ix. 39. [She-
maiah, 14.]
SABE'ANS. [Seba; Sheba.]
SA'BI ([Vat. iafitni, joined with preceding
word; not] 2a$flv [see errata in Mai; Bean.
Aid.] Alex. 2a£i4: Sabathai). " The children of
Pocbereth of Zebaim" appear in 1 Eedr. v. 84
aa "the sons of Phacareth, the sons of Sab!."
[Sabie.]
* SA'BIK (8 syl.), the reading of the A. V
ed. 1611 and other early editions in 1 Esdr. v. 34,
representing the Greek Ja/M, has been improperly
changed in later editions to Sabi. A
SABTAH (njJI^D, in 81 MSS. HTQ»
Gen. x. 7; MJ-QD, 1 Chr. i. 9 [see below), A V
Sabta: Soflaflk; [Vat. in 1 Chr., XafiwnH
Sabalha). The third in order of the sons of Cash
In acoordaiix with the identiioationa of the settle
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BABTBOHA
mcU of the Ctethlte* In the article Arabia and
alas* ha* Sabtah ihonld be looked for akng the
natbcrn eout of Arabia. The writer baa found
do trace* in Arab writer*; bnt the itatementa of
Pliny (vi. 33, § 168, xii. 82), Ptolemy (vi. 7, p. 411),
and Anon. PeripL (37), respecting Sabbath*, Sa-
bota, or Sobotaje, metropolis of the Atramitas
(probalily the Chatramotitie), aeem to point to a
trace of the tribe which descended from Sabtah,
ahnya supposing that this city Sabbatha was not a
aorruption or dialectic variation of Saba, Seba, or
Shaba. Thia point will be discussed under Siibba.
It ia only necessary to remark here that the indi-
cations afforded by the Greek and Roman writers
*f Arabian geography require rery cautious hand-
ing, presenting, as they do, a mass of contradic-
tions and transparent travellers' tales respecting
the unknown regions of Arabia the Happy, Arabia
Tburifcra, etc. Ptolemy places Sabbatha in 77°
fang. 16° 80/ lat It was an important city, con-
taining no leas than sixty temples (Pliny, N. B.
vi. e. xxiii. J 32) ; it was also situate in the terri-
tory of king Elisaras, or Eleaxua (comp. Arum.
PeripL ap. Miiller, Gmg. Mm. pp. 378, 279), sup-
posed by Freanel to be identical with " Aacharidee,"
or " Alaachariasoun," in Arabic (Joans. AtiaL
Nocnr. Serie, z. 191). Winer thinks the identlfi-
cation of Sabtah with Sabbatha, etc., to be prob-
able; and it is accepted by Bunsen (Bibtboerk, Gen.
X. and Atlnt). It certainly occupies a position in
which we should expect to find traces of Sabtah,
where are traces of Cushite tribes in very early
tines, on their way, aa we hold, from their earlier
anionics in Ethiopia to the Euphrates.
Gesenius, who sees in Cush only Ethiopia, " has
ao doubt that Sabtah should be compared with Xa-
04r, Zafid, 2o/8oi (see Strab. xri. p. 770, Casanb. ;
PtrL iv. 10), on the shore of the Arabian Gulf,
situated just where Arkiko is now, in the neigh-
borhood of which the Ptolemies hunted elephants.
Amongst the ancient translators, Pseudojonathan
saw the true meaning, rendering it ^rTTDD, for
which read WlQD, i. e. the Sembritie, whom
Strabo (foe eft. p. 788) places in the same region.
Josephus (Ant. i. 8, § 1) understands it to br the
Inhabitants of Astabora " (Gesenius, ed. Tregelles,
a. «.). Here the etymology of Sabtah is compared
plausibly with 2a34r; but when probability is
against hia being found in Ethiopia, etymology is
of small value, especially when it is remembered
that Sabat and its variations (Sabax, Sabai) may
be related to Stba, which certainly was in Ethi-
opia. On the Rabbinical authorities which he
•motes we place no value. It only remains to add
that Hichaelia (Suppl p. 1712) removes Sabtah to
Caota opposite Gibraltar, called in Arabic Sebtah,
" •'
&Xju* (comp. Martuid, «. «.); and that Boehart
(PAoieo, i. 114, 118, 363 ft), while he mentions
Sabbatha, prefers to place Sabtah near the western
■bore of the Persian Gulf, with the Saphtha of
Ptolemy, the name also of an island in that gait.
E.S. P.
BABTBOHA, and SABTEOHAH
►WW [aw above]: ZafiaBaU Xt$tta x d\
[Alas, m Gen., Hmfiwcata; Tat in 1 Chr., i.fft-
eaaa:] Babataeka, Sabalhaeka, Gen. x. 7, 1 Chr.
» •). The fifth In order of the sons of Cush,
i settlement* wonld probably be near the Per-
i G«st where *•» those of Raamah. the next
8A0KBUT
J769
before him In the order of the Cushite*. [Raj,
mah, Dedak, Shkba.] He has not been identi
fed with any Arabic place or district, nor satis-
factorily with any name given by classical writers
Boehart (who is followed by Bunsen, Bibtlie., Gen
x. and Atlnt) argues that he should be placed b
Carmania, on the Persian shore of the gulf, com
paring Sabtecbah with the city of Samydace of
Steph. By*. (2a/u8d>n or 2apiMrc(8n of Ptol. vi
8, 7). This etymology appears to be very far-
fetched. Gesenius merely says that Sabtecbah is
the proper name of a district of Ethiopia, and adds
the reading of the Targ. Pseudojonathan CrtOV,
Zmgitmu). E. S. P.
SA'OAB (">}!{? [Aire, reword]: A x d>; Ales.
Sagoo: Sachar). L A Harsrite, father of Ahum,
one of David's mighty men (1 Chr. xi. 3S). In
2 Sam. xxiii. 33 he is called Sharar, but Ken-
nicott regards Sacar as the correct reading.
3. (Zaydp i [Vat 2«x<*f> i Alex. Saxtf-1)
The fourth son of Obed-edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 4).
SACKBUT (H??P, Dan. iii. 5) N??!?,
Dan. UL 7, 10, 15: crap/SMirn: $ambuca). 'The
rendering In the A. V. of the Chaldee uibbica.
If this musical instrument be the same as the
Greek <rafi0im\ and Latin tambuca," the English
translation is entirely wrong. The sackbut was a
wind instrument; the tambuca was played with
strings. Mr. Cbappell says (Pop. Uut. i. 86),
•' The sackbut was a bass trumpet with a slide, like
the modern trombone." It had a deep note ac-
cording to Drayton (PoUjolbim, iv. 885): —
"The hoboy, ta<lna dttp, recorder, and the flute."
The tambuca was a triangular instrument with
four or more strings played with the fingers.
According to Athemeui (xlv. 833), Hasurius de-
scribed it as having a shrill tone; and Euphorion,
in hia book on the Isthmian Games, said that it
was uaed by the Parthians and Troglodytes, and
had four strings. Its invention is attributed to
one Sambyx, and to Sibylla its first use (Athen.
xiv. 837). .lube, in the 4th book of bis Tktatricat
History, says it was discovered in Syria, but Nean-
thes of Cyricum, in the first book of the Hourt,
assigns it to the poet Ibycus of Rhegium (Athen.
iv. 77). This but tradition is followed by Suidas,
who describes the tambuca aa a kind of triangular
harp. That it was a foreign instrument is clear
from the statement of Strabo (x. 471), who say*
Ha name is barbarous. Isidore of Senile (Orig.
iii. 20) appears to regard it as a wind instrument,
for be connects It with the tambucut, or elder, a
kind of light wood of which pipes were made.
The tambuca was early known at Rome, for
Plautus (Slieh. ii. 2, 57) mentions the women who
played it (stmouas, or tambudttriat, as they are
called in Livy, xxxix. 8). It was a favorite among
the Greeks (Polyb. v. 37), and the Rhodlon women
appear to have been celebrated for their skill n
this instrument (Athen. iv. 129).
There was an engine called tambuca used as
siege operations, which derived Its name from the
musical instrument, because, according to Athe-
mhm (xlv. 634), when raised It had the form of
a ship and a ladder combined in one.
W.AW.
a Oomnar* amhaVua, from Syr. rCRStj, eeeOM
a Bute, wnert the m oanaptss the psaee as" the <
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2770
SACKCLOTH
SACKCLOTH (pip: «(««»: taccu). A
coarse texture, of a dark color, made of goats'
hair (la. L 8; Rer. vi. 19), and resembling the
cilicium at the Romans. It was need (1) for
making tacks, the same word describing both the
material and the article (Gen. xlii. 25; Ler. xi.
89; Josh. ix, 4); and (9) for making the rough
garments used by mourners, which were in extreme
cases worn next the skin (1 K. xxL 87; 3 K. vi.
30; Job xtI. IS; Is. xxxiL 11), and this even by
females (Joel L 8; 3 Mace. iiL 19), but at other
times were worn orer the coat or cethoneth (Jon.
■ii. 6) in lien of the outer garment. The robe
probably resembled a sack in shape, and fitted close
to the person, as we may infer from the application
of the term ehigar" to the process of putting it
on (3 Sam. iiL 81; Eas. Til. 18, Ac.). It was con-
fined by a girdle 3t similar material (la. iii. 34).
Sometimes it was worn throughout the night (1 K.
ixi. 37). W. L. B.
SACRIFICE. The peculiar features of each
kind of sacrifice are referred to under their re-
spective heads ; the object of this article will be: —
L To examine the meaning and derivation of
the various words used to denote sacrifice in Scrip-
ture.
II. To examine the historical development of
sacrifice in the Old Testament.
III. To sketch briefly the theory of sacrifice,
as it is set forth both in the Old and New Testa-
ments, with especial reference to the Atonement
of Christ.
I. Of all the words used in reference to sacrifice,
the most general appear to be —
(a.) nrlJD, minckah, from the obsolete root
njtp, "to give;" used in Gen. xxxii. 13, 30, 31,
of a gift from Jacob to Esau (LXX. Sapor); in 9
Sam. viii. 2, 6 ((M, in 1 K. iv. 21 (Sip*), in 3
K. xvii. 4 (fuxrad), of a tribute from a vassal
king; in Gen. iv. 8, 5, of a sacrifice generally
(Smpov and Bvtrla, indifferently); and in Ler. ii.
1, 4, S, 6, Joined with the word horban, of an
unbloody sacrifice, or "meat-offering" (generally
Sapjr dvtrta). Its derivation and usage point to
that idea of sacrifice, which represents it at an
eucharistic gift to God our King.
(».) (jy?!?' horban, derived from the root 3^p,
'to approach," or (in Hiphil) to "make to ap-
proach; " used with minckah in Lev. ii. 1, 4, 6, 6,
(LXX. S£por Bvtrla), generally rendered Supoy
(see Mark vii. 11, Kop&av, I tart t&por) or rpoir-
$6pa. The idea of a gift hardly seems inherent
In the root; which rather points to sacrifice, u a
symbol of communion or covenant between God
and man.
(c.) (n«$, tebach, derived from the root PtDJ,
to " slaughter animals," especially to >■ slay in sacri-
fice," refers emphatically to a bloody sacrifice, one
» Sea, Sirs
npto (as in Fiber's Origin iff Sacrifirt),
fee elaborate reasoning en the translation of fUS® P
n Gen. iv. 7. Bran supposing the version, a " sln-
sflaring ecuoheth at the deor," to be comet, on the
erouna of general usage of the word, of the carious
version of the LXX., and ef the remarkable gnun-
natieat construction of the mescaline participle, with
Be taatnlaa noun (as rehsstag <to the feet that the
SACRIFICE
h wileh the shedding or blood is the _
idea, Thus it is opposed to nme&nk, in Pa. xL •
(etotev an) wpaoiopir), and to tlah (the whole
burmVonering) in Ex. x. 26, xviii. 18, Ac, Witt
it the expiatory idea of sacrifice is naturally coo
netted.
Distinct from these general terms, and oftet.
appended to them, are the words denoting specie,
kinds of sacrifice: —
(i) rtTW, ilaJt (generally ikoKainitta), the
" whole burnt-offering."
(«•) Q7?< Adm (*W/o er. rnplov), need fre-
quently with n2T, and sometimes called 7912,
the "peace- "or "thank-offering."
(/.) HM^n, chattAth (generally *ep! a/toft-
rtmt), the "sin-offering."
(f.) Ditty 6Mm (generally wAWjueteAete),tlM
" trespass-offering."
For the examination of the derivation and mean-
ing of these, see each under its own head.
U. (A.) Origin of Sacrifice.
In tracing the history of sacrifice, from its fire)
beginning to its perfect development in the Moral*
ritual, we are at once met by the long-disputed
question, as to the origin of Bacrifice ; whether it
arose from a natural instinct of man, sanctioned
and guided by God. or whether it was the subject
of some distinct primeval revelation.
It is a question, the importance of whleL bat
probably been exaggerated. There can be no doubt
that sacrifice was sanctioned by God's Law, with a
special typical reference to the Atonement of Christ;
its universal prevalence, independent of, and often
opposed to, man's natural reasonings on his relation
to God, shows it to have been primeval, and deeply
rooted in the instincts of humanity. Whether it
was first enjoined by an external command, or
whether it was based on that sense of sin and lost
communion with God, which is stamped by his
hand on the heart of man — is a historical ques-
tion, perhaps insoluble, probably one which cannot
be treated at all, except in connection with torn*
general theory of the method of primeval revela-
tion, but certainly one which does not affect the
authority and the meaning of the rite itself.
The great difficulty in the theory which refers
it to a distinct command of God, ie the total silence
of Holy Scripture — a silence the more remark-
able, when contrasted with the distinct reference
made in Gen. ii. to the origin of the Sabbath.
Sacrifice when first mentioned, in the case of Cain
and Abel, is referred to as a thing of course; it it
said to have been brought by men; there it no
hint of any command given by God. This con-
sideration, the strength of which no ingenuity*
has been able to impair, although it does not actu-
ally disprove the formal revelation of sacrifice, yet
sin-offering was actually a mala), still It does n«t settle
the matter. The Lord even then speaks of ncrtoca
as existing, and as known to exist : Be does not Insti-
tute It. The supposition that the « skins of heaita >■
In Geo. Hi. 21 vera skins of animals sneridced by God's
command, Is a purs assumption. The argument on
Heb. xl. 4, that nUth can rest only on a distinct Dtvias
command as to the special •occasion of Its exercise
Is contradicted by the general definition af It given k
v. 1.
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HAOKIFIOE
at hast forbids the iwrtiw of it, a. of a positive
ind important doctrine.
Nor ii the bet of the mysterious Mid super-
natural cbameter of the doctrine of Atonement,
with which the sacrifices of the U. T. Are expressly
connected, any conclusive argument on thia aide
af the queation. All allow that the euchariatic
and deprecatory idea* of aacrifice are perfectly
natural to man. The higher view of ita expiatory
(haracter, dependent, aa it ia, entirely on ita typical
nature, appears but gradually in Scripture. It ia
veiled under other ideas in the case of the patri-
archal sacrifices- It ia first distinctly mentioned
in the Law (Lev. xvii. 11, Ac); but even then the
theory of the sin offering, and of the classes of
sins to which it referred, is allowed to be obscure
and difficult; it is only in the N. T. (especially in
the Epistle to the Hebrews) that it* nature ia
dearly unfolded. It ia as likely that it pleased
God gradually to superadd the higher idea to an
institution, derived l>j man from the lower ideaa
(which must eventually find their justification in
the higher), as that He originally commanded the
institution when the time for the revelation of its
full meaning was not yet come. The rainbow was
just as truly the symbol of God's new promise in
Gen. Ix. 18-17, whether it had or had not existed,
as a natural phenomenon before the Hood. What
God sets his seal to, He makes a part of his revela-
tion, whatever its origin may be. It ia to be
noticed (see Warburtoo's IHv. Leg. ix. e. 9) that,
except in Gen. xv. 9, the method of patriarchal
sacrifice is left free, without any direction on the
part of God, while in all the Mosaic ritual the
imitation and regulation of sacrifice, as to time,
place, and material, is a moat prominent feature,
on which much of ita distinction from heathen
sacrifice depended. The inference is at least prob-
a„ . Lhat when God sanctioned formally a natural
rite, t.ien, and not till then, did He define ita
method.
The question, therefore, of the origin of sacrifice
Is best left in the silence with which Scripture
surrounds it
(B.) Am-Mosuio Hibtokt or Sacrifice.
In examining the various sacrifices, recorded in
Scripture before the establishment of the Law, we
find that the words specially denoting expiatory
sacrifice (DK^n and D^S) are not applied to
This fact does not at all show, that they
not actually expiatory, nor even that the
I had not that idea of expiation, which must
ns?e oeen vaguely felt in all sacrifices; but it justi-
fies the inference, that this idea was not then the
prominent one in the doctrine of sacrifice.
The sacrifice of Cain and Abel is called mmchah,
although in the case of the latter it was a bloody
sacrifice. (So in Heb. xl 4 the word 6Wa is
aspbined by the ««i Saloon below.) In the case
f both it would appear to hare been euchariatic,
„nd the distinction between the offerers to have
lam in then- "faith " (Heb. xi. 4). Whether that
smith of Abel referred to the promise of the Re-
deemer, and was connected with any idea of the
typical meaning of sacrifice, or whether it war a
skis-la and humble faith in the unseen God, as the
Awm and proa User of all good, we are not autnor-
(aed by Scripture to decide.
The sacrifice of Nor* after the Flood (Gen. vil'
Ml sailed burnt-offering (/M). Thia sacrlflee
• taittss'i eonneetod with the innttutkn of the
SACRIFICE 2771
CbeennaV which follows in ix. 8-17. The soma
ratification of a covenant is seen in the burnt
offering of Abraham, especially enjoined and de-
fined by God in Gen. xv. 9; arid is probably to be
traced in the "building of altars" hy Abraham
on entering Canaan at Bethel (Gen. xii. 7, 8) and
Mamre (xiil. 18), by Isaac at Beer-sheha (xi-rf. SO),
and by Jacob at Shecbem (xxxiii. SO), and in
Jacob's setting up and anointing of the pillar at
Bethel (xxviii. 18. xxxv. 14). The sacrifice (ztbach)
of Jacob at Mizpah also marks a covenant with
Laban, to which God ia called to be a witnesa
and a party. In all these, therefore, the prom-
inent idea seems to have been what is called the
federative, the recognition of a bond between the
sacrificer and God, and the dedication of himself,
as represented by the victim, to tbe service of the
Lord*
Tbe sacrifice of Isaac (Gen. xxli. 1-13) stands
by itself, as the sole instanoe in which the Idea of
human sacrifice was even for a moment, and aa a
trial, countenanced by God. Yet in ita principle
it appears to have been of the same nature as
before: tbe voluntary surrender of an only son on
Abraham's part, and the willing dedication of him-
self on Isaac's, are in the foreground : the expiatory
idea, if recognized at all, holds certainly a second-
ary position-
In the burnt-offerings of Job for his children
(•lob i. 5) and for his three friends (xlii. 8), we
for tbe first time find the expression of the desire
of expiation for sin accompanied by repentance and
prayer, and brought prominently forward. The
same is the case in the words of Moses to Pharaoh,
aa to the necessity of sacrifice in the wilderness
(Ex. x. So), where sacrifice (ztbach) is distinguished
from burnt-offering. Here the main idea is at least
deprecatory; the object ia to appease the wrath,
and avert the vengeance of God.
(C.) The Sacrifices or the Mosaic Period.
These are inaugurated by the offering of the
Passover and the sacrifice of Ex. xxiv. The
Passover indeed is unique in its character, and
seems to embrace tbe peculiarities of all the various
divisions of sacrifice soon to be established. Its
ceremonial, however, most nearly resembles that of
the sin-offering iu the emphatic use of the blood,
which (after the first celebration) was poured at
the bottom of the altar (see Lev. iv. 7), and in the
care taken that none of the flesh should remain
till the morning (see Ex. xii. 10, xxxiv. 25). It
was unlike it in that the flesh was to be eaten by
all (not burnt, or eaten by the priests alone), in
token of their entering into covenant with God,
and eating " at his table," aa in the case of a
peace-offering. Its peculiar position as a historical
memorial, and its special reference to the future,
naturally mark it out as incapable of being referred
to any formal class of sacrifice; but it is clear that
the idea of salvation from death by means of sacri-
fice is brought out in it with a distinctness before
unknown.
The sacrifice of Ex. xxiv., offered as a solemn
inauguration of the Covenant of Sinai, baa a aim-
ilarly comprehensive character. It is called a
"burnt-offering" and "peace-offering" in v. S;
but the solemn use of the blood (comp. Heo. ix
18-23) distinctly marks the idea that expiatory
sacrifice was needed for entering into »venanf
with God, the idea of which the sin- and trespass
offerings war* afterwards the symbols.
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2772 SACRIFICE
The Itw of Leviticus now nnibldi distinctly the
mrioiu fonn» of sacrifice: —
(a.) The burnt-offering. Self-dedioatort.
(6.) The meatoffering (unbloody) I EucHARIS-
Tke peace-offering (bloody) J TIC.
To these may be added, —
(d.) The incente offered after sacrifice In the
Holj Place, and (on the Day of Atonement) In the
Holy of Holies, the lymbol of the intercession of
the priest (aa a type of the Great High Priest),
accompanying and making efficacious the prayer
at* the people.
In the consecration of Aaron and his sons (Lev.
viii. ) we find these offered, in what became ever
afterwards the appointed order : first came the
sin-offering, to prepare access to God; next the
btirnt-offering, to mark their dedication to his
service; and thirdly the meat-offering of thanks-
giving. The same sacrifices, in the same order,
with the addition of a peace-offering (eaten no
doubt by all the people), were offered a week after
for all the congregation, and accepted visibly by
the descent of fire upon the burnt-offering. Hence-
forth the sacrificial system was fixed in all its parts,
until He should come whom it typified.
It is to be noticed that the Law of Leviticus
takes the rite of sacrifice for granted (see Lev. 1. S,
II. 1, Ac., " If a man bring an offering, ye shall,"
etc.), and is directed chiefly to guide and limit its
exercise. In every case but that of the peace-
oHbring, the nature of the victim was carefully
prescribed, so as to preserve the ideas symbolized,
but so as to avoid the notion (so inherent in
heathen systems, and finding Its logical result in
human sacrifice) that the more costly the offering,
the more surely must it meet with acceptance.
At the same time, probably in order to impress
this truth on their minds, and also to guard against
corruption by heathenish ceremonial, and against
the notion that sacrifice in itself, without obedi-
ence, could avail (see 1 Sam. xv. 22, 23), the place
of offering was expressly limited, first to the Taber-
nacle, afterwards to the Temple. This ordinance
also necessitated their periodical gathering as one
nation before God, and so kept clearly before their
minds their relation to Him as their national Ring.
Both limitations brought out the great truth, that
God Himself provided the way by which man
should approach Him, and that the method of
reconciliation was initiated by Him, and not by
them.
In consequence of the peculiarity of the Law, it
his been argued (aa by Outran), Warburton, etc.)
that the whole system of sacrifice was only a con-
descension to the weakness of the people, borrowed,
more or less, from the heathen nations, especially
from Egypt, in order to guard against worse super-
rtltioc and positive idolatry. The argument is
nwinl' based (see Warb. Div. Leg. iv., seet. vi. 8)
on E*. xx. 25, and similar references in the 0. and
N. T. to the nullity of all mere ceremonial. Taken
at an explanation of the theory of sacrifice, it is
weak and superficial; it labors under two fatal
difficulties, the historical fact of the primeval exist-
ence of sacrifice, and its typical reference to the
• for Instances of Infringement of this rule uncen-
vand, sea Judg. n. 6, vt. 36, xlll. 19 ; 1 Sam. xl. IS,
xv" 6; SSam. vl 18; 1 K. ULS,8. Vest of toast
SACRIFICE
one Atonement of Christ, which was foreordains!
from the very beginning, and had been ahead}
typified, as, for example, in the sacrifice of Isaac.
But as giving a reason for the minuteness and
elaboration of the Mosaic ceremonial, so remark-
ably contrasted with the freedom of patriareha.
sacrifice, and as furnishing an explanation of cer-
tain special rites, it may probably have some value.
It certainly contains this truth, that the craving
for visible tokens of God's presence, and visible
rites of worship, from which idolatry prooeeds, was
provided for and turned into a safe channel by the
whole ritual and typical system, of which sacrifice
was the centre. The contact with the gigantic
system of idolatry, which prevailed in Egypt, and
which had so deeply tainted the spirit of the Israel-
ites, would doubtless render such provision then
especially necessary. It was one part of the pro-
phetic office to guard against its degradation into
formalism, and to bring out its spiritual meaning
with an ever-increasing clearness.
(D.) Post-Mosaic Sacrifices.
It will not be necessary to pursue, in detail, the
history of Post- Mosaic Sacrifice, for its main prin-
ciples were now fixed forever. The moat remark-
able instances of sacrifice on a large scale are by
Solomon at the consecration of the Temple (1 K.
viil. 6.3), by Jehoiada after the death of Athaliab
(2 Cbr. xxiii. 18), and by Hezekiah at bis great
Passover and restoration of the Temple-worship
(2 Cbr. xxx. 21-24). In each case, the lavish net
of victims was chiefly in the peace-offerings, which
were a sacred national feast to the people at the
Table of their Great King.
The regular sacrifices in the Temple service
were: —
(a.) Burnt-Offerings.
1. The daily burnt-offerings (Ex. xxix. 88-49).
2. The double burnt-offerings on the Sabbath
(Num.' xxviii. 9, 10).
8. The burnt-offerings at the great festival!
(Num. xxviii. 11-xxix. 39).
(4.) Meat-Offerings.
1. The daily meat-offerings accompanying the
daily burnt-offerings (Sour, oil, and wine) (Ex.
xxix. 40, 41).
2. The shew-bread (twelve loaves with frankin-
cense), renewed every Sabbath (Lev. xxiv. 6-8).
3. The special meat-offerings at the Sabbath
and the great festivals (Num. xxviii., xxix.).
4. The first-fruits at the Passover (Lev. xxiii.
10-14), at Pentecost (xxiii. 17-20), both "wave-
offerings; " the first-fruits of the dough and thresh-
ing-floor st the harvest-time (Num. xv. 20, 21;
Deut. xxvi. 1-11), called " heave-offerings."
(c.) Six- Offerings.
1. Sin-offering (a kid) each new moon (Num.
xxviii. 15).
2. Sin-offerings at the Passover, Pentecost, Feast
of Trumpets, and Tabernacles (Num. xxviii. 22, 30,
xxix. 5, 16, 19, 22, 26, 28, 81, 84, 88).
8. The offering of the two goats (the goat
sacrificed and the scape-goat) for the people, and
of the bullock for the priest himself, on the Great
Day of Atonement (Lev. xvi.).
(d.) Incense.
1. The morning and evening Incense (Ex. xxx
7-8).
cases an special, some authorised by special eess
maod ; but the I«w probably did not attain to Hs ml
strictness till the fbuDdaooa af the Temple.
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SACRIFICE
% IV Insane on the Gnat Day of Atonement
.Lot. zvi. 12).
Besides these public sacrifices, there were offer-
ing* of the people for themselves individually; at
the purification of women (Ler. xii. ), the presenta-
tion of the first-born, and circumcision of all male
children, the cleansing of the leprosy (Ler. xiv.) or
any uncleanness (Lev. xv.), at the fulfillment of
Naaaritie and other Torn (Num. vi. 1-31), on oc-
casions of marriage and of burial, etc., etc., besides
the frequent offering of private sin-offerings. TTCiese
must hare kept np a constant succession of sacri-
fices every day; and brought the rite home to
every man's thought, and to every occasion of
human life.
(III.) In examining the doctrine of sa crifi ce, it
is necessary to remember, that, in its development,
the order of idea is not necessarily the same as the
order of time. By the order of sacrifice in its per-
fect form (as in Lev. viii.) it is clear that the sin-
offering occupies the most important place, the
burnt-offering comes next, and the meat-offering or
p eace-offering last of all. The second oould only
be offered after the first had been accepted; the
third was only a subsidiary part of the second.
Yet, in actual order of time, it has been seen, that
the patriarchal sacrifices partook much more of
the nature of the peace-offering and burnt-offering;
and that, under the Law, by which was "the
knowledge of sin " (Bom. iii. 20), the sin-offering
was for the first time explicitly set forth. This is
but natural, that the deepest ideas should be the
best in order of development.
It Is also obvious, that those who believe in the
unity of the 0. and N. T., and the typical nature
of the Mosaic Covenant, must view the type in
constant reference to the antitype, and be prepared
therefore to find in the former vague and recon-
dite meanings, which are fixed and manifested by
the latter. The sacrifices must be considered, not
merely as they stand in the Law, or even as they
might have appeared to a pious Israelite; but at
they were illustrated by the Prophets, and per-
fectly interpreted in the N. T. («. o. in the Epis-
tle to the Hebrews). It follows from this, that,
as belonging to a system which was to embrace all
mankind in its influence, they should be also com-
pared and contrasted with the sacrifices and wor-
ship of God in other nations, and the ideas which
in them were dimly and confusedly expressed.
It is needless to dwell on the universality of
heathen sacrifices, and difficult to reduce to any
single theory the various ideas involved therein,
it is clear, that the sacrifice was often looked upon
ae a gift or tribute to the gods: an idea which (for
example) runs through all Greek literature, from
the. simple conception in Homer to the caricatures
ef Aristophanes or Lucian, against the perversion
of which St. Paul protested at Athens, when he
declared that God needed nothing at human hands
(Acta xvii. 26). It is also clear that sacrifices
•rare used ss prayers, to obtain benefits, or to avert
snath; and that this idea was corrupted into the
superstition, deuounced by heathen satirists as well
as by Hebrew prophets, that by them the gods'
|wor could be purchased for the wicked, or their
'■envy " be averted from the prosperous. On the
ither hand, that they were regarded as tbank-ofler-
aga, and the feasting on their flesh ss a partaking
SACRIFICE 2771
of the "table of the gods" (oomp. 1 Cor. x. 10
21), is equally certain. Nor was the higher idea
of sacrifice, as a representation of the self-devotion
of the offerer, body and soul, to the god, wholly
lost, although generally obscured by the grosser
and more obvious conceptions of the rite. But,
besides all these, there seems always to have been
latent the idea of propitiation, that is, the belief in
a communion with the gods, natural to man, broken
off in some way, and by sacrifice to be restored.
The emphatic " shedding of the blood," as the es-
sential part of the sacrifice, while the flesh waa
often eaten by the priests or the sacrifioer, la not
capable of any full explanation by any of the ideal
above referred to. Whether it represented the
death of the sacrifioer, or (as in cases of national
offering of human victims, and of those self-de-
voted for their country) an atoning death for him ;
still, in either case it contained the idea that
"without shedding of blood is no remission," and
so had a vague and distorted glimpse of the great
central truth of Revelation. Such an idea may be
(as has been argued) " unnatural," in that it could
not be explained by natural reason; but it cer-
tainly was not unnatural, if frequency of existence,
and accordance with a deep natural instinct, be
allowed to preclude that epithet.
Now the essential difference between these
heathen views of sacrifice and the Scriptural doc-
trine of the 0. T. is not to be found in its denial
of any of these ideas. The very names used in it
for sacrifice (as is seen above) involve the concep-
tion of the rite as a gift, a form of worship, a
thank-offering, a self-devotion, and an atonement.
In fact, it brings out, clearly and distinctly, ths
ideas which in heathenism were uncertain, vague,
and perverted.
But the essential points of distinction are two.
First, that whereas the heathen conceived of Uxor
gods as alienated in jealousy or anger, to be sought
after, and to be appeased by the unaided action of
man, Scripture represents God himself as ap-
proaching man, as pointing out and sanctioning
the way by which the broken covenant should
be restored. This was impressed on the Israelites
at every step by the minute directions of the Law,
as to time, place, victim, and oeremonial, by its
utterly discountenancing the " will-worship," which
in heathenism found full scope, and rioted in the
invention of costly or monstrous sacrifices. And
it is especially to be noted, that this particularity
is increased ss we approach nearer to the deep
propitiatory idea; for that, whereas the patriarchal
sacrifices generally seem to have been undefined
by God, and even under the Law, the nature of
the peace-offerings, and (to some extent) the burnt-
offerings, was determined by the sacrifioer only, the
solemn sacrifice of Abraham in the inauguration
of his covenant was prescribed to him, and the
sin-offerings under the Law were most accurately
a_id minutely determined. (See, for example, the
whole ceremonial of Lev. xvi.) It is needless
to remark, how this essential difference purifies
all the Ideas above noticed from the corruptions,
which made them odious or contemptible, and seta
on its true basis the relation between God and
fallen man.
The second mark of distinction is closely con-
nected witL ibis, inasmuch as it shows sanrifne U
1 Oitt. ea Satr., vol. L diss, v., and
'• Xnatlss on Break and Soman
Sacrifice, quoted in notes 28, 28, to Thouucn's
in Luum, 1868.
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2774 SACRIFICE
be a scheme proceeding from God, ud, in hi*
foreknowledge, connected with the one central fact
of all human history. It ia to be found in the
typical character of all Jewish sacrifice*, on which,
as the Epistle to the Hebrews argues, all their
efficacy depended. It must be remembered that,
like other ordinances of the Law, they had a two-
fold effect, depending on the special position of
an Israelite, as a member of the natural Theocracy,
and on his general position, as a man in relation
with God. On the one baud, for example, the
sin-offering was an atonement to the national law
for moral offenses of negligence, which in " pre-
sumptuous," i. e. deliberate and willful crime, was
rejected (see Norn. it. 37-31 ; and comp. Hob. z,
IB, 37). On the other hand it had, as the pro-
phetic writings show us, a distinct spiritual sig-
nificance, as a means of expressing repentance and
receiving forgiveness, which could have belonged to
it only as a type of the Great Atonement. How
for that typical meaning was recognised at differ,
ent periods and by different persons, it is useless
to speculate; but it would be impossible to doubt,
even if we had no testimony on the subject, that,
in the face of the high spiritual teaching of the
Law and the Prophets, a pious Israelite must have
felt the nullity of material sacrifice in itself, and so
believed it to be availing only as an ordinance
of God, shadowing out some great spiritual truth,
or action of his. Nor is it unlikely that, with
more or less distinctness, he connected the evolu-
tion of this, as of other truths, with the coming
of the promised Messiah. But, however this
be, we know that, In God's purpose, the whole
system was typical, that all its spiritual efficacy
depended on the true sacrifice which It represented,
and could be received only on condition of Faith,
and that, therefore, it passed away when the Anti-
type was come.
The nature and meaning of the various kinds
of sacrifice is partly gathered from the form of
their institution and ceremonial, partly from the
teaching of the Prophets, and partly from the
N. T., especially the Epistle to the Hebrews. All
bad relation, under different aspect*, to a OntnatU
between God and man.
The SlK-OFrxRmo represented that Covenant
as broken by man, and as knit together again, by
Sod's appointment, through the "shedding of
blood." Its characteristic ceremony was the
sprinkling of the blood before the veil of the
Sanctuary, the putting some of it on the horns of
the altar of incense, and the pouring out of all the
rest at the foot of the altar of burnt-offering. The
flesh was in no case touched by the offerer; either
it was consumed by fire without the camp, or it
was eaten by the priest alone in the holy place,
and everything that touched it was holy (BT?^)."
This latter point marked the distinction from the
peace-offering, and showed that the sacrifloer had
been rendered unworthy of communion with God.
The shedding of the blood, the symbol of life, sig-
nified that the death of the offender was deserved
for sin, but that the death of the victim was ac-
septed for hi* death by the ordinance of God's
• Boms render this (liks Soar) "accursed; " but
the urimiMra meaning " dean," and the usage of the
■ant, seam decisive against this. LXX. wyia (rid.
l i m *. v.).
• In Lev. 1. 4, It is said to "atone" ("IJS, <. *. te
BACB.IFICB
mercy. This is seen most clearly in the est*
menial of the Day of Atonement, when, after flat
sacrifice of the one goat, the high-priest's hand «ai
laid on the head of the scape-goat — which was
the other part of the sin-offering — with confession
of the sins of the people, that it might visibly bear
them away, and so bring out explicitly, what in
other sin-offerings was but implied. Accordingly
we find (see quotation from the Hishna in Outr.
Dt Sncr. i. e. it., { 10) that, in all cases, it was
the custom for the offerer to lay hi* hand on the
head of the sin-offering, to confess generally or
specially his sins, and to say, " Let Hit be my ex-
piation." Beyond all doubt, the sin-offering die-
tinctly witnessed, that sin existed in man, that the
" wages of that sin was death," and that God had
provided an Atonement by the vicarious suffering
of an appointed victim. The reference of the
Baptist to a " Lamb of God who taketh away the
sins of the world," was one understood and hailed
at once by a " true Israelite."
The ceremonial and meaning of the BuRMT-
orFKKiHO were very different. The idea of ex-
piation seems not to have been absent from it
(for the blood was sprinkled round about the altar
of sacrifice);* and, before the Levities! ordinance
of the sin-offering to precede it, this idea may
have been even prominent. But in the system of
Leviticus it is evidently only secondary. The
main idea ia the offering of the whole victim to
God, representing (as the laying of the band on
its head shows) the devotion of the sacrificer, body
and soul, to Him. The death of the victim was
(so to speak) an incidental feature, to signify (he
completeness of the devotion ; and it ia to be no-
ticed that, in all solemn sacrifices, no burnt-offering
could be made until a previous sin-offering had
brought the sacrificer again into covenant with
God. The main idea of this sacrifice must have
been representative, not vicarious, and the beat
comment upon it ia the exhortation in Rom. xfl. 1,
'< to present our bodies a living sacrifice, holy and
acceptable to God."
The Meat-opfkbihgs, the peace or thank-
offering, the first-fruits, etc, were simply offerings
to God of his own best gifts, as a sign of thankful
homage, and a* a means of maintaining his service
and bis servant*. Whether they were regular or
voluntary, individual or national, independent or
subsidiary to other offerings, this was still the lead-
ing idea. The meat-ottering, of flour, oil, and
wine, seasoned with salt, and hallowed by frankin-
cense, was usually an appendage to the devotion
implied in the burnt-offering; and the peace-offer-
ings for the people held the same place in Aaron's
first sacrifice (Lev. ix. 83), and in all others of
special solemnity. The characteristic ceremony hi
the peace-offering was the eating of the flesh by
the sacrificer (after the fat had been burnt before
the Lord, and the breast and shoulder given to the
priests). It betokened the enjoyment of com-
munion with God at " the table of the ." ord," in
the gift* which his mercy had bestowed, of which
a choice portion was offered to Him, to his servauta,
and to hi* poor (see Deut. xiv. 28, 39). To this
" cover," and so to " do away ; " LXX. IfAaVutu).
The same word Is used below of the iln-oflfczlng ; and
the later Jews distinguish the burnt-offering as aton
lng lor thought* and designs, the eln-oftering lor acts
of transgression. (See Jnnath. Paraphr. on Lev. H
IT, etc., auoted by Outran.)
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SACRIFICE
i*nu> of sacrifice allusion is made by St Paul in
Phi", it. 18; Heb. xiii. 15, 16. It follows natu-
rally from the other two.
It is dear from this, that the idea of sacrifice
as a complex idea, involving the propitiatory, the
dedicatory, and the euehariatio elements. Any one
if then, taken by iteeif, would lead to error and
superstition. The propitiatory alone would tend
to the idea of atonement by sacrifice for sin, as
being effectual without any condition of repent-
ance and ftithj the self-dedicatory, taken alone,
ignores the barrier of sin between man and God,
and undermine* the whole idea of atonement; the
eucharistic alone leads to the notion that mere gifts
can satisfy God's service, and is easily perverted
into the heathenish attempt to "bribe" God by
rows and offerings. All three probably were more
or lass implied in each sacrifice, each element pre-
dominating in its turn: all must be kept in mind
in considering the historical influence, the spiritual
meaning, and the typical value of sacrifice.
Now the Israelites, while they seem always to
hare retained the ideas of propitiation and of
eucharistic offering, even when they perverted these
by half-heathenish superstition, constantly ignored
the self- dedication which is the link between the
two, and which the regular burnt-offering should
have impressed upon them as their daily thought
and duty. It is therefore to this point that the
teaching of the Prophets is mainly directed; its
key-note is contained In the words of Samuel: "Be-
hold, to obey is better than sacrifice, and to hearken
than the fat of rami " (1 Sam. xv. 33). So Isaiah
declares (as in L 1O-30) that "the Lord delights
not in the blood of bullocks, or lambs, or goats; "
that to those who " cease to do evil and learn to
do well, .... though their sins be as
scarlet, they shall be white as snow." Jeremiah
reminds them (vii. 33, 33) that the Lord did not
u command burnt-offerings or sacrifices " under
Hoses, but said, " Obey my voice, and I will be
your God." Ezeldei is full of indignant protests
(see xx. 49-44) against the pollution of God's
name by offerings of those whose hearts were with
their idols. Hoeea sets forth God's requirements
(vi. 6) in words which our Lord himself sanc-
tioned : " I desired meray and not sacrifice, and
the knowledge of God more than burnt-offerings."
Amos (v. 31-37) puts it even more strongly, that
God "hates" their sacrifices, unless "judgment
run down like water, and righteousness like a
mighty stream." And Mioah (vi. 6-8) answers
the question which lies at the root of sacrifice,
" Wherewith shall I come before the Lord ? " by
the words, " What doth the Lord require of thee,
bat to do justly, and love mercy, and walk humbly
with thy God V " All these passages, and many
ethers, are directed to one object — not to dla-
sourage sacrifice, but to purify and spiritualise the
fastings of the offerers.
The same truth, here enunciated from without,
b recognized from within by the Psalmist. Thus
be says, in Pa. xl. 6-11, " Sacrifice and meat-
soaring, burnt-offering and sin-offering, Thou bar.
not required ; " and oontraata with them the hou.-
ige of the heart — "mine ears hast Thou bored,"
and the active service of life — " Lo ! I come to do
Thy wilL O God." L. Pa. 1. 13, 14, sacrifice is
sontrastcd with prayer and adoration (comp. Pa.
B& 3): "Thinkest thou that I will eat bulla' flesh,
and drink the blood of goats? Offer unto God
tunksgiring, pay thy vows to the Host Highest,
SACRIFICE
2776
and call upon ma in time of trouble." In Pa. K
16, 17, it is similarly contrasted with true repent-
ance of the heart: " The aacrifloe of God la a
troubled spirit, a broken and a contrite heart."
Yet here also the next verse shows that sacrifice
was not superseded, but purified: " Then shaft
thou be pleased with burnt-offerings and oblations;
then shall they offer young bullocks upon thins
altar." These passages are correlative to the others,
expressing the feelings, which those others in God's
name require. It U not to be argued from them,
that this idea of self-dedication is the main one of
sacrifice. The idea of propitiation lies below it,
taken for granted by the Prophets as by the Roots
people, but still enveloped in mystery unt thi
Antitype should come to make all clear. For tut
evolution of this doctrine we must look to the N.
T. ; the preparation for it by the Prophets was (so
to speak) negative, the pointing out the nullity
of all other propitiations in themselves, and (hen
leaving the warnings of the conscience and the
cravings of the heart to fix men's hearts on the
better Atonement to come.
Without entering directly on the great subject
of the Atonement (which would be foreign* to the
scope of this article), it will be sufficient to refer
to the connection, established in the N. T., between
it and the sacrifices of the Hosaic system. To do
this, we need do little mora than analyze the Epis-
tle to the Hebrews, which contains the key of the
whole sacrificial doctrine.
In the first place, it follows the prophetic books
by stating, in the most emphatic terms, the in-
trinsic nullity of all mere material sacrifices. The
" gifts and sacrifices " of the first Tabernacle could
" never make the saorifioers perfect in ebnaoience "
(a-ori owc'Sito-ir) ; they were but "carnal ordi-
nances, imposed on them till the time of reforma-
tion " (StafAsVcwt ) (Heb. ix. 9, 10). The very
fact of their constant repetition is said to prove
this imperfection, which depends on the funda-
mental principle, "that it is impossible that the
blood of bulls and goats should take away sin"
(x. 4). But it does not lead us to infer, that they
actually had no spiritual efficacy, if offered in re-
pentance and faith. On the contrary, the object
of the whole epistle is to show their typical and
probationary character, and to assert that in virtue
of it alone they had a spiritual meaning. Our
Lord la declared (see 1 Pet. i. 30) •• to have been
foreordained " as a sacrifice " before the foundation
of the world;" or (as it la more strikingly ex
pressed in Rev. xiii. 8) "slain from the foundation
of the world." The material sacrifices represented
this Great Atonement, as already made and ac-
cepted in God's foreknowledge; and to those who
grasped the ideaa of sin, pardon, and self-dedica-
tion, symbolized in them, they were means of enter-
ing into the blessings which the One True Sacrifice
alone procured. Otherwise the whole sacrificial
system could have been only a superstition and a
snare. The sins provided for by the sin-offering
were eertainly in some cases morel. [See Sih-
Offerihq.) The whole of the Mosaic description
ot sacrifices casariy implies some real spiritual bene-
fit to be derived from them, besides the temporal
privileges belonging to the national theocracy.
Just as St. Paul argues (Gal. iii. 15-39) that the
Promise and Covenant to Abraham were of pri-
mary, the Law only of secondary, importance, so
that men had under the Lew more than they had
oy the Law; to it must be add of the Levities!
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2776
SACRIFICE
—m— : They could convey nothing in them-
■elves; yet, at type*, they might, if accepted by a
true, though necessarily Imperfect, faith, be meant
of conveying in 10100 degree the blessings of the
Antitype.
This typical character of all sacrifice being thus
set forth, the next point dwelt upon is the union
in our Lord's person of the priest, the offerer, and
the sacrifice. [Pbbjst.] The imperfection of all
sacrifices, which made them, in themselves, liable
to superstition, and even inexplicable, lies in this,
(hat, on the one hand, the victim seems arbitrarily
chosen to be the substitute for, or the represents^
tive of, the sacrificer; " and that, on the other, if
there be a barrier of sin between man and God,
he has no right of approach, or security that his
sacrifice will be accepted; that there needs, there-
lore, to be a Mediator, i. e. (according to the defi-
nition of Heb. v. 1-4), a true Priest, who shall,
as being One with man, ofler the sacrifice, and
accept it, as being One with God. It is shown
that this imperfection, which necessarily existed in
all types, without which indeed they would have
been substitutes, not preparations for the Antitype,
was altogether done away in Him; that in the
first place He, as the representative of the whole
human race, offered no arbitrarily-chosen victim,
but the willing sacrifice of his own blood ; that, in
the second, He was ordained by God, by a solemn
oath, to be a high-priest forever, " after the order
of Melchiredek," one " in all points tempted like
as we are, yet without sin," united to our human
nature, susceptible to its infirmities and trials,
yet, at the same time, the True Son of God, ex-
alted far above all created things, snd ever living
to make intercession in heaven, now that his sacri-
fice is over; and that, in the last place, the barrier
between man and God is by his mediation done
away forever, and the Most Holy Place once for
all opened to man. All the points, In the doctrine
of sacrifice, which had before been unintelligible,
were thus made clear.
This being the case, it next follows that all the
various kinds of sacrifices were, each in its meas-
ure, representatives and types of the various aspects
of the Atonement, it is clear that the Atonement,
in this epistle, as in the N. T. generally, is viewed
in a twofold light.
On the one hand, it is set forth distinctly as a
vicarious sacrifice, which was rendered necessary by
the sin of man, and in which the Lord " bare the
tins of many." It is its essential characteristic,
that in it He stands absolutely alone, offering his
sacrifice without any referenoe to the faith or the
conversion of men — offering it indeed for those
who " were still sinners " and at enmity with God.
Moreover it is called a " propitiation " (iKcurnos or
i\wrripior, Rom. iil. 25; 1 John 11. 9); a "ran-
som " (lumXirjmm, Bom. iii. 94; 1 Cor. i. SO,
Ac); whioh, if words mean anything, must imply
that it makes a change in the relation between
God and man, from separation to union, from
wrath to love, and a change in man's state from
bondage to freedom. In it, then, He stands out
alone as the Mediator between God and man; and
ofs sacrifice is offered once for all, never to be imi-
tated or repeated.
Now this view of the Atonement is set forth in
• It may be remembered that devices, sometimes
asfleroua, •nmettme* horrible, were adopted to make
nte victim appear willing ; and that voluntary ■acri-
SACRIFICE
the Epistle to the Hebrews, as typified by the sk*
offering; especially by that particular sm-oflsring
with which the high-priest entered the Most Holy
Place on the Great Day of Atonement (ix. 7-19) ,
and by that which hallowed the inauguration of
the Mosaic covenant, and cleansed the vessels of its
ministration (ix. 13-93). In the same way, Christ
is called « our Passover, sacrificed for us " (1 Cor.
v. 7); and is said, in even more startling language,
to have been "made sin for us," though He "knew
no sin " (9 Cor. v. 91). This typical relation is
pursued even into details, and our Lord's suffering
without the city is compared to the burning of the
public or priestly sin-offerings without the camp
(Heb. xiii. 10-13). The altar of aacrifios (Owi-
currr/pioy) is said to have its antitype in his Pas-
sion (xiii. 10). All the expiatory and propitiatory
sacrifices of the Law are now for the first time
brought into full light. And though the prin-
ciple of vicarious sacrifice still remains, and must
remain, a mystery, yet the fact of its existence in
Him is illustrated by a thousand types. As the
sin-offering, though not the earliest, is the most
fundamental of all sacrifices, so the aspect of the
Atonement, which it symbolizes, is the one on which
all others rest
On the other hand, the sacrifice of Christ is set
forth to us as the completion of that perfect
obedience to the will of the Father, which is the
natural duty of sinless man, in which He is the
representative of all men, and in which He calls
upon us, when reconciled to God, to '• take up the
Cross and follow Him." " In the days of his flesh
He offered up prayers and supplications . . .
and was heard, in that He feared ; though He were
& Son, yet learned He obedience by the things
which he suffered: and being made perfect" (by
that suffering; see ii. 10), " He became the author
of salvation to all them that obey Him " (v. 7, 8,
9). In tliia view his death is not the principal
object; we dwell rather on his lowly incarnation,
and his life of humility, temptation, and suffering,
to whioh that death was but a fitting close. In
the passage above referred to the allusion is not to
the Cross of Calvary, but to the agony in Gethsem-
ane, which bowed his human will to the will of
his Father. The main idea of this view of the
Atonement is representative, rather than vicarious. .
In the first view the " second Adam " undid by
his atoning blood the work of evil which the first
Adam did ; in the second He, by his perfect obe-
dience, did that which the first Adam left undone,
and, by his grace making us like Himself, cslls
upon us to follow Him in the same path. This
latter view is typified by the burnt-offering: in
respect of which the N. T. merely quotes and en-
forces the language already cited from the 0. T.,
and especially (see Heb. x. 6-9) the words of IV
xl. 6, dec., which contrast with materia] sacrifice the
"doing the will of God." It is one, which cannot
be dwelt upon at all without a previous implication
of the other; as both were embraced in one act, so
are they inseparably connected in idea. Thus it is
put forth in Rom. xii. 1, where the " mercies of
God" (». e. the free salvation, through the sin-
offering of Christ's blood, dwelt upon in all the
preceding part of the epistle) are made the ground
for calling on us " to present our bodies, a inane
bos, such as that of the DeeB, was bald to be Ms)
noblest of all.
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SACRIFICE
marffice, holy Bad acceptable to God," loasmuoh
a* we are all (an t. 6) one with ChrUt and mem-
bers of his bod;. lo tail sense it ii that we an
■aid to be "crucified with Christ " (Gal. ii. SO;
Bom. ri. 6); to have "the sufferings of Christ
abound in na" (3 Cor. i. 6); eren to " fill up that
which ia behind " (ra barep^uara) thereof (Col. i.
34); and to "be offered" (nMtaBm) " upon the
sacrifice of the faith " of others (Phil. ii. 17; eomp.
3 Tan. iv. 6; 1 John iii. 16). As without the
sm ottering of the Cross, this, our burnt-offering,
would be impossible, so also without the burnt-
oflering the eta-oflering will to us be unarailing.
With these views of our Lord's sacrifice on earth,
m typified in the Levities! sacrifices on the outer
altar, ia also to be connected the oflering of his in-
Isniasioo for us in heaven, which was represented
by the incense. In the Epistle to the Hebrews,
this part of his priestly office is dwelt upon, with
particular reference to the oflering of incense in
the Host Holy Place by the high-priest on the
Great Day of Atonement (Heb. ix. 24-38; comp.
iv. 14-16, vi. 19, 30, vii. 26). It implies that the
sin-offering has been made once for all, to rend
asunder the veil (of sin) between man and God;
and that the continual burnt-offering is now ac-
cepted by Him for the sake of the Great Interced-
ing High-priest. That intercession is the strength
of our prayers, and " with the smoke of its in-
eenee" they rise up to heaven (Rev. viii. 4).
[Prater.]
The typical sense of the meat-offering, or peace-
oflfcting, is has connected with the sacrifice of
Christ himself, than with those sacrifices of praise,
thanksgiving, charity, and devotion, which we, as
Christiana, offer to God, and " with which he is
well pleased " (Heb. xiii. 16, 16) as with "an odor
of sweet smell, a sacrifice acceptable to God" (Phil.
iv. 18). They betoken that, through the peace won
by the sin-offering, we hare already been enabled
to dedicate ourselves to God, and they are, as it
were, the ornaments and accessories of that self-
SADDTJOBKB
2777
Such k a brief sketch of the doctrine of Sacri-
tee. It ia seen to have been deeply rooted in
men's hearts; and to have been, (ram the begin-
ning, accepted and sanctioned by God, and nude
by Him one channel of his Revelation. In virtue
of that sanction it had a value, partly symbolical,
partly actual, but in all respects derived from the
one True Sacrifice, of which it was the type. It
involved the expiatory, the self-dedicatory, and
the eueharistic ideas, each gradually developed and
explained, but all capable of full explanation only
by the light reflected back from the Antitype.
On the antiquarian part of the subject valuable
information may be found in Spencer, De l^tgitnt
llebraorum, and Outrun, Dt Sacrificii*. The
qu ts Uou of the origin of sacrifice Is treated clearly
■ja either side by Faber, On the {Divine) Origin of
Sacrifice, and by Davidson, Inquiry into Me Origin
ef Sacrifice ; and Warburton, Din. Leg (b. ix.
e 8). On the general subject, see Magee's Dittcr-
Uition am Atonement ; the Appendix to Tboluck's
Trtalite on Ike Hebrtwe; Kurtz, Der AUtttta-
mentliche Opfercultue, Mitau, 1863 [Eng. transla-
tion by James Martin, Edinb. 1863, in Clark's
Foreign TheoL Libr.; comp. BiU. Sacra, ix. 87-
II]; and the catalogue of authorities in Winer's
fUahdrtcrb., " Opfer." But it needs for its con-
sideration little but the careful study of Scripture
a. a.
176
• For other works on this rubje.it see the refer-
ences under Leviticus (Amer. ed.), vol. H. p.
1668 4, and the list prefixed to the work of Kurt*,
just referred to. See also an article by Dr. G. K.
Moves, The Scripture Doctrine of Sacrifice, in
the Chrittian Examiner (Boston) for Sept 1866,
and the learned and elaborate discussion of the
subject in Kalisch's Leviticus, part i. (Loud. 1867),
pp. 1-416. A.
SADAMTAS (Sadaniae). The name of
Shallum, one of the ancestors of Kara, is so writ-
ten in 3 Esdr. 1. 1.
SAD AS CApyai; Alex. Aoroo; [AW. SoJdj :]
Archad). Azgau (1 Esdr. v. 13; comp. Ear 11.
13). The form Sadas is retained from the Genera
version. [This form, it will be observed, is the
reading of the Aldine edition. — A.]
SADDETJS (AoSSoMt; [Vat Aotoior;] Alex.
AoAJoiot; [Aid. Aaioatos-] LaJJeut). "IODO,tbe
chief at the place Casiphia," is called in 1 Esdr. vili.
46, " Saddeus the captain, who was in the place of
the treasury." In 1 Esdr. viii. 46 the name la
written " Daddeua "in the A. V., as in the Ge-
neva Version of both passages.
• SADDLE. [Camel; Fubmtdrx; Home;
Mule.]
SADDUO (ZoSSovKor; [Vat SoSaevAowm,
Mai, Errata:] Sadue). Zadok the bigb-priest,
ancestor of Esra (1 Esdr. viii. 2).
SADT>UCEES ( iaSSovKaioi : Sadducai:
Matt iii. 7, xvl. 1, 6, 11, 12, xxii. 33, 84; Hark
xii. 18; Luke xx. 37; Acts iv. 1, v. 17, xxiii. 6, 7,
8). A religious party or school among the Jews
at the time of Christ, who denied that the oral law
was a revelation of God to the Israelites, and who
deemed the written law alone to be obligatory on
the nation, as of Divine authority. Although fre-
quently mentioned in the New Testament in con-
junction with the Pharisees, they do not throw
such vivid light as their great antagonists on the
real significance of Christianity. Except on one
occasion, when they united with the Pharisees in
insidiously asking for a sign from heaven (Matt
xvi. 1, 4, 6), Christ never assailed the Sadducees
with the same bitter denunciations which he ut-
ters against the Pharisees ; and they do not, like
the Pharisees, seem to have taken active measures
for causing him to be put to death. In this re-
spect, and in many others, they have not been so
influential as the Pharisees in the world's history;
but still they deserve attention, as representing
Jewish ideas before the Pharisees became tri-
umphant, and as illustrating one phase of Jewish
thought at the time when the new religion of
Christianity, destined to produoe such a moment-
ous revolution in the opinions of mankind, issued
from Judaea.
Authorities. — The sources of information re-
specting the Sadducees are much the same as for
the Pharisees. [Pharisees, vol. iii. p. 2473.]
There are, however, some exceptions negatively.
Thus, the Sadducees are not spoken of at all in the
fourth Gospel, where the Pharisees are frequently
mentioned, John vii. 33, 45, ii. 47, 57, xviii. 3,
viii. 3, 13-19, ix. 13; an omission which, as Geigrr
suggests, is not unimportant in reference to the
criticism of the Gospels ( Urtchrift mid Utbtreet-
zungen der Bibti, p. 107). Moreover, while St
Paul had been a Pharisee and was the son of a
Pharisee; while Josephus was a Pharisee, and tba
i[Hi*ma was • Pharisaical digest of Pharisaical
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2778 BADDTJ0EE8
•pinions uid practices, not a (ingle undoubted
writing of an acknowledged Saddncee ha* come
down to us, so that for an acquaintance with their
apinious we are tnsinly dependent on their antago-
ui»U. This point should be always borne in mind
in judgiug their opiniona, and forming an estimate
of tlieir character, and ita full bearing will be duly
appreciated by those who reflect that even at the
present day, with all the checks against misrepre-
sentation arising from publicity and the invention
of printing, probably no religious or political party
in Knglnnd would be content to accept the state-
ments of an opponent as giving a correct view of
its opinions.
Origin of tht nntnt. — Like etymologies of
words, the origin of the name of a sect is, in some
eases, almost wholly immaterial, while in other
eases it is of extreme importance towards under-
standing opinions which it is proposed to Investi-
gate. The origin of the name Sadduoees is of the
Utter description; and a reasonable certainty on
this point would go far towards ensuring correct
ideas respecting the position of the Sadduoees in the
Jewish state. The subject, however, is involved in
great difficulties. The Hebrew word by which they
are called In the Miahna is Ttedukim, the plural of
Ttddik, which undoubtedly means "just," or
" righteous," but which is never used in the Bible
except as a proper name, and in the Anglican Ver-
sion is always translated " Zadok " (2 K. iv. S3 ;
2 Sam. viii. 17; 1 Chr. vi. 8, 12, Ac.; Neh. iii. 4,
89, xi. 11;. The most obvious translation of the
word, therefore, is to call them Zadoks or Zadok-
ites; and a question would then arise ss to why
they were so called. The ordinary Jewish state-
ment is that they are named from a certain Zadok,
a disciple of the Antigonus of Socho, wbo is men-
tioned in the Miahna (AtAth i.) as having received
the oral law from Simon the Just, the last of the
men of the Great Synagogue. It is recorded of
this Antigonus that he used to say: " Be not like
servants who serve their master for the sake of re-
ceiving a reward, but be like servants who serve
their master without a view of receiving a reward ; "
and the current statement has been that Zadok,
who gave his name to the Zadokites or Sadduoees,
misinterpreted this saying so far, as not only to
maintain the great truth that virtue should be the
rule of conduct without reference to the rewards of
the individual agent, but likewise to proclaim the
doctrine that there was no future state of rewards
and punishments. (See Buxtorf, s. r. pVT^i
> Anuh, or 'Arte ("JYWn), maans « arranged,"
or " set In order." The author of this work was an-
other Babbl Nathan Ban Jecbter, president of the Jew-
ish Academy at Borne, who died in 1106. k. D. (Bee
Bartolocci, Bibl. Rabl>. Iv. 261.) The reference to
Babbl Nathan, author of the treatise on the AvBth, is
made in the Ante* un.ler the word ] N DW3. The
treatise Itself was published In a Latin translation by
t. Tayler, at London, 1667. The original peerage re-
specting Zadok's disciples Is printed by Oeiger In He-
brew, and translated by aim, Unchrijl, etc., p. 106.
* Dr. Oinsburg, In his valuable article Saddxctn,
la the 3d edition of Kitto't Cyclop, of Bibl. Lit. III. 781,
note, corrects Mr. Twlstleton's statements respecting
"the earliest mention of BabM Nathan, and the
Una whan he lived. He says :« This Rabbi Nathan
Ut Nathan ha-BaUi, as ha Is called in the Talmud,
besanss be was a native of Uoshan In Babylon {Baba
mmUra, 78 a\ wasone of the most distinguished Mian-
8ADDUCEE8
Ugfatfoot's Bora Rebraica on Malik, i L 8, seat
the Mote of Maimonides in Surenhueius's Ml/ma,
ir. 411.) If, however, the statement is traced up
to ita original source, it is found that there is no
mention of it either in the Miihna, or in any other
part of the Talmud (Geiger'a VrteliriJX, etc., p.
109), sud that the first mention of something of
the kind is in a small work by a certain Kabbl
Nathan, which he wrote on the Treatise of the
Miahna called the Ardlli, or " Fathers." But the
age in which this Rabbi Nathan lived is uncertain
(Bartolocci, Bibtiutheca Magna Rabbinica, vol iii.
p. 770), and the earliest mention of him is in a
well-kuowu Rabbinical dictionary called the A) adk ,'
which was completed about the year 11J5, A, M
The following are the words of the above-mentkud
Rabbi Nathan of the Atoth. Adverting to the
paasage in the Miahna, already quoted, respecting
Antigonus's saying, be observes: "Antigonus of
Socho had two disciples who taught the saying to
their disciples, and these disciples again taught it
to their disciples. At last these began to scruti-
nize it narrowly, and said, ' What did our Fathers
mean in teaching this saying ? Is it possible that
a laborer is to perform his work all the day, and
not receive his wages in the evening ? Truly, if
our Fathers had known that there is another world
and a resurrection of the dead, they would not have
spoken thus.' They then began to separate them-
selves from the Law; and so there arose two sects,
the Zadokites and Baithusians, the former from
Zadok, and the latter from Baitbos." Now it is
to be observed on this passage that it does not Jus-
tify the once current belief that Zadok himself mis-
interpreted Antigonus's saying; and it suggests no
reason why the followers of the supposed new doc-
trines should have taken their name from Zadok
rather than Antigonus. Bearing this in mind, in
connection with several other points of the same
nature, such as, for example, the total silence re-
specting any such story in the works of Josephus
or in the Talmud ; the absence of any other special
information respecting even the existence of the
supposed Zadok ; the improbable and childishly il-
logical reasons assigned for the departure of Zadok's
disciples from the Law; the circumstances that
Rabbi Nathan held the tenets of the Pharisees,
that the statements of a Pharisee respecting the
Sadducees must always be received with a certain
reserve, that Rabbi Nathan of the AvdOi, for aught
that has ever been proved to the contrary, nut;
have lived as long as 1000 years after the first an-
nate doctors. In consequence of bis high birth, as
his father was Prince of the Captivity in Babylon,
and his marvellous knowledge of the law, both divine
end human, . . he was created vicar of the patri-
arch Simon n. b. Gamaliel II., a. D. 140-168, or preat
dent of the tribunal (]*T JT2 2W). He U fre-
quently quoted In the Talmud ss a profound scboeu
of the law (Homjoth, 18 b ; Baba Kama, 88 a ; jiase
Mezia, 117 b), and has materially contributed to the
compilation of the Miihna, as be himself compiled s
Mishna, which Is quoted by the name of Mitknath dt
Rabbi Nathan, and which Babbi Jehudah the holy
used for the redaction of the present Mithna." Bat
after all, Dr. Oinsburg is disposed to regard the paa-
sage about the Saddueeee in the Avtith of Rabbi Na-
than as by a later hand, "like many other pieces la
the same work," and thinks that Its author mow
probably nourished towards the end of the 7th cen-
tury (p. 788). He himself adopts the view of (h '
respecting the origin of the B a d d nr sa s .
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SADDUCEES
m— of tha Sadducees as a party in Jewish hto-
ory, and thai he quotas no authority of any kind
far bis account of their origin, it seams reasonable
k> reject this Rabbi Nathan's narration as unwor-
thy of credit. Another ancient suggestion concern-
inf the origin of the name " Sadducees " is in Kpi-
pbanhM (Advrrtus Parties, xiv.), who states that
the Sadducees called themselves by that name from
" righteousness," the interpretation of the Hebrew
word Zedek; "and that there was likewise an-
ciently a Zadok among the priests, but that they
did not continue in the doctrines of their chief."
Bat this statement is unsatisfactory in two re-
spects: 1st It does not explain why, if the sug-
gested etymology was correct, the name of the Sad-
dames was not Tsaddiktm or Zaddikites, which
vouid hare been the regular Hebrew adjective for
the "Just," or '•Righteous"; and 2dly. While it
evidently implies that they once held the doctrines
of an ancient priest, Zadok, who is even called their
chief or master (#>i<rrdV>tr), it does not directly
assert that there was any connection between his
same and theirs ; nor yet does it say that the co-
incidence between the two names was accidental.
Moreover, it does not give information as to when
Zadok lived, nor what were those doctrines of his
which the Sadducees once held, but subsequently
departed from. The unaatisfactoruieaa of Kpipha-
nina's statement is increased by its being coupled
with sn assertion that the Sadducees were a branch
broken off from Dositbeus: or in other words Schis-
■tatics from Uositheus (aarcVwovsn Smt etwo Ao
taUov) ; tor Dositbeus wss a heretic who lived about
the time of Christ (Origen, contra Ctlsum, lib. i. c.
17; Clemens, RtcogmL ii. 8: Photius, Biblioth. c.
**»■), and thus, if Epiphanius was correct, the
opinions characteristic of the Sadducees were pro-
daetiona of the Christian era; a supposition con
trsry to the cipi eas declaration of the Pharisee
Joseph as, and to a notorious fact of history, the
connection of Hyrcanua with the Sadduoses more
than 100 years before Christ (Sea Josephus, Ant.
mi. 9, } 6, and xviii. 1, § 9, where observe the
abase «** tov vdVv apxoiov . . .) Hence Epiphi
Bias's explanation of the origin of the word Saddu-
eaes must be rejected with that of Rabbi Nathan
af the Aritk. In these circumstances, if recourse
is bad to conjecture, the first point to be consid-
ered is whether the word is likely to have arisen
boo the meaning of •■ righteousness," or from the
same of an individual. This must be decided iu
brer of the latter alternative, inasmuch as the word
Zadok never occurs in the Bible, except as a proper
same; and then we are led to inquire as to who
Ike Zadok of the Saddncees is likely to have been.
How, according to the existing records of Jewish
history, there was one Zadok of transcendent im-
portance, and only one; namely, the priest who
acted such a prominent part at the time of David,
sad who declared in favor of Solomon, when Abia-
tksr took the part of Adonyah as successor to the
throne (1 K. i. 33-46). This Zadok was tenth in
•ascent, according to the genealogies, from the
sigh-priest Aaron; and whatever may be the cor-
net explanation of the statement in the 1st Book
t Kings, ii. 35, that Solomon put him in the room
t Abiathar, although on previous occasions he
to the atamna, Smktd. St, no one
•a *«h»o," fa the LevMeal ssoss, to act as a jwtaa
maaattal trials, axeapt priests, Lsvltaa, and Israelites
•tan taesjhtars might marry priests. This
JADDUCEES 2779
had. when named with him, been alwaya mmlinssai
first (3 Sam. xv. 35, xix. 11; of. viii. 17), his line
of priests appears to have had decided preeminence
in subsequent history. Thus, when in 2 Chr
xxxi 10, Hexekiah is represented as putting a ques-
tion to the priests and Lerites generally, the an-
swer is attributed to Azariah, " the chief priest of
the house of Zadok:" and in Kzekiel's prophetic
vision of the future Temple, " the sons of Zadok "
and ■' the priests the Levites of tbe seed of Zadok "
are spoken of with peculiar honor, as those who
kept the charge of the sanctuary of Jehovah, when
the children of Israel went astray (Exek. xl. 48,
xliii. 19, xliv. 15, xlviii. 11). Now, as the transi-
tion from the expression " sons of Zadok " and
" priests of the seed of Zadok " to Zadokites is easy
and obvious, and as in the Acts of the Apostles v.
17, it is said, " Then the hiyh-pritst rote, and all
they that acre with him, which it the teei of tli«
Sadducees, and were filled with indignation," it baa
been conjectured by Geiger that the Sadducees
or Zadokites were originally identical with the sons
of Zadok, and constituted what may be termed a
kind of sacerdotal aristocracy ( Urschrifl, etc, p.
104). To these were afterwards attached all who
for any reason reckoned themselves as belonging to
the aristocracy; such, for example, as the families
of the high-priest; who had obtained consideration
under the dynasty of Herod. These were for the
most part judges," aud individuals of tbe official
and governing chiss. Now, although this view of
the Sadducees is only inferential, and mainly con-
jectural, it certainly explains the name better than
any other, and elucidates at once in the Acts of the
Apostles the otherwise obscure statement that the
high-priest, and those who were with him, were the
sect of the Sadducees. Accepting, therefore, this
view till a more probable conjecture is suggested,
some of the principal peculiarities or supposed pe-
culiarities of the Sadducees will now be noticed in
detail, although in such notice some points must
be touched upon, which have been already parllv
discussed in speaking of the Pharisees.
I. Tbe leading tenet of the Sadducees wss the
negation of the leading tenet of their opponents.
As the Pharisees asserted, so the Sadducees denied
that the Israelites were in possession of an Oral
Law transmitted to them by Moses. The manner
in which the Pharisees may have gained acceptance
for their own view is noticed elsewhere in this work
[vol. iii. p. 8474] ; but, for an equitable estimate
of the Sadducees, it is proper to bear in mind
emphatically how destitute of historical evidence)
the doctrine was which they denied. That doctrine
is at the present day rejected, probably by almost
all, if not by all, Christians; and it is indeed so
foreign to their ideas, that the greater number of
Christians have never even heard of it, though it
is older than Christianity, and has been the sup-
port and consolation of the Jews under a series of
tbe most cruel and wicked persecutions to which
any nation has ever been exposed during an equal
number of centuries. It is likewise now main-
tained, all over the world, by those who are called
to* orthodox Jews. It is therefore desirable, to
know the kind of arguments by which at tha
present day, in an historical and critical age, tha
taints with the explanation oflkrsd In the text, of I
fkttdoasss, as a sacerdotal arlstseracy, being " wi
the hlfh-nriast."
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2', 80
8ADDUOEBB
doctrine b defended. For tins an opportunity hu
been given during the kit three yean by a learned
French Jew, Grand-Rabbi of the circumscription
•f Cohnar (Klein, Lt Juduume, <m la Virile lur
le Talmud, Mulbouse, 1869), who still aaaerta as a
fact, the existence of a Mosaic Oral Law. To do
full justice to his views, the original work should
be perused. But it is doing no injustice to his
learning and ability, to point out that not one
of his arguments has a positive historical value.
Thus he relies mainly on the inconceivability (as
will be again noticed in this article) that a Divine
revelation should not ha™ explicitly proclaimed the
doctrine of a future state of rewards and punish-
ments, or that it should have promulgated laws,
left in such an incomplete form, and requiring so
much explanation, and so many additions, as the
laws in the Pentateuch. Now, arguments of this
kind may be sound or unsound ; based on reason,
or illogical; and for many they may have a philo-
sophical or theological value; but they have no
pretense to be regarded as historical, inasmuch as
the assumed premises, which involve a knowledge
of the attributes of the Supreme Being, and the
manner in which He would be likely to deal with
man, are far beyond the limits of historical verifi-
cation. The nearest approach to an historical
argument is the following (p. 10): "In the first
place, nothing proves better the fact of the exist-
ence of the tradition than the belief itself in the
tradition. An entire nation does not suddenly
forget its religious code, its principles, its laws, the
daily ceremonies of its worship, to such a point,
that it could easily be persuaded that a new doc-
trine presented by some impostors is the true and
only explanation of its law, and has always de-
termined and ruled it* application. Holy Writ
often represents the Israelites as a stiff-necked
people, impatient of the religious yoke, and would
It not be attributing to them rather an excess of
docility, a too great condescension, a blind obe-
dience, to suppose that they suddenly consented to
troublesome and rigorous innovations which some
persons might have wished to impose on them
some fine morning ? Such a supposition destroys
itself, and we are obliged to acknowledge that the
tradition is not a new invention, but that ita birth
goes back to the origin of the religion ; and that
transmitted from father to son as the word of God,
it lived in the heart of the people, identified itself
with the blood, and was always considered as an
inviolable authority." But if this passage is care-
fully examined, it will be seen that it does not
supply a single fact worthy of being regarded as a
proof of a Mosaic Oral Law. Independent testi-
mony of persons contemporary with Moses that be
had transmitted such a law to the Israelites would
be historical evidence; the testimony of persons in
the next generation as to the existence of such an
Dral Law which their fathers told them came from
Moses, would have been secondary historical evi-
aence ; but the belief of the Israelites on the point
1,200 years after Moses, cannot, in the absence of
any intermediate testimony, be deemed evidence of
an historical met. Moreover, it is a mistake to
« Bm p. S3 of Cuojr m law Rmuuui of tin Chunk
s/ W»f<mmd, by the Her. Morgan Core, Prebendary of
tterefard, and Sector of Baton Bishop. 578 pp. Loo-
ted, Brrington, 1818. Thud edition. « Thus do we
return again to the original difficulty [the origin at
MsaasJ, It the solution of irhleh the strength of human
8ADDTJOSKS
assume, that they who deny a Mosaic Oral lam,
imagine that this Oral Law was at some one Haas,
as one great system, introduced suddenly amongst
the Israelites. The real mode of conceiving what
occurred is far different- After the return from
the Captivity, there existed probably amongst the
Jews a large body of customs and decisions not
contained in the Pentateuch ; and these had prac-
tical authority over the people long before they
were attributed to Moses. The only phenomenon
of importance requiring explanation is not the ex-
istence of the customs sanctioned hy the Oral Law,
but the belief accepted by a certain portion of the
Jews that Moses had divinely revealed tbxe :m-
toms as laws to the Israelites. To explain thb
historically from written records is impossible, front
the silence on the subject of the very scanty his-
torical Jewish writings purporting to be written
between the return from the Captivity in 538 before
Christ and that uncertain period when the canon
was closed, which at the earliest could not have
been long before the death of Antiochus Eplphanes,
b. c. 164. For all this space of time, a period of
about 874 years, a period as long as from the acces-
sion of Henry VH. to the present year (1862) we
have no Hebrew account, nor in fact any con-
temporary account, of the history of the Jews in
Palestine, except what may be contained in the
short works entitled Ezra and Nehemiah. And
the last named of these works does not carry
the history much later than one hundred yean
after the return from the Captivity: so that there
is a long and extremely important period of mora
than two centuries snd a half before the heroic
rising of the Maccabees, during which there is a
total absence of contemporary Jewish history. In
this dearth of historical materials, it is idle to
attempt a positive narration of the circumstances
under which the Oral Law became assigned to
Moses as its author. It is amply sufficient if a
satisfactory suggestion is made as to how it might
have been attributed to Moses, and in this there it
not much difficulty for sny one who bears in mind
bow notoriously in ancient times laws of a much
later date were attributed to Minos, Lycurgus,
Solon, and Numa. The unreasonableness of sup-
posing that the belief in the oral traditions being
from Moses must have ooincided in point of time
with the acceptance of the oral tradition, may be
illustrated by what occurred in England during
the present century. During a period when the
fitness of maintaining the clergy by tithes was
contested, the theory was put forth that the origin
of tithes was to be assigned to "an unrecorded
revelation made to Adam." " Now, let us suppose
that England was a country as small as Judsea;
that the English were as few in number as the
Jews of Judaea must have been in the time of
Nehemiah, that a temple in London was the centre
of the English religion, and that the population
of London hardly ever reached 60,000. [Jkkc-
baLBK, ii. 1320.] Let us further suppose that
printing was not invented, that manuscripts were
dear, and that few of the population could nasi.
Under such circumstances it is not impossible that
reason Is unequal. Nor does there remain any other
method of solving it, bat by assigning the origin of
the custom, and the pe c ulia r observance of it, to easts
unrecorded revelation made to Adam, and hy Mas ant
his itaeendants delivered down to poeleritj."
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SADDTJCEBB
no of an unrecorded revelation nude to
, might hare been gradually accepted eye
large religions party in England as a divine author-
ity for tithes. If this belief had oontinued In the
hum party during a period of more than 9,000
years, if that party Had become dominant in the
English Church, if for the first 390 years every
contemporary record of English history became lost
to mankind, and if all previous English writings
merely condemned the belief by their silence, so
that the precise date of the origin of the belief
eoold not be ascertained, we should hare a parallel
to tha way in which a belief in a Mosaic Oral Law
ssay possibly hare arisen. Yet It would have been
wry illogical for an English ressoner in the year
4000 a. o. to hare argued bom the burden and
annoyance of paying tithes to the correctness of
the theory that the institution of tithes was owing
to this unrecorded revelation to Adam. It is not
meant by this illustration to suggest that reasons
at specious could be advanced for such a divine
origin of tithes as even for a Mosaic Oral Law.
The main object of the illustration is to show that
tha existence of a practice, and the belief as to the
origin of a practice, are two wholly distinct points;
and that there is no necessary connection in time
between the introduction of a practice, and the in-
troduction of the prevalent belief in its origin.
Under this head we may add that it must not be
■warned that the Sadduoees, because they rejected
a Mosaic Oral Law, rejected likewise all traditions
sod all decisions in explanation of passages in the
Pentateuch. Although they protested against the
assertion that such points had been divinely settled
by Moses, they probably, in numerous instances,
followed practically the same traditions as the
Pharisees. This will explain why in the Mishna
specific points of difference between the Pharisees
snd Sadduoees are mentioned, which are so unim-
portant; such, e. g. as whether touching the Holy
Scriptures made the hands technically •• unclean,"
in the Levitical sense, and whether the stream
which flows when water is poured from a clean
vessel into an unclean one is itself technically
" clean " or " unclean " ( Yadaxm, iv. 6, 7). If
the Pharisees and Sadduoees had differed on all
matters not directly contained in the Pentateuch,
it would scarcely have been necessary to partio-
alarize points of difference such as these, which
to Christians imbued with the genuine spirit of
Christ's teaching (Matt. XT. 11; Luke xi. 87-40),
most appear so trifling, as almost to resemble the
products of a diseased imagination.*
IL The second distinguishing doctrine of the
Sadduoees, the denial of man's resurrection after
death, followed in their conceptions as a logical
eooduskm from their denial that Moses had re-
vealed to the Israelites the Oral Law. For on a
point so momentous ss a second life beyond the
grave, no religious party among the Jews would
Save deemed themselves bound to accept any doc-
trine as an article of faith, unless it had been
arodaimed by Moses, their great legislator; and H
a Many other points of difference, ritual and Jurld-
tsu, are mentioned In tha damans. 9ee Greets
Ja. 614-618). But It stems unsafe to admit the
Asmaraa ss an authority fcr statements raspsctlnf
tut Pharisees and Bsddueass. Sat, ss to tha date of
Ifcasa works, the srttefc Pmitsvss
» Has th Smtctmu, zxttt. This treatlss was eom-
saast within two yean baft** aeon's death, and
SADDTJCEBS 2781
H certain that in the written Law of the Penta-
teuch there is a total absence of any assertion by
Moses of the resurrection of the dead. The ab-
sence of this doctrine, so far ss it involves a futun
state of rewards and punishments, is emphatically
manifest from the numerous occasions for its in-
troduction in the Pentateuch, among the promises
and threats, the blessings and curses, with which a
portion of that great work abounds. In the Ijiw
Moses is r e p re s en ted as promising to those who are
obedient to the commands of Jehovah the most
alluring temporal rewards, such as success in busi-
ness, the acquisition of wealth, fruitful seasons,
victory over their enemies, long life, and freedom
from sickness (Dent. vii. 13-10, xxviii. 1-13; Ex.
xx. 18, xxiii. 26, 26); and he likewise menaces the
disobedient with the most dreadful evils which can
afflict humanity, with poverty, fell diseases, dis-
astrous and disgraceful defeats, subjugation, dis-
persion, oppression, and overpowering anguish of
heart (DeuL xxviii. 16-68): but in not a single
instance does he call to his sid the consolations
and terrors of rewards snd punishments hereafter. _
Moreover, even in a more restricted indefinite sense,
such ss might be involved in the transmigration
of souls, or in the immortality of the soul as
believed in by Plato, and apparently by Cicero,'
there is a similar absence of any assertion by Moses
of a resurrection of the desd. This fact is pre-
sented to Christians in a striking manner by the
well-known words of the Pentateuch which are
quoted by Christ in argument with the Sadducees
on this subject (Ex. lii. 6, 16; Mark xii. 26, 27;
Matt. xxii. 31, 82; Luke xx. 87). It cannot be
doubted that in such a case Christ would quota to
his powerful adversaries the most cogent text la
the Law; and yet the text actually quoted does not
do more than suggest an mferenct on this great
doctrine. Indeed it must be deemed probable that
the Sadducees, as they did not acknowledge the
divine authority of Christ, denied even the logical
validity of the inference, and argued that the ex
pression that Jehovah was the God of Abraham
the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob, did not
necessarily mean more than that Jehovah had been
the God of those patriarchs while they lived on
earth, without conveying a suggestion, one way or
another, as to whether they were or were not still
living elsewhere. It is true that in other parts of
the Old Testament there are individual passsges
which express a belief in a resurrection, such as in
Is. xxvi. 19; Dan. xii. 2; Job xix. 28, and in some
of the Psalms; and it may at first sight be a sub
jest of surprise that the Sadducees were not con-
vinced by the authority of those paassges. But
although tha Sadducees regarded the books which
contained these psassges ss sacred, it is more than
doubtful whether any of the Jews regarded them
as sacred in precisely the same sense as the written
Law. There is a danger here of confounding the
ideas which are now common amongst Christians,
who regard the whole ceremonial law as abrogated,
with tha ideas of Jews after the time of Ears,
although a dialogue, may perhaps be accepted as ex-
pressing nis philosophical opinions respecting the Im-
mortality oC the soul. Ha had held, however, vary
different language In his oration sro Outniio, cap.
Ul., ha a paissgs which Is a striking proof of tnt
poyilar belief st Borne la bis thaw. Bee also Saltan
OuiUm. a.; Juvenal, IL .»»; aal Pliny tha :
ma*
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srhfle tin Temple m still standing, or Men with
the idea* of orthodox modern Jews. To the Jews
Moses was and is * colossal Form, preeminent in
authority abort all subsequent prophets. Not only
iid his series of signs and wonders in Egypt and
at the Red Sea tranaoend in magnitude and brill-
iancy those of any other holy men in the Old
Testament, not only was be the centre in Mount
Sinai of the whole legislation of the Israelites, but
even the mode by which divine communications
were made to him from Jehovah was peculiar to
him alone. While others were addressed in visions
or in dreams, the Supreme Being communicated
with him alone mouth to mouth and face to face
(Num. xii. 6, 7, 8; Ex. xxxiii. 11; Dent v. 4,
xxxiv. 10-13). Hence scarcely any Jew would
have deemed himself bound to believe in man's
resurrection, unless the doctrine had been pro-
etaimed by Moses; and as the Sadducees disbe-
lieved the transmission of any oral law by Moses,
the striking absence of that doctrine from the
written Law freed them from the necessity of ao-
eepting the doctrine as divine. It is not meant by
this to deny that Jewish believers in the resurrec-
tion had their faith strengthened and confirmed by
allusions to a resurrection in scattered passages of
the other sacred writings; but then these paaaages
were read and interpreted by means of the central
light which streamed from the Oral Law. The
Sadducees, however, not making use of that light,
would hare deemed all such passages inconclusive,
as being, indeed, tbe utterances of holy men, yet
opposed to other texts which had equal claims to
be pronounced sacred, but which could scarcely be
supposed to have been written by men who believed
in a resurrection (Is. xxxriii. 18, 19; Ps. vi. S,
xxx. 9, lxxxviU. 10, 11, 13; Eccl. ix. 4-10). Tbe
real truth seems to be that, as in Christianity the
doctrine of the resurrection of man rests on belief
in the resurrection of Jesus, with subsidiary argu-
ments drawn from texts in the Old Testament, and
from man's instincts, aspirations, and moral nature;
so, admitting fully the same subsidiary arguments,
the doctrine of the resurrection among Pharisees,
and the successive generations of orthodox Jews,
and the orthodox Jews now living, has rested, and
rests, on a belief in the supposed Oral Law of
Moses. On this point the statement of tbe learned
Grand-Rabbi to whom allusion baa been already
cuade deserves particular attention. " What causes
most surprise in perusing the Pentateuch is the
silence which it seems to keep respecting the most
fundamental and the most consoling truths. The
doctrines of the immortality of the soul, and of
retribution beyond the tomb, are able powerfully to
fortify man against tbe violence of the passions and
the seductive attractions of vice, and to strengthen
his steps in the rugged path of virtue: of them-
selves they smooth all the difficulties which are
raised, all the objections which are made, against
the government of a Divine Providence, and account
for the good fortune of the wicked and the had
fortune of tbe just But <otn searches in vain for
these truths, which be desires so ardently; he in
rain devours with aridity each page of Holy Writ;
be doss not find either them, or the simple doc-
trine of the resurrection of the dead, explicitly
announced. Nevertheless truths so consoling and
af such sn elevated order cannot have been passed
Mer in silence, and certainly God has not relied
so the mere sagacity of the human mind in order
to snnsunce them only implicitly. lit hat tram-
SADDTJCKBS
milted item terboBg, with the meats ofjkmmmf
them in the teat. A supplementary tradition sni
necessary, uuStpenmUe : thit tradition easts
Motet rtcdvtd the Lam from Sinai, trantmiltta
it to Jothua, Jothua to the elders, the elders trans.
mitted it to the prophets, and the prophets to the
msm of the grent synagogue " (Klein, Lt Jmdaitmt
on la Verite sur It Talmud, p. 15).
In connection with tbe disbelief of a res u rrec t ion
by tbe Sadducees, it is proper to notice the state-
ment (Acts xxili. 8) that they likewise denied there
was " angel or spirit" A perplexity arises as to
the precise sense in which this denial is to be un-
derstood. Angels are so distinctly mentioned in
the Pentateuch and other books of the Old Testa-
ment, that it is hard to understand bow those who
acknowledged the Old Testament to have divine
authority could deny the existence of angels (aee
Gen. xvi. 7, xix. 1, xxii. 11, xxrili. 13; Ex. xxiii.
30; Num. xxii. 33; Judg. xiii. 18: 8 Sam. xxtv.
16, and other passages). Tne difficulty is increased
by tbe fact that no such denial of angels is recorded
of the Sadducees either by Josephus, or in tbe
Mishna, or, it is said, in any part of the Talmudical
writings. The two principal explanations which
have been suggested are, either that the Sadducees
regarded the angels of the Old Testament as tran-
sitory unsubstantial r ep rese n tations of Jeborah, or
that they disbelieved, not the angels of the Old
Testament, but merely tbe angelical system which
had become developed in the popular belief of the
Jews after their return from tbe Babylonian Cap-
tivity (Herzfeld, Geschiehtt dtt Volktt Jitrael, Ul.
384). Either of these explanations may possibly
be correct; and the first, although there are numer-
ous texts to which it did not apply, would have
received some countenance from passages wherein
the same divine appearance which at one time is
called the "angel of Jehovah " is afterwards called
simply "Jehovah" (see tbe instances pointed out
by Gesenius, s. e. THy?9* Gen. xvi. 7, 13, xxii.
11, 12, xxxi. 11, 18; Ex. lii. 3, 4; Judg. vi. 14,
38, xiii. 18, 38). Perhaps, however, another sug-
gestion is admissible. It appears from Acts xxiii.
9, that some of the scribes on the side of tbe
Pharisees suggested tbe possibility of a spirit or
an angel having spoken to St Paul, on the very
occasion when it is asserted that the Sadducees
denied the existence of angel or spirit Now the
Sadducees may have disbelieved in the occurrence
of any such phenomena in their own time, although
they accepted all the statements respecting angels
in the Old Testament; and thus the key to the
assertion in the 8th verse that the Sadducees denied
" angel or spirit " would be found exclusively in
the 9th verse. This view of the Sadducees may be
illustrated by the present state of opinion among
Christians, the great majority of whom do not in
any way deny the existence of angels as recorded
in the Bible, and yet they certainly disbelieve that
angels speak, at the present day, even to tbe moat
virtuous and pious of mankind.
III. Tbe opinions of tbe Sadducees respecting
tbe freedom of the win, and the way in which
those opinions are treated by Josephus (Ant xiii.
6, § 9), hare been noticed elsewhere [Prabukbs,
xii. 3478], and an explanation has been there sug-
gested of the prominence given to a difference k
this respect between he Sadducees and tbe Phari-
sees, lt may be here added that possibly tbe great
stress laid by (he Sadduoem on the freedom of Its
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SADDTJCEES
■01 may have had some connection with their
fanning each a large portion of that cbua from
which criminal judges were selected. Jewish phi-
losopher* in their (tody, although they knew thai
paniahmenta as an instrument of good were un-
avoidable, might indulge in reflections that man
seemed to be the creature of Jrcumstances, and
might regard with compassioL the punishments
inflicted on individuals whom a wiser moral train-
ing and a more hajlpily balanced nature might hare
mad* useful members of society. Those Jews who
were almost exclusiTely religious teachers would
naturally insist on the inability of man to do any-
thing good if God's Holy Spirit were taken away
from him (Ps. II. 11, 12), and would enlarge on
the perils which surrounded man from the tempta-
tion* of Satan and evil angels or spirits (1 C'hr.
nd. 1; Tob. lii. 17). But it is likely that the
tendencies of the judicial class would be more prac-
tical and direct, and more strictly in accordance
with the ideas of the Levitieal prophet Ezekiel
(xxxUL 11-19) in a well-known passage in which he
gives the responsibility of bad actioua, and seems
to attribute the power of performing good actions,
exclusively to the individual agent. Hence the
sentiment of the lines —
" Our acts our Angals are, or good or IB,
Our fetal shadows that walk by us still,"
would express that portion of truth on which the
Sadducees, in inflicting punishments, would dwell
with most emphasis: and as, in some sense, they
disbelieved in angels, these lines have a peculiar
claim to be regarded as a correct exponent of Sad-
dacean thought 9 And yet perhaps, if writings
were extant in which the Sadducees explained their
own ideas, we might And that they reconciled these
principles, as we may be certain that Esekiel did,
with other psasages apparently of a different import
in the Old Testament, and that the line of demar-
cation between them and the Pharisees was not,
is theory, so very sharply marked as the account
of Josephua would lead us to suppose.
IV. Some of the early Christian writers, such
as [Hippol. Phihmphum. ix. 29, and the spu-
rious addition to Tertull. D» Pi-ater. Ilaret c
1 (or 45),] Epiphanius (Haiti, xiv.), Origen
and Jerome (in their respective Commentaries on
Matt. xxii. 31, 32, 33) attribute to the Sadducees
the rejection of all the Sacred Scriptures except the
Pentateuch. Such rejection, if true, would un-
doubtedly constitute a moat important additional
dinerence between the Sadducees and Pharisees.
The statement of these Christian writers is, bow-
ever, now generally admitted to have been (bunded
on a misconception of the truth, and probably to
have arisen from a confusion of the Sadducees
with the Samaritans. See Ughtfoot's Hora He-
Srniote on Matt iii. 7; Hersfcld's Guchiektt da
VHka Jitraei, li. 363. Josephus is wholly silent
as to an antagonism on this point between the
Sa ddncces and Pharisees; and it Is absolutely in-
conceivable that on the three severs] occasions when
he introduces an account of the opinions of the
two sects, he should have been silent respect-
sag such an antagonism if It had really ex-
ited {Ant. xiii. 5, i 9, xvitt. 1, f 3; B. J. ii. 8,
SADDtTCKBS
2788
a The ai s io d lu g Unea would be squally applicants,
t, a* hi art Improbable, the aedd n eess Ukawtsa n-
«aM the Obaldssu belief la astrology, » oouuaoo
•sate*- Ik* Jews aad Ohratuaas of the MkUlsAaasi —
14). Again, the existence of such a Bttojeswtesjs
antagonism would be incompatible with the sssav
ner in which Josephus speaks of John Hyreauoa,
who was high-priest and king of Judas thirty-one
years, and who nevertheless, having been previously
a Pharisee, became a Sadducee towards the close
of his life. This Hyrcanus, who died about 1M
B. c., had been so inveterately hostile to the Sa-
maritans, that when about three years before his
death be took their city Samaria, he rased it to
the ground; and he is represented to have dug
caverns in various parts of the soil in order to sink
the surface to a level or slope, and then to have)
diverted streams of water over it, in order to eflace
marks of such a city having ever existed. If the
Sadducees had come so near to the Samaritans
as to reject the divine authority of all the books
of the Old Testament except the Pentateuch, it is
very unlikely that Josephus, after mentioning the
death of Hyrcanus, should have spoken of him
as he does in the following manner: "He was
esteemed by God worthy of three of the greatest
privileges, the government of the nation, the dig-
nity of the high-priesthood, and prophecy. Fat
God was with him and enabled him to know fu-
ture events." Indeed, it may be inferred from
this passage that Josephus did not even deem it
a matter of vital importance whether a high-priest
was a Sadducee or a Pharisee — a latitude of tolera-
tion which we may be con Admit he would not have
indulged in, if the divine authority of all the books
of the Old Testament except the Pentateuch, had
been at stake. What probably had more influence
than anything else in occasioning this misconcep-
tion respecting the Sadducees, was the circumstancs
thst in arguing with them on the doctrine of ■
future Hie, Christ quoted from the Pentateuch only,
although there are stronger texts in favor of the
doctrine in some other books of the Old Testament.
But probable reasons have been already assigned
why Christ, in arguing on this subject with the
Sadducees, referred only to the supposed opinions
of Moses rather than to isolated passages extracted
from the productions of any other sacred writer.
T. In conclusion, it may be proper to notice a
fact, which, while it accounts for misconceptions of
early Christian writers respecting the Sadducees, is
on other grounds well worthy to arrest the atten-
tion. This fact is the rapid disappearance of the
Sadducees from history after the first century, and
the subsequent predominance among the Jews of
the opinions of the Pharisees. Two circumstances,
indirectly, but powerfully, contributed to produce
this result: 1st The state of the Jews after the
capture of Jerusalem by Titus: and 2dly. The
growth of the Christian religion. As to the first
point it is difficult to over-estimate the consterna-
tion and dismay which the destruction of Jerusalem
occasioned in the minds of sincerely religious Jews
Their holy city was in ruins; tbeir holy and beau-
tiful Temple, the centre of their worship and their
love, bad been ruthlessly burnt to the ground, and
Dot one atone of it was left upon another: theii
magnificent hopes either of an ideal king who was
to restore the empire of David, or of a Son of Mar
who was to appear to them 'n the clouds of heaven,
" Man li Ma own Star i sod tha Krai that can
Bander an boncat and a parfact mas,
Coacmanda a., light, all lafloanca, all lata I
Nothing to him lalla early, or too lass.*
Fuveaaa'a Unas " Orm an
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I to them for a while like empty dreemi; end
Km whole viaible world was, to their imagination,
Mask with desolation and despair. In this their hour
of darkness and anguish, they naturally turned to
the consolations and hopes of a future state, and the
doctrine of the Sadducees that there was nothing
beyond the present life would have appeared to
them cold, heartless, and hateful. Again, while
tbey were sunk in the lowest depths of depression,
a new religion which they despised as a heresy and
a superstition, of which one of their own nation
was the object, and another the unrivaled mission-
ary to the heathen, was gradually making its way
among the subjects of their detested conquerors,
the Romans. One of the causes of its success was
undoubtedly the vivid belief in the resurrection of
Jesus, and a consequent resurrection of all man-
kind, which was accepted by its heathen convert*
with a passionate earnestness, of which those who
at the present day are familiar from infancy with
the doctrine of the resurrection of the dead can
form only a faint idea. To attempt to check the
progress of this new religion among the Jews by an
appeal to the temporary rewards and punishments
of the Pentateuch, would have been as idle as an
endeavor to check an explosive power by ordinary
mechanical restraints. Consciously, therefore, or
unconsciously, many circumstances combined to
Induce the Jews, who were not Pharisees, bnt who
resisted the new heresy, to rally round the stand-
ard of the Oral Law, and to assert that their holy
legislator, Hoses, had transmitted to his faithful
people by word of mouth, although not in writing,
the revelation of a future state of rewards and
punishments. A great belief was thus built up on
a great fiction ; early teaching and custom supplied
the place of evidence; faith in an imaginary fact
produced results as striking as could have flowed
from the fact itself; and the doctrine of a Mosaic
Oral Law, enshrining convictions and hopes deeply
rooted in the human heart, has triumphed for
■early 1800 years in the ideas of the Jewish peo-
ple. This doctrine, the pledge of eternal life to
them, as the resurrection of Jesus to Christians, is
still maintained by the majority of our Jewish con-
temporaries ; and it will probably continue to be
the creed of millions long after the present genera-
tion of mankind has passed away from the earth."
E.T.
* literature. — It should be noted, perhaps,
that the Jewish sects are treated of in the lately
discovered Philotophtmtna or Stfutatio omnium
Ilorrtrium, now generally ascribed to Hippolytus,
lib. ix. cc. 18-80. The Sadducees are not named
by Philo, but Grossmann, Dt Philm. Sndducaorum,
4 parti. Lips. 1838-38, 4to, has collected from this
author a large number of passages which he sup-
poses to relate to them. His conjectures, however,
have not been generally adopted by scholars (see
a In Germany and elaswhere, some of the most
learned Jews disbelieve in a Mosaic Oral Law ; and
Judaixm seems ripe to enter on a new phase. Based
on the Old Testament, but avoiding the mistakes of
she Karaites, It might still have a great future ; but
whether It eould last another 1800 years with the be-
,0*f In a future Uk, as a revealed doctrine, depending
"„aot on a supposed revelation by Hoses, but solely on
■ma t tered texts, in the Hebrew Scriptures, Is an In-
[ subject lor speculation.
• The primary meaning of tPVTp, according to
I— liei and Dietrich, Is " pure ; " according to Flint
SAINTS
Winer, BM. Reabeorttrb. and Reuse In Haratar'
Real-Encytl, art. Sadducder). The more recent
writers respecting the Sadducees are mentioner]
under the art. Pharisees, vol. UL p. 8470
Among these, Keim, Derenbourg and Hausrath
may be specially referred to for a view of the latest
researches and opinions. See also Fiirst's ffe
Mchichle da Karforthunu, 3 vols. Lei) a. 1868-66,
and J. R. Uanne, Die Pkaritfitr u. SaddueSer
alt pnlit. Parfeien, in Hilgenfeld's Ztittehr.f. miss.
Theol., 1867, x. 131-179, 239-868. A.
SAT>OC (Sadoch). 1. Zadok the sncestcs
of Ears (3 Esdr. i. 1; comp. Ear. vii. 2).
2. (SaStiic: Sadoc.) A descendant of Zerub-
babel in the genealogy of Jesus Christ (Matt.i.14).
SAFFRON (Oi"!?, carc6m:KpiK0f- croon)
is mentioned only in Cant iv. 14 with other odorous
substances, such as spikenard, calamus, cinnamon,
etc.; there is not the slightest doubt that "saf-
fron " is the correct rendering of the Hebrew word;
the Arabic Kurkum is similar to the Hebrew, and
denotes the Crueui tativus, or "saffron crocus."
Saffron has from the earliest times been in high
esteem as a perfume: "it is used," says Rosen-
miiller (fits. Bol. p. 138), "for the same purposes
as the modern pot-pourri." Saffron was alio used
in seasoning dishes (Apicius, p. 270); it entered
Into the composition of many spirituous extracts
which retained the scent (Me Beckmann's Hut. of
Imtnl. i. 175, where the whole subject is very fully
discussed). The part of the plant which was used
was the stigma, which was pulled out of the Sower
and then dried. Dr. Royle says, that " sometimes
the stigmas sre prepared by being submitted to
pressure, and thus made into cake saffron, a form
in which it is still imported from Persia into In-
dia." Hasselquist (Trail, p. 36) states that in
certain places, as around Magnesia, large quanti-
ties of saffron are gathered and exported to different
places in Asia and Europe. Kitto (Pliyt. UitL of
PaletL p. 321) says that the safflower (Carthamui
tmctoritu), a very different plant from the crocus,
is cultivated in Syria for the sake of the flowers
which are used in dyeing, but the Knrkdm no doubt
denotes the Crocue $itivut. The word saffron is
derived from the Arabic Zafrtm, " yellow." This
plant gives its name to Saffron- Walden, in Essex,
where it is largely cultivated. It belongs to the
Natural Order Iridacem, W. H.
• SAINTS (derived, through the French, from
the Latin tancttu) occurs in the O. T. sixteen
times as the translation of tt?"np or its cognates,
and nineteen times ss the translation of TDfl,
which Hebrew words are with a few exceptions rep-
resented in the LXX. by 07101 and 80-ior respect-
ively.' In some instances when applied to man
"pure," "fresh;" according to Meier (Hetr. Wur-
seoe., p. 886) "separated." Hupfeld ascribes te
TDr*l (Oman, on Ps. Iv. 4) a passive force, "«V
voted." 'Aywt (from tfm, «?■*•*•, rtitaatt, akin ss
lyafimi, Buttmann's Ltxitogiu, 1. 286 ; 1\ trans, p. 47,
seems by derivation to signify "very pur*," thaw
" holy." The derivation of 6<rux, " hallowed," to less
certain (see Benley, Oritck. WmtUtz. I. 484 1;
'Ovist, rmmon In the classics, in Biblical Greek re
cedes from use. As a personal epithet It is sppHsd »
Christians but once In the N. T., and then In Jesuiie
lr«tiuoBUalcharaets>ofaMshop(Tlt. 1 K 'Ayst
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SAINTS
their inherent penonai eheneter (Pi.
ax. 4, xxxi. 83, xxxiv. 9, xxxvii. 38, etc.). Bat
a the majority cf case* it Mean to be need In a
theocratic rather than a moral Hue; so that, while
hiring often a secondary reference, more or leal
marked, to holiness as the prescribed and appropri-
ate character of those who bear it, it is applied in-
discriminately (especially in the later books) to the
Israelites, as a nation consecrated to God (Pa. L 6,
exxxii. 9; Dan. rii. 18, 81, 88, 36, 87; cf. Till. 84,
xii. 7; Exod. six. 6; Mum. xrl 8; 1 Eadr. viii.
In the N. T., where it is found 61 times, it uni-
formly corresponds to the Greek 87101, and In its
application to Christians it is not used to designate
them distinctively as respects either their nation-
ality or their locality, nor does it denote outward
separation, nor does it refer — at least primarily —
to their moral characteristics, whether they be
viewed as pardoned sinners, or as the possessors of
an imputed holiness, or of some degree of actual
holiness, or as predestined to perfect holiness, or as
constituting a community the greater or more im-
portant number of whom are holy; but it is an
appellation of all Christians as Christians. On be-
coming Christians they become also •• saints " (cf.
the use of the singular in PhiL ir. 81). Yet as
in the 0. T. the inherent sense of the word often
gleams through the theocratic, so in the N. T.,
agreeably to the spiritual nature of the Christian
dispensation, the theocratic sense is regarded as " ful-
filled " in the spiritual, the consecration is viewed
more as internal and personal, the 87101 are also
truly yyiaa^roi (cf. 1 Cor. 1. 8; Epb. i. 1, 4; 1
Pet. it 9.) (Note the fluctuation in the meaning
of aryuifof in John xvii. 17, 19 ; and see Heb. ii.
11.) This sense, however, is one which does not so
much lie in the word itself, ss result from the na-
ture of the " people of God," which " the saints "
constitute; accordingly it oomes to view with dif-
ferent degrees of distinctness in different passages.
The value of the term for moral uses is greatly
augmented by this very flexibility and possible com-
prehensiveness of signification.
The term is alio applied in the O. T. several
times (Deut xxxiii. 3; ' i> v. 1, xv. 16; Ps.
Ixxxix. 6, 7: Zeeh. xiv. 5) Ui the angels as preemi-
nently « holy " ; and In one obscure passage, Hos.
xi. 13 (xii. 1, LXX. 7001 $7101), to God himself
(flmr. nvijtd. cf. Josh. xxiv. 19; Prov. ix. 10, xxx-
3.) In the N. T., also, it is thought by many
expositors to be used of holy angeis in 1 Thess. iii.
13 (so Jude, ver. 14); in Rev. xv. 8 the reading
" saints " is unsustained by the MSS.
Although the term is used in some passages
jrhicb refer chiefly, if not exclusively, to the con-
tamination of the Messiah's kingdom in the world
to come (Eph. i. 18; CoL i. 18; of. Acts xx. 83,
BAINTb
3780
in tba other hand, though found as early as Herod.,
* rare In profane Greek, but very common in the
*»bU — selected by the sacred writers apparently be-
jusw it p ra sii i ls holiness under the sapset of awe
•/wards a person. Its eomlata (ttHp) list occorv
w oeeaaion of the appearance of Ood to Hosts (Ex.
d. 5). 8m O. v Znschwits, Pro/anfrdcitat, etc., p
18 I ; THbnann, de Syn. m Sin. Tat. 1. 22 f. ; Ore-
mr. BU.^Krol. WSrtrrb. der N. T. Orddlal, pp. 27 f.,
tVt I ; Trench, Syn. of .V. T n § UxxvUi. p. 812 ff.
*. ti. j U2 ft (Amr ed.>
•> The anrMtrioted application of the term sssnu to
xxvi. 18), yet it is nowhere used to designate the
people of God in heaven, as distinguished from
those on earth. Nor is it ever restrict* d to the
eminently pious in distinction from the mass of
believers.*
In the saints Christ will be glorified at his com-
ing (3 Thess. i. 10), and they will be in some sense
participants in the judgment (1 Cor. vi. 3, 8; of.
Matt xix. 88; Luke xxii. 30). Nowhere in the
Scriptures are they represented as objects of wtr-
ship, nor is their agency invoked.
The resurrection of saints, mentioned Matt,
xxvii. 52, 63, has raised many questions, very few
of which can be answered confidently. That the
saints spoken of were brought to life from the dead,
and that they went into Jerusalem after Christ's
resurrection and were seen by many, the language
leaves no doubt. That their tombs were in the
vicinity of Calvary and were opened contempora-
neously with the earthquake, appears to be implied
(cf. ver. 54 1. That they were not, or at least were not
solely, departed disciples of Christ seems probable;
for as yet "many" of them could hardly have
diet, further, the term "saints" applied thus in
s Christian document to deceased Jews who at the
same time are spoken of as KiKoinrinivuv," still
more the congruities of the esse, make it probable
that the word has here a distinctive force and de-
notes Jewish aorthiet (cf. 1 Pet iii. 6). The
arrangement of the words favors the interpretation
that " they came forth from their sepulchres after
the Lord's resurrection ; " accordingly Ijytpfhxrar
has been regarded by some expositors as antici-
patory, by others more naturally as signifying
merely "raised to life," and so distinguishing the
rivificution from the quitting the tombs. The
majority, however, have considered the reanimation
and the resurrection as simultaneous: some hold-
ing that both took place at Christ's death, and
that the risen saints first " came into the holy city
after his resurrection ; " while others, and by for
the greater number, have preferred to make the
assumption that both were postponed until after
Christ bad risen. Possibly we may find in aifiarm.
support for the supposition that they had died
recently (and so were recognized by thoee to whom
they appeared). Certainly there is nothing either
in the use of this word or of <Vc aw/ofrprav,* nor
in the context of historic realities in which the
incident lies imbedded, to favor the theory that
their appearance was by dream or vision, and con-
fined to the mind of the " many " who saw them.
These last we may, in accordance with Acta x. 41,
plausibly infer to have been followers of Jesus or hi
sympathy with him. Whether the risen saints
were clothed with immortal bodies and ascended
with their Lord (as the commentators have been
commonly pleased to assume), or rose to die again;
have continued down to the times of Innesus ard
Tertulllan (Henog, Reat-Eneyk. v. 870) The clause
In the Apostles' Creed relative to " the communion of
saints " is not found In ths mors ancient forms o/ that
Confession.
o This word, while It does not seem to warrant any
doctrinal inferences respecting the nature of ths inter-
medial* state, does appear to be used In the New Tsst
j specifically of ths righteous dead.
I « 'EH>o"V» would be appropriately used, IndssBj,
I of a spectral appearance (or. Wl»d. of Sol. xrlL ti,
but may designate no less appropriately an appears***
I In the body. See John xiv. 88
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2786 sala
whether they were the only onea among the de-
puted whose condition m affected immediately
by the death of Christ, or were but specimen* of
an eflect experienced by all the righteous, or the
ante-Christian, dead* — wo have no means of
knowing.
But however perplexing our ignorance may be
respecting details, the substantial facts stated above
must be accepted by all who accept the inspired
record. To discard that record as an interpolation,
as a few critics have done, is a procedure in direct
violation of all diplomatic evidence in the case, cor-
roborated as that evidence is by one or two into .la]
ebaracteriHtiVs (particularly t\* aylay viktv, cf.
It. 5). Nor is there any pretext for regarding it as
a mythical amplification of the fact that graves were
opened by the earthquake. Matthew, to be sure,
is the only evangelist who mentions the incident;
but Mark and Luke concur with him in stating
that the vail of the Temple was rent Why, then,
should we not here as in other cases consider par-
ticulars not manifestly false, rather as confirmed by
the concurrence of the other testimonies in refer-
ence to a part of the story, than as discredited by
their lilence respecting the rtmainder f And why
should the existence of apocryphal appendages b
bring suspicion upon this any more thin upon
other portions of the sacred narrative upon which
such excrescences were formed '! Nor can the hy-
pothesis of Strauss lay claim to plausibility. He
conceives that the story was fabricated to answer a
twofold Messianic expectation of the times which
had not been fulfilled by Jesus during his ministry,
namely, that the Messiah would eflect a general
resurrection of the pious dead, and that, too, a res-
urrection to immorlnl life. Yet the narrative U
made to meet the first requirement only by exag-
gerating improbably the numerical force of »oaa2;
and concerning a resurrection to immortal life it
gives, ss has been already intimated, no hint. Ob-
viously the incident ought not to be contemplated
as an isolated fact, but as one of the accompani-
ments of the crowning event in the history of a
being whose entire earthly career was attended by
miracles. Viewed thus, its blended strangeness
and appropriateness, its " probability of improba-
bility," afibrds a presumption of its truth.
For a list of the treatises which the passage has
.afted forth, the reader may see Hsse's Ltbtn Jem,
1865, § 119 (5th ed.). An idea of the speculations
in which writers have indulged here may be gath-
awd from Calmet's dissertation, translated in the
Journal of Sacred Lit. for Jan. 1848, pp. 112-125.
J. H.T.
8AXA CtoAd: Sale). 8alah, or Shelah,
he father of Eber (Luke iii. 85).
SAXAH (nbo? [a miuile, weapon ; also
•w-otd] : iaki: Sale). The son of Arphaxad and
• a There is no propriety in associating, as many
sommentatoni do, ibis incident in Matt, with the state-
ment relative to " the spirits in prison " (1 Pat. 111. 19).
Although Peter's language is generally rendered in the
versions and commentaries, " who were sometime dis-
obedient," and so Christ's preaching represented as
fcaving taken piss* after his death, yet such a trans-
action Is given in disregard of the tact that iwntrqtram,
agreeing as it does with a noun which has the article
fat Itself wanting it, Is properly a predicative, not an
attributive participle. Bays Donaldson ( Qntk Oram.
SAX.AMIB
Bihar of Eber (Gen. x. 84, d. 13 14; Luke m.Jft
The name is significant of extension, the oognaa*
verb being applied to the spreading out of the
roots and branches of trees ( Jer. xvii. 8 ; Ex. xviL
6). It thus seems to imply the historical feet of
the gradual extension of a branch of the Semitic
race from its original seat in Northern Assyria
towards the river Euphrates. A place with a
similar name in Northern Mesopotamia is notieac
by Syrian writers (Knobel, in 6'en. xi.); but we>
can hardly assume its identity with the Salah of
the Bible. Ewald (Getch. 1. 354) and Von Bobka
(Iniroi. to den. ii. 205) regard the name as purely
fictitious, the former explaining it as a son or vf-
eprmg, the latter as the father of a race. That
the name is significant does not prove it fictitious,
and the conclusions drawn by these writers an
unwarranted. [The proper form of this name is
Shklak, which see. — A.] W. L. B.
SAL'AMIS (ZoAaui't [prob. fr. Sx», tea, sat
being near the shore]: Salamit), a city at the
east end of the island of Cyprus, and the first place
visited by Paul And Barnabas, on the first mission-
ary journey, after leaving the mainland at Seleacia.
Two reasons why they took this course obviously
suggest themselves, namely, the fact that Cyprus
(and probably Salamis) wss the native place of
Barnabas, and the geographical proximity of this
end of the island to Antioch. But a further reason
is indicated by a circumstance in the narrative
(Acts xiii. 5). Here alone, among all the Greek
cities visited by St. Haul, we read expressly of " syn-
agogues " in the plural. Hence we conclude that
there were many Jews in Cyprus. And this is fat
harmony with what we read elsewhere. To say
nothing of possible mercantile relations in very
early times [Chittim; Cypkus], Jewish resident*
in the island are mentioned during the period
when the Seleucidsa reigned at Antioch (1 Mace,
xv. 23). In the reign of Augustus the Cyprian
oopper-mines were farmed to Herod the Great
(Joseph. Ant. xvi. 4, § 5), and this would proba-
ably attract many Hebrew families: to which we
may add evidence to the same eflect from 1'hilo
(Legat. ad Caium) at the very time of St. Haul's
journey. And agau. «i a later period, in the
reigns of Trajan and Hadrian, we are informed of
dreadful tumults here, caused by a vast multitude
of Jews, in the course of which " the whole popu-
lous city of Salamis became a desert" (Hilman's
Hut. of the Jewt, iii. Ill, 112). We may well
believe that from the Jews of Salamis came some
of those early Cypriote Christians, who are so
prominently mentioned in the account of the first
spreading of the Gospel beyond Palestine (Acta
xi. 19, 20), even before the first missionary expe-
dition. Mnason (xxi. 16) might be one of them.
Nor ought Mark to be forgotten here. He was at
Salamis with Paul, and his own kinsman Barnabas ;
and again he was there with the same kinsman after
ed., p. 682): "The participle wMamt the arsktls
can never be rightly rendered by the relative asntenwa
with a definite antecedent, which la equivalent to taw
participle wit* an article " (cf. The Ntw Chuyftu, J
804 r.l. Oreen in his N. T. Grammar (p. 64, ed. 188B
renders the passage, " He went and preached to the
Imprisoned spirits on their being once on a time 6a*>
obedlent, when," etc.
6 On this point see Bra**;. Nicat. (3d Part) e. IT I
Thilo, Cbd. Aptxr. N. T , pp. 790 l, 810 t;
Amg. Afxxr. p. 801 1
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BALASADAI
Jtt mwWirkwittjnrirnir with St. Paul and the seuan-
■im (xv. 39).
Salami* au not rer from the modern Fama-
•nata. It was situated near a river called the
Ptdueus, on low ground, which it in fact a contin-
uum of the plain running up into the interior
toward the place where tfiamn, the present capi-
tal of Crania, stands. We must notice in regard
lo Salami* that its harbor is spoken of by Greek
writers aa very good ; and that one of the ancient
tables lays down a road between this city and
Haphos, the next place which Haul and Barnabas
riaited on their journey. Salami* again ha* rather
in eminent position in subsequent Christian his-
tory. Constantino or hi* successor rebuilt it, and
sited it Constantia ("Salami*, qua uuno Con-
suntie dicitur," Hieronym. Philtm. ), and, while it
bad this name, Epiphanius wa* one of its bishops.
Of the travellers who hare visited and described
Salami*, we must particularly mention 1'ococke
(One. if the Eatt, ii. 2H) and Ross (Ktittn nock
V>«, HiHbirwtstut, Rhutkv, und Cyptrn, pp. 118—
• 23 J. These travellers notice, in the neighborhood
of Sakunia, a village named SU Sergius, which is
doubtless a reminiscence of Sergius 1'aulus, and a
targe Byzantine church bearing the name of St
fii.Wrr!, and associated with a legend concerning
toe discovery of his relics. The legend will be
■mad in Cedrenus (i. 618, ed. Bonn). [Baiuia-
i»»s; Sergius Paulus.] J. S. H.
SALAS'ADAI [4 syL] ([Alex] 2oAo<ro«<ui
[Vat Horn.] SapmraBat; [Sin. lapun&m % MS.
IS] 3c»puraS4), a variation for Snrimdii (Joopio-
aSaf, Num. i. 6) in Jud. viii. L [Zukishaddal]
B. F. W.
SALATHIEL fr*?F??$$, [b^n^B?:]
ZaAac)i*JA: Salathiel: " I have asked God " <■'), son
of Jeehoniaa king of Judah, and lather of Zoroba-
Ld, according to Matt. i. 12; but son of Neri, and
suher of Zorobabel, according to Luke iii. 27;
■bile the genealogy in 1 Chr. iii. 17-19, leaves it
doubtful whether he is the son of Assir or Jeeho-
niaa, and makes Zorobabel his nephew. (Zkhuu-
uahsx.] Upon the incontrovertible principle that
so genealogy would assign to the true son and heir
jf a king any inferior and private parentage, whereas,
on the contaary, the son of a private person would
naturally be placed in the royal pedigree on his lie-
coming toe rightful heir to the throne; we umy
uaert, with the utmost confidence, that St. I.uke
rites us the true state of the case, when he informs
ss that Salathiel wa* the son of Neri, and a de-
■endant of Nathan the son of David.* And from
•a insertion in the royal pedigree, both in 1 Chr.
ad St. Matthew's Gospel, after the childless Jecho-
SALCAH 2787
nias,' we infer, with no less confidunee, that, on lbs
failure of Solomon'* line, be waa the next heir to
the throne of David. The appearance of Salathiel
in the two pedigrees, though one deduce* the
descent from Solomon and the other from Nathan,
is thus perfectly simple, and, indeed, necessary;
whereas the notion of Salathiel being called Neri'*
son, aa Yardley and others have thought, because
he married Neri'e daughter, is palpably absurd on
the supposition of his being the son of Jeehoniaa.
On this last principle, you miyht have not two
but about a million different pedigrees between Je-
choniaa and Christ; d and yet you have no ra-
tional account, why there should actually be mora
than one. It may therefore be considered as cer-
tain, that Salathiel was the son of Neri, and the
heir of Jechoniah. The question whether he wa*
the father of Zerubbabel will be considered under
that article-* Besides the passages already cited,
Salathiel occurs in 1 Eadr. v. 6, 48, 58, vi. 2; 2
Esdr. v. 16.
As regards the orthography of the name, it has,
as noted above, two forma in Hebrew. The con-
tracted form [Shaltiel] is peculiar to Haggai, who
uses it three times out of five; while in the first
and last verse of his prophecy be uses the full form,
which is also found in Ezr. iii. 2; Neh. xii. 1
The LXX. everywhere have 2aAa0if;A, while the
A. V. has (probably with an eye to correspondence
with Matt, and Luke) Salathiel in 1 Chr. iii. 17,
but everywhere else in the 0. T. Siiealtiel.
[Genealogy or Jesus Chkist; Jeholachin.)
A. C. H.
SAL'CAH/ (H^O [wandering, migration,
FilrstJ: J««x«i, 'A X k, Z<U [Vat. EAva}; Ak*
Ao-fAxtu, EAga, 2fAx* : Sakcha, Seicha). A
city named in the early records of Israel as the ex-
treme limit of Bashan (Deut. iii. 10; Josh. xiil.
11) and of the tribe of Gad (1 Chr. v. 11). On
another occasion the name seems to denote a dis-
trict rather than s town (Josh. xii. 6). By Eu-
sebius and Jerome it is merely mentioned, appar-
ently without their having had any real knowledge
of it.
It is doubtless identical with the town of 8H-
khad, which stands at the southern extremity of
the Jebel Haurau, twenty miles S. of Kuwnoat
(the ancient Keuath ), which wa* the southern out-
post of the Lejn, the Argob of the Bible. SAUclind
is named by Iwth the Christian and Mohammedan
historians of the middle ages (Will, of Tyre, xvL
8, "Seleath;" Abulfeda, in Schultens' Indtm
gtogr. "Sarehad"). It was visited by BurckhattU
(Syria, Nov. 22, 1810), Seetxen and others, and
more recently by Porter, who describes it at
r with an allusion to 1 8am. 1. 20, 27, 28.
h» aVoogh ten's Our Umti Family.
• It Is worth noting that Josrpbus speaks of Zoro-
tsW «e <• the son of aaJathlel, or the posterity of Da-
rt! sad of tha tribe of Judah " (4. J. xi. 8, } 10).
ltd he beUevsd him to be the son of Jteoniab, of
•hen he bad spoken (x. 11, J 2), he could hardly
•ne failed to say so. Comp. x. 7, § 1.
* "Of Jeehoniaa God swan that he should die leav-
es bo eblld behind bun ; wherefore it ware oat athe-
sa Is prat* that be naturally became either to B*la-
JttsL Though St. Luke had never left us SalaUnel's
awfly ant to Nathan, whole brother to Solomon, to
tr> thai Salathiel wa* of another family, God • oath
Weld nuke us believe that, olthout any Amber rso-
*t" utooagfaton, <M npra).
d See a curious oaleulatton in Blackstooe's Oam-
num. 11. 208. that in the 20th degree of ancestry every
man has above a million of ancestors, and in the 40th
upwards of a million millions.
• The theory or two Balatblels, of whom each bad
a soo called Zerubbabel, though adopted by Hotttngef
and J. Q. Tosdus, is scarcely worth mentioning, ex-
cept aa a curiosity.
/ One of the few Instances of our translators hav-
ing represent*) the Hebrew Caph by t. Their com-
mon prsctloe is to ass ch for it — as indeed they have
done on one oocurran^e of this very name. [ 8 a W an)
and compare Uauv Oatstos; Quant; Coot
Cusa, etc.]
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2788
8ALCHAH
length (Five Ytan, li. 178-116). Its Identiflee-
tton with Salcah appears to be due to Gesenius
(Burckhardt'a Reism, p. 607).
Immediately below SUkhad commence! the plain
of the great Euphrates desert, which appears to
<tretch with hardly an undulation from here to
Butia on the Persian Gulf. 'I°he town is of consid-
erable size, two to three miles in circumference,
surrounding a castle on a lofty isolated hill, which
rises 300 or 400 feet above the rest of toe place
(Porter, pp. 178, 179). One of the gateways of the
eastle bears an inscription containing the date of
A. D. 846 (180). A still earlier date, namely, A. D.
196 (Septimiua Severn*), is found on a grave-stone
(185). Other scanty particulars of its later history
will be found in Porter. The hill on which the
eastle stands was probably at one time a crater, and
its sides are still covered with volcanic cinder and
blocks of lava. G.
* Mr. Porter describes the present condition of
this city in his Giant Cititi of Btithnn, p. 76 f.
Though long deserted, "five hundred of its houses
an still standing, and from 300 to 400 families
might settle in it at any moment without laying a
stone, or expending an hour's lal>or on repairs,
The circumference of the town and castle together
is about three miles. The open doors, the empty
houses, the rank gram and weeds, the long, strag-
gling brambles in the doorways and windows,
formed a strange, impressive picture which can
never leave my memory. Street after street we
traversed, the tread of our hones awakening mourn-
ful echoes and startling the foxes from their dens
in the pulaces of Salcah. The cattle- rises to the
height of 300 feet, the southern point of the moun-
tain range of Bashan. The view from the top em-
braces the plain of Bashan stretching out on the
west to liermon; the plain of Moab on the south,
to the horizon ; and tie plain of Arabia on the
east beyond the range of vision. . . . From this
one spot I saw upwards of 30 towns, all of them,
so far as I could see with my telescope, habitable
like Salcah, but entirely deserted." See the
prophet's remarkable prediction of this desolation,
Jer. xlviii. 15-29. H.
SAL'CHAH (rD^D: 'EA X a: Stlcha). The
form in which the name, elsewhere more accu-
rately given Salcah, appears in Deut- ill. 10
•nly. The Targum Pseudiyon. gives it WplT^TD,
». «. Selucia; though which Seleucia they can have
mpposed was here intended it is difficult to im-
agine. G.
• SA'LEM (D^£, i. e. Shalem [wiofe, perfect] :
SoXri^t: Salem). 1. The place of which Mel-
•hizedek was king (Gen. xiv. 18; Heb. vil. 1, 2).
No satisfactory identification of it is perhaps possi-
ble. The indications of the narrative are not suffi-
cient to give any clew to its position. It is not
safe even to iiifer, as some have done," that it lay
between Damascus and Sodom; for though it is
■aid that the king of Sodom — who had probably
regained bis own city after the retreat of the As-
syrians — went out to meet (HN^i??)* Abram,
,*t it is ai*u distinctly stated that this was after
Abram had returned (OT ''TO?) from the
■laughter of the kings. Indeed, it Is not certain
SALEM
that then is any connection of tiie or plan b»
tween Abram's encounter with the king of Sodoa
and the appearance of Melchizedek. Nor, sop-
posing this last doubt to be dispelled, is any clew
afforded by the mention of the Valley of Shaves,
since the situation even of that is more than un-
certain.
Dr. Wolff — no mean authority on oriental
questions — in a striking passage in his last work,
implies that Salem was — what the author of the
Epistle to the Hebrews understood it to be — a
title, not the name of a place. " Melchizedek of
old . . . bad a royal title; be was 'King of
Righteousness,' in Hebrew Melchi-eeritk. And he
was also ' King of Peace,' Melek-Sakm And
when Abraham came to his tent he came forth
with bread and wine, and was called ' the Priest of
the Highest,' and Abraham gave him a portion of
his spoil. And just so Wolff's friend In the desert
of Mem in the kingdom of Khiva . . . whose
name is Abd-er-Rahman, which means ' Slave of
the merciful God ' . . . has also a royal title. He
is called Shahe-Adaalat, ' King of Righteousness *
— the same as ittlchiiedek in Hebrew. And when
he makes peace between kings be bears the title, '
Shahe Soolkh, • King of Peace ' — in Hebrew Jfe-
kk-Stdem."
To revert, however, to the topographical ques-
tion; two main opinions nave been current from
the earliest sges of interpretation. 1. That of the
Jewish commentators, who — from Oukeloe ( Tar-
yum) and Josepbus (B. J. vi. 10; Ant. i. 10, $ 2,
vii. 3, $ 2) to Kaliach (Comm. on Gen. p. 360) —
with one voice affirm that Salem is Jerusalem, on
the ground that Jerusalem is so called in Ps. lxxvi.
2, the Psalmist, after the manner of poets, or from
some exigency of bis poem, making use of the ar-
chaic name in preference to that in common use.
This is quite feasible; but it is no argument for
the identity of Jerusalem with the Salem of Mel-
chizedek. See this well put by Reland (PaL p.
833). The Christians of the 4th century held the
same belief with the Jews, as is evident from an ex-
pression of Jerome (" nostri omnes," Kp. ad Kvan-
gelwn, § 7).
2. Jerome himself, however, Is not of the same
opinion. He states \tp. ad £ixmg. § 7) without
hesitation, though apparently (as just observed)
alone in his belief, that the Soleui of Helchizedek
was not Jerusalem, but a town near Scytbopolia,
which in his day was still called Salem, and where
the vast ruins of the palace of Melchizedek were
still to be seen. Elsewhere ((Mom. " Salem ") he
locates it more precisely at eight Roman miles from
Scytbopolia, and gives its then name as Salumias.
Further, be identifies this Salem with the Salim
(SoAt i/t) of St John the Baptist. That a Salem
existed where St Jerome thus places it there need
be no doubt Indeed, the name has lieen recovered
at the identical distance below Beit&n by Mr. Van
de Velde, at a spot otherwise suitable for JEnon.
But that this Salem, Salim, or Salumiaa was the
Salem of Melchizedek, is as unrertain as that Jeru-
salem was so. The ruins were probably as wucn
the ruins of Melchizedek's palace as the remains »t
Unmet eUKhalil, three miles north of Hebron, an
those of " Abraham's house." Nor is the decision
assisted by a consideration of Abram's lomewari
route. He probably brought back his party b)
a for Insiaixx, Boshart, Pkalrg, U. 4 ; Xwald, Gath.
itO
t The force of this word is ouwrm* i » edeieei (He
senna. Vut. p. 1283 H
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8ALKM
Jb reed thag the Ghor u&ru Jericho, and tier,
taming to the right ascended to the upper level of
tat country Vx the direction of Mamie; but whether
at woased the Jordan at the Jur Btnat Yakut
ibove the Lake of Uennesaret, or at the Jitr Afe-
t'saaia below it, be would equally pan by both Scy-
IhopoEs and Jerusalem. At the same time it most
he eanfasaed that the distance of Salem (at least
eighty miles from the probable position of Sodom)
stakes it difficult to suppose that the king of Sodom
em hate advanced so far to meet Abram, adds its
•tight to the statement that the meeting took
pace after Abram had returned, — not during his
return, — and is thus so far in favor of Salem being
Jerusalem.
3. Professor Ewald (Getducktt, 1. 410, note)
pronounces that Salem fa) a town on the further
ads of Jordan, on the road from Damascus to
Sodom, quoting at the same time John iii. 83, but
the writer has in vain endeavored to discover sny
mthority for this, or any notice of the existence of
the name in that direction either in former or re-
SALEM
2789
4. A tradition given by Eupolemus, a writer
known only through fragments preserved in the
Prwparatio Etangeliea of Eosebius (ix. 17), dif-
fon in some important points from the Biblical
secosat. According to this the meeting took
piste in the sanctuary of the city Argarudn, which
u interpreted by Enpolemus to mean " the Moun-
tain of the Moat « High." Argaiizin* is of
eonrse kar Gerizzim, Mount Gerizim. The
mane of the tradition is, therefore, probably Sa-
aaritan, since the encounter of Abram and Mel-
ehizedek is one of the events to which the Samari-
tans by claim for Mount Gerizim. But it may
also proceed from the identification of Salem with
S o w hem, which lying at the foot of Gerizim would
enrily be confounded with the mountain itself.
[See Shauz]
a. A Salem is mentioned in Judith iv. 4, among
the pbo*a which were seized and fortified by the
Jews on the approach of Holofemea. " The valley
af Salem," as it appears in the A. V. (rov au\ira
]aA4f>), is possibly, ss Rebnd has ingeniously
ssggested (PaL " Salem," p. 977), a corruption of
(it aiXawv els 2aAi)u. — " into the plain to Sa-
lem." If KbXir is here, according to frequent
sage, the Jordan c Valley, then the Salem referred
lo most surely be that mentioned by Jerome, and
already noticed. But in this passage it may be
with equal probability the broad plain of the
kmkkna which stretches from Ebal and Gerizim
on the one hand, to the hills on which Salim stands
oa the other, which is said to be still called the
-plant of 8eKm"< (Porter, Handbonk, p. 340 a),
nil through which runs the central north road of
lb country. Or, as b perhaps still more likely, it
r Stanley seams to hsva bean the fust to
call attention to this (&. fr P. p. 349). Sse Bttpoltmi
•Nrwmtfa, aaetora 0. A. Kuhlmsy (Berlin, 1840) ;
tee of those esoauent monographs which we owe to
*t fhwnwt aeadacnkal enstom of ■*— — Ming, a trea-
ts) at each step la honors.
» Pliny osss marly the asms farm— Argarle (K
Xv.M).
• kit** Is rommonly employsd m Palaitine tnoog-
laky fee- the great valley of toe Jordan (ate Xussoius
aU Tm l aw , Onomaiticon, "Anion"). Bat ic the
•set ef JadHh H Is used with much Isss sreoWen In
•s pascal ssnaa of a valley or slam.
* the wttsar eswM not seaweed (la 1881) la auentns I
refers to another Sntim near Ztrtn (.Tezresl), and as
the plain which runs up between those two places,
as far as Jenin, and which by directly in the rout*
of the Assyrian army. There is nothing to show
that the invaders reached as far into the interior of
the country as the plain of the Mukkna. And the
other places enumerated in the verse seem, sa far as
they can be recognized, to be points which guarded
the main approaches to the interior (one of the
chief of which was by Jezreel and En-gannim), not
towns in the interior itself, like Shechem or the
Salem near it.
2. (Db^ : «V dorirn: i» pact*), Ps. lxxvi. %
It teems to be agreed on all hands that Salem is
here empbyed for Jerusalem, but whether as a
mere abbreviation to suit some exigency of the
poetry, and point the allusion to the peace (safest)
which the city eiyoyed through the protection of
God, or whether, after a well-known habit of poets,/
it b an antique name preferred to the more modem
and familiar one, is a question not yet decided.
The latter is the opinion of the Jewish commen-
tators, but it is grounded on their belief that the
Salem of Meksbizedek was the city which after-
wards became Jerusalem. This is to beg the
question. See a remarkable passage in Geiger'e
Urtehrijl, etc, pp. 74-78.
The antithesis in verse 1 between " Jndah" and
" Israel " would seem to imply that nine sacred
place in the northern kingdom is being contrasted
with Zion, the sanctuary of the south. And if
there were in the Bibb any sanction to the identifi-
cation of Salem with Shechem (noticed above), the
passage might be taken ss referring to the con-
tinued relation of God to the kingdom of Israel.
But there are no materials even for a conjecture
on the point. Zion the sanctuary, however, being
named in the one member of the verse, it is toler-
ably certain that Salem, if Jerusalem, must denote
the secular part of the city — a distinction which
has been already noticed [vol. ii. p. 1321] as fre-
quently occurring and implied in the Psalms and
Prophecies. G.
* In the passage quoted above, " In Judah it
God known, his name is great in Israel," we recog-
nize not " antithesis " but the synonymous parallel-
Urn of Hebrew poetry — each term being generic
and designating the whole nation, as in Ps. exiv.
2 — "Judah was his sanctuary, and Israel his
dominion " — where the words will bear no other
construction. In the next verse — " In Salem also
b his tabernacle, and his dwelling-place in Zion " —
we understand ths names as also coynatf, not " con-
trasted," each indicating the Holy City as the
special seat of divine worship. We ere not abb
to trace in the sacred writings, referred to above,
any clear distinction between the secular Jerusalem
this name for any part of ths plain. The name, given
In answer to repeated questions, for the eastern branch
or leg of the Mukkna wss always Wady Sofia.
' The above Is the reading of the Vulgate and of
the " Galilean Psalter." But In the Libtr Pmimontm
Jvxta Htbraieam cvriiofeifi, In the Diviita BibHoUutm
Included In the Benedictine edition of Jerome's works,
the reading Is Saltm.
/ The Arab posts are said to use the asms abbre-
viation (Gessnlus, Tats, p. 1423 s). The
of an archaic to a modern name wtU
student of poetry. lew things ire ef more <
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8AL1M
tnd the sacred Zion, but And the phrases Died In-
tercbangeably, each sometimes with a aeeular refer-
ence, and each sometime* In a spiritual relation.
B.W.
SAXIM (SoAsfp; Alex. 2s*A«u»: Salim).
A place named (John iii. 23) to denote the situa-
tion of ifinon, the scene of St John's last bap-
tisms — Salim being the well-known town or spot,
and iGnon a place of fountains, or other water,
near it. There is no statement in the narrative
itself fixing the situation of Salim, and the only
direct testimony we possess is that of Eusebius and
Jerome, who both affirm unhesitatingly (Omni.
"jEnou") that it existed in their day near the
Jordan, eight Koman miles south of Scythopolis.
Jerome adds (under " Salem " ) that its name was
then Salumias. Elsewhere (Kp. ad JCvangtlum,
f§ 7, 8) he states that it was identical with the
Salem of Melchizcdek.
Various attempts have been more recently made
to determine the locality of this interesting spot.
1. Some (as Alford, Grttk Test, ad loc.) pro-
pose Shiliiim and Am, in the arid country far
in the south of Judaea, entirely out of the circle
of associations of St John or our Lord. Others
identify it with the Shalim of 1 Sam. ix. 4, but
this latter place is itself unknown, and the name
In Hebrew contains TS, to correspond with which
the name in St John should be IryaXclp or
XoaAefu.
2. Dr. Robinson suggests the modern village of
Salim, three miles E. of NaUto (Bibl. Hes. iii.
833), but this is no less out of the circle of St.
John's ministrations, and is too near the Samari-
tans; and although there is some reason to believe
that the village contains " two sources of living
water" (ibid. 238), yet this is hardly sufficient for
the abundance of deep water implied in the narra-
tive. A writer in the Colonial Ch. Chron., No.
exxvi. 464, who concurs in this opinion of Dr.
Robinson, was told of a village au hour east (?) of
Salim " named Ain-6n, with a copious stream of
water." The district east of Salim is a blank
in the maps, i'amm lies about 1} hour S. E.
of Salim, but this can hardly be the place in-
tended ; and in the description of Van de Velde,
who visited it (ii. 803), no stream or spring is
mentioned.
8. Dr. Barclay (City, etc., p. 604) is filled with
an " assured conviction " that Salim is to be found
in W'ady Stlrim, and jEnon in the copious springs
of Ain Farah (ibid. p. 659), among the deep and
intricate ravines some five miles N. E. of Jerusalem.
This certainly has the name in its favor, and, if
the glowing description and pictorial wood-cut of
Dr. Barclay may be trusted — has water enough,
and of sufficient depth for the purpose.
4. The name of Snttm has been lately discov-
ered by Mr. Van de Velde (Sip: d- Pal. ii. 346,
846) in a position exactly in accordance with the
notice of Eusebius, namely, six English miles south
of BeMn, and two miles west of the Jordan. On
the northern base of Tell Redt/hnh is a site of
ruins, and near it a Mussulman tomb, which is called
ay the Arabs Shtykh Salim (see also Mtmoir, p.
148). Dr. Robinson (iii. 333) complains that the
iwne is attached only to a Mussulman sanctuary,
•nd aha that do ruins of any extent are to be
bund on the spot: but with regard to the first
injection, even Dr. Robinson does not dispute that
the name is there, and that the locality is in the
8ALMA
closest agreement with the notice of
As to the second it is only necessary to point ts
JCt/r-Saba. where a town (Antipatris), which as
late as the time of the destruction of Jerusalem
was of great size and extensively fortified, has
absolutely disappeared. The career of St John
has been examined in a former part of this work,
and it has been shown with great probability that
his progress was from south to north, and that the
scene of his last baptisms was not for distant from
the spot indicated by Eusebius, and now recovered
by Mr. Van de Velde. [Jordan, voL ii. p. 1457.]
Salim fulfills also the conditions implied in the
name of AZaon (springs), and the direct statement
of the text, that the place contained abnndjn"e
of water. '< The brook of Wady Cliumeh runs
dose to it, a splendid fountain gushes out beside
the Wtly, and rivulets wind about in all direction*.
. . . . Of few places in Palestine could it
so truly be said, ' Here is much water ' " (Syr. a*
Pal. ii. 846). [JEnon, Amer. ed.]
A tradition is mentioned by Keliind (Palattina,
p. 978) that Salim was the native place of Simon
Zelotes. This in itself seems to imply that its posi-
tion was, at the date of the tradition, believed to
lie nearer to Galilee than to Judssa. G.
SAI/LAI [2 eyl] P;P, in pause "»;D [pert.
baitet- maker, Ges.]: 2»A(; [Vat FA., though
not properly separated from preceding word,] Alex.
Si)A«: St tint). 1. A Renjamite, who with 928
of his tribe settled in Jerusalem after the Captivity
(Neh. xl. 8).
2. (SoAaf; [Vat Alex. FA.i omit; FA.' SaA-
Aai.]) The head of one of the courses of priests
who went up from Babylon with Zerubbsbel (Neh.
iii. 20). In Neh. xii. 7 be is called Saixu.
8AI/LTJ plvD [mighed]: 2oA»V, JnAi;
Alex. ZoAh >n 1 Chr. : Salo, SeUum). 1. The
son of Meshullam, a Benjamite who returned and
settled in Jerusalem after the Captivity (1 Chr. ix.
7; Neb. xi. 7).
2. (Oin. in Vat MS.; [also in Rom., Alex.,
FA.'; FA.»] XaXovat; [Comp. JaAou:] Stlltm.)
The head of one of the courses of priests who re-
turned with Zerubbabd (Neh. xii. 7). Called also
Sallai.
SALLTJ-MTJS (SoAoCiuoi; [Vat Aid.] Alex.
SoAAovpof: Satumiu). Shallum (1 Esdr. ix.
25; comp. Est. x. 24).
SAL'MA. or SALTKON (nt^fe?, Vttf?W,
or 71&V& [clothed, a garment, Ges.]: [in Roth]
iaK/uir [Vat SaApav] ; [in 1 Chr- ii. 11,] Alex.
2aA|iufV, but SaAw/iaV both MSS. in Ruth It.
[rather 1 Chr. ii. 51, 54; in N. T., SaAuaV]-
Snlmon [in Ruth and N. T., Satmit in 1 Chr.]).
Son of Nahshon, the prince of the children of
Judah, and father of Boaz, the husband of Ruth.
Salmon's age is distinctly marked by that of his
father Nahshon, and with this agrees the statement
in 1 Chr. ii. 61, 64, that he was of the sons of
Caleb, and the father, or head man of Betblebenj-
KpliraUh, a town which seems to have been within
the territory of Caleb (1 Chr. ii. 60, 61). [Ere.
ratah; Bethmshrm.] On the entrance of the
Israelites into Canaan, Salmon took Rahab of Jjri-
cho to be his wife, and from this union sprang ths
Christ [Rahab.] From the circumstance of Sal
raon having lived at the timr of the conquest tt
Canaan, as well as from his being the first v>
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SALMA5ASAB
pnetor of Bethlehem, where hia family continued ao
■any centuries, perhaps till the reigii of Domitian
(Eoseb. Eccla. Hut. ii. SO), he may be called the
(bonder of the house of David. Besides Beth-
lehem, the Netophathitea, the house of Joab, the
Zorites, and several other families, looked to Sal-
soon as their head (1 Cbr. ii. 04, 66).
Two circumstances connected with Salmon hare
earned some perplexity : one, the variation in the
orthography of his name, the other, an apparent
variation in hia genealogy.
As regards the first, the variation in proper
names (whether caused by the fluctuations of copy-
ists, or whether they existed in practice, and were
favored by the significance of the names), is so
extremely common, that such slight differences as
those in the three forms of this name are scarcely
worth noticing. Compare e. g. the different forma
of the name Shimea, the son of Jesse, in 1 Sam.
irt 9; 3 Sam. xili. 3; 1 Cbr. ii. 13: or of Simon
Peter, in Luke v. 4, Ac.; Acts xv. 14. See other
examples in Harvey's Geneal. of our Lord, cc. vi.
and x. Moreover, in this case, the variation from
Salma to Salmon takes place in two consecutive
i it swi, namely, Ruth iv. 30, 31, where the notion
of two different persona being meant, though in
some degree sanctioned by the authority of Dr.
Kennicott {DiuerL i. 184, 643), ia not worth re-
futing." As regards the Sauna of 1 Chr. ii. 61, 64,
his connection with Be.hlehem identifies him with
the son of Nahshon, and the change of the final
rt into M belongs doubtless to the late date of the
book of Chronicles. The name is so written also
in 1 Chr. ii. 11. But the truth is that the sole
reaso n for endeavoring to make two persons out of
Salma and Salmon, is the wish to lengthen the
Doe be t wee n Salma and David, in order to meet the
Use chronology of those times.
The variation in Salma's genealogy, which has
Induced some to think that the Salma of 1 Cbr. ii.
61, 64 ia a different person from the Salma of 1
Chr. ii. 11, is more apparent than real. It arises
from the circumstance that Bethlehem Ephratah,
which was Salmon's inheritance, was part of the
territory of Caleb, the grandson of Ephratah ; and
this caused him to be reckoned among the sons of
Caleb. But it is a complete misunderstanding of
the language of such topographical genealogies to
suppose that it is meant to be asserted that Salma
was the literal son of Caleb. Mention is made of
Salma only in Ruth iv. 30, 21; 1 Chr. ii. 11, 61,
64; Matt i. 4, 6; Luke iii. 33. The questions
of his age and identity are discussed in the Geneal.
af oar Lord, cc. iv. and ix.; Jackson, Chron.
Antiq. i. 171; Hales, Analyne, iii. 44; Burring-
ton, Geneal 1. 189; Dr. Mill, Vhtdie. ofaarLorttt
Geneal p. 133, Ac. A. C. H.
SAXMANA'SARtSnAiKuwiaar). Shalmah-
■sek, king of Assyria (2 Esdr. xiii. 40).
SAI/MON (rtf?3 [«*adj», Ges.; perb. ler-
8ALMON
2791
« Konbius (Om. Canon, lib. i. 32) has no mis.
(Mug as to the identity of Salma.
* Sm* walk BjR»am,Dtracht and teenzigale ftokn,
•at Dentinal rxtgtlitdur tfotk tmd Ktuut, m Strtt
mum foatn Znnfl, Jena, 1861. Independently of 16"
■any obscure allusion*, the 68th Psalm contains thlr-
roc >atj, FUrst]: 2A/u>y; [Tat. Alex. ltyt*»>:l
Salmon, Judg. ix. 48). The name of a hul near
Sheehem, on which Abimelech and his followers
cut down the boughs with which they set toe
tower of Sheehem on fire. Its exact position ia
not known.
It is usually supposed that this hill to mentioned
in a verse of perhaps the most difficult cf all the
Psalms 6 (Ps. lxviii. 14); and this is probable,
though the passage is peculiarly difficult, and the
precise allusion intended by the wet seems hope-
lessly lost. Commentators difiV *om each other |
and Furst, within 176 pages of ail H.indtr&rtcr-
buch, diners from himself (see 2bB? and 7*10^3).
Indeed, of six distinguished modem commentator!
-De Wette, Hitaig, Ewald, Hengstenberg, De-
litzsch, and Hupfeld — no two gin distinctly thsr
same meaning; and Mr. Keble, in bis admirable
Version of the Psalms, gives a translation which,
though poetical, as was to be expected, differs from
any one of those suggested by these six scholars.
This is not the place for an exhaustive examina-
tion of the passage. It may be mentioned, how
ever, that the literal translation of the wordi
7 s Va 1 ?S9 abiptf is » Thon makeat it enow," or
" It snows," with liberty to use the word either in
the past or in the future tense. As notwithstand-
ing ingenious attempts, this supplies no satisfactory
meaning, recourse is had to a translation of doubt-
ful validity, •• Thou makeet it white as snow," or
" It is white as snow " — words to which various
metaphorical meanings have been attributed. The
allusion which, through the Lexicon of Gesenius, is
most generally received, is that the words refer to
the ground being snow-white with bones after a
defeat of the Canaanite kings; and this may be
accepted by those who will admit the scarcely per-
missible meaning, " white as snow," and who can-
not rest satisfied without attaching some definite
signification to the passage. At the same time it
Is to be remembered that the figure is a very harsh
one; and that it is not really justified liy passages
quoted in illustration of it from ljitin classical
writers, such as, " campique ingentes oasibua al-
bent" (Virg. Ain. xii. 38), and " humanis oasibua
albet humus " (Ovid, Fail. i. 658), for in these
cases the word » bones " is actually used in the
text, and is not left to be supplied by the imagina-
tion. Granted, however, that an allusion is mads
to bones of the slain, there is a divergence of
opinion as to whether Salmon was mentioned sim-
ply because it had been the battle-ground in some
great defeat of the Canaanitish kings, or whether
it is only introduced ss an image of snowy white-
ness. And of these two explanations, the fint
would be on the whole most probable; for Salmjn
cannot have been a very high mountain, as the
highest mountains near Sheehem are Ebal ar.d
Geriaim, and of these Ebal, the highest of the
two, is only 1,038 feet higher than the sity (sea
sasa kwmt JWropoa, tacludrng 271^ri. It may be
tsnat that thai word Is scarcely, ss Sesentas sug-
gwa aaauagoa to T^JI, ^Iffi, ■"«*"• *
color; for these words have a signification of oolcr ha
Kal. The really analogous word is Ttspn, "1*
makM h ram," which bears the same relation to
"l^Sa, "rain," whioh ^bBJil bears to 2*?$,
"snow." Owing, probably, to Hebrew religions con-
c e pt io n s of natural phenomena, no Instance ocean of
IVjPPn used as a neuter in the Sanaa of " It mass;'
thongn tads would be gremmatieally I
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SALMON
Ebai, vol. 1. p. 640; ind Robinson's Geseniut, p.
tSi a). If the poet bad dainsd to me the image
of a snowy mountain, it would have been more
natural to select Herman, which It visible from the
eastern brow of Gerizini, fa) about 10,000 feet high,
and is covered with perpetual snow. Still it is not
veant that this circumstance by itself would be
sondusire; for there may have been particular asso-
ciation! in the mind of the poet, unknown to us,
which led him to prefer Salmon.
In despair of understanding the allusion to Sal-
mon, some suppose that Salmon, i. e, Tsalmon, is
not a proper name in this passage, but merely sig-
nifies '•darkness;" and this interpretation, sup-
ported by the Targum, though opposed to the
Septuagint, has been adopted by Ewald, and in
the first statement in bis Lexicon is admitted by
Flint. Since tsekm signifies <• shade," this is a
bare etymological possibility. Bat no such word
as tsalmon occurs elsewhere in the Hebrew lan-
guage; while there are several other words for
darkness, in different degrees of meaning, such as
the ordinary word choshet, ophel, aphelah, and
'araphel.
Unless, the passage is given up as corrupt, it
seems more in accordance with reason to admit
that there was some allusion present to the poet's
mind, the key to which is now lost ; and this ought
not to surprise any sUiolar who reflects how many
allusions there are in Greek poets — in Pindar, for
example, and in Aristophanes — which would be
wholly unintelligible to us now, were it not for the
notes of Greek scholiast*. To these notes there is
nothing exactly analogous in Hebrew literature;
and in the absence of some such assistance, it is
unavoidable that there should be several passages
in the O. T. respecting the meaning of which we
must be content to remain ignorant. E. T.
8AI/MON the father of Boas (Ruth iv. 20,
SI; Matt i. 4, 5; Luke iii. 82). [Sauia.]
8ALMCNE (XahfArn: Salmont). The
East point of the island of Crete. In the ac-
eount of St. Paul's voyage to Rome this promon-
tory is mentioned in such a way (Acts xxvii. 7) as
to afford a curious illustration both of the naviga-
tion of the ancients and of the minute accuracy of
St. Luke's narrative. We gather from other cir-
cumstances of the voyage that the wind was blow-
ing from the N. W. {(yayrlovs, ver. 4; Bpatv-
wkaovvrti, ver. 7). [See Mtha.] We are then
told that the ship, on making Ckidus, could not,
by reason of the wind, hold on her course, which
was past the south point of Greece, W. by S.
She did, however, just fetch Cape Salmone, which
bears S. W. by S. from Cnidus. Now we may
take it for granted that she could hare made good
a course of less than seven points from the wind
[Ship]: and, starting from this assumption, we
are at once brought to the conclusion that the wind
must have been between N. N. W. and W. N. W.
Thus what Paley would have called an "unde-
signed coincidence " is elicited by a cross-examina-
tion of the narrative. This ingenious argument is
due to Mr. Smith of Jordanhill ( Vug. and Ship-
wreck of St. Paul, pp. 73, 74, 2d ed.), and from
him it is quoted by Conybeare and Howson (Lift
end Kpp. of St. Paul, li. 393, 2d ed.). To these
woks we most refer for fuller details. We may
• According to one account she was the daughter
«T Joseph by * former marrlaga (Bpiphan. Mar.
SALOME
Just add that the ship bad bad the advantages ef
a weather shore, smooth water, and a favoring oar-
rent, before reaching Cnidus, and that by running
down to Cape Salmone the sailors obtained aimilai
advantages under the lee of Crete, as far as Faib
Hayeks, near Lab.ea. J. S 3.
* The northeast point of Crete is the present
Cape Sidero, and hat generally been supposed (ai
above) to be Luke's Salmone. Captain Spratt
R. N., dissents from this opinion ( Travels and Re-
searches in Crete, Lend. 1865). He admits that
the ancient writers, generally at least, applied the
name to that Cape, but thinks that Luke refers to
the promontory — jutting out toward the east
some miles to the south of Cape Sidero, and called
Plata. His reasons for this conclusion in the
ease of Luke are, first, " that Cape Sidero is, in
truth, not the headland or point his ship would
keep nearest to in coming from Cnidus; and, sec-
ondly, that this promontory south of Grandee Bay,
called Plata by the natives, is indeed dow by some
Levantine navigators called Cape Salmone, to dis-
tinguish it from Cape Sidero." Purdy (Nem
Sailing Directions, etc, p. 69, Lond. 1864) writes
the name Salomon, but must refer, of course, to
the same place. H.
SAIiOM (SoAcV Satom)- The Greek form
L of Shallum, the father of Hilkiah (Bar. L 7).
[Shaixum.] 2. (SaUmus) of Salu the father of
Zimri (1 Mace ii. 26). [Salu. J
SALO'ME (SaXAun [Heb. peaceful]: Sa-
lome). L The wife of Zebedee, as appears from
comparing Matt, xxvii. 56 with Mark xv. 40. It is
further the opinion of many modern critics that she
was the sister of Mary, the mother of Jesus, to whom
reference is made in John xix. 26. The words ad-
mit, however, of another and hitherto generally
received explanation, according to which they refer
to the "Mary the wife of Cleophas" immediately
afterwards mentioned. In behalf of the former
view, it may be urged that it gets rid of the diffi-
culty arising out of two sisters having the same
name — that it harmonizes John's narrative with
those of Matthew and Mark — that this circuitous
manner of describing his own mother is in char-
acter with St. John's manner of describing him-
self — that the absence of any connecting link
between the second and third designations may be
accounted for on the ground that the four are
arranged in two distinct couplets — and, lastly
that the Peahlto, the Persian, and the .(Ethiopie
versions mark the distinction between the second
and third by interpolating a conjunction. On the
other hand, it may be urged that the difficulty
arising out of the name may be disposed of by
assuming a double marriage on the part of the
father — that there is no necessity to harmonise
John with Matthew and Mark, for that the time
and the place in which the groups are noticed dif-
fer materially — that the language addressed ta
John, "Behold thy mother! " favors the idea of
the absence rather than of the presence of his nat-
ural mother — and that the varying traditions*
current in the early Church as to Salome's parents,
worthless as they are in themselves, yet bear a
negative testimony against the idea of her being
related to the mother of Jesus. Altogether ws
can hardly regard the point as settled, though the
lixvlll 8) : according to another, tta i via of Ji
miceph H. E. u. 8).
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SALT
■debt of modern criticism U decidedly in fiver of
the former view (tee Wleseler, Stud. u. Krit. 1*40,
p. 648). The only event* recorded of Salome are
that the preferred a request on behalf of bar two
sons for seats of honor in the kingdom of heaven
(Matt. xx. 80), that aba attended at the crucifixion
of Jesus (Mark xv. 40), and that she visited his
sepulchre (Mark xvi. 1). She is mentioned by
name only on the two latter occasions.
2. The daughter of Herodiaa by her first hus-
band, Herod Philip (Joseph. Ant xviii. 6, § 4).
She is the " daughter of Htrwlisa" noticed in Matt
xjv. 6 an dancing before Herod Antlpas, and as
procuring at lier mother's instigation the death of
Jehn the Baptist She married in the first place
Philip the tetrarch of Trachonitis, her paternal
■ode, and secondly Aristobulus, the king of Chal-
ets. W. L. B.
SALT (nb^: JAj: tnt). Indispensable as
salt Is to our se lv e s , it was even more so to the
Hebrews, being to them not only an appetizing
condiment in lie food both of man (Job vi. 6) and
beast (la. xxx. 84, see margin), and a moat valua-
ble antidote to the effect* of toe beat of the cli-
mate on animal food, but tbr entering largely into
their religious services as an accompaniment to the
various offerings presented on the altar (Lev. ii.
18). They possessed an inexhaustible and ready
supply of it on the southern shores of the Dead
Sea. Here may have been situated the Valley of
Salt (9 Sam. viii. 13), in proximity to the moun-
tain of fossil salt which Robinson (ReuareJiet, ii.
108) describes as five miles in length, and as the
chief source of the salt in the sea itoeif. Hen
were the saltpit* (Zeph. 11. 9), probably formed in
the marshes at the southern end of the lake, which
are completely coated with salt, deposited period-
ically by the rising of the waters; and here also
were the successive pillars of salt which tradition
ha* from time to time identified with Lot's wife
(WW. x. 7; Joseph. Art. i. 11, J 4). [Sea, the
Salt.] Salt might also be procured from the
Mediterranean Sea, and from this source the Phos-
mVeuni would naturally obtain the supply neces-
sary for salting fish (Neh. xiii. 18) and for other
purpose*. The Jews appear to have distinguished
between rock-salt and that which was gained by
evaporation, aa the Talmudlata particularize one
species (probably the latter) as the "salt of
Sodom" (Carpcov, Appar. p. 718). The notion
that this expression means bitumen rest* on no
foundation. The nltpits formed an important
source of revenue to the ruler* of the country
(Joseph. Art. xiii- 4, § 9), and Antlochu* conferred
a rateable boon on Jerusalem by presenting the
city with 375 bushels of salt for the Temple ser-
vice (Ant. xii. *, { 8). In addition to the uses of
•alt already specified, the inferior sort* were ap-
plied as a manure to the soil, or to hasten the
decomposition of dung (Matt- v. 18; Luke xiv.
88). Too large an admixture, however, wa* held
to produce sterility, as exemplified on toe shores
of the Dead Sea (Dent xxix. 23; Zeph. ii. 9):
hence a "salt" land wa* lynonymou* with barren-
Bees (Job xxxix. 8, sse margin ; Jer. xvb. 8 ; comp.
Joseph. B. J. iv. 8, J 8, aApupcSSfff mu sVyoyoi);
and hence also arose the custom of sowing with
salt the foundation* of a destroyed city (Judg. ix.
45), a* a token of Its Irretrievable rtdn. It was
•he bahef of the Jews that salt would, by exposure
to the sir, loss Its virtus (pmpo.-9fl, Matt. v. 18)
178
SALT, CITY OF
2798
and become saltless (iraXoy, Mark x. jO). The
same fact u implied in the expression* of Pliny,
tnl inert (xxxi. 39), tai tabetcert (xxxi. 44); and
Maundrell (Early Traeelt, p. 518, Bohn) asserts
that he found the surface of a salt rock in this
condition. The association* connected with salt
in eastern countries are important As one of
the moat essential article* of diet, it symbolized
hospitality; as an antiseptic, durability, fidelity,
and purity. Hence the expression, •' covenant of
salt" (Lev. ii. 13; Num. xviii. 19; 2 Cbr. xiii.
5), as betokening an IndissoluMe alliance between
friends; and again the expression, "salted with
the salt of the palace " (Kzr. iv. 14), not neces-
sarily meaning that they had " maintenance from
the palace," as the A. V. ha* it, but that they
were bound by sacred obligations of fidelity to the
king. So In the present day, " to eat bread and
salt together" is an expression for a league of
mutual amity (Ruraell, Aleppo, 1. 832); and, on
the other hand, the Persian term for traitor k*
nemtkhiirnm, "faithless to salt" (tiesen. The*.
p. 790). It was probably with a view to keep thkt
idea prominently before the mind* of the Jew*
that the use of salt was enjoined on the Israelites
in their offerings to God ; for in the first instance
it was specifically ordered for the meat-offering
(Lev. ii. 13), which consisted mainly of flour, and
therefore wa* not liable to corruption. The ex-
tenuon of it* use to burnt sacrifices was a later
addition (Kz, xliii. 24; Joseph. AM. lii. 9, § 1),
in the spirit of the general injunction at the close
of 1-ev. ii. 13. Similarly the heathen* accom-
panied their sacrifices with salted barley-meal, the
Greeks with their ouAoxwai (Horn. IL 1. 449),
fhe Romans with their muia tnlta (Hor. Sat. II. 3,
200) or their talta frugtt (Virg. JSn. 11. 138).
It may of course be assumed that In all of then
cases salt was added a* a condiment; but the
strictness with which the rule wa* adhered to —
no sacrifice being offered without salt (Plin. xxxi.
41), and still more the probable, though perhaps
doubtful, admixture of it in incense (Ex. xxx. 36,
where the word rendered " tempered together " is
by some understood as "salted") — lead* to ths
conclusion that there was a symbolical force at-
tached to its use. Our Lord refers to the sacrifi-
cial use of salt in Mark ix. 49, 60, though some
of the other associations may also be implied;
The purifying property of salt, aa opposed to cor-
ruption, led to its selection a* the outward sign in
Elisha's miracle (2 K. ii. 20, 21), and is also
developed In the X. T. (Matt. v. 13; Col. iv. 6).
The custom of rubbing Infant* with salt (E*. xvi
4) originated in sanitary considerations, but re-
ceived also a symbolical meaning. W. L. B.
SALT, OTT Y OF (Tlb^rr - f>V : at wi\ui
XaSiv. Alex, at woKis oAvr: civitns salts). The
fifth of the six cities of Judah which lay In the
"wilderness" (Josh. xv. 68). Its proximity to
En-gedi, and the name itself seem to point to it*
being situated close to or at any rate in the neigh-
borhood of the Salt Sea. Dr. Robinson (Bibl Ret.
IL 109) ex p r es s e s his belief that it lay somewhere
near the plain at the south end of that lake, which
he would Identify with the Valley of Salt This,
tbnugh possibly supported by the reading of the
V itlcan LXX., •> the cities of Sodom," i* at presses
a mere conjec tu re, since no trace of the name or ths
city has yet been discovered In that position. Oa
the other hand, Mr. Van da Velde (Syr. f PaL*
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2794
SALT SEA
M] Memoir, p. Ill, and Map) mentions • Nahr
MaitJi which ha passed in hit rout* from tt'adg
tr-Rmail to Sebbeh, the name of which (though the
orthography ii not certain) ma; be found to con-
tain a trace of the Hebrew. It in one of four
ravines which unite to form the Wady et-Bedtm.
Another of the four, W. 'Amrth (S*r. f P. ii. 99;
Memoir, p. Ill, Map), recalls the name of Gomor-
rah, to the Hebrew of which it is very similar. Or
• SALT SEA, [Sea, the Salt.]
SALT, VALLEY OF (11^9 Wg, but
twice with the article, rfTgn 'j: Tt0t\4/i,
r»nt\48, K0i\it, and fdpay'f, raV iA«V; Alex.
rnuaAo, rai/t<Aa: Valtit Bahnnrum). A certain
valley, or perhaps more accurately a "ravine," — the
Hebrew word lie appearing to bear that significa-
tion, — in which occurred two memorable victories
of the Israelite arms.
1. That of David over the Edomitee (9 Sam.
rlii. 13; 1 Chr. xviii. 19). It appears to have im-
mediately followed his Syrian campaign, and was
ltaeif one of the incidents of the great Edomite war
of extermination." The battle in the Valley of
Salt appears to have been conducted by Abiahai
(1 Chr. xviii. 19), but David and Joab were both
present in person at the battle and in the pursuit
and campaign which followed ; and Joab was left
behind for six months to consummate the doom
of the conquered country (1 K. xi. 15, 16 ; Ps. lx.
title). The number of Edomites slain in the bat-
tle is uncertain: the narratives of Samuel and
Chronicles both give it at 18,000, but this figure is
lowered in the title of Ps. lx. to 19,000.
9. That of Amaziah (9 K. xiv. 7; 9 Chr. xxv.
11), who is related to have slain ten thousand
Edomites in this valley, and then to have pro-
ceeded, with 10,000 prisoners, to the stronghold of
the nation at hat-Sela, the Cliff, i. e. Petra, and,
after taking it, to have massacred them by hurling
them down the precipice which gave its ancient
■name to the city.
Neither of these notices affords any clew to the
situation of the Valley of Salt, nor does the cursory
mention of the name ("Gemeh" and "Mela")
in the Onomatticon. By Joaephus it is not named
on either occasion. Seetzen (Reuen, ii. 856) was
probably the first to suggest that it was the broad
open plain which lies at the lower end of the Dead
Sea, and intervenes between the lake itself and the
range of heights which crosses the valley at six or
eight miles to the south. The same view is taken
(more decisively) by Dr. Robineon (BOLRrt. ii. 109).
The plain Is in fact the termination of the Ghtr or
valley through which the Jordan flows from the
Lake of Tiberias to the Dead Sea. Its N. W. cor-
ner is occupied by the Khaihm Vtdtm, a mountain
of rock salt, between which and the lake is an ex-
tensive salt marsh, while salt streams and brackish
a Tba Received Text of 2 Sam. viii. IS omits the
mention of Edomites ; but from a comparison of the
parallel passages In 1 Chr. and in the title of Ps. lx.
then Is good ground for believing that the verse origi-
nally stood thus : " And David made himself a name
fwhen he returned from smiting the Arsmltes] [and
when he returned he smote the Kdomltss) In the Val-
ley of Bait — eighteen thousand ; " the two classes
within brackets baring been omitted by the Greek and
r scribes respectively, owing to the very doss
ablanoe of the words with which each clause
ass-D'CM and EPDTH. thai Is the eoo-
SALIM
springs pervade, mere or less, the entire ■
hah* of the plain. Without presuming to oonttv
diet this suggestion, which yet can hardly be
affirmed with safety in the very imperfect condition
of our knowledge of the Inaccessible regions S. and
S. E. of the Dead Sea, it may be well to call atten-
tion to some considerations whieh seem to stand hi
the way of the implicit reception whieh moat writ-
ers have given it sinee the publication of Dr. R.'s
Reiearchu.
(a.) The word Gt (K*2), employed for the place
in question, is not, to the writer's knowledge, else-
where applied to a broad valley or sunk plain of
the nature of the lower Ghtr. Such tracts an
denoted in the Scripture by the words Kmek or
BUta'ah, while Gt appears to be reserved for cleft*
or rarinea of a deeper and narrower character.
[Valley.]
(ft.) A priori, one would expect the tract hi
question to be called in Scripture by the peculiar
name uniformly applied to the more northern put!
of the same valley — ka-Arabnh — in the suae
manner that the Arabs now call it el-Gktr — Ghtr
being their equivalent for the Hebrew Arabak.
(c) The name "Salt," though at first sight
conclusive, becomes less so on reflection. It doer
not follow, because the Hebrew word melnch signi-
fies salt, that therefore the valley ma salt. A case
exactly parallel exists at el-Milk, the representative
of the ancient Moladah, some sixteen miles soutt
of Hebron. Like melnch, milk signifies salt; but
there is no reason to believe that there is any salt
pre se n t there, and Dr. Kobineon (Bibl. Ret. ii. 901,
note) himself justly adduces it as " an instance of
the usual tendency of popular pronunciation to re-
duce foreign proper names to a significant form."
Just as el-Milk is the Arabic representative of the
Hebrew Moladah, so possibly was ge-mtlaek the
Hebrew representative of tome archaic Edomite
name.
(A) What little can be inferred from the narra-
tive as to the situation of the Ge-Melach is in
favor of its being nearer to Petra. Assuming
Selah to be Petra (the chain of evidence for whieh
is tolerably connected), it seems difficult to believe
that a large body of prisoners should have been
dragged for upwards of fifty miles through the
heart of a hostile and most difficult country,
merely for massacre. G.
SA'LTJ (WlbD [weighed]: XoAuefr; Alex.
[Comp. Aid.] JoAsi: Satv). The father of Zimrl
the prince of the Simeonites, who was shun by
Phinehaa (Num. xxv. 14). Called also Salom.
SAXUM (SoAoo/*; [Vat. corrupt:] Etmen-
nut). J. Shaixum, the head of a family of gate-
keepers (A. V. " porters " ) of the Temple (1 Esdr.
v. 98; comp. Err. ii.42).
2. UoAjpos; [Aid. 2oAov)u»:] Scbme,]
Jecture of Thenlus (Eztf. Handbuih), and Is adopted
by Bunsan (Biltlwerk, note to the passage). BwaJd
baa shown (OttcJt. IB. 201, 202) that the whole |
Is very much disordered. DIP IT^'l should prob-
ably be rendered "and set up a monument," instead
of " and gat a name " Gesso. ( Vies- p. 1431 6) ; MlehaeUa
(Stppl. No. 2601, and note to JJiW /Ur Ungtl.) ; Da
Wette (KM); LXX. Octal., «u Ur/ar ee-reAaqieVar
Jerome (Qxaiu. Heir.), etwdt fbrnlcem triump h ! l ew
Raahl Interprets it "reputation,'' and makes the
reputation to have arisen from David's good est ta
burying the dead even of Ida sines las
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SALUTATION
gauium, the father of IlUklah nod ancestor of
ba (1 Eadr. vtti. 1; Comp. Ezr. til. 9). Called
ihs SAPAJtlAB and Sadou.
SALUTATION. Salutations mar ba classed
toiler the two heads of conversational and epistolary.
The salutation at meeting consisted in earl; times
af nrious expressions of bleating, such u " God be
gracious onto thee " (Gen. xliu. 28); " Bleated be
IBM of the Lord " (Ruth iii. 10; 1 Sun. xv. 13);
"The Lord be with you," "The l/>rd bleat thee"
(Both B. 4); *• The bleating of the I>ord be upon
yoo; we bleat you in the name of the Lord " (Pi.
mix. 8). Hence the term "Mem" reeeired the
me of " salute," and is occasionally to
in the A. V. (1 Sam. xiii. 10, xxr. 14;
a K. it. 29, x. 16), though not so frequently as it
tight hate bean («. g. Gen. xxvii. 83, xlrii. 7, 10;
1 K. riiL 66). The bleating was sometimes ac-
companied with inquiries at to the health either of
lie peraou addressed or his relations. The Hebrew
term used in these instances (tliilim") has no
•pedal reference to "peace," as stated in the mar-
spnai translation, but to general well-being, and
strictly answers to our " welfare," as given iu the
lest (Gen. xhu. 27; Ex. xriii 7). It it used not
wit in the case of salutation (in which sense it is
freqaeutly rendered "to salute," t. g. Judg. xriii.
IS; 1 Sam. x. 4; 2 K. x. 13); bat also in other
eates where it is desi g ned to soothe or to encourage
s parson (Gen. xliii. 23; Judg. ri. 23, xix. 20;
1 Chr. xiL 18; Dan. x. 19; compare 1 Sam. xx.
U, where it is opposed to "hurt;" 2 Sam. xriii.
». "all is well; - and 8 Sam. xi. 7, where it is
■spued to the progress of the war). The taluta-
uan at parting consulted originally of a simple bless-
ing (Gen. xxir. 60, xxviu. 1, xlrii. 10; Josh. xxii.
II, but in later times the term thilim was intro-
dricd here also in the form " Go In peace," or
n«-«r " Farewell " (1 Sam. i. 17, xx. 42; 2 Sam.
xi. »>. This* was current at the time of our
Saviour's ministry (Mark T. 34; Luke vii. 60;
Acts xri. 36), and is adopted by Him in his parting
address to his disciples (John xiv. 27). It had
fen passed into a salutation on meeting, in such
farm* m " Peace be to this house" (Luke x. 6),
-Peace be unto you" (Luke xxir. 36; John xx.
19;. The more common salutation, however, at
this period was borrowed from the Greeks, their
ward xatpsv being used both at meeting (Matt.
ixtl 4S, xxviii. 9; Luke i. 28), and probably also
it departure. In modern times the ordinary mode
af address current in the Kast resembles the He-
stew: JCt-tldm akgkmm, " Pesos be on you"
(Lanes Mod. Eg. ii. 7), and the term "ealam"
sat been introduced into our own language to de-
■ribe the Oriental salutation.
The forms of greeting that we hare noticed
wre freely exchanged among persons of different
■saka on toe occasion of a casual meeting, and this
net when they wen strangers. Thus Boas ex-
■hueed greeting with his reapers (Ruth ii. 4), the
trueSer on the road saluted the worker in the
ls)d (Pa. exxix. 8), and members of the same fani-
1t interchanged greetings on rising in the morn-
ing (Pror. xxvU. 14). The only restriction sp-
aas to have been in regard to religion, the Jew
»* sat, as the Mohammedan of the present day,
8AMABL
2796
• Ins Srasa sxpnaaton J evidently b uiiu nwt from
*• nvhttw, lb* pnpaclMou rit not bstoksuing
paying the compliment only to those whom he con-
sidered " brethren," t. e. members of the same re-
ligious community (Matt. v. 47; Lane, ii. 8; Kit.
buhr, JJucii/A. p. 43). Even the Apostle St
John forbids an interchange of greeting where it
implied a wish lor the success of a bad cause
(2 John 11). In modern times the Orientals art
famed for the elaborate formality of their greetings,
which occupy a very considerable time; the in-
stances given in the Bible do not bear such a char-
acter, and therefore the prohibition addressed to
persons engaged in urgent business, " Salute no
man by the way " (2 K. iv. 29; Luke x. 4), may
best be referred to the delay likely, to ensue from
subsequent conversation. Among the Persians the
monarch was never approached without the salu-
tation " O kingl live for ever" (Dan. ii. 4, Ac.).
There is no evidence that this ever became cur-
rent among the Jews: the expression in 1 K. i. 31
was elicited by the previous allusion on the part of
David to his own decease. In lieu of it we meat
with the Greek X mpt, " hail ! " (Matt, xxvii. 29).
The act of salutation was accompanied with a va-
riety of gestures expressive of different degrees of
humiliation, and sometimes with a kiss. [Adora-
tion; Kiss.] These acts Involved the necessity
of dismounting in case a person were riding or
driving (Gen. xxiv. 64; 1 Sam. xxv. 23; 2 K. V.
21). The same custom still prevails in the East
(Niebuhr's DetcripL p. 39).
l'he epistolary salutations in the period subse-
quent to the 0. T. were framed on the model of
the Latin style: the addition of the term " peace "
may, however, be regarded at a vestige of the old
Hebrew form (2 Mace. LI). The writer placed
his own name first, snd then that of the person
whom he saluted; it was only in special cases that
this order was reversed (2 Mace 1. 1, ix. 19;
1 Esdr. vi. 7). A combination of the first and
third persons in the terms of the salutation was not
unfrequent (Gal. i. 1, 2; Philem. 1; 2 Pet, 1. 1).
The term used (either expressed or understood) in
the introductory salutation was the Greek x<"P«"
in an elliptical construction (1 Mace. x. 18 ; 2 Mace,
ix. 19; lEsdr.viii.9; Actsxxiii.26); this, however,
was more frequently omitted, and the only Apos-
tolic passages in which it occurs are Acta xv. 23
and James i. 1, a coincidence which renders it
probable that St. James composed the letter in
the former passage. A form of prayer for spiritual
mercies was alto used, consisting generally of the
terms "grace and peace," but iu the three Pastoral
Epistles and in 2 John "grace, mercy, and peace,"
and in Jude " mercy, peace, and love." The con-
cluding salutation consisted occasionally of a trans-
lation of the Latin taltte (Acts xv. 29, xxiii. 30),
but more generally of the term aoirdfouai, " 1
salute," or the cognate substantive, accompanied by
a prayer for peace or grace. St. Paul, who availed
himself of an amanuensis (Rom. xr. 22), added
the salutation with his own hand (1 Cor. xri.
81; CoL iv. 18; 2 Thee. ill. 17,. The omis-
slon of the Introductory salutation in the EpisUt
to the Hebrews is very noticeable.
W. L. B.
SAM'AEL (2oA«ui4a; [Sln.Sauaai»A; Aid
Ssuiafc:] Salnthiel), a variation for (margin)
the state into which, but suswartng to taw Bsbm
7, «'" which the parson departs.
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2796 SAMAIAS
Bahunlel [Shkutoebx] in Jud. rilL 1 (eomp. Num.
I. •). The form in A. V. U given by Aldus.
B.F. W.
SAMAI'AS [8 syl.] (iafialaf- Bemeim). L
Biiemaiah the Levite in the reign of Joaiah (1
Kedr. t 9; eomp. 9 Chr. int. 9).
2. Siikmaiar of the aons of Adouikam (1 Eadr.
viii. 39; eomp. Ext. viii. 18).
3. (Sfuef; [Vat Statu; Sin. SfucXuu; AM.
Sa^o/oi;J Alex, 2fp«i<u: cm. in Vulg.) The
" great Samaias," father of Anaiiiu and Jonathaa
( lob. r. 13).
SAMA'RIA O'" 1 " 1 ?®! *• «• ShomerSn [see
below]; Chald. 1T79V : lafiAptia, Xeunesir,
2o(i6pnr; a [Alex, very often iapapta, aud to Sin.
or KA. in Is., Jer., Obad.; Sin. -ptia in Jud. i. 9,
iv. 4;] Joseph, ia/tdptta, but Ant. viii. 18, § 6,
Stliopedy: Snmnria). 1. A city of Palestine,
The word Shnmtrin means, etymological))-, "per-
taining to a watch,' ' or " a watch-mountain : " and
we should almost be inclined to think that the
peculiarity of the situation of Samaria gave occa-
sion to its name. In the territory originally be-
longing to the tribe of Joseph, about six miles to
the northwest of Shechem, there is a wide Insiii-
shaped valley, encircled with high hills, almost on
the edge of the great plain which borders upon the
Mediterranean. In the centre of this basin, which
is on a lower level than the valley of Shechem,
rises a less elevated oblong hill, with steep yet
accessible sides, and a long flat top. This bill was
chosen by Oniri, as the site of the capital of the
kingdom of Israel. The first capital after the seces-
sion of the ten tribes had been Shechem itself,
whither all Israel had come to make Rehoboam
king. On the separation being fully accomplished,
Jeroboam rebuilt that city (1 K. xii. 25), which
had been razed to the ground by Abimelech (Judg.
ix. 45). But be soon moved to Tiraah, a place, as
Dr. Stanley observes, of great and proverbial beauty
(Cant. vi. 4); which continued to be the royal resi-
dence until Zimri burnt the palace and perished
in its ruins (1 K. iiv. 17, xv. 21, 33, xvi. 6-18).
Oniri, who prevailed in the contest for the kingdom
that ensued, after " reigning six years " there,
" bought the hill of Samaria flVUpfc' "ITVTJ: re
Ipos to l*iaip6r) of Sbemer (")Q3?: 3«/4o,
loeeph. Sffiapot) for two talents of silver, and built
on the hUl, and called the name of the city which
he built, after the name of the owner of the hill,
Samaria " (1 K. xvi. 23, 24). [Omm. Amer. ed.]
This statement of course dispenses with the ety-
mology above alluded to ; but the central position
of the hill, as Herod sagaciously observed long
afterwards, made it admirably adapted for a place
of abstrtalion, and a fortress to awe the neighbor-
ing country. And the singular beauty of the spot,
upon which, to this hour, travellers dwell with
admiration, may have struck Omri, as it afterwards
struck the tasteful Idumean (B. J. i. 21, § 2; AnL
xv. 8, § 5).
From the date of Omri's purchase, b. c. 925,
Samaria retained its dignity as the capital of the
SAMABIA
ten tribes. Ahab built a temple to Baal than
(1 K. xvi. S2, 33); and from this circumstance
portion of the city, possibly fortified by a separate)
wall, was called "the city of the house of Baal "
(2 K. x. 25). Samaria must have been a place
of great strength. It was twice besieged by the
Syrians, in n. c. 901 (1 K. xx. 1 ), and in B. c. 892
(2 K. vi. 24-vii. 20); but on both occasions the
siege was ineffectual. On the latter, Lideed, it
was relieved miraculously, but not until the inhab-
itants had suffered almost incredible horrors from
famine during their protracted resistance. Tlw
possessor of Samaria was considered to be de fade
king of Israel (2 K. xv. 13, 14); and woes de-
nounced against the nation were directed again**
it by name (Is. vii. 9, Ac.). In b. c. 721, San.tr
ria was taken, after a siege of three years, by ShaZ-
maneser, king of Assyria (2 K. xviii. 9, 10), sod
the kingdom of the ten tribes was put an aid to
[See below, No. 3.] Some years afterwards the
district of which Samaria was the centre was re-
peopled by Ksarhaddon ; but we do not hear espe-
cially of the city until the days of Alexander the
Great. That conqueror took the city, which teeois
to have somewhat recovered itself (Euseb. C'Arua.
ad ami. Abr. 1684), killed a large portion of the
inhabitants, and suffered the remainder to settle
at Shechem. [Shkchem ; Sychak.] He replaced
them by a colony of Syro-Macedonians, and gave
the adjacent territory CtapapfiTir ^Apa) to the
Jews to inhabit (Joseph, c. Ap. it. 4). These
Syro-Macedonians occupied the city until the time
of John Hyrcanus. It was then a place of con-
siderable importance, for Jotaphus describes it (Ant.
xiii. 10, J 2) as a very strong city (w6\is oxvpar-
tcIti)). John Hyrcanus took it after a year's siege,
and did bis best to demolish it entirely. He inter-
sected the hill on which it lay with trenches: into
these he conducted the natural brooks, and thus
undermined its foundations. " In fact," says the
Jewish historian, " he took away all evidence of
the very existence of the city." This story at first
sight seems rather exaggerated, and inconsistent
with the hilly site of Samaria. It ma; have
referred only to the suburbs lying at its foot.
•'But," says Prideaux (Conn. B. c. 109, note),
" Benjamin of Tudela, who was in the place, tells
us in his Itinerary * that there were upon the top
of this hill many fountains of water, snd from
these water enough may have been derived to fill
these trenches." It should also be recollected that
the hill of Samaria was lower than the hills in its
neighborhood. This may account for the existence
of these springs. Josephus describes the extrem-
ities to which the inhabitants were reduced during
this siege, much in the same way that the author
of the Book of Kings does during that of Ben
hadsd (eomp. Ant. xiii. 10, § 2, with 2 K. vi. 25).
John Hyrcanus' reasons for attacking Samaria wen
the injuries which its inhabitants had done to the
people of Marian, colonists and allies of the Jews
This confirms what was said above, of the cessioc
of the Samaritan neighborhood to the T ews I j
Alexander the Great.
After this disaster (which occurred in ■>. n. 109;
the Jews inhabited what remained of the city; s.
• The prevailing LXX. form in the 0. T. is Xa«i*-
Mta, with the folio-ring remarkable exceptions : 1 K.
lei. 24, 2*fMpwr . . . Scpnpwr (Hal, 2ap.i}pMr) ;
*Vxs, BaMwOT . . . Saaiywi] ate. Jr. 10, Sope-
pmr (Hal, Z*>uipw); Neb.. It. 2; Is. rU. 9, Zap*
poo.
* No sash passage, however, now exists m Beaja
mm of Talela. See the editions of Aaher aa4 a>
faa.
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SAMARIA
•act we lad It in tbeir pnsavealon in the time U
toenail* Jannaw* (Ant. xiii. 16, § 4), and until
Pooipry gave it back to the descendant* of it*
original inhabitant* (rait outr/roao-ir)- These
•acfrropts may possibiy hare been the Syro-Mace-
donians, but it U mora probable that they were
Samaritan* proper, whoae ancestor* had been di*-
[j i w s ciaud by the colonist* of Alexander the Great.
By direction* of Gabinius, Samaria and other de-
mofishjd doe* were rebuilt (Ant. xiv. 6, § 8). But
it* mora effectual rebuilding was undertaken by
Herod the Great, to whom it had been granted by
Augustus, on the death of Antony and Cleopatra
(AM. xiii. 10, $ 3, zt. 8, § S; B. J. i. 80, $ 3).
lie eaued it Btbatte, 2e0acrt = Auguitn, after
the name of hi* patron (Ant. xr. 7, § 7). Josephus
gnes an elaborate description of Herod's improve-
nenta. The wall surrounding it was 20 stadia in
length. In the middle of it was a close, of a
saariliiiai and a half square, containing a mag-
8AMAEIA 2797
niflcent temple, dedicated to the Cesar. It M
colonized by 6,000 veterans and others, fix whoa*
support a most beautiful and rich district surround-
ing the city was appropriated. Herod's motirer
in these arrangements were probably, first, the
occupation of a commanding position, and then
the desire of distinguishing himself for taste by
the embellishment of a spot already so adorned
by nature (Ant. xr. 8, § S; B. J. I. SO, § 3; 31,
§2).
How long Samaria maintained its splendor after
Herod's improvements we are not informed. In
the N. T. the city itself does not appear to be
mentioned, but rather a portion of the district to
which, even in older times, it had extended it*
name. Our Version, indeed, of Acts viii. 5 says
that Philip the deacon " went down to the city of
Samaria ; " but the Greek of the passage is simply
<(t *ika> TTJj Xapapttas. And we may fairly
argue, both from the absence of the definite artless,
Asatflsai, tha ancient Saaaiu, from the ft. V. M.
fha dry are she mountains of Kphraim, verging on the Plain of Sharon. The Mediterranean See Is
la Ik* farthest distance.^ The original sketch from which this view Is taken was mads by William Tippies
■as , fas 18*2, and Is engraved by his kind permission.
sad from the probability that, had the city Samaria
una intended, the term employed would have been
Mads, that aome one city of the district, the
•BBS of which is not specified, was in the mind
of the writer. In verse 9 of the same chapter
-the people of Samaria" represent* re Mm rfjt
Iaaop«<stf ; and the phrase in verse 25, " msny
plages of the Samaritans," shows that the opera-
nans of evangelizing were not confined to the city j
*■ flasasiia itself, if they were ever carried on
there. Comp. Matt. x. 6, " Into any city of the
Samaritans enter ye not; " and John iv. 4, 5, |
■here, after it has been said, "And He must needs j
40 through Samaria," obviously the district, it is
ssbjoiscd, " Then cometh He to a city of Samaria
-shad Syahar." Henceforth its history is very un-
lOaoaeasd Septimiu* Severus planted a Roman
sslsay Him la the beginning of the third century
1 hi vhsMa with the naked, eye from tha
H.
(Ulpian, Leg. I. de Centilme, quoted by Dr. Rob-
inson). Various specimens of coins struck on the
spot have been preserved, extending from Nero to
Get*, the brother of Caracalla (Vaillant, in Nu-
mitm. Imper., and Noris, quoted by Reland). But,
though the seat of a Roman colony, it could not
hare been a place of much political importance.
We find in the Codex of Theodosius, that by a. o.
409 the Holy Land had been divided into Palsestina
Prima, Secunda, and Tertia. Palantina Prima
included the country of the Philistines, Samaria
(the district), and the northern part of Judara;
but its capital was not Sebaste, hut Cssarea. In
an ecclesiastical point of view it stood rather higher.
It was an episcopal see probably as early as the
third century. At any rate its bishop was present
amongst those of Palestine at Jie Council of Nicest,
A. D. 325, and subscribed its acts as " Maxima*
(aL Marlnus) Sebastenus." The names of son*
of his successors have been preserved — tbr latest
of them mentioned la Pelagius, woo attended to*
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S798 8AMARIA
grand at Jerusalem, a. d. 638. The title of the
as* oeenn in the cutter Greek Natitur, and in
the bier Latin once (Belaud, Pal pp. 814-929).
Bcbsste fell into the hande of the Mohammedans
during the siege of Jerusalem. In the course of
the Crnaadea a Latin biaboprie waa estabHsbed
there the title of which waa recognized by the
Roman Church until the fourteenth century. At
this day the city of Omri and of Herod is rep-
resented by a imall Tillage retaining few Testiges
sf the pact except its name, Sebistiek, an Arabic
sorrupttoo of Sebaste. Some architectural remains
fct has, partly of Christian construction or adapta-
tion, as the mined church of St. John the Baptist,
partly, perhaps, traces of Idumsean magnificence.
" A long avenue of broken pillars (says Dr. Stan-
ley), apparently the main street of Herod's city,
here, as at Palmyra and Damascus, adorned by a
colonnade on each side, still lines the topmost ter-
race of the hilL" But the fragmentary aspect of
the whole place exhibits a present fulfillment of the
prophecy of Mieah (i. 6), though it may hare been
fulfilled more than once previously by the ravages
of Shalmaneser or of John Hyrcsnua. "I will
make Samaria as an heap of the field, and as
plantings of a vineyard: and I will pour down the
stones thereof into the ralley, and I will discover
the foundations thereof" (Hie. i. 6; comp. Hoc.
nil. 16).
St. Jerome, whose acquaintance with Palestine
imparts a sort of probability to the tradition which
prevailed so strongly in later days, asserts that
Sebaste, which he invariably identifies with Samaria,
was the place in which St. John the Baptist was
imprisoned and suffered death. He also makes it
the burial-place of the prophets Elisha and Obadiah
(aee various passages cited by Roland, pp. 980, 981).
Epiphaniua is at great pains, in his work Adv.
Barnes (lib. i.), in which he treats of the heresies
of the Samaritans with singular minuteness, to
account for the origin of their name. He inter
prets it as D'ntJB?', avfoamr, or "keepers." The
hill on which the city waa built was, be says,
designated Somer or Someron (Svpffp, lafiAfmr),
from a certain Somoron the son of Somer, whom
he considers to have been of the stock of the an-
cient Perizzites or Girgaahites, themselves descend
ants of Canaan and Ham. Rut he adds, the
inhabitants may have been called Samaritans from
their guarding the land, or (coming down much
later in their history) from their guarding the Law,
as distinguished from the later writings of the
Jewish Canon, which they refused to allow. [See
Samakitahs.]
For modern descriptions of the condition of Sa-
maria and its neighborhood, see Dr. Robinson's
Biblical Sesearcbet, ii. 197-133; Reland's Paka-
tina, pp. 344, 979-983; Raumer's Palattina, pp.
144-148, notes; Tan de YeMe's Syria and Pain-
tine, i. 363-388. and ii. 995, 296, Map, and Me-
moir; Dr. Stanley's Sinai anil Paiestht, pp.
242-246: and a short article by Mr. G. Williams
in the Diet, of Grog. Dr. Kitto, in his Physical
Hillary nf Pulrstme, pp. cxrii., cxriii., has an in-
Vresting reference to and extract from Sandys,
Jhstntire of its topography and general aspect at
he commencement of the seventeenth century.
8. The Samaria named in the present text of
I Maec. v. 66 (tV iafUfeimr; [Sin. Alex, -am*-]
lamarinn) is evidently an error. At any rate
has well-known Samaria of the Old and Xtw Tee-
8AMAKIA
tamenta cannot be intended, for it Is *rioo» that
Judas, in passing from Hebron to the land of the
Philistines (Axotus), could not make so immense a
detour. The true correction is doubtless supplied
by Joarphus (Ant xji. 8, J 6), who has Marian
(>. e. Maresha), a phee which lay in the road
from Hebron to the Philistine Plain. One nf the
ancient Latin Versions exhibits the same reading ;
which is accepted by Ewald (Greek, iv. 361) and a
host of commentators (see Grimm, Kurzg. Kmn.
Handb., on the passage). Drusius proposed Sbv
araim; but this is hardly so feasible as Maresha
snd has no external support.
3. Sama'bia ([iaiiMptla; Alex, very often 2r
fiapia, and so Sin. in 1 Mace, and N. T., followed
by Tiseh. in hU 8th ed. of the N. T.; — "th
country of Samaria," 1 Mace. x. 30, xi. 98, 84, q
Xatinptrrn, Alex, -orris, and so Sin. except 1
Mace. xi. 28; — (woman) ••of Samaria," John iv.
9, Saponins, but Tuch. in t>* 3th ed. of the N
T., Saataffrit; — ] Joseph. x*pa taiiapfmoi PtoL
Xa/iaplt, lafiipna'- Samaria).
Sahar'itaks (D\)TpU7 : Xntiaftmu; [Alex.
Seuuurrfu, and so Sin. and Theh. (8th ed.) in
the N. T.;] Joseph. iaiiapea' [Samarila] ).
There an few questions in Biblical philology
upon which, in recent times, scholars have come to
such opposite conclusions aa the extent of the terri-
tory to which the former of these words is applica-
ble, and the origin of the people to which the latter
is applied in the N. T. But a probable solution of
them may be gained by careful attention to the
historical statements of Holy Scripture and of Jo-
Eephus, and by a consideration of the geographical
features of Palestine.
In the strictest sense of the term, a Samaritan
would be an inhabitant of the city of Samaria.
But it is not found at all in this sense, exclusively
at any rate, in the O- T. In fact, it only occurs
there once, and then in a wider signification, in
2 K. xvii. 29. There it ia employed to designate
those whom the king of Assyria bad " placed in
(what are called) the cin>s of Samaria (whatever
these may be) instead of the children of Israel."
Were the word Samaritan found elsewhere in the
0. T., it would have designated those who be-
longed to the kingdom of the ten tribes, which in
a large sense wss called Samaria. And as the ex-
tent of that kingdom varied, which it did very
much, gradually diminishing to the time of Shal-
maneser, so the extent of the word Samaritan would
bare varied.
Samaria at first included all the tribes over
which Jeroboam made himself king, whether east
or west of the river Jordan. Hence, even before
the city of Samaria existed, we find the u oU
prophet who dwelt at Bethel " describing the pre-
dictions of "the man of God who came from
Judah," in reference to the altar at Bethel as
directed not merely against that altar, but
" against all the houses of the high-places which
are in tie cities of Samaria " (1 K. xiii. 32), i. e.
of course, the eitwa of which Samaria was, or waa
to be, the bead or capital In other places in the
historical books of the O. T. (with the exception
of 2 K. xvii. 94. 96, 28, 29) Samaria seems to
denote the city exclusively. But the prophets use
the word, much as did the old prophet of Bethel
in a greatly extended sense. Thus the " calf of
Bethel " is called by Hosca (viii. 8, 6) the -eaB
of Samaria " ; ia Amos (iii. 9) tbe "vaonntahi *
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i* in spoken of; and tba " captivity of
Samaria and her daughter! "ha phrase found in
Bedrid (xvi. S3). Henoa the word .Samaritan
muat have denoted every one subject to the king of
the northern capital.
But, whatever extent the word might have ac-
quired, it necessarily became contracted as the
limiU of the kingdom of Israel became contracted.
In all probability the territory of Simeon and that
of Dau were very early abaorbed in the kingdom of
Judah. This would be one limitation. Next, in
a. C. 771 and 740 respectively, " Pul, king of As-
syria, and Tilgath-Pilneaer, king of Assyria, carried
■way the Reubenites and the Gaditos, and the half-
tribe of Manasseh, and brought them unto Halah,
and Habor, and Hare, and to the river Goaan "
(1 Chr. v. 96). ThU would be a second limitation.
But the latter of these kings went further: " He
took Ijon, and Abel-beth-maachah , and Janoah, and
Kedeah, and Haxor, and Gilead, and Galilee, all
the land of Naphtali. and carried them captive to
Assyria " (3 K. xv. 29). This would be a third
limitation Nearly a century before, b. o. 860,
" the Lord had begun to cut Israel short; " for
"HaxaeL. king of Syria, smote them in all the
coasts of Iaraei; from Jordan eastward, all the land
af Giksid, the Gaditea, and the Reubenites, and the
Msnsssites, from Aroer, which is by the river Ar-
Don, even Gilead and Bashan " (2 K. x. 38, 33).
This, however, as we may conjecture from the di-
versity of expression, had been merely a passing
inroad, and bad involved no permanent subjection
af the country or deportation of its inhabitants.
The invasions of Pul and of Tilgath-pilneser were
utter clearances of the population. The territory
thus desolated by them was probably occupied by
degrees by the pushing forward of the neighboring
heathen, or by straggling families of the Israelites
themselves. In reference to the northern part of
Galilee we know that a heathen population pre-
vailed. Hence the phrase •' Galilee of the Na-
tions," or " Gentiles " (Is. ix. 1; 1 Mace. v. IS).
And no doubt thia waa the case also beyond Jor-
dan.
But we have yet to arrive at a fourth limitation
af the kingdom of Samaria, and by consequence, of
the word Samaritan. It is evident from an occur-
rence in Hezekiah'a reign, that just before the dep-
osition and death of Hashes, the last king of Is-
rael, the authority of the king of Judah, or, at
least, his influence, was recognized by portions of
Aaher, Iasaehar, and Zebuluu, and even of Ephraim
and Manasseh (2 Chr. xxx. 1-26). Men came
from all those tribes to the Passover at Jerusalem.
Tbif was about B. c. 726. In fact, to such miser-
aba* unite had the kingdom of Samaria been re-
dvod, that when, t«o or three years afterwards,
ssr are told that ■' Shalmaneser came up through-
out the land," and after a siege of three years
*> took Samaria, and carried Israel away into As-
syria, and placed them In Halah, and in Habor by
the river Gozan, and in the cities of the Medea "
(2 K. xvii. 6, 6), and when again we are told that
" Iaraei was carried away out of their own land
into Assyria" (3 K. xvii. 23), we must suppose a
ajry small field of operations. Samaria (the city),
and a few adjacent cities or villages only, repre-
sented that dominion which had once extended
(nasi Bethel to Dan northwards, and from the
Mediterranean to the borders of Syria and Am-
am eastwards. This is further confirmed jy
Mast we read of Josiah's progress, in b. c. 6*1,
SAMARIA 2799
through " the cities of Msnnsseh, and Ephfitsa,
snd Simeon, even unto Naphtali " (2 Chr. xxxiv.
6). Such a progress would have been impractica-
ble had the number of cities and villages occupied
by the persons then called Samaritans been at al
large.
Thia, however, brings us more closely to the
second point of our discussion, the origin of those
who are in 2 K. xvii. 29, and in the N. T., called
Samaritans. Shalmaneser, as we have seen (2 K.
xvii. 6, 6, 26), carried Israel, i. e. the remnant of
the ten tribes which still acknowledged Hoshea's
authority, into Assyria. This remnant consisted,
ss has been shown, of Samaria (the city) and a
few adjacent cities and villages. Now, 1. Did he
carry away all their inhabitants or no? 2.
Whether they were wholly or only partially des-
olated, who replaced the deported population?
On the answer to these inquiries will depend our
determination of the questions, were the Samari-
tans a mixed race, composed partly of Jews, partly
of new settlers, or were they purely of foreign ex-
traction?
In reference to the former of these inquiries, it
may be observed that the language of Scripture
admits of scarcely a doubt. " Israel was carried
away " (9 K. xvii. 6, 23), and other nations were
placed "in the cities of Samaria intitad of the
children of Israel " (2 K. xvii. 24). There is no
mention whatever, as in the case of the somewhat
parallel destruction of the kingdom of Judah, of
" the poor of the land being left to be vine-dressers
and husbandmen " (2 K. xxv. 12). We add, that,
bad any been left, it would have been impossible
for the new inhabitants to hare been so utterly
unable to acquaint themselves with " the manner
of the God of the land," as to require to be taught
by some priest of the Captivity sent from the king
of Assyria. Besides, it wss not an unusual thing
with oriental conquerors actually to exhaust a land
of its inhabitant*. Comp. Herod, iii. 149, " Too
Persians dragged (aarpivtiaarrtt) Samoa, and
delivered it up to Syloson stript of all its men ; "
snd, again, Herod, vi. 31, for the application of
the same treatment to other islands, where the
process called vaynvt&tiy is described, and is com-
pared to a hunting out of the population (fcfhtyw^-
tic). Such a capture is presently contrasted with
the capture of other territories to which <r<rfrivv-
t u> was not applied. Josephus's phrase in refer-
ence to the cities of Samaria is that Shalmaneser
" transplanted all the people " (Ant. ix. 14, § 1).
A threat against Jerusalem, which waa indeed only
partially carried out, shows bow complete and sum-
mary the desolation of the last relics of the sister
kingdom must have been: "I will stretch over
Jerusalem the line of Samaria, and the plummet
of the house of Ahab: and I will wipe Jerusalem
as a man wipeth a dish: he wipeth and tumeth it
upon the face thereof" (2 K. xxi. 13). This was
uttered within forty yesrs after B. c. 721, during
the reign of Manasseh. It must have derived
much strength from the racentness snd proximity
of the calamity.
We may then conclude that the cities of Sama-
ria were not merely partially, but wholly evacuated
of their inhabitants in B. c. 721, and that they re-
mained in this desolated state until, in the words
of 2 K. xvii. 24, " the king of Assyria brought
men from Babylon, and from Cuthah, and from '■
An "vah, 2 K. xviil. 34), and from Hamath. and-'
from Sepbarrtun, and placed them in the ajtiea af .
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2800
SAMARIA
Samaria instead of the children of bnel: and they
possessed Samaria, and dwelt in the oitiei thereof."
Thui the new Samaritans — for such we must now
call them — were Assyrians by birth or subjuga-
tion, were utterly strangers in the cities of Sama-
ria, and were exclusively the inhabitants of those
dties. An incidental question, however, arises,
Who ww the king of Assyria that effected this
colonization? At first sight, one would suppose
Shalmsneser; for the narrative is scarcely broken,
and the repeopling seems to be a natural sequence
of the depopulation. Such would appear to have
been Josephus' view, for he says of Shalmaneser,
" When he had removed the people out of then-
land, be brought other nations out of Cuthah, a
place so called (for there is still in Persia a river
of that name), into Samaria and the country of
the Israelites" {Ant. ix. 14, ft 1, 8; x. 9, § 7);
but be must have been led to this interpretation
simply by the juxtaposition of the two transactions
in the Hebrew text. The Samaritans themselves,
in Ear. iv. 2, 10, attributed their colonization not
to Shalmaneser, but to " Esar-haddon, king of As-
sur," or to " the great and noble Asnapper," either
the king himself or one of his generals. It was
probably on his invasion of Judah, in the reign of
Hanasseh, about B. c. 677, that Eaarhaddon dis-
covered the impolicy of leaving a tract upon the
very frontiers of that kingdom thus desolate, and
determined to garrison it with foreigners. The
fact, too, that some of these foreigners came from
Babylon would seem to direct us to Eaarhaddon,
rather lhan to his grandfather, Shalmaneser. It
was only recently that Babylon had come into the
hands of the Assyrian king. And there is an-
other reason wby this date should be preferred. It
coincides with the termination of the sixty-five years
of Isaiah's prophecy, delivered B. c. 742, within
which '• Ephraim should be broken that it should
not be a people " (Is. vii. 8). This was not effect-
ually accomplished until the very land itself was
occupied by strangers. So long as this had not
taken place, there might be hope of return : after it
had taken place, no hope. Josephus (AnL x. 9, § 7)
expressly notices this difference in the cases of the
ten and of the two tribes. The land of the former
became the possession of foreigners, the land of the
latter, not so.
These strangers, whom we will now assume to
have been placed in " the cities of Samaria " by
Eaarhaddon, were of course idolaters, and wor-
jhipped a strange medley of divinities. Each of
the five nations, says Josephus, who is confirmed
sy the words of Scripture, had its own god. No
place was found for the worship of Him who had
»ce called the land his own, and whose it was
still- God's displeasure was kindled, and they were
nfested by beasts of prey, which had probably
.ncreased to a great extent before their entrance
upon it. " The Lord sent lions among them, which
dew some of them." On their explaining their
miserable condition to the king of Assyria, he de-
spatched one of the captive priests to teach them
'how they should fear the Lord." The priest
same accordingly, and henceforth, in the language
,f the sacred historian, they '■ feared the Lord, and
served their graven images, both their children and
their children's children: as did their fathers, so
.Jo they unto this day " (2 K. xvii. 41). This last
t * a atntence wss probably inserted by Ezra. It serves
s: 1st, to qualify the pretensions of the
I of Eara'a time to be pure worshippers
of God — they were no more exJusinry Us i
vants, than was the Roman emperor who f
to place a. statue o) Christ in the Pantheon enti-
tled to be called a Christian ; and, Sdly , to show
how entirely the Samaritans of later days differed
from their ancestors in respect to idolatry. Jose-
phus's account of the distress of the Samaritans,
and of the remedy for it, is very similar, with the
exception that with him they are afflicted with
pestilenoo.
Such was the origin of the post-captivity or new
Samaritans — men not of Jewish extraction, but
from the further East: "the Cutbsnns had for-
merly belonged to the inner parts of Persia and
Media, but wen than called ' Samaritans,' taking
the name of the country to which they were re-
moved," says Josephus (Ant. x. 9, § 71. And
again he says (Ant. ix. 14, § 3) they are called " bs
Hebrew • Cuthsana,' but in Greek ' Scuaritan*.' "
Our Lord expressly terms them hWoytrth (Luke
xvii. 18); and Josephus' whole account of them
shows that he believed them to have been pereum
&Mo*9t>tis, though, ss be tells us iu two places
(Ant. ix. 14, § 8, and xi. 8, § 6), they sometimes
gave a different account of their origin. But of
this by-and-by. A gap occurs in their history
until Judah has returned from captivity. They
then desire to be allowed to participate in the re-
building of the Temple at Jerusalem. It is curi-
ous, and perhaps indicative of the treacherous
character of their designs, to find them even then
called, by anticipation, " the adversaries of Judah
and Benjamin" (Ear. iv. 1), a title which they
afterwards fully justified. But, so far as profes-
sions go, they are not enemies; they are moat
anxious to be friends. Their religion, they assart,
is the same as that of the two tribes, therefore
they have a right to share in that great religious
undertaking. But they do not call it a nntivnat
undertaking. They advance no pretensions to Jew-
ish blood. They confess their Assyrian descent,
and even put it forward ostentatiously, perhaps to
enhance tbe merit of their partial conversion to
God. That it was but partial they give no hint.
It may have become purer already, but we have no
information that it had. Be this, however, as it
may, the Jews do not listen favorably to their over-
tures. Ezra, no doubt, from whose pen we have a
record of the transaction, saw them through and
through. On this the Samaritans throw off the
mask, and become open enemies, frustrate the
operations of tbe Jews through tbe reigns of twe
Persian kings, and are only effectually silenced in
the reign of Darius Hystaspis, ». o. S19.
Tbe feud, thus unhappily begun, grew year by
year more inveterate. It is probable, too, that the
more the Samaritans detached themselves from
idols, and became devoted exclusively to a sort of
worship of Jehovah, the more they resented the
contempt with which the Jews treated their offers
of fraternization. Hatters at length came to »
climax. About B. c. 409, a certain Hanasseh, a
man of priestly lineage, on being expelled freer.
Jerusalem by Nebemiah for an unlawful marriage,
obtained permission from the Persun king of hk
day, Darius Nothus, to build a temple on Mount
Geriziui, for tbe Samaritans, with whom he hsc
found refuge. The only thing wanted to crystal-
lize the opposition between the two races, namely,
rallying point for scbismatical worship, bcinf
now obtained, their animosity became more intense
than ever. The Sesaari'ws are said to have done
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SAMABIA
jverything in their powar to annoy ihe Jews.
Riejr would refute hospitality to pilgrims on their
!oad to Jerusalem, as in our Lord's case. They
would even waylay them in their journey (Joseph.
Ami. xx. 6, § 1) ; and many were compelled through
fear to take the longer route by the east of Jordan.
Certain Samaritans were said to have once pene-
trated into the Temple of Jerusalem, and to have
defiled it by scattering dead men's bones on the
sacred pavement (Aid. xviii. 2, § 2). We sre told
too of a strange piece of mockery which must hare
been especially resented. It was the custom of the
Jews to oommunieate to their brethren still in
Babylon the exact day and hour of the rising of
the paschal moon, by beacon-fire* commencing from
Mount Olivet, and flashing forward from hill to
hill until they wen mirrored in the Euphrates.
So the Greek poet represents Agamemnon as con-
raying the news of Troy's capture to the anxious
watchers at Myeema. Those who "sat by the
waters of Babylon " looked for this signal with
much interest. It enabled them to share in the
devotions of those who were in their father-land,
and it proved to them that they were not forgotten.
The Samaritans thought scorn of these feelings,
and would not unfrequently deceive and disappoint
them, by kindling a rival flame and perplexing the
watchers on the mountains.* Their own temple
on Gerizim they considered to be much superior to
that at Jerusalem. There they sacrificed a pass-
over. Towards the mountain, even after the tem-
lsb on it had fallen, wherever they were, they
directed their worship. To their copy of the Law
thry arrogated an antiquity and authority greater
than attached to any copy in the possession of the
Jews. The Law (i. e. the five books of Moses)
waa their sole code; for they rejected every other
book in the Jewish canon. And they professed to
observe it better than did the Jews themselves,
employing the expression not unfrequently, " The
Jews indeed do so and so ; but we, observing the
letter of the Law, do otherwise."
The Jews, on the other band, were not more
conciliatory in their treatment of the Samaritans.
The copy of the Law possessed by that people they
declared to be the legacy of an apostate (Manasseh),
and cast grave suspicions upon its genuineness.
Certain other Jewish renegades had from time to
time taken refuge with the Samaritans. Hence,
by degrees, toe Samaritans claimed to partake of
Jewish blood, especially if doing so happened to
suit their interest (Joseph. Ant. xi. 8, § 6; ix. 14,
| 3). A remarkable instance of this is exhibited
in a request which they made to Alexander the
Great, about B. a 332- They desired to be excused
payment of tribute in the sabbatical year, on the
plea that as tree Israelites, descendants of Kphraim
and Manasseh, sons of Joseph, they refrained from
cultivating their land in that year. Alexander, on
oross-qoestioning them, discovered the hollov/ness
of their pretensions. (They were greatly discon-
awted at their failure, and their dissatisfaction
SAMAMA 2801
probably led to the conduct which ii duoed Alex-
ander to besiege and destroy the city of Samaria.
Sheebem was indeed their metropolis, but the de
struction of Samaria seems to have satisfied Alex
ander.) Another instance of claim to Jewish
descent appears in the words of the woman oi
Samaria to our l/>rd (John iv. 12), "Art Thoc
greater than our father Jacob, who gave us tht
well ? " A question which she puts without recol-
lecting that she had just before strongly contrasted
the Jews and the Samaritans. Very far were the
Jews from admitting this claim to consanguinity
on the part of these people. They were ever remind-
ing them that they were after all mere Cuthaeana,
mere strangers from Assyria. They accused them
of worshipping the idol-gods buried long ago under
the oak of Sheebem (Gen. xxxv. 4). They would
have no dealings with them that they could possi-
bly avoid.' " Thou art a Samaritan and hast a
devil," wss the mode in which they expressed
themselves when at a loss for a bitter reproach.
Everything that a Samaritan had touched waa as
swine's flesh to them. The Samaritan was pub-
licly cursed in their synagogues — could not be
adduced as a witness in the Jewish courts — could
not be admitted to any sort of proselytism — and
was thus, so far as the Jew could affect his posi-
tion, excluded from hope of eternal life. The tra-
ditional hatred in which the Jew held him is
expressed in Ecclus. 1. 25, 28, " There be two man-
ner of nations which my heart abhorreth, and the
third is no nation : they that sit on the mountain
of Samaria; and they that dwell among the Philis-
tines; and that foolish people that dwell in Sicbem."
And so long was it before such a temper could be
banished from the Jewish mind, that we find even
the Apostles believing that an inhospitable slight
shown by a Samaritan village to Christ would be
not unduly avenged by calling down fire from
heaven.
" Ye know not what spirit ye are of," said the
large-hearted Son of Man, and we find Him on no
one occasion uttering anything to the disparage-
ment of the Samaritans. His words, however, and'
the records of his ministrations confirm most
thoroughly the view which has been taken above,
that the Samaritans were not Jews. At the first
sending forth of the Twelve (Matt. x. 5, 6) Ha
charges them, " Go not into the way of the Gen-
tiles, and into any city of the Samaritans enter ye
not, but go rather to the lost sheep of the house
of Israel." So again, In his final address to them
on Mount Olivet, " Ye shall be witnesses to Me in
Jerusalem and in all Judssa, and in Samaria, and
unto the uttermost part of the earth " (Acts i. 8).
So the nine unthankful lepers, Jews, were con-
trasted by Him with the tenth leper, the thankful
stranger (i\\oytrlis), who was a Samaritan. So,
in his well-known parable, a merciful Samaritan is
contrasted with the unmerciful priest and Levite.
And the very worship of the two races is described
by Him as different in character. " Ye worship ye
a "This fcet," says Dr. Trsnsh, « Is mentioned by
Makrhd (ass Ds Bacy's On*. Jraht, U. 169), who
•tanas thai it waa tola which pat the Jews on making
se cret s calculations to determine the moment of the
tsw moon's appearance (oomp. Behoettgen's Hbr. Hit.
my
• Ibis prs)odkjs had, of eonrsa, sosstthnas to give
•my to n e m estty, mr the dtedplss had gone to firebar
m H* and. whits oar Lord was talking with the
woman of Samaria by the well In Its suburb (John It.
8). And from Luke ix. 62, we learn that the dkwlplef
went before oar Lord at his command into a certain
village </ thf Samaritans " to make ready " tar Him
Unless, indeed (though, as we see on both ooeealons,
our Lord's Influence over them waa not yet complete),
we an to attribute this partial abandonment of then
orilnary seraphs to the change- which- hat esamala
bat,' alnedr wrousV. In than
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2802
8AMABIA
snow aot wlut," this i» aaid of the Samaritans:
* We know what we wonhip, for salvation it of
the Jew* " (John if. 83).
Such wen the Samaritan! of our Lord'i Day: a
people distinct from the Jews, though lying in
the very midat of the Jews; a people prawning
their identity, though seven centuries hid rolled
away since they bad been brought from Assyria
by Eaarhaddon, and though they had abandoned
their polytheism for a eort of ultra Moaaicimi ; a
people, who — though tbeir Emits had been grad-
ually contracted, and tbe rallying place of their
religion on Mount Gerizim had been destroyed one
hundred and sixty years before by John H Trauma
(B. o. 130), and though Samaria (the city) had
been again and again destroyed, and though their
territory bad been the battle-field of Syria and
Egypt — still preserved their nationality, still wor-
shipped from Shechem and their other impoverished
settlements towards tbeir sacred bill ; still retained
their nationality, and could not coalesce with the
Jews: —
'Otot J tXu+i t' iyxAw ravry tint,
AtjfOfftnToiW &r ow film wpo m t riM t t c.
Sot indeed that we must suppose that the whole
of the country called in our Lord's time Samaria
was in tbe possession of the Cuthsan Samaritans,
or that it had ever been so. "Samaria," says
Josephus (B. J. iii. 3, J 4), "lies between Judaea
and Galilee. It commences from a village called
Ginaea (Jentn), on the great plain (that of Esdra-
elon), and extends to the toparcby of Acrabatta,"
in the lower part of the territory of Ephraim.
These points, indicating the extreme northern and
the extreme southern parallels of latitude between
which Samaria was situated, enable us to fix its
boundaries with tolerably certainty. It was bounded
northward by the range of hills which commences
at Mount Carmel on the west, and, after making a
bend to the southwest, runs almost due east to the
valley of the Jordan, forming tbe southern border
of the plain of Esdraelon. It touched towards the
south, ss nearly as possible, the northern limits of
Benjamin. Thus it comprehended the ancient ter-
ritory of Ephraim, and of those Mananites who
were west of Jordan. " Its character," Josephus
continues, " is in no respect different from that of
ludsea. Both abound in mountains and plains,
and are suited for agriculture, and productive,
wooded, and full of fruits both wild and cultivated.
They are not abundantly watered ; but much rain
falls there. The springs are of an exceedingly
sweet taste; and, on account of the quantity of
good grass, the cattle there produce more milk
than elsewhere. But the best proof of their rich-
ness and fertility is that both are thickly pop-
ulated." The accounts of modern travellers con-
firm this description by the Jewish historian of
tbe " good land " which was allotted to that pow-
■ful portion of the house of Joseph which crossed
the Jordan, on the first division of the territory.
The Cnthasan Samaritans, however, possessed only
a few towns and villages of this large area, and
these lay almost together in the centre of the dis-
trict. Shechem or Sychar (as it was contempt-
jotsij designated) was their chief settlement, even
oefore Alexander the Great destroyed Samaria,
probably because it lay almost close to Mount
*. Gerizim. Afterwards it became more prominently
* n, and there, on tbe destruction of the temple on
■ ■ Barhdm, by John Hyreanus (Joseph. Ant xiii. 9,
S AMARIA
{ IX they bnilt themselves a temple. The motes
r ep r e s en tative of Shechem is Nithu, a corruptim.
of Neapolia, or tbe "New Town," 'wilt by Ves-
pasian » little to the west of the older town wbick
was then mined. At Ndbha the Samaritans ban
still a settlement, consisting of about 300 persons
Yet they o b s erve tbe Law, and celebrate the Pass-
over on a sacred spot on Mount Gerizim, with an
exactness of minute ceremonial which the Jews
themselves have long intermitted :
"Qoanquam diruta, servat
Ignsm Trqjsnmn, «t Vestam colit Alba mmorem."
The Samaritans were very troublesome both to
their Jewish neighbors and to their Roman mas-
ters, in the first century, A. D. Pilate chastised
them with a severity which led to his own down-
fall (Joseph. Ant. xriii. 4, § 1), and a slaughter of
10,600 of them took place under Vespasian (B. J.
iii. 7, § 39). In spite of these reverses they in-
creased greatly in numbers towards its termination,
and appear to have grown into importance under
Dositbeus, who was probably an apostate Jew.
Epiphaniua (adv. Barest*, lib. i.), in tbe fourth
century, considers them to be the chief and most
dangerous adversaries of Christianity, and be enu
merates the several sects into which they had by
that time divided themselves. They were popu-
larly, and even by some of the Fathers, confounded
with the Jews, insomuch that a legal interpretation
of the Gospel was described as a tendency to
2afiap*rTurfi6* or 'Iov&aur/ioV. This confusion,
however, did not extend to an identification of the
two races. It was simply an assertion that their
extreme opinions were identical. And previously
to an outrage which they committed on the Chris-
tians at Neapolis in the reign of Zeno, towards
the end of the fifth century, tbe distinction between
them and tbe Jews was sufficiently known, and
even recognized in the Theodosian Code. This
was so severely punished, that they sank into an
obscurity, whicb, though they are just noticed by
travellers of the twelfth and fourteenth centuries,
was scarcely broken until the sixteenth century
In the latter half of that century a corr e spondence
with them was commenced by Joseph Scaliger.
(De Sacy has edited two of their letters to that
eminent scholar.) Job Ludolf received a letter
from them, in the latter half of the next century
These three letters are to be found in Eichhorn's
Repertorium fur BiblUche told MorgenlSnditcht
Littrratur, vol xiii. They are of great archaeo-
logical interest, and enter very minutely into the
observances of the Samaritan ritual. Among other
points worthy of notice in them is the inconsistency
displayed by the writers in valuing themselves on
not being Jews, and yet claiming to be descendants
of Joseph. See also De Sacy'a Corru/umdanct
des Snmnrilnhu, etc., in Notices et Extr. del MSS.
de la BiblioUi. du Roi, etc., vol xii. And, for
more modern accounts of the people themselves,
Robinson's Biblical Researches, ii. 880-311, iii.
129-30; Wilson's Lands of the Bible, ii 46-78;
Van de Velde'a Syria and Fn^ttine, ii. 896 seq. ;
Stanley's Sinai and Palestine, p. 840; Rogers's
Xotices of tie Modem Samaritans, p. 25; Grove's
account of their Day of Atonement in Vacation
Tourists for 1861; and Dr. Stanley's, of tbeil
Passover, in his Lecture* on the JewM Chut S,
App. iii. [Pabboyxk, toL Hi. p. 3367 t, Amor
ed.J
The tie* maintained in the above remarks, at
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SAMARITAN
A the purely Assyrian origin of the New Samari
teas, is that of Suicer, Reland, Hammond, Drusius
In Uw Critici Sueri, Maklonatus, Hengstenberg,
HSfernick, Robinson, and Dean TYench. The
reader ii referred to the very clear bnt too brief
discussion of the lubjeet by the last-mentioned
learned writer, in hia Parables, pp. 310, 311, and
to the authorities, especially Do Sacy, which are
there quoted. There is no doubt in the world
that it was the ancient view. We hare seen what
Josephus said, and Origen, Eusebius, Eplphanius,
Chrysostom, and Theodoret, say the same thing.
Socrates, it must be admitted, calls the Samaritans
sWoVxioV* "IokJoW, but he stands almost alone
among the ancients in making this assertion. Ori-
gen and Cyril indeed both mention their claim to
descent from Joseph, as evidenced in the statement
of the woman at the well, but mention it only to
declare it unfounded. Others, u Winer, Doilln-
ger, and Dr. Davidson, hare held a different view,
which may be expressed thus in Dollinger's own
words: "In the northern part of the Promised
Land (as opposed to Judos proper) there grew up
■ mingled race which drew its origin from the
remnant of the Israelites who were left behind in
the country on the removal of the Ten Trilies, and
also from the heathen colonists who were trans-
planted into the cities of Israel. Their religion
was as hybrid as their extraction; they worshipped
Jehovah, but, in addition to Him, also the heathen
idols of Phoenician origin which they had brought
from their native land " (Heidentiivm and Juden-
<Ato», p. 739, J 7). If the words of Scripture are
to be taken alone, it does not appear how this view
is to be maintained. At any rate, as Drusiut ob-
serves, the only mixture was that of Jewish apos-
tate fugitives, long after Esarhaddon's colonization,
not at the time of the colonization. But modern
as this view is, it has for some rears been the pop-
ular one, and even Dr. Stanley seems, though
quite incidentally, to have admitted it (8. f P.
p. HO). He does not, however, enter upon Its de-
fense. Mr. Grore is slso in favor of it. See bis
notice already mentioned.
The authority due to the copy of the Law pos-
sessed by the Samaritans, and the determination
whether the Samaritan reading of Deut. xxrii. 4,
Gcririm, or that of the Hebrew, Ebal, is to be
preferred, are discussed in the next article. [See
Samaritan Pkktateuch; Ebal; Gkmzim;
Siiechem; Sichkh; Sychah.] J. A. H.
* On Samaria and the Samaritans see the elab-
orate article of J. H. Petermann in Herzog's Jteal-
AneykL xlii. 359-391 (comp. his Arisen i'»l Orient,
Lap*. 1860-61, i. 269-232). See also John Mills's
Three Sfunlht' Raidence in Nabhu, Lond. 1864,
and a series of learned articles by Dr. Geiger in
the Zritxhr. d. deuUchea morgeid. GatUachafl
6«i 1862 to 1868. A.
* SAMARITAN. [Samahia, 3.]
SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH, a Recen-
sion of tin commonly received Hebrew Text of the
Wosalo Law, in use with the Samaritans, and writ-
ten in the antitnt Hebrew (Ibri), or so-called
« rwa-a^b, yvn, nnas aro a» <n*
facwkfcsd tram vrro, ffirw aro. oomp.
JvM»b,^r. Mar.6,2; Tbtifla SvnA.i; Synludr.
Oa, Jfaf. *r. V », *<a At. 7, 2, sq.
SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH 2808
Samaritan character. 11 This recension is found
vaguely quoted by some of the early Fathers of tin
Church, under the name of " naAaioVirroi' 'E&pai-
Kbv to rap* "XapaptiTM," in contradistinction tt
the u "ZfipaIica¥ ri nrapit 'ItvSalais; " further, as
" Samaritanorum Volumina," etc. Thus Origen on
Num. xiii. 1, ...."& Ka ) aura «7r tovtkv Je
paptnw 'E&patKov fi<Tt$dAo/uv," and on Num.
XXI. 13, ... "8 iv uivott riy Xa/mptiTciv eSpth
/iff," etc. Jerome, Prul. to Kings: "Samaritan!
etiam Pentateuchum Moysis tolidem (? 22, like
the " Hebrews, Syrians and Chaldeans ") litteris
habeut, figuris tantum et apidbus discrepantes."
Also on Gal. iii. 10, "quam ob causam " — (rig.
'K-riKUTiparos war St ot>K i/i/iiyti iv riiri tjij
ytypaftniroii, lieing quoted there from Deut. xxrii.
26, where the Masoretic text has only ~>U7M ~H-!S
ntnn rninn *-m hn cp" wb- « C umd
be be that confirmeth not * the words of this Law
to do them ; " while the LXX. reads was trSpmrot
. . wSo'i rot; Kiyms) — ' quam ob causam Sa-
maritanorum Hebrtea volumina relegens invent
vD scriptum esse; " and he forthwith charges the
Jews with having deliberately taken out the 73,
because they did not wish to be bound indivtduallf
to all the ordinances : forgetting at the same time
that this same v3 occurs in the very next chap-
ter of the Masoretic text (Deut. xxviii. 15) — "Alt
his commandments and his statutes." Eusebius
of Canarea observes that the LXX. and the Sam
Pent, agree against the Received Text in the num-
ber of years from the Deluge to Abraham. Cyril
of Alexandria speaks of certain words (Gen. iv. 8),
wanting in the Hebrew, but found in the Samari-
tan. The same remark is made by Procopius of
Gaza with respect to Deut. i. 6; Num. x. 10, x.
9, Ac. Other passages are noticed by Diodoras,
the Greek Scholiast, etc. The Talmud, on the
other hand, mentions the Sam. Pent distinctly
and contemptuously as a clumsily forged record:
" You have falsified' your Pentateuch," said R.
Eliezer b. Shimon to the Samaritan scribes, with
reference to a passage in Deut xi. 30, where the
well-understood word Shecbem was gratuitously
inserted alter " the plains of Moreh," — "and yoa
have not profited aught by it " (comp. Jer. Sotnh
21 b, cf 17; Bnbli 33 b). On another occasior
they are ridiculed on account of their ignorance of
one of the simplest rules of Hebrew Grammar, dis-
played in their Pentateuch ; namely, the use of the H
loenU (unknown, however, according to Jer. Meg.
6, 2, also to the people of Jerusalem). •• Wl.v Am
earned you to blunder t" said R. Shimon b. Klie-
zer to them; referring to their abolition of the
Mosaic ordinance of marrying the deceased broth
er's wife (Deut xxv. 5 ft), — through a misinter-
pretation of the passage in question, which enjoins
that the wife of the dead man shall not be " with-
out " to a stranger, but that the brother should
marry her: they, however, taking nSIPfl
'Vnb)
to be an epithet of HWH, "wife,'
f> Tht 4. T., following the LXX., and perhaps La
thar, has inserted the word all.
anon.
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2804 SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH
translated "the outer wife," I e. the bttrothtd
only (Jtr. Jtbam. 8, 2, Btr. R., etc.).
Down to within the lut two hundred and fifty
yean, however, no copy of this divergent Code of
Laws had reached Europe, and it began to be pro-
nounced a fiction, and the plain words of the
Church Fathers — the better known authorities —
who quoted it, were subjected to subtle interpre-
tations. Suddenly, in 1616, Pietro dell* VaUe,
one of the first discoverers also of the Cuneiform
inscriptions, acquired a complete Codex from the
Samaritans in Damascus. In 1623 it was pre-
sented by Achilla Hsrley de Sancy to tie Library
of the Oratory in Paris, and in 1628 there ap-
peared a brief description of it by J. Morinus in
Ida preface to the Roman text of the LXX. Three
years later, shortly before it was published in the
Paris Polyglott, — whence it was copied, with few
emendations from other codices, by Walton, —
Horinus, the first editor, wrote his Exercitntiona
Ecclttiattica in utrvmijue Samnritcmorum Ptnia-
tnchum, in which he pronounced the newly found
Codex, with all its innumerable Variants from the
Masoretie text, to be infinitely superior to the lat-
ter: in fact, the unconditional and speedy emenda-
tion of the Received Text thereby was urged most
authoritatively. And now the impulse was given
to one of the fiercest and most barren literary and
theological controversies: of which more anon.
Between 1620 and 1630 six additional copies, partly
complete, partly incomplete, were acquired by
Ussher: five of which he deposited in English
libraries, while one was sent to De Dieu, and has
disappeared mysteriously. Another Codex, now in
the Ambrosian Library at Milan, was brought to
Italy in 1621. Peireso procured two more, one of
which was placed in the Royal library of Paris,
SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH
and one in the Barberini at Rome. Thus the mm
ber of MSS. in Europe gradually grew to sixteen
During the present century another, but very frag-
mentary copy, was acquired by the Gotha Library
A copy of the entire ( ?) Pentateuch, with Targom
(? Sam. Vemion), in parallel columns, 4to, on
parchment, was brought from NAbhu by Mr. Grove
in 1861 for the Count of Paris, in whose library it
i». Single portions of the Sam. Pent, in ■ more
or less defective state, are now of no rare occur-
rence in Europe.
Respecting the external condition of these MSS.,
it may be observed that their sizes vary from 19mo
to folio, and that no scroll, such as the Jews and
the Samaritans use in their synagogues, is to bt
found among them. The letters, which are of a
size corresponding to that of the book, exhibit
none of those varieties of shape so frequent in the
Masor. Text; such as majuscules, minuscules, sus-
pended, inverted letters, etc. Their material is
vellum or cotton-paper; the ink used is black hi
all cases save the scroll used by the Samaritans at
Niblut, the letters of which are in gold. Then
are neither vowels, accents, nor diacritical points
The individual words are separated from each othe
by a dot. Greater or smaller divisions of the tex
are marked by two dots placed one above the other
and by an asterisk. A small line above a const
nant indicates a peculiar meaning of the word, a
unusual form, a passive, and the like: it is, in fa*
a contrivance to bespeak attention." The who
Pentateuch is divided into nine hundred and sixt;
four paragraphs, or Anzzin, the termination t
which is indicated by these figures, =, .•., or «
At the end of each book the number of its diri
ions is stated thus: —
(260) 31 DVIND Y>SP : ) WrTin -IBD FTf PT [Majorat. Cod. 12 Sidras (ParshJoth), 60 Chapsn
<*») DYTHB " ''SBm » » [ " 11 " 40 "
osoiD^tPibnyinwa » *»>b»n ■ » t " 10 " 27 »
m-n
'ran "
lovp » ""Hpenn »
(218)
(M»)
The Sam. Pentateuch Is halved in Lev. vii. 15
(viii. 8, in Hebrew Text), where the words " Middle
of the Thorah " » are found. At the end of each
MS. the year of the copying, the name of the scribe,
and also that of the proprietor, are usually stated.
Vet their dates are not always trustworthy when
given, and very difficult to be conjectured when en-
tirely omitted, since the Samaritan letters afford no
internal evidence of the period in which they were
written. To none of the MSS., however, which
have as yet reached Europe, can be assigned a
higher date than the 10th Christian century. The
scroll used in Nibhu bears — so the Samaritans
pretend — the following inscription : •' f, Abisha,
10
11
« TTjn and ngn, IJ and TJ, iqfl and
"97, ^ •»» HN, b3K? and V»*>, rnjT«
*»* WJTi tf ud 07, the suffixes at the end of a
•ord, the H without a dagesh, ate., are thus pointed
'<•* to the reader.
• rVTWTTrrr htf?fi.
* It would appear, however (see Archdeacon Tat-
In tha ftortmea, No. 4, May 24, 1862),
son of Pinehas, son of Eleazar, son of Aaron
Priest, — upon them be the Grace of Jehovah !
his honor have I written this Holy Law at the ,'
trance of the Tabernacle of Testimony on •. . .
Mount Gerizim, Beth El, in the thirteenth yes
the taking possession of the Land of Canaan, -
all its boundaries around it, by the Children o* ,
reel. I praise Jehovah." (Letter of Meshab '
b. Ab Sechuab, Cod. 19,791, Add. MSS. Brit, r "• .
Comp. £pi$L Sam. Sichmittirvm ad Jotwtx **
dolphnm, Cine, 1688; Antiq. EccL Orient, p. v
Huntington! Jipitt. pp. 49, 66 : Eiehhorn's Rt .
loriumf. MM und morg. Lit., torn, ix., etc.) _' • '
no European' has ever succeeded in finding i. ' ■
«..''
that Mr. levyaohn, a person lately attached tr
Bosnian staff In Jerusalem, htu found the Insert . > ' •
In question " going through the middle of the *t^O" ,
the Tout of tha Decalogue, and extending tbx,^ ^ . *
throe columns." Considering that the Bams '•>
themselves told Huntington, " that this mse* ,. • >■
had been In their scroll ones, hot most ha? * v .
erased by some wicked h— * " 0>ls ttartltaff ".• •
information must be r* ™™ *\ *^.* s
no lees so than the T *2L >
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SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH
this scroll, however great the pains bestowed upon
the search (comp. Eiehhom, EinleU. H. 132); and
noi if It had been found, it would Dot have de-
nned the slightest credence.
We have briefly stated above that the Etti-eUa-
liomm of Morinus, which placed the Samaritan Pen-
tateuch far above the Received Text in point of
genuineness, — partly on account of its agreeing in
many places with the 1JCX., and partly on ac-
count of its superior " lucidity and harmony," —
excited and kept up for nearly two hundred years
one of the most extraordinary controversies on rec-
ord. Characteristically enough, however, this was
eet at rest once for all by the very first systematic
investigation of the point at issue. It would now
appear as if the unquestioning rapture with which
every new literary discovery was formerly hailed,
the innate animosity against the Masoretic (Jewish)
Text, the general preference for the LXX., the de-
festire state of Semitic studies, — as if, we say,
all these put together were not sufficient to account
for the phenomenon that men of any critical acu-
men could for one moment not only place the Sam.
Pent, on a par with the Masoretic Text, but even
raise it, unconditionally, far above it There was
indeed another cause at work, especially in the first
period of the dispute: it was a controversial spirit
which prompted Morinus and his followers, Cap-
peOns and others, to prove to the Reformers what
land of value was to lie attached to thtir authority:
the received form of the Bible, upon which and
which alone they professed to take their stand ; —
it was now evident that nothing short of the Di-
vine Spirit, under the influence and inspiration of
which the Scriptures were interpreted and ex-
~ by the Roman Church, could be relied
On the other hand, most of the " Aniimo-
1 — De Muys, Hottinger, St. Morinus,
Boxtorf, Fuller, Leusden, Ifeifler, etc. — instead
of patiently and critically examining the subject
and refuting their adversaries by arguments which
were within their reach, as they are within ours,
directed their attacks against tbe persons of the
Morinians, and thus their misguided zeal left the
question of the superiority of tbe new document
over the old where they found it. Of higher value
were, it is true, the labors of Simon, Le Gere,
Walton, etc-, at a later period, who proceeded ee-
lectieally, rejecting many readings, and adopting
others which seemed preferable to those of the old
text. Houbigant, however, with unexampled igno-
rance and obstinacy, returned to Morinus's first
action — already generally abandoned — of the un-
questionable and thorough superiority. He, again,
waa followed more or less closely by Kennicott, Al.
a St. Aquilino, Lobstein, Geddes, and others. The
discussion was taken up onoe more on the other
side, chiefly by Bavius, who succeeded in finally
disposing of this point of the superiority (EztrdU.
PkiL in HouUg. ProL Lugd. Bat. 1756). It was
torn his day forward allowed, almost on all hands,
SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH 280£
that the Masoretic Text was the genuine one, bat
that in doubtful cases, when the Samaritan had an
unquestionably clearer " reading, this was to be
adopted, since a certain amount of value, however
limited, did attach to it. Michaelis, Eiehhom,
Bertholdt, Jahn, and the majority of modern crit-
ics, adhered to this opinion. Here the matter
rested until 1815, when Gesenius (De Pent. Sam.
Origme, Indole, el Auctoritate) abolished the : em-
uant of the authority of the Sam. Pent. So mas-
terly, lucid, and clear are his arguments and hii
proofs, that there hat been and will be no further
question as to the absence of all value in this Re-
cension, and in its pretended emendations. In
fact, a glance at the systematic arrangement of the
variants, of which he first of all liethought himself,
is quite sufficient to convince the reader at once
that tbey are for the most part mere blunders,
arising from an imperfect knowledge of the first
elements of grammar and exegesis. That others
owe their existence to a studied design of conform-
ing certain passages to the Samaritan mode of
thought, speech, and faith — more especially to
show that the Mount Gerizim, upon which their
temple stood, was the spot chosen and indicated by
God to Moses as the one upon which He desired to
be worshipped." Finally, that others are due to a
tendency towards removing, as well as lingulstie
shortcomings would allow, all that seemed obscure
or in any way doubtful, and towards filling up aO
apparent imperfections : either by repetitions or b)
means of newly-invented and badly-fitting word,
and phrases. It must, however, be premised that
except two alterations (Ex. xiii. 7, where the Sam
reads " Six days sbalt thou eat unleavened bread,''
instead of the received " Seven days," and the
change of the word nWl, ■> There shall not be,"
into irnn, >• lite," Deut. xxiii. 18), the Mossie
laws and ordinances themselves are nowhere tam-
pered with.
• For TO*," He will etact"(«i« spot), the Sam.
always wots "713, " He Ae» elected " (namely, Qeii-
eaa). Bee below.
t DTSSD 2* mast be a ausprtnt.
• Taws D^ is found in the&unar. for D~ • the
—m* t.i m »r rr-s/i; •» p orrbw
We will now proceed to lay specimens of I
once so highly prized variants before the reader, in
order that he may judge for himself. We shall
follow in this the commonly received arrangement
of Gesenius, who divides all these readings into
eight classes; to which, as we shall afterwards
show, Frankel has suggested the addition of two or
three others, while Kirehheim (in his Hebrew work
ITIQItP "tro) enumerates thirteen,' which we
will name hereafter.
1. The Jirtt class, then, eontists of readings be
which emendations of a grammatical nature hare
been attempted.
(a.) The quiescent letters, or so-called esafres
Uctwnii, are supplied.
(5.) The more poetical forms of the pronouns,
probably less known to the Sam. are altered into
the more common ones. 1 '
for Orfeg; nmKB for rft\*0 ete.i soae-
tunes a 1 It put even where tbe Reb. I. has, in ac-
cordance with the grammatical roles, only a soar)
vowel or a shsva: Y08Y1 Is found for TOOT,
nfaw for nvjg.
* "Vm, DP, ^n, besoms "QP3H, TVSr\
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2806 SAMAHITAN PENTATEUCH
(e.) Hie same propensity fur completing appar-
ently incomplete forms is ucticeable in the flexion
*f the verbs. The apocopated or short future is
altered into the regular future. 1
( d.) On the other hand the paragogical letters 1
sod * at the end of nouns, are almost universally
■truck out by the Sam. corrector ;» and, in the igno-
rance of the existence of nouns of a common gender,
he has given them genders according to his fancy . c
(e.) The Infin. sbaol. is, in the quaintest manner
possible, reduced to the form of the finite verb.''
For obsolete or rare forms, the modern and more
SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH
oommon ones have been substituted in a gnat
number of places*
3. The $tamd ekes of variants consists of glossal
and interpretations received into the text: glosses,
moreover, in which the Sam. not {infrequently
coincides with the LXX., and which are in many
es evidently derived by both from some ancient
Targuni./
3. The third class exhibits conjectural emends,
tions — sometimes far from happy — of real or im
aginary difficulties in the Hssoretic Text.'
4. The fourth elan exhibits readings in which
apparent deficiencies have been corrected or sup-
• Tgr-U becomes T3TO; HD"! is emendated
"■» /TH3"lj H?? (Terb n"b) into PIH-Pj the
teal |" of the 8(1 pen. fun. star, fat, into !72.
• "331U7 Is shortened Into p187, VTTl into
rivt.
e Masnnllne are made the words Cfl / (Sen- xllx.
•>), "1937 (Drat xv. 7, etc.), TOTTO (flan. xxxU.
0} ; feminine the words ^"1M (Qen. xUI. «), "Jtt
(Bent, xxrlil. 25), B7B3 (Gen. xlrl. 26, etc.) ; when-
ever the word 173 ononis m the esnss of « girl,'' a
n Is added at the end (Oen. xxiv. 14, etc.).
•> 3WI Tlbn 'Ulan, " the wsten returned
■ceWni—Ve," Is transformed Into isbfl 13187"!
1307% " they returned, they went and they re-
urned " (Oen. vBL 8). Whan the innn. la used as
an adverb, «. g. pnTI (Oen. III. 16), " fer ofl," it
Is altered Into npVTin, " she want fer away,"
which renden the passage almost unintelligible.
« OYW »r D~)"S (Gen. 111. 10, 11) ; "lb" for
"tbl (XL 80); 0"~11B3 tor the collective "I1B2
(XT. 10) i /"TOSH, " Jamais servants," for nVIBN
(xx. 17); nana "3 nrvoB rn"i *« the ad-
verbial 31B (xllx. 16); "n"~l3 fer D"n"~l3
px. xxvl. 28, making it depend from "SB) ; DB*0,
«, the unusual sense of " from It " (eomp. 1 K. xvil.
18,, Is altend Into n$$0 (L*v. a. 2); JTn
■ wrongly put for VI (8dp.s. m. of "Y1 — i 1 * -);
15, the obsolete form. Is nplaeed by the more recent
VS (Num. xxL 15) ; the nnusual fern, termination
<7 (eomp. btD"3N) b"3"3N, I* elongated into
ft* - ; li"TB7 Is the emendation for VtP (Deai
xxrl. 1); *nn for "'Tin (Dent. xxxtH. 15), ess.
/ flEPNl U7"N, "man and woman," used by
(too. tU. 2 of annuals, Is changed into T13p31 "13T,
'■ale and female;" VH3B7 (Qen. xxtv. 00), "his
i ra'TH, "his enemies ; » tor 7TO
(indefln.) Is substituted TOlNO i N"l", "ha win
tee, choose," it amplified by a Y? f " for himself; "
"1|n "TJil Is transformed Into 113" ~tt?M "Oil
(Lev. xvB. 10); DSb3 btf Vlbl* l^l (Nina.
xxilL 4), " And Ood met Bileam," becomes with the
Sam. *3 i"W bH TUbn NXB"1, "as* m
Angti «/ the Lard /owed BUeam ; " nttJNTt bj>
(Oen. xx. 8), "for the woman," Is amplified Into
ntCSnmiMbS," for the sake of the woman;"
for "ia3V>, from 133 (obeol., eomp. Jj3), to put
"133b, " those that an befon me," In eoutradle-
tuetton to " those who will eome after me ; " "lyj-H
" and the emptied " (her pitcher Into the trough, Gen.
xxiv. 20), has made room for "VHTIl, " and aha
took down ; " TV2W YVTO13, « I will meet then "
(A. V., Kx. xxlx. 48), Is made Dtt7 YlttmS, " 1
shall be [searched] found then;" Hum. xxxl. 15,
befon the words n3p3 b3 tSTPVin, "Have
you spend the lift of every female?" a msb,
"Why," Is Inserted (LXX.); tor H1H" 0127 "3
KHpN (Sent. xxxU. 8), « If I call the name of Jeho-
vah," the Sam. has DB73, "In the una.," etc.
9 The elliptic use of lb", frequent both In He-
brew sad Arable, being evidently unknown to the
•mandator, he alter, thelbj? 71307 T1NO pbil
(Gen. xvil. 17), " shall a dald'u bom unto him that
to a hundred years old! " into "T"bVt, « shall I be-
get?" Oen. xxiv. OS, H13B H3, "be came from
going" (A. T. « from the way ") to the well of Lahat-
roi, the Bam. alters Into "I3TD3 K3, "In or
through the desert " (LXX., J.i rijt jp^fuw). In Sen.
xxx. 84, "T^aiS VP lb ]n, "Behold, may
It be according to thy word," the lb (Arab. J) U
tnnaformed Into Mb, "and If not — let It be like
thy word." Gen. xii.82,Dibnn ni3»n bs%
"And for that the dream wai doubled," become*
71 n"3H7 nbSI, "The dream row a eeoone
time," which Is both on-Hebrew, and diametrically
ooposad to the sense and construction of the passage
Bettor is the emendation Oen. xllx. 10, ]"3tJ
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SAMARITAN PB2JTATETJ0H
fjti from parallel [mmgM in the comma, text
Sen. xviii. 39, 30, for " I shall not do It, " " I
shell not destroy," » fa) substituted bom Gen. xvili.
*&. 31, 33. Gen. zzxrii. 4, "NTH, >• his brethren,"
ie replaced by T03, « hie Kin," from the former
One of the moat enrioni specimens of the
■ of the Samaritan Codex to render the
an smooth and consistent aa possible, is
fata oonorm spelling of proper nouns like WV,
Jethro, occasionally spelt "in* in the Hebrew text,
llnias' father-in Uw — a man who, according to
the "^ (Sifri), had no Was than sewn names;
TtffVT 1 (Jeboahua), into which form it correct*
the stutter 5B71H (Hosbea) when it occurs in
the htaavetic Codex. More frequent still are the
addtaous of single words and short phrases In-
serted from parallel passages where the Hebrew
text appeared too concise :° — unnecessary, often
axeessMy absurd interpolations.
*. The fifth daas ia an extension of the one im-
— iliatnlj preceding, and comprises larger phrases,
additions, and repetitions from parallel passages.
Whenever anything is mentioned as having been
done or said previously by Hoses, or where, a com-
mand of God ia related aa being executed, the
whole speech bearing upon it is repeated again at
ml length. These tedious and always superfluous
ispetitions are most frequent in Exodus, both in
the record of the plagues and in the many interpo-
lations from Deuteronomy.
I To the strmdaea belong those « emendations"
Vbj"}, "Cram between his hat," into "from
•aunt; his banners," Y^Sl ^3Q. «*. XV.
18, all bet In of the 8am. Codd. lead oVlSb
~1VB\ " ** aver and tourer," instead of fS\ the
won form, "evermore." Ex. xxxir. 7, nj?J)
rtjvj* cV?, « that will by no means clear tee sm,'
aaeeaaas HM? iV np.3V "and the innocent to
•mm shall be' innocent," against both the parallel pee-
■ace and the obvloos sense. The sommhat dlflcnlt
hfiDJ Vh\ « end they did not cease " (A. V., Num.
A. X), reappears aa a aUll more obscure conjectural
SrEP&C , which we would venture to translate, " they
vase not fathered In," in the erase of ■ killed " : In-
stead of either the 1Q733H, " congrejated," of the
■am. Vem, or OssttU's " eontuuerunt," or HouMgant's
and Bathe's " convensraat." Num. xxL 28, the "1^,
• Ar " (ktoab), Ie emendated Into T$, "es fores,"
s sasraactly nissiilnilsss reading ; only that the "19
• city," ae we saw above, was a word unknown to the
lass- The somewhat uncommon words (Num. xL 82),
mtSB? D7V? VTO0? , 1, "end they (the people)
saved them an abroad," are trtnspoeed Into
1 DTI 19 DTI? "HDTTBJ^X "and they elaagh-
esed for themselves a slaughter." Deut xxvUL ST.
sal waaf ntfitDb, " • n aetontshment " (A. ▼.), very
aaaalr ased ia thai aanea (Jet. six. 8, xxr. »), heoomes
aB7 , 7,«teasame,"<-«.abadnae». Dvstt. xxxftL t,
SAMARITAN PBNTATETJOH 2807
of passages and words of the Hebrew text whist
contain something objectionable in the eyas of the
Samaritans, on account either of historical improb-
ability or apparent want of dignity in the terms
applied to the Creator. Thus in the Sam. Pent
no one in the antediluvian times begets his first
son after he has lived 150 years : but one hundred
yean are, where necessary, subtracted before, and
added after the birth of the first son. Thus J wed,
according to the Hebrew Text, begat at 163 years,
lived afterwards 800 years, and " all his years were
i years; " according to the Sam. he begot when
only 83 years old, lived afterwards 785 years, "and
all his years were 847." After the Deluge the
opposite method is followed. A hundred or fifty
years are added before and subtracted after the be-
getting: s. g. Arphsxad, who in the Common Text
is 35 years old when he begets Shelah, and lived
afterwards 403 years: in all 438 — is by the Sam.
made 135 years old when he begets Shelah, and
lives only 803 years afterwards = 438. (The I-XX.
has, according to its own peculiar psychological and
chronological notions, altered the Text in the op-
posite manner. [See Skttuagimt.]) An exceed-
ingly important and often discussed emendation of
this class is the passage in Ex. xil. 40, which in our
text reads, " Now the sojourning of the children of
Israel who dwelt in Egypt waa four hundred and
thirty yean." The Samaritan (supported by LXX.
Cod. Al.) has " the sojourning of the children of
Israel [and their father* who dwell tn (As land of
Cannon and in the land of Egypt — ly yfj Alyirrry
teal cV yjj KaradV] was four hundred and thirty
years:" an toterpolation of very isle data indeed.
"1BDO TTTC3 TP\ "Maj his mm be a multi-
tude," the Sam., with Its characteristic aversion to, or
rather Ignorance of, the use of poetical diction, reads
"ICDD V1HD VP1, "May there be from him a
multitude," thereby trying perhaps to encounter also
the apparent dlffloulty of the word "1DDD, standing
for " a groat number." Anything more absurd than
the VWD In this place could hardly be Imtglned
A few varses further on, the uncommon use of }IJ5
tn the phrase ]!RMp? ]D (Dent. xxxlH. 11), aa
" lest," " not," caused the no lass unfortunate altera-
tion 13^)?? 'O, so that the latter part of the pee-
ssge, " smite' through the loins of them that rise
against htm, and of them that hate him, that they rim
not again, 11 becomes " who wiU rait* them T" — berree
alike of meaning and of poetry. lor the unusual and
poetical *Ttp^ (Deut xxxlll. 25; A. T. "thy
strength "), *p2^ is suggested ; a word about the
significance of which the commentators are at a
greater loss even than about that of the original.
" rraw nb. * nrittw h 1 ?.
e Thus in Gen. L 16, the words bV "TWl'?
TflHn,"to give light upon the earth," ere Inserted
from ver. 17; Gen. xt. 8, the word b^tM, "end a
tower," Is added from ver. 4; Gen. xxtv. 22, 737
nSH. <° on her face" (nose), la added from ver. 47. ss
that the former verse reads "And the man took
(np'1 fee DB7' , 1) a golden ring 'upon her fees.'"
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$806 SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH
■in, In Geo. ii. 3, "And God [? had] fobbed
l"?3 s 1,? pluperf.) on the seventh day," My>2f£ij7
b altered into , B7B7n, " the start*," lest God's
rest on the Sabbath-day might seem incomplete
(LXX.). In Gen. xxix. 3, 8, " We cannot, until
all the flocks be gathered together, and till they
roll the atone from the mouth of (he well,"
D'mS, .'flocka," is replaced by CfBIT, « shep-
herds," since the flocka could not roll the stone
from the well : the corrector not being apparently
aware that in common parianoe hi Hebrew, as in
other language*, '• they " occasionally refers to cer-
tain not particularly specified persons. Well may
Geaenius ask what this corrector would have made
of Is. xzxrii. [not xxxvi.] 36 : "And when they arose
in the morning, behold they were all dead corpses."
The surpassing reverence of the Samaritan ia
shown in paaaages like Ex. xilr. 10, "and they
beheld God,"" which ia transmuted into "and
they held by, clung to, God"' — a reading cer-
tainly less in harmony with the following — " and
they ate and drank."
7. The teventk class comprises what we might
• D*nbN rw itjti. * wwi.
e The gutturals and AhtvUtttm are frequently
ahaiiewl :~tt-nn becomes ETTW (Oen. TilL4)j
"KQ b altered into >S3 (xxttl. 18); PDQ7 into
Satt? (xxtB. 19); >bnT stands tor '•blTT (Bent xxxil.
M); the H at ehanfsd into H n> words like 3H3
DVT33, which become 3173, DTH3 ; n U altered
Into 7 — IBI"! beeomee "IBS. The s Is frequently
doubled (t as a meter lectionls): aW^T! Is aubatl-
tutedtoranaVI; N-|"NforN-VN; ^h*
Kany words are Joined together: — "IVYTTB stands
tor *rm "IB (Ex. xxx. 28); }VQTI3 tor ]N ]H3
(Oen. xll. 46); 0^13 "IPl le always B^mTtTI.
The pronouns F\Vt and ]F)bl, 2d p. Cam. aing. and
plur., are changed Into VTH, ^DM (the obso-
lete Hob. forms) raapeetlTely ; the suff. fj into "]N
"T^ into T 1 ; the termination of the 2d p. a. ton.
erect, f)-, beeomea "»FI, like the tost p. ; tueverbel
form Aphel k used tor the Hlphll; >rT13IH tor
"•rrOTrt ; the medial letter of the Terb Vj k
jometlmee retained as Hor\lnstead of being dropped
u In the Heb. Again, verbs of the form i"i? hare
3m * frequently at the end of the tofln. fat. and part.,
katead of the n. Nouns of the tehtma b^jjj
(^DH, ete.) ere often spelt Vw, into whloh the
•Jtm vlttij *• likewise oceasionally transformed.
Of distinctly Samaritan words may be mentioned:
"Til (Oen xxxiv.81)~T&Tjl(Ohald.)"llke;"
o»nn, *r Bab. Kiin, «aa»i;» nrnbs,
•aa though It budded," becomes nmCbO - Terg.
SAMARITAN PKNTATECOH
briefly call Samaritaniama, «. a. certain Ha l—
forma translated into the idiomatic Samaritan,
and here the Sam. Codices vary eonahlerably
among themselves, — ae far as the very impatient
collation of them haa hitherto shown — some hail-
ing retained the Hebrew in many places where the
others have adopted the new equivaleuta.'
8. The eighth and last class contains aHerattona
made in fovor or on behalf of Samaritan theology,
benneneutice and domestic worship. Thus the
word Klohim, four times construed with the plura.
verb in the Hebrew Pentateuch, ia in the Sam-
aritan 1'eut. joined to the singular verb (Gen. xx.
13, xxxi. 63, xxxv. 7; Ex. xxii. 9); and further,
both anthropomorphisms ss well as anthropopath-
iams are carefully expunged — a practice very com-
moo. iu later times. 1 ' The last and perhaps the
most momentous of all intentional alterations ia
the constant change of all the TQ\ « God will
choose a spot," into TD, "He haa chosen,"
namely, Gerixim, and the well known substitution
of Gerixim for Ebal in Deut. xxvii. 4: " It shall
be when ye be gone over Jordan, that ye shall set
nn-BN T3; B3i"l, «wke," reads 01311;
IV, "spoil," >~r2; rfWi, "deye," HOV.
* rTOrivB UJ^N, " man of war," an expression
need of Ood (Xx.xv. 8), becomes B "1123, "hero of
war," the former apparently of Irreverent import to
the Samaritan ear ; for Vl f)M )WV > (Deut xxix.
18, A. T. 20), lit. « And the wrath (noes) of the Lord
shall smoke," Vt *|K "VP, " the wrath of the Lord
will be kindled," b substituted ; "ibVlTTB IIS
(Deut. xxxli. 18), « the reek (Ood) which begat thee, -1
ia changed into "»V?nB ^1S, "the reek which
glorifies thee ; " Gen. xlx. 12, D'tPSWI, " the men,"
used of "the angels," haa been replaced by
D\3tO&n, "the angels." Extreme reverence
for the patriarchs changed "1T"lK, "Cursed bs
their (8imeon and Levi's) anger," into TIN,
« brilliant la their angar '" (Oen. xlix. 7). A flagrant
MnlnVitloo la the alteration. In an opposite aanse,
which they ventured in the passage ]2t27 % fl l^P
noab, "The beloved of Ood [Benjamin, the
founder of the Jndao-Darldlan empire, hateful to
the Samaritans] shall dwell securely," transformed
by them Into the ahnoat senseless Vt T *T*
nt23b ?3u7\ " 7*« hmd, <*• keaut of Ood will
net[lfCDph.: ]SB^, ' will eauee to net '] securely n
(Deut. xxxlil. 12). 'Severance tor the Law and the
Sacred Records gives rise to more emendations: —
VIWi:3 (Deut. xxv. 12, A. V. 11), " by bis eoenta,"
becomes VW23, "by his fresh;" nsbsttP
" eoiblt cum ea ; " (Deut. xxvfll. 80), TIBS SSSy
" eooeumbet cum ea ; " JWbt&n absb, " to the
dog shall ye throw it" (Mac xxfl. 80) (A. T. 81)
'bSOT "f^tCn, "ye ahaU Indeed *row t
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SAMARITAN PKNTATEUOH
■p thaw stones which I command you thii day on
Mount Eb*l (Sun. Geritim), and there ahalt thou
build an altar unto the Lord thy God," etc. Thh
passage gain* a certain interest from Whiaton and
Kennieott having charged the Jem with corrupt-
big it from Gerurim into EbaL This supposition,
howsfer, was met by Rutherford, Parry, Tychsen,
Lobstem, Terschuir, and others, and we need only
wid that it is completely given up by modern Bib-
steal scholars, although it cannot be denied that
then is some primA fade ground for a doubt
upon the subject. To this class also belong more
especially interpolations of really existing pas-
sages, dragged out of their context for a special
purpose. In Exodus as well as in Deuteronomy
the Sam. has, immediately after the Ten Com-
mandments, the following insertions from Deut
xxvii. 8-7 and xi. 80: "And it shall be on the
day when ye shall pass orer Jordan ... ye shall
set op these stones ... on Mount Geritim . . .
and there ahalt thou build an altar . . . 'That
mmmlam ' on the other side Jordan by the way
when the sun goeth down ... in the champaign
over against Gilgal, beside the plains of Moron,
over aganut Shtchem :'" — this last superfluous
addition, which is also found in Deut. xi. 80 of the
Sam. Pent, being ridiculed in the Talmud, as we
"lave seen above.
From the immense number of these worse than
worthless variants Gesenius has singled out four,
which be thinks preferable on the whole to those
of the Masoretio Text. We will confine ourselves
to mentioning them, and refer the reader to the
recent commentaries upon them : he will find that
they too have since been, all but unanimously,
rejected.a (1.) After the words, " And Cain spoke
pOrPI) to his brother Abel" (Gen. iv. 8), the
Sam. adds, " let us go Into the field," * in ignorance
at* the absolute use of "TDM, "to say, speak"
(eomp. Ex. xix. 26; 2 Chr. ii. 10 (A. V. 11)), and
the absoL "Wl (Gen. be 39). (2.) For TIN
(Gen. xxU. 13) the Sam. reads "ITTH, ». e. instead
of "behind him a ram," "one ram." (3.) For
D~0 "HOT! (Gen. xlix. 14), " an ass of bom,"
i. «. e strong ass, the Sam. has O'TI "1V3n
(Tnrg. DTJ, Syr. P^- And (4.) for |7Tn
(Gen. xiv. 14), "ha led forth his trained ser-
SBOts," the Sam. reads \TV\ "ha numbered."
We must briefly state, in concluding this por-
* Kan, in the latest edition of his hand., p. 600,
oats 7, says, « Kvra th* few variants, which Qawniuf
trtn to prove g» line, fell to the ground on elosar
» mwn m\o.
• M. t . a-lpnfor 3-ip* (fc.xu.4B); K3>
ntwi (fc. xxxv. w).
• M.+ TOT for TI3T (fc. s*. IS); IBr*)
for 0*0*1 (Num. xv. 86).
• *. f "flTTI *» 1V1 (*•• TBI- B)i flTT
as *f*« (Gen. xxxvi. SB); fpttBTl tor nrtWTl
SUw. xi. lfl), foe.
177
SAMARITAN PENTATRUOH 2809
tion of the subject, that we did not choose this
classification of Gesenius because it appeared to us
to be either systematic (Gesenius says himself:
" Ceterum facile perspicitur oomplures in his east
lectiones quarum singulas alius ad aliud genus
referte forsitan malit .... in una vel altera
lection* ad aliam claseem referenda hand dirndl**
erimus . . . . ") or exhaustive, or even be-
cause the illustrations themselves are unassailable
in point of the reason be assigns for them; but
because, deficient as it is, it has at once and for-
ever silenced the utterly unfounded though time-
hallowed claims of the Samaritan Pentateuch. It
was only necessary, as we said before, to collect •
great number of variations (or to take them from
Walton), to compare them with the old text and
with each other, to place them in some kind of
order before the reader and let them tell their own
tale. That this was not done during the two
hundred years of the contest by a single one of the
combatants is certainly rather strange : albeit nut
the only instance of the kind.
Important additions to this list have, as wa
hinted before, been made by Frankrl, such as the
Samaritans' preference of the imperut. for the 3d
pen. ; « ignorance of the use of the abl. abeol. : <•
Ualileanisms, — to which also belongs the permu-
tation of the letters Ahevi' (comp. Ervb. p. 63,
"inn, "IDS, "1135), in the Samaritan Cod.; the
occasional softening down of the S into 3,/ of 3
into 2, 2 into t, etc., and chiefly the presence
of words and phrases in the Sam. which are not
interpolated from parallel passages, but are entirely
wanting in our text* Franks! derives from then
passages chiefly the conclusion that the Sam.
Pent was, partly at least, emendated from the
l,XX., Onkelos, and other very late sources. (Sea
below.)
We now subjoin, for the sake of completeness,
the beforementioned thirteen classes of Kirchheim,
in the original, to which wr have added the trans-
lation: —
i. trn-ra in rbvvb o***ottn roscm
[Additions and alterations in the Samaritan Pen-
tateuch in favor of Mount Gerixim.]
3. rVVhtb roODVl. [Additions for ths
purpose of completion.]
8. "11H3. [Commentary, giosses.]
4. C\]\3m D^bSDn rpbn. [Change
of verbs and moods.]
/ VSm for tDBmi (Gen.xxxl.8t); 413073
tor nBIM (fc- xv. 10).
t Oea. xxtti. 2, after WlNn FTnjn U»
words \TOiV vH an added ; xxvll. 37, altar 71*10771
ths word Mbo Is found (LXX.); xUll. 28, ths pones
Dvibnb Hirrn orwi *Tro - insert* *«-
the tthnaeh; xlvfl. SO, BHSSb T3S71, ami
fc. xxo. a, wr* ran son wr*n dm u *•«.
An sinasitlngly dtmcult and un-lfobnw pasaaga Is
found In fc. xxUL 18, namng DHT 710*9 *«3
arw "vfxto win trvm roo* na»3.
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2810 SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH
t. HTOtOH F)Y?n. [Change of nouns.]
6. HN tDT(. [Emendation of seeming irreg
■Unties by aseimilating forma, etc.]
7. r\V!Vt/IB1 miBH. [Permutation of
letter*.]
8. n w "03. [Pronouu.]
8. )*E. [Gender.]
10. niCDian (TV/TIN. [Letters added.]
11. DrPn mVTR [Addition of preposi-
tions, conjunctions, articles, etc.]
18. "TT"©! ^H^P" [Junction of separated,
and separation of joined words.]
13. OVW nW. [Chronological alterations.]
It may, perhaps, not be quite superfluous to ob-
serve, before we proceed any further, that, since
np to this moment no critical edition of the Sam,
n . I At »f »k« PJiu. .:_~.
Pent., or even an examination of the Codices since
Kennicott — who can only be said to have begun
the work — has been thought of, the treatment of
the whole subject remains a most precarious task,
and bnet with unexampled difficulties at every
step; and also that, under these circumstances, a
more or lass scientific arrangement of isolated or
common Samaritan mistakes and falsifications ap-
pears to us to be a subject of very small oouae-
quence indeed.
It is, however, this same rudimentary state of
Investigation — after two centuries and a half of
fierce discussion — which has left the other and
much more important question of the Age and
Origin of the Sam. Pent, as unsettled to-day as it
was when it first came under the notice of Eu-
ropean scholars. For our own part we cannot but
think tbat as long as (1) the history of the
Samaritans remains involved in the obscurities of
which a former article will have given an account;
(2) we are restricted to a small number of com-
paratively recent Codices; (3) neither these Codices
themselves have, as has just been observed, been
thoroughly collated and recollated, nor (4) more
than a feeble beginning baa been made with any-
thing like a collation between the various readings
of the Sam. Pent and the LXX. (Walton omitted
the greatest number, "cum nullam sensus varie
tatem constituent " ) ; so long most we have a
/ariety of the most divergent opinions, all based
3D " probabilities," which are designated on the
jther side as " false reasonings " and " individual
autcheta," and which, moreover, not unfrequently
start from flagrantly false premises.
We shall, under these circumstances, confine
mraelves to a simple enumeration of the leading
SAMARITAN PENTATEUUH
opinions,. and the chief reasons and vgumenta at
laged for and against them : —
(1.) The Samaritan Pentateuch came into th
hands of the Samaritans as an inheritance boa
the ten tribes whom they succeeded — so the pop-
ular notion runs. Of this opinion are J. Morinua,
Walton, Cappellus, Kennioott, Hiehaelis, Eiehhorn.
Bauer, Jabn, Berlholdt, Steudel, Maxade, Stuart,
Davidson, and others. Their reasons for it may be
thus briefly summed np : —
(a.) It seems improbable that the S.unaritanj
should have accepted their code at the hands of the
Jews after the exile, as supposed by some critics,
since there existed an intense hatred between the
two nationalities.
(J.) The Samaritan Canon has only the Penta-
teuch in common with the Hebrew Canon: had
that book been received at a period when the Hn-
giographa and the Prophets were in the Jews'
hands, it would be surprising if they had not sin
received those.
(c.) The Sam. letters, avowedly the more an-
cient, are found in the Sam. Cod. : therefore it was
written before the alteration of the character into
the square Hebrew — which dates from the end of
the Exile — took place.
[We cannot omit briefly to draw attention bars
to a most keen-eyed suggestion of S. D. T— -Mir,
contained in a letter to R. Kirchhelm (Conn
S/iomron, p. 106, Ac ). by the adoption of which
many readings in the Heb. Codex, now almost un-
intelligible, appear perfectly clear. He assumes
that the copyist who at some time or other after
Kzra transcribed the Bible into the modern square
Hebrew character, from the ancient copies written
in so-called Samaritan, occasionally mistook Samar-
itan letters of similar form." And since our Sam.
l'ent has those difficult readings in common with
the Has. Text, that other moot point, whether it
was copied from a Hebrew or Samaritan Codex,
would thus appear to be solved. Its constant
changes of "1 and *T, s and 1, Ft and PI — let-
tera which are similar in Hebrew, but not in Sa-
maritan — have been long uaed as a powerful argu
ment for the Samaritans having received the Pent.
at a very late period indeed.]
Sines the above opinion — that the Pent cams
into the hands of the Samaritans from the Tea
Tribes — is the most popular one, we will now
adduce some of the chief reasons brought against
it, and the reader will see by the somewhat fee-
ble nature of the arguments on either side, that
the last word has not yet been spoken in the mat-
ter.
(a.) There existed no religious animosity what-
soever between Judah and Israel when they sep-
arated. The ten tribes could not therefore ban
• B. t. Is. xt .16, WV2 instead of OS23
.adopted by Oeasnlns In Tku. p. 1017 a, without a
mention of its source, which he, howtver, distinctly
avowed to BnssnmHllsr— oomp. 117 3, p. 107, note
M); Jer. ill. 8, K"W1 Instead of KITTI i 1 8am
an. 11, DnnV for DtTHl; to. *• ♦. flTI
•a- tnrt; Xa. nil. 20, WOTTi for WIWTIj
jtdg xr. 30, O v TB7S — iemsonli reign doling the
■sat of lbs Philistines bring given as ItonHi rear*
instaad of forty (oomp. Jtr. Sola, 1), aocountel to
by the O (numerical letter for forty) in the origins.
Mng mistaken for 3 (twenty), again, 2 Chr. xxtt
2, forty Is put Instaad of twenty (oomp. 2 K. rBL 28);
2 K. xxil. 4, OTV1 for ^m ; fa. 111. 12, f P2
to DT12, •*>•; all thoss letters- fi, and -iff
/» and A, J and J, ^ and ?f — resembling
each other very slowly.
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SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH 2811
Immense number of readingi common to the LXX
and this Code, against the Masoretic Text.
'3.) Other, but very isolated notions, are thou
of Morin, Le Clerc, Poncet, etc., that the Israelit-
isb priest sent bj the king of Assyria to instruct
the new inhabitants in the religion of the country
brought the Pentateuch with him. Further, mat
the Samaritan Pentateuch wai the production of
an impostor, Dositheus OWBDVT in Talmud), wh»
lived during the time of the Apostles, and who 6J-
sified the sacred records in order to prove that be
was the Messiah (Uasher). Against which there
u only this to be observed, that there is not the
slightest alteration of such a nature to be found.
Finally, that it is a very late and faulty recension,
with additions and corruptions of the Masoretie
Text (6th century after Christ), into which glosses
from the LXX. had been received (Frankel). Many
other suggestions have been made, but we cannot
here dwell upon them: suffice it to have mentioned
those to which a certain popularity and authority
attaches.
Another question has been raised: Have aO
the variants which we find in our copies been in-
troduced at once, or are they the work of many
generations? From the number of vague opinions
on that point, we have only room here to adduce
that of Azariah de Rossi, who traces many of the
glosses (Class 2) both in the Sam. and in the LXX.
to an ancient Targum in the bands of the people
at the time of Ezra, and refers to the Talmudieal
passage of Nedar. 37 : " And he read in the Book
of the I jiw of God — this is Mikra, the Pentateuch ;
anlOO, explanatory, this is Targum." [Vbb-
bions (Tahgum).] Considering that no Masorah
fixed the letters and signs of the Samar. Codex,
and that, as we have noticed, the principal object
was to make it read as smoothly as possible, it it
not easily seen why each succeeding century should
not have added its own emendations. But here,
too, investigation still wanders about in the maaaa
of speculation.
The chief opinions with respect to the agreement
of the numerous and as yet uninvestigated — even
uncounted — readings of the LXX. (of which like-
wise no critical edition exists as yet), and the Sam-
Pent, are: —
1. That the LXX. hare translated from the
Sam. (De Dieu, Selden, Hottinger, Hanencamp,
Eichhom, etc. ).
8. That mutual interpolation* have taken place
(Grotius, Ussher, Ravi us, etc.).
8. That both Versions were formed from Hebrew
Codices, which differed among themselves as well
as from the one which afterwards obtained pubfio
authority in Palestine; that however very many
willful corruptions and Interpolations have crept in
in later times (Uesenius).
4. That the Samar. has, in the main, been al-
tered bom the LXX. (Frankel).
It must, on the other hand, be stated also, that
origin of the Sam. Pent. Is that it was introduced I the Sam. and LXX. quite as often disagree with
eaoh other, and follow each the Masor. Text. Also,
that tht quotations in the X. T. from- the LXX.,
where iney coincide with the Sam. against the
Hebr. Text, are so small in number and of so un-
important a nature that they cannot be adduced sa
any argument whattoever.
The following is list of the MSS. of the Sam
Pent now in European libraries [Kennioott] : —
HAMAHITAN PENTATEUCH
leqneaUied such an animosity to those, who sue-
leeded them, and who, we may add, probably cared
as little originally for the disputes between Judah
and Israel, as colonists from far-off countries, be-
longing to utterly different races, are likely to care
for the quarrels of the aborigines who formerly in-
habited the country. On the contrary, the contest
between the slowly judaized Samaritans and the
Jews only dates from the moment when the latter
refused to recognise the claims of the former, of
belonging to the people of God, and rejected their
aid in building the Temple : why then, it is said,
should they not first have received the one book
which would bring them into still closer conformity
with the returned exiles, at their bands ? That the
Jews should yet have refused to receive them as
equals is no more surprising than that the Samari-
tans from that time forward took their stand upon
this very Law — altered according to their circum-
stances; and proved from it that they and they
alone were the Jews car* i^axh'-
(A.; Their not possessing any other book of the
Hebrew Canon is not to be accounted for by the
circumstance that there was no other book in exist-
ence at the time of the schism, because many
psalms of David, writings of Solomon, etc., must
have been circulating among the people. But the
jealousy with which the Samaritans regarded Jeru-
salem, and the intense hatred which they naturally
conceived against the post-Mosaic writers of na-
tional Jewish history, would sufficiently account for
their rejecting the other books, in all of which, save
Joshua, Judges, and Job, either Jerusalem, as the
centre of worship, or David and his House, are
extolled. If, however, Loewe hss really found with
them, as be reports in the AUytm. Zdluny d.
Judatih. April 18th, 1839, our Book or Kings and
Solomon's Song of Songs, — which they certainly
would not have received subsequently, — all these
arguments are perfectly gratuitous.
(e.) The present Hebrew character was itof in-
troduced by Ezra after the return from the Exile,
but came into use at a much later period. The
Samaritans might therefore have received the Pen-
tateuch at the hands of the returned exiles, who,
according to the Talmud, afleneardi changed their
writing, and in the Pentateuch only, so as to dis-
tinguish it from the Samaritan. "Originally,"
says Mar Sutra (Sanhedr. xxi. b), "the Pentateuch
was given to Israel in Ibri writing and the Holy
(Hebrew) language: it was again given to them
In the days of Ezra in the Athurifh writing and
Aramaic language. Israel theu selected the Ash-
nrith writing and the Holy language, and left to
the Hediotes ('IgieVrai) the Ibri writing and the
Aramaic language. Who are the Hediotes V The
Cnthim (Samaritans). What is Ibri writing?
The Libonaah (Samaritan)." It is well known
also that ths Maccabean coins bear Samaritan in-
seriptions: so that >' Hediotes" would point to the
common use of the Samaritan oharacter for ordi-
nary purposes, down to a very late period,
(9 ) The second leading opinion on the age and
by Man aaa eh (eomp. Josephus, Ant. xl. 8, §§ 2, 4,
at the time of the foundation of the Samaritan
sanctuary on Mount Geririm (Ant. van Dale, R.
Simon, Prideaux, Fulda, Hasse, De Wette, Gese-
dJus, Hupfeld, Hengstenberg, KeiL eto.). In sup-
east of this opinion are alleged, the idolatry of vie
Samaritans before they received a Jewish priest
through Esarbaddou (8 K. nil. 84-33), a:d the
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2812 SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH
No. 1. Oxford (Ussber) BodL, foL, No. 8127.
Perfect, except the first twenty end but nine verses.
No. 2. Oxford (Cssher) BodL, 4to, No. 3138,
with an Arabic version in Sam. characters. Imper-
fect. Wanting the whole of Leviticus and many
portions of the other books.
No. 3. Oxford (Ussber) BodL, 4to, No. 8129.
Wanting many portions in each book.
No. 4. Oxford (Cssher, Uud) BodL, 4to, No.
824. Defective in parts of Deut
No. 6. Oxford (Marsh) BodL, ISmo. No. IB.
Wanting some verses in the beginning; 21 chapters
obliterated.
No. 6. Oxford (Pocock) BodL,94mo, No. S328.
Parts of leaves lost; otherwise perfect.
No. 7. London (Usther) Br. Mas. Claud. R 8.
Vellum. Complete. 254 leaves.
No. 8. Paris (Peiresc) Imp. Libr., Bam. No. 1.
Beoent MS., containing the Ilebr. and Sam. Texts,
with an Arab. Vers, in the Sam. character. Want-
ing the first 34 cc, and very defective in many
places.
No. 9. Paris (Peiresc) Imp. Libr., Sam. No. 2.
Ancient MS., wanting first 17 chapters of Gen.;
and all Deut. from the 7th ch. Houbigant, how-
aver, quotes from Gen. x. 11 of this Codex, a rather
puzzling circumstance.
No. 10. Paris (HarL do Sanoy) Oratory, No. 1.
The famous MS. of P. delta VaUe.
No. 11. Paris (Dom. Nolin) Oratory, No. 2.
Made-up copy.
No. 12. Paris (libr. St Genev.). Of little
value.
No. 13. Borne (Peir. and Barber.) Vatican, No.
106. Hebr. and Sam. texts, with Arab. Vers, in
Sam. character. Very defective and recent Dated
the 7th century (?).
No. 14. Rome (Card. Cobellutius), Vatican.
Also supposed to be of the 7th century, but very
doubtful.
No. IB. Milan (Ambroaian Libr.). Said to be
very ancient; not collated.
No. 16. Leyden (Goliua MS.), fol., No. L Said
to be complete.
No. 17. Gotha (Ducal libr.). A fragment only.
No. 18. London, Count of Paris' Library. With
Version.
Printed editions are contained in the Paris and
Walton Polyglots ; and a separate reprint from toe
latter was made by Blayney, Oxford, 1790. A
Facsimile of the 20th eh. of Exodus, from one of
be Ndblut MSS., has been edited, with portions
of the corresponding Masoretic text, and a Russian
Translation and Introduction, by Levysobn, Jeru-
" n, I860."
II. Vkbsions.
1. Samaritan. — The origin, author, and age of
the Samaritan Version of the Five Books of Moses,
las hitherto — so Eicbhom quaintly observes —
1 always been a golden apple to the investigators,
and will very probably remain so, until people leave
*ff venturing decisive judgments upon historical
■ubjects whieh no one has recorded in antiquity."
And, indeed, modern investigators, keen as they
hare been, have done little towards the elucidation
SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH
of the subject According to the Samaritans than
selves '(De Sacy, Man. 3; Paulus; Winer;, then
high-priest Nathaniel, who died about 20 u. c, is
its author. Gesenius puts its date a few years after
Christ Juynboll thinks that it had long been in
use in the second post-Christian century. Franks!
places it in the post-Mohammedan time. Other in-
vestigators date it from the time of Esarhaddon's
priest (Sehwars), or either shortly before or after
the foundation of the temple on Mount Gerizim.
It seems certain, however, that it was composed
before the destruction of the second temple; and
being intended, like the Targuma, for the use of the
people exclusively, it was written in the popular
Samaritan idiom, a mixture of Hebrew, Aramaic,
and Syriac
In this version the original has been followed,
with a very few exceptions, in a slavish and some-
times perfectly childish manner, the sense evidently
being of minor consideration. As a very striking
instance of this may be adduced the translation of
Deut iii. 9: " The Zidonians call Hermon ? V 1Q?
(Shirion), and the Amorites call it"V , 3U7 (Shenir)."
The translator deriving Y"VD from "Itl? "prince,
master," renders it \2R " masters; " and finding
the letters reversed In the appellation of the Amor-
ites as T327, reverses also the sense in bis ver-
sion, and translates it by "slaves" ?VT23t2?Q!
In other cases, where no Samaritan equivalent
could be found for a Hebrew word, the translator,
instead of paraphrasing it, simply transposes its
letters, so as to make it look Samaritan. Occa-
sionally he ia misled by the orthography of the
original: : N1BN p DM, «If so, where .. .?"
he renders iTt:PN p DH, "If so, I shall be
wrath:" mistaking WISH for IBM, from *|H
" anger." On the whole it may be considered a
very valuable aid towards the study of the Samar.
Text, on account of its very close verbal adherence.
A few eases, however, may be brought forward,
where the Version has departed from the Text,
either under the influence of popular religious no-
tions, or for the sake of explanation. " We pray "
— so they write to Scaliger — " every day in the
morning and in the evening, as it is said, the one
lamb shalt thou prepare in the morning and the
second in the evening; we bow to the ground and
worship God." Accordingly, we find the translator
rendering the passage, " And Isaac went to * walk '
(nitt7b) in the field," by — "and Isaac went to
pray (nwbxob) in the field." "And Abraham
rose in the morning Cp'OS)," is rendered ""bSS,
" in the prayer," etc. Anthropomorphisms an
avoided. " The image (ruifin) of God " ■
rendered ntMM, "the glory." ilTP "»&
"The mouth of Jehovah," is transformed into
mm "TO^D, "the word of Jehovah." Fol
• The original intention of the Russian Government
Id pubusfa the whole Codex In the same manner seems
tn have been given up for the present We can only
bob* that, if the work is aver tuken np again, it will
Ml lots more canpstant hands. Mr. Levyaolui* In-
troduction, brief as It Is, shows him to be utterly
wanting both In acholarshlp and in critical acumen,
and to be, moreover, entirely unacquainted with tbj
feet that hie new dJ au o ta il es have been disposes •
some hundred aad fifty yearn i
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SAMARITAJX i'llNTATKUUH
CnbH, " God," iTaS^B, « Angel," la fre-
faently found, etc. A gnat difficulty li offered by
the proper names which thli version often substi-
Onkelea In Polftlott. Num.
as bbo : -To^ob nuna as np V?bi
rtnnw w iaa "inrh tbvt) brnw na
DTP Itab HT-ft 113 ITDb ©"ns* "»-»»
•?n ->p irrwn ntn norm : mrr
*nar sb pvw -lorn Vn mn nam
raan "*nup Mb paar rvnna bai
.Via" «b ]>»"«a>i 7>3>ta-i
Bat no aft conclusion u to the respective rela-
tion of the two versions can be drawn from thU.
Tliis Venion has likewise, in passing through
the hands of copyists and commentators, suffered
many interpolations and corruptions. The first
copy of it was brought to Europe by De la Valle,
together with the 8am. Text, in 1616. Joh. Ne-
drinus first published it together with a faulty Latin
translation in the Paris Polyglott, wbenee it was,
with a few emendations, reprinted in Walton, with
some notes by Castellus. Single portions of it
appeared in HaDe, ed. by Cellarius, 1706, and by
Uhlemann, Leipz., 1887. Compare Uesenius, Dt
Pail. 8am. Oitgine, etc., and Winer's monograph,
Dt Vertionis Pent Bam. Indole, eta. Leipzig,
1817.
*• To lafiapttracir. The hatred between the
Samaritans and the Jews is supposed to have caused
the former to prepare a Greek translation of their
Pent, in opposition to the LXX. of the Jews. In
this way at least the existence of certain fragments
af a Greek Version of the Sam. Pent., preserved in
some MS9. of the LXX., together with portions of
Aqnila, Symmaohiis, Tbeodotion, etc, is accounted
SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH 2818
tutes, they being, in many eases, less inleUigibV
than the original ones." The similarity it has witt
Onkeloe occasionally amounts to complete identity,
for instance —
Ti. 1, 8. Sam. Ten. in BaUrM TViflen.
as V?a : navab nrcia as mrr Wai
nrw th -iaa ]r6 -ibvyi htrw >aa
rntanob -ma -na -nab »tb^ t?
-inm '•on "TT> ami nan 70 : mmV
mw iia bai unup nb arm wi
rar , a v > yyvn 7"aay> nnar> vh raa»
.ba^ Nb
for. These fragments are supposed to be alluded to
by the Greek Fathers under the name iaitapu-
TiiroV. It is doubtful, however, whether it ever ex-
isted (as Geaenius, Winer, Juynboll, suppose) in
the shape of a complete translation, or oniy desig-
nated (as Castellus, Yost, Herbst, hold) a certain
number of scholia translated from the Sam. Version.
Other critics again (Havernick, Hengstenberg, etc.)
see in it only a corrected edition of certain passages
of the LXX.
8. In 1070 an Arabic Version of the Sam. Pent
was made by Abu Said in Egypt, on the basis of
the Arabic translation of Sasdjah haggaon. Like
the original Samaritan it avoids anthropomorph-
isms and anthropopathisms, replacing the latter
by euphemisms, besides occasionally making some
slight alterations, more especially in proper nouns.
It is extant in several MS. oopies in European
libraries, and is now in course of being edited by
Kuenen, Leyden, 1850-64, Ac. It appears to have
been drawn up from the Sam. Text, not from the
8am. Version; the Hebrew words occasionally
remaining unaltered in the translation.* Often
also it renders the original differently from the
« A list of Um more remarkable of these, In the
aaa of esogxaphleal names, la subjoined : —
Sen. tUL 4, for Ararat, S&mndlb, a>"T3"ID.
X. 10, u Shlnar, TMah, HOYS C Zoban).
11, u Aashur, Aston, ]1BD».
— m Behoboth, Setean, pBD (r Sit-
taosne).
— « Galea, Lsksah, ITOpb.
U, u Basso, Asian, nBDS.
t0, « Hatha, Hasbal, baDB.
xL «, u Babel, Lflak, pVb.
xBL 8, u Al, Oafrah, 71183 C Osphlrah,
Josh. rx. 17).
•Jr. 5, «c AshtsrothKunahn,AnnlmKBtinali,
msnp rvyss.
. ii Bam, Ushah, nUPb.
- «, u m Fajen, FsUahah, ete., DT".fl
aibBb rrarbs.
-U, « Ban, Banks, DKOa.
— Ik, u Bobao, lojah, 71310.
-IT, « Shave*, lBmsh, n3BB.
Oen. XT. 18, tor Buphratee, Sbalmah, nNBbtff.
— 30, u Bepbahn, Obaaah, HHCn.
xx. 1, » Genu, Askelun, ]Y?pD5.
xxvl. 3, u kUtsralm, Kaflk, p>Q3 (t Kansas
*»Tl.8,»,*e.«. Mr, Oablah, nbaj (Jebsl)
87, h Behoboth, taihl, \"IB.
Num.jBd.8B, « Basban,Bathnln,7^3na(Batansa>)
xxxlv. 10, " gfaepham, 'Abamlab, 71^35 <A|S>
mass).
U, « Shepbao, 'Aflunlah, n^BBP.
Beut, 11. », <i A» ("IS), Arshah, ntPTK.
tfl. 4, <• Arfob, BlfPbsah, nMStm (Pa
— 17, « Ohlnnereth, Geaaaar, "IDa3.
It. 48, u Blon, Tftr TUsja, Habn 11B (J»
palette!))-
»*.*-. to. rill. IS, Dm ~1BB VS (Saas. Tee.
arrn Ti^no ba) iwsams JbU Jj:>*.a
ttom Vsa (Sam. t« nr» \nac) t> *»-
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2814 SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH
Saiuar. Version." Principally noticeable it iU
excessive dread of assigning to God anything
like human attributes, physical or mental. For
OTtbN TTW, « God," we find (as in Saadiah
sometimes) «JUt vJ^Lo, " the Angel of God; "
for » the eyes of God " we have (Deuk id. 13)
sJJI &ios»^Lo, "the Beholding of God
For "Bread of God," -,v}r, "the necessary.
r;-
etc. Again, it occasionally adds honorable epithets
where the Scripture seems to have omitted them,
etc Its language is far from elegant or even cor-
rect; and its use must likewise be confined to the
critical study of the Sam. Text.
4. To this Arabic version Abu Baracbat, a
Syrian, wrote in 1308 a somewhat paraphrastic
commentary, which has by degrees come to be
looked upon as a new Version — the Syriac, jn
contradistinction to the Arabic, and which is
often confounded with it in the MSS. On both
Recensions see Eichhorn, Gesenius, Juynboll, etc.
III. Samaritan Literature.
It may perhaps not be superfluous to add here
a concise account of the Samarium literature in
general, since to a certain degree it bears upon our
subject.
1. Chronica* Samaritanum. — ■ Of the Penta-
teuch and its Versions we have spoken. We have
also mentioned that the Samaritans have no other
book of our Received Canon. " There is no
Prophet but Hoses" is one of their chief dogmas,
tnd fierce are the invectives in which they indulge
igainst men like Samuel, "a Magician and an In-
tdel," ytf» (Chron.Sam.); Eli; Solomon, " Shi-
->h" (Gen. xlix. 10), "i. e. the man who shall
fpoU the Law and whom many nations will follow
because of their own licentiousness " (De Secy,
Mem. 4); Ecra "cursed for ever" (Lett, to Hun-
UngUm, etc.). Joshua alone, partly on account of
jis being an Ephniimite, partly because Sliechem
was selected by him ss the scene of bis solemn
valedictory address, seems to have found favor in
their eyes; but the Book of JotAwi, which they
perhaps possessed in its original form, gradually
came to form only the groundwork of a fictitious
national Samaritan history, overgrown with the
most fantastic and anachronistic legends. This
is the so-called " Samaritan Joshua," or Chroni-
em Samaritanum (mJ«J y>* /'"'flJ T*** 1 )
sent to Scaiiger by the Samaritans of Cairo in 1584.
It was edited by Juynboll (Leyden, 1848), and his
scute investigations have shown that it was redacted
into its present form about a. d. 1300, out of four
special documents, three of which were Arabic and
one Hebrew (i. t. Samaritan). The Leyden MS.
m 3 pU., which Gesenius, Dt Sam. Thtol. p. 8, n.
18, thinks unique, Is dated A. H. 764-019 (a. d.
1363-1613); — the Cod. in the Brit. Museum,
• thwe JTVS, Gen. xttx. 11 (8am. Ver. H/Tip,
'MscMr"), the Arab, midst* SyX£. • Oeu.xJL48,
T"iaM (Bass. ▼«• IT© - **>{), the Arab, trans-
SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH
lately acquired, dates A. H. 908 (A. D. 1508). Thi
chronicle embraces the time from Joshua to about
A. D. 350, and was originally written in, or subse-
quently translated into, Arabic. After eight chap
ten of introductory matter begins the early history
of " Israel " under "King Joshua," who, among
other deeds of arms, wages war, with 300,000
mounted men — •> half Israel " — against two kings
of Persia. The last of his five " royal " successors
is Shimshon (Samson), the handsomest and most
powerful of them all. These reigned for the space
of 850 years, and were followed by five high-priests.
the last of whom was Usi ( ? = Uzst, Ex. vii. i).
With the history of Eli, "the seducer," which
then follows, and Samuel "a sorcerer," the ac-
count, by a sudden transition, runs off to Nebu-
chadnezzar (ch. 45), Alexander (ch. 46), and Ha-
drian (47), and closes suddenly at the time of
Julian the Apostate.
We shall only adduce here a single specimen
out of the 45th ch. of the book, which tresis of
the subject of the Pentateuch : —
Nebuchadnezzar was king of Persia (Mossul),
and conquered the whole world, slso the kings of
Syria. In the thirteenth year of their subjuga-
tion they rebelled, together with the kings of Jeru-
salem (Kodsh). Whereupon the Samaritans, to
escape from the vengeance of their pursuer, fled,
and Persian colonists took their place. A curse,
however, rested upon the land, and the new immi-
grants died from eatiuc; of its fruits (Joseph. Ant
14, $.3). The chiefs of Israel (i. e. Samari-
tans), being asked the reason of this by the king,
explained it by the abolition of the worship of
God. The king upon this permitted tbem to return
and to erect a temple, in which work he promised
to aid tbem, and he gave them a letter to all their
dispersed brethren. The whole Dispersion now
assembled, and the Jews said, " We will now go
up into the Holy City (Jerusalem) and live there
in unity." But the sons of Hsrfln (Aaron) and
of Joseph (i. e. the priests and the Samaritans)
insisted upon going to the " Mount of Blessing,"
Gerizim. The dispute was referred to the king, and
while the Samaritans proved their case from the
books of Moses, the Jews grounded their preference
for Jerusalem on the post-Mosaic books, The supe-
rior force of the Samaritan argument was fully recog-
nized by the king. But as each side — by the mouth
of their spokesmen, Sanballat and Zerubabel respec-
tively, — charged the other with basing its claims
on a forged document, the sacred books of each
party were subjected to the ordeal of fire. The
Jewish Record was immediately consumed, while
the Samaritan leaped three times from the flames
into the king's lap : the third time, however, a por-
tion of the scroll, upon which the king had spat,
was found to have been consumed. Thirty-six
Jews were immediately beheaded, and the Samari-
tans, to the number or 300,000 wept, and all Israel
worshipped henceforth upon Mount Gerizim —
and so we will ask our help from the grace of
God, who has in bis mercy granted all these things
and in Him we will confide."
8. From this work chiefly has been compiled an-
other Chronicle, written in the 14th century (1365)
(ip"S3) -1013.
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SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH
by Abn'l Fatah. This eompriaea the history of
the Jews and Samaritans from Adam to A. H. 768
and 798 (A. d. 1355 and 1397) respectively (the
forty-two years most hare been added by a later
historiographer). It is of equally low historical
value; Us only remarkable feature being its adop-
tion of certain Talmndical legends, which it took
at second band from Josippon ben Gorion. Accord-
ing to this chronicle, the deluge did not cover
Gerizim, in the same manner as the Midrash (Bar.
Bab.) exempts the whole of Palestine from it. A
specimen, likewise on the subject of the Penta-
teuch, may not be out of place : —
In the year of the world 4150, and in the 10th
year of Philadelphus, this king wished to learn the
difference between the Law of the Samaritans, and
that of the Jews. He therefore bade both send
him some of their elders. The Samaritans dele-
gated Ahron, Sumla, and Hudinaka, the Jews
Eleazar only. The king assigned bouses to them,
and gave them each an adept of the Greek language,
in order that he might assist them in their transla-
tion. The Samaritans rendered only their Penta-
teuch into the language of the land, while Eleazar
produced a translation of the whole Canon. The
king, perceiving variations in the respective Penta-
teuchs, asked the Samaritans the reason of it.
Whereupon they replied that these differences chiefly
turned upon two points. (1.) God had chosen the
Mount of Gerizim: and if the Jews were right,
why was there no mention of it in their loon?
(2.) The Samaritans read, Deut zzzii. 36,
Dp3 DV 1 ?, "to the day of vengeance and re-
ward," the Jews Dp2 "• 7, " Mint is vengeance
and reward " — which left it uncertain whether
that reward was to be given here or in the world
to come. The king then asked what was their
opinion about the Jewish prophets and their writ-
ings, and they replied, " Either they must have said
and contained what stood in the Pentateuch, and
then their saying it again was superfluous ; or more ;
or less : ' either of which was again distinctly pro-
hibited in the Thora; or finally they must hare
changed the laws, and these were unchangeable."
A Greek who stood near, observed that laws must
as adapted to different times, and. altered accord-
ingly; whereupon the Samaritans proved that this
ni only the case with human, not with divine
«wa: moreover, the seventy Elders had left them
the explicit command not to accept a word beside
the Thora. The king now fully approved of their
translation, and gave them rich presents. But to
the Jews he strictly enjoined not even to approach
Moont Gerizim. There can be no doubt that there
la a certain historical tact, however contorted, at
the bottom of this (comp. the Talmudical and other
accounts of the LXX.), but we cannot now further
pursue the subject. A lengthened extract from
this chronicle — the original text with a German
translation — is given by Schnurrer in Paulas'
JVewes Repertorium, 1790, 117-169.
SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH 2812
3. Another "historical" work is the vjLaJ
1.. ' on "* mato *7 * nd genealogy of tb«
patriarchs, from Adam to Moses, attributed to
Moses himself; perhaps the same which Petermann
saw at MAblut, and which consisted of sixteen
vellum leaves (supposed, however, to contain the
history of the world down to the end). An anony-
mous recent commentary on it, A. h. 1200, A. D.
1784, is in the Brit. Mus. (No. 1140, Add.).
4. Of other Samaritan works, chiefly in Arabic -
their Samaritan and Hebrew literature having
mostly been destroyed by the Emperor Conimo-
dus — may be briefly mentioned Commentaries upon
the whole or parts of their Pentateuch, by Zadaka b.
Manga b. Zadaka ; e further, by Maddib Eddin
Jussuf b. Abi Said b. Khalef ; by Ghazel Ibn Abu-
1-Surur Al-Safawi Al-Ghazzi <* (a. h. 1 167-68, A. D.
1763-64, Brit Mus. ), Ac. Theological works chiefly
in Arabic, miied with Samaritanisnw, by Abul
Hassan of Tyre, On tht rtliyiout Manner* and
Cuilomt of tht Samariiani, and the World to
come ; by Mowaflek Eddin Zadaka el Isrsili, A
Compendium of JtrHgvm, on tht Nature of tht
Divine Being, on if an, on the Wottliip of Cud;
by Amin Eddin Abu'l Baracat, On the Ten Com-
maniimentt; by Abu'l Hassan Ibn El Markum
Gonajem ben Abulfaraj' ibn Cbatur, On Penance ;
by Muhaddib Eddin Jussuf Ibn Salmaah Ibn
Jussuf Al Askaii, An Kxpm'dion of the Afotaie
Lntoi, etc., etc. Some grammatical works may
be further mentioned, by Abu labak Ibrahim,
On Me Bebrev Lanyi*igt; by Abu Said, On
reading tht Hebrew Text (L&eJt ,jJof«j).
This grammar begins in the following character-
istic manner: —
" Thus said the Sheikh, rich in good works and
knowledge, the model, the abstemious, the weU-
guided Abu Said, to whom God be merciful and
compassionate.
" Praise be unto God for his help, and I ask for
his guidance towards a clear exposition. I have
resolved to lay down a few rules for the proper
manner of reading the Holy Writ, on account of
the difference which I found with respect to it
among our co-religionists — whom may God make
numerous and inspire to obedience unto Him 1 —
and in such a manner that I shall bring proofs for
my assertions, from which the wise could in no
way differ. But God knows best!
•' Rule 1 : With all their discrepancies about
dogmas or religious views, yet all the confessors of
the Hebrew religion agree in this, that the fl of
the first pen. (sing, perf.) is always pronounoed
with Kasra, and that a N follows it, provided it has
no suffix. It is the same, when the suffix of the
plural, D, is added to it, according to the unani ■
mous testimony of the MSS., eta"
•"0-*^' t5*W £***' J**
ygy*,yt)\ { Ji» jj ^ejwoLj! (Bodl ; Imp.
library, Paris) Two copies In Berlin Library (P*.
\WBWm, Bonn) recently acquired.
• this work has sums been publWhsd, with the
■»: "Abnuetbi Angelas Hamarltani Quo* Ambles
•didtt,cum Pnil. Latins vartit st Communtarlo Ulns
travit Dr. Ed. Tllmar." Ootha, 1866, 8vo. A.
a Compare the well-known dictum of Omar on the
Alexandrian Library (Gibbon, eh. 61).
' J. 511 JLaJf -.-& (18th century, BooO.)
d Under the tltU ^ja s >JDLaJl)| oLili
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2816 SAMABITAN PENTATEUCH
The treatise conclude*, at the end of the 18th
Oman or Kale: —
"Often also the perfect n need in the form of
the imperative. Thai it ia reported of a turn
of the beet reputation, that be had need the
form of the imperatiTe in the passage (Ex. iji. 13),
"OB ilD "**? TIBWI — ■ And they ab-jll say to
me, What ia hia name? ' He who reported thia
to me ia a man of very high standing, against
wboae truthfulness nothing can be brought forward.
Bat God knows beat!
" Then an now a few more words to be treated,
of which, however, we will treat etal soce. And
bleated be Hia name forerermore."
S. Their Liturgical literature is more extensive,
and not without a certain poetical value. It con-
sists chiefly of hymns (Defter, Ourriui) and prajers
for Sabbath and Feaat-d-iys, and of occasional
prajers at nuptials, cireuixaaione, burials, and the
like. We subjoin a fevr specimens from MSS. in
the British Museum, transcribed into Hebrew char-
The following la 'art of a Litany for the dead: —
• -pi • Torra- cnbw- mm • mih
• omuH • 73 J1TM3T • -TTnsai . -rorcsi
iai ■ nam • jawwi • ap^i • pns ,, 'i
Lord Jehovah, fiohhn, for Thy merer, and for Thine
Own aake, and for Thj name, and for Thy glory, and
for the aake of our Lords Abraham, and Isaac, and
Jacob, and our Lords Mease and Aaron, and Beuar,
and Ithamar, and Pinehas, and Joshua, and Caleb,
and the Holy ^"g* 1 *, and the seventy Elders, and the
holy mountain of Oerixlm, Beth XL. 1/ Thou scocpt-
ast [EWnj Oils prayer [8~>pQ -reading], may
there go forth from before Thy holy oountenanoa a
gift sent to protect the spirit of Thy servant, ^ jkj
^yki j^vj! pi- the son of HJ, of the sons of
[ J, daughter [ ] from the son* of [ ].
Lord Jehovah, in Thy mercy have compassion on him
apaadoo on her), and rest his (her)
(j| [or] have c
soul in the garden of Eden; and fbrgtve htm (. (
or] her), and all the congregation of Israel who flock
to Mount Oertauu, Beth Bl. Amen. Through Moses
The next is part of a hymn (see Kirehheim's
Carmt Shomron, emendationa on Geeenius, Carm.
Sam. Ul.): —
L
IITM HbM nbM mb There is no Ood but one,
TTOTSP D^n^M The eterlasttng God,
Dbvb "TO VS^n Who Ureth forever ;
^V*n ?3 TV nbH Sod above all powers,
Obsb p *DD1 And who thus rsmatneth
f mn3 713*1 "pTD In Thy grew power shall
we trust,
yiO VI HMT for Thou art our Lurd
rPT»H TTVrnbrO In Thy Godhead; for
Thou beat conducted
nOP") }D TTO vTf The world from begin
8AMABJTAN PENTATEUCH
a.
mOaifPfaa Thy power wuludie.,
"pOmi ' I li JtSI AndThygloeyaxidasescv
nnKDainfwrVarba lUvsslsdsrebDthe*.
tbJnga that are re
that aw unnioahU*
"i3i -rninbM nafan b««» the man *
Thy Godhead, etc.
IV. We shall only briefly touch here, in eon-
cIus'to, upon the strangely contradictory rabbinical
law* framed for the regulation of the intercourse
between the two rival nationalities of Jews and
Samaritans in religious and ritual matters; dis-
crepancies due partly to the ever-ehifting phases of
their mutual relations, partly to the modifications
brought about in the Samaritan creed, and partly
to the now less now greater acquiescence of the
Jews in the religious state of the Samaritans.
Thus we find the older Talmudkal authorities dis-
puting whether the Cuthim (Samaritans) an to
be considered as "Real Converta" fiOH "HM,
or only converta through fear — "lion Converta "
nmH T3 — in allusion to the incident related
in 2 K. xvii. 25 {Balm K. 38; Kithuk. 76, ate.)
One Rabbi holds '132 WO, "A Samaritan is
to be considered aa a heathen; " while K. Simon
b. Gamaliel — the same wboae opinion on the Sam.
Pent, we had occasion to quote before — pro-
nounces that they are "to be treated in every
respect like Israelites " (Dm. Jer. ix. 2; Xefav).
11, Ac.). It would appear that notwithstanding
their rejection of all but the 1'entateuch, they had
adopted many traditional religious practices from
the Jews — principally such aa were derived direct
from the books of Mom*. It was acknowledged
that they kept these ordinances with even greater
rigor than those from whom they adopted them,
lie utmost confidence was therefore placed in them
for their ritnally slaughtering animals, even fowb
(ChuL 4 a); their wells are pronounoed to be
conformed to all the conditions prescribed by the
Miahnah (Totepk. Uilae. 6; comp. Mihe. 8,
1). See, however, Abodak Zonk (Jer. v. 4).
Their unleavened bread for the Passover is com-
mended (tiiL 10; CM. 4); their cheese (Mat.
Cvtk. 2); and even their whole food is allowed
to the Jews (Ab. Zar. Jer. t. 4). Compare John
iv. 8, where the disciples are reported to have gone
into the city of Samaria to buy food. Their testi-
mony waa valued in that most stringent matter of
the letter of divorce (Mat. Cvtk. it). They wen
admitted to the office of circumcising Jewish boys
(Mat. Cvtk. i.) — against R. Jehudah, who asserts
that they circumcise "in the name of Mount
Geririm" (^oooViA Zarak, 43). The criminal
law makes no difference whatever between thstn and
the Jews (Mat. Oak. 2; Makk. 8); and a Sa-
maritan who strictly adhere* to hi* own special
creed is honored with the title of a Cuthi-Chaber
(6'iftw, 10 o; Middah, 83 4). By degrees, bow-
ever, inhibitions began to be laid upon the uaa
of their wine, vinegar, bread (Mat. Cut*. 2
Totepk. 77, 6), Ac. This intermediate stage t*
uncertain and inconsistent treatment, which must
hsre lasted for nearly two centuries, ia best char
aeteriaed by the small rabbinical treatise quo**
above — Mamttktlk Cvtkim (2d esnt- A B )-
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rUMAlUTAJ! PENTATEUCH
a.at edited by Kirohheim (n"Ottp *DD SDB7
V?tBY1 s ) Frsncf. 1851 — the beginning of which
reads: "The ways (treatment) of the Cuthlm (Sa-
maritans), sometimes like Goyim (heatheu) some-
umes like Israel." No lees striking ii it* oonclu-
don: —
» And why ere the Cuthlm not permitted to come
Into the midst of the Jem? Because they have
mixed with the priests of the heights " (idolaters).
ft. Ismael says: " They were at first pious eon-
verts (pIS '•"TO aw real Israelites), and why is
the intercourse with them prohibited? Because of
their illegally begotten children,* and beoause they
do not fulfill the duties of 32* (marrying the
deceased brother's wife) ; " a law which they under-
stand, as we saw above, to apply to the betrothed
only.
>• At what period are they to be received (into
the Community)?" "When they abjure the Mount
Gerudm, recognize Jerusalem (namely, its superior
daims), and believe in the Resurrection." *
We hear of their exclusion by R. Melr (ChuL
V, iu the third generation of the Tanaim, and
later again under R. Abbuha, the A mora, at the
time of Diocletian; this time the exclusion was
unconditional and final (Jer. Abodah Zarak, 5,
Ac). Partaking of their bread c was considered a
tran sgre ssion, to be punished like eating the flesh
of swine (Zeb. 8, 6). The intensity of their
mutual hatred, at a later period, is best shown by
diet* like that in Meg. 28, 6. " May it never
happen to me that I behold a Cuthi." " Whoever
raeeives a Samaritan hospitably in his bouse, de-
serves that his children go into exile " (Synh.
104, 1). In Matt. x. 6 Samaritans and Gentiles
are already mentioned together; and in Luke xvii.
18 the Samaritan is called "a stranger" (i\\o-
yirt)i)- The reason for this exclusion is variously
given. They are said by some to have used and
sold the wine of heathens for sacrificial purposes
(Jer. ibid.); by others they were charged with
worshipping the dove sacred to Venus ; an imputa-
tion over the correctness of which hangs, up to this
moment, a certain mysterious doubt. It has, at
all events, never been brought home to them, that
they really worshipped this image, although it was
•srtainly seen with them, even by recent travellers.
Authorities. — 1. Original texts. Pentateuch in
i as Polyglotts of Paris, and Walton ; also (in Hebr.
ktersj by Blayney, 8vo, Ox. 1790. Sam. Version
in the Polyglotts of Walton and Paris. Arab.
Vera, of Abu Said, Libri Gen. Em. el Lev. by
Known, 8vo, Lugd. 1851-64; also Van Vloten,
Specimen, etc, 4to, Lugd. 1803. Litem ad Seal,
iatr, etc (by De Sacy), and Epistola ad Ludolph.
(Brum), in Eichborn's Jteperlorium, xiii. Also,
with Letters to De Sacy himself, in Notices et Ex-
traits des M88. [voL xiL] Par. 1831. Chronicon
BamarUanum, by Juynbolt, 4to, Leyden, 1848,
<perimfn of Samnr. Commentary on Gen. xlix. by
oehnurrer, in Eichhom's Reperi- xvi. Carta. 8a-
mar. [ed. j Gesenius, 4to, Lips. 1834.
HAMGAHr-NKBO
2817
• The briefest nodming of D'ltQD whicn *»
van give — a full explanation of the tsnt would ex*
sasd our limits.
1 0» this subject the Pant, contains nothing ex-
snots. Tbaj st flrst rejected that dogma, but adapted
t as «• later period, perhaps slnci Doslthaus ; eomp.
9. Dissertations, etc, J. Morinus, ExtrdtatiMm
etc, Par. 1631 ; Qpuseula Hebr. Samaritica, Par
1667; AntiquitaUs EccL Orient., Lond. 1689. J
H. Hottinger, ExerciL Anti-moriniana, etc., Tigur
1644. Walton, De Pent Sam. in Prolegom. ai
PolyyluU. Castell, Animadversions, in Polyglots,
vi. Cellarius, Mora Samaritana, Cis. 1682; alec
Collectanea, in Ugollni, xxil. Leusden, Philubgw
Hebr. Utraj. 1686. St Morinus, ExercU. ds Ling
primmvi, Utr. 1694. Schwarx, ExercUationes
etc Houbigant, Prolegomena, etc, Par. 1741
Kenutoott, State of lie Heb. Text, etc, ii. 1759
J. G. Carpxov, CrU. Sacra V. T. Pt 1, Lips
1728. Hassencamp, Entdeckter Urspnmg, etc
0. G. Tychsen, Dispulatio, etc , Bute. 1766. Bauer,
CriU Sacr. Gesenius, De Pent. Sam. Origins,
tie., Hal. 1815; Samar. Tlieobgia, etc, HaL
1892; Anecdota Exon., Lips. 1834. Hengstenberg,
Auth. des Pott. Masade, Sur tOrigine, etc.,
Gen. 1830. M. Stuart, ff. Atner. Bet. [voL xxii.J
Vrankel, Vorstudien, Leipx. 1841, [and Einfluts
d. paltstin. Exegese, etc, 1851.} Kirchheim,
]TTOW W3, Frankfort, 1851. The EinkU-
ungen of Eichbom, Bertholdt, Vater, De Wette,
Havernick, Keil, [Bleek,] etc The Geschiehten
of Jost, Herafeld, etc.
8. Versions. Winer, De Vers. Pent. Sam.
De Sacy, Mem. sur la Vers. Arabs des Lhres de
Mofse, in Hem. de Litterature, xlix , Par. 1808;
also L'Stat uctutl des Samaritains, Par. 1812;
De Versions Samaritano-Arnbica, etc., in Eich-
hom's Atlg. BibUothek, x. 1-176. E. D.
* On the Samaritan Pentateuch there are articles
by Prof. Stuart in the BibL Repot, for Oct 1832,
and by T. Walker in the Christ. Examiner {at
May and Sept. 1840. See also Davidson's art. in
Kitto's CgcL of Bibl. Lit., 3d ed., iii. 746 ft".;
Rosen in the Zeittchr. d. deutschen morgenl. Ge-
settsch., xviii. 582 ff.; S. Kohn, De Pcntateucko
Samaritano, Vratisl. 1865, anil id. Samarila-
nucht StutHen, Breslau, 1867. A.
SAM'ATUS Oafxaris: Semedim). One of
the sons of Oxora in the list of 1 Eadr. ix. 84
The whole verse is very corrupt
* 8AMECH, one of the Hebrew letters em-
ployed iu the alphabetic compositions. [Poetbt ;
Wbitino.] H.
SAME'ITJS [3 syl.] (So/iaio. [Vat tomatos,
Aid. Sojiwior] )■ Shkmaiah of the sous of llariro
(1 Esdr. ix. 91; eomp. Est. x. 91).
SAM'GAR-NE'BO ODJ-TeWP [s» be-
low] : Semegarnobu). One of the princes or gen-
erals of the king of Babylon who commanded the
victorious army of the Chaldanns at the capture
of Jerusalem (Jer. xxxix. 8). The text of the,
LXX. is oorrupt The two names " Satngar-
nebo, Sanechim," are there written ScuuryM
[Alex, tiao-afuryai] ical Na/9ovo-rfx a P- The Ncbo
is the Chaldean Mercury; about the Samgar, opin-
ions are divided. Vor Bohlen suggested that from
the Sanskrit sangara "war," might be formed
singara, " warrior," and that this was the original
of Samgar.
tot -aylngs of Jehudda-hadassl and Massodl, that out
of the two Samaritan asota believes In the Baturrao-
tlon ; Eplphanius, Lwmtlns, Gregory the Great, testify
unanimously to their former unbelief la this arttek
of their pment tilth.
"15, Ughtroot «buoeUa"m
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2818
8AMI
8A/MI (Tw/Wti [Vat t«0«i; Aid. a.^;]
Aln. Xs0«: TM). Shobai (1 Eedr. r. 98;
loeup. Ear. U. 48).
SA'MIS (South, [Vat *o M « ( »; Alex. 3o-
wii; Aid. 2anir:] om. In Vulg.). Shimei 13
(1 Esdr. ix. 84; oomp. Ear. x. 38).
8AMXAH (n^P^ [ourm«i/] : TUquM;
Alex. SoAsuia; [in l'Chr., Kom. l,tfi\<t; Vat
Alex. Xafiaa-] Semla), Gen. xxxvi. 36, 87; 1 Chr.
I. 47, 48. One of the king* of Edom, successor to
Hadaii or Hadar. Samlah, wboee name signi-
fle* "a garment." m of Masjuckah; that being
probably the chief city during hii reign. ThU
mention of a separate city aa belonging to each
(almost without exception) of the "kings" of
Edom, suggests that the Edomita kingdom con-
sisted of a confederacy of tribes, and that the chief
city of the reigning tribe was the metropolis of the
whole. E. S. P.
SAM'MUS (Souuntf; [Vat Seuipev:] Sa-
ima). Shkma (1 Eedr. ix. 48; oomp. Neh.viii.
SA'MOB Cidfws [height: Batmu]). A very
illustrious Greek island off that part of Asia Minor
where InsiA touches Cakia. For its history, from
the time when it wis a powerful member of the Ionic
confederacy to its recent struggles against Turkey
during the war of independence, and since, we must
refer to the Did. of Greek and Rum. O'eog." Sa-
uce is a very lofty and commanding island ; the
word, in fact, denotes a height, especially by the sea-
shore: hence, also, the name of Samutiikacia, or
" the Tbracian Samoa." The Ionian Samoa conies
oefore our notice in the detailed account of St.
Paul's return from his third missionary Journey
(Acta xx. 18). He bad been at Chios, and was
about to proceed to Miletus, having passed by
Ephesus without touching there. The topograph-
ical notices given incidentally by St. Luke are
most exact The night was spent st the anchor-
age of Tkooyluum, in the narrow strait between
Samoa and the extremity of the mainland-ridge of
Mycale. This spot is famous both for the great
battle of the old Greeks against the Persians in B.
c. 479, and also for a gallant action of the modern
Greeks against the Turks in 1824. Here, however,
it is more natural (especially aa we know, from 1
Mace. xv. 23, that Jews resided here) to allude to
the meeting of Herod the Great with Marcus
Agrippa in Samoa, whence resulted many privi-
leges to the Jews (Joseph. Ant. xvi. 2, {§ 8, 4).
At this time and when St Paul was there, it rss
politically a " free city " in the province of Asia.
Various travellers (Tournefort, Pooocke, Dallaway,
o:*s) have described this island. We may refer
particularly to a very recent work on the subject,
Uncriptim it tile de Patmot el de tile de Same*
(Paris, 1856), by V. Guerin, who spent two
1 oaths in the Island. J. 8. H.
• A curious illustration of the renown of the 8a-
auan eartbenwara Is famished by the Vulgate rendar-
og of Is xlv. 9 : "Testa de Samila teine."
» • gamothrsce lies in the track sf tbs steamers
worn Constantinople to Neapolis (Karaite) sad Thessa-
onlea. The wort, of A. Const, Rrhe a«/ dt* ltuttn
sVj Thmkuchtn Uteres, contains the results of a visit
hi 18E8 to Thasoa, SsiPOthrace, lmbros, and Umnoa,
assUly for the purpose of copying monumental eeulp-
•arse sad Inscriptions. Soma of those In gamothraes
acs saseially intensting on account of their gnat an-
SAMSON
SAMOTHEA'OIA (Jo^rf^rn [prob. htifk
of Thrace]: Samothracia). The mention of thai
island in the account of St Paul's first voyage tc
Europe (Ads xvi. 11) is lor two reasons worthy of
careful notice. In the first place, being a very
lofty and oonapicuous island, it is an excellent land-
mark for sailors, and must have been full in view
if the weather was clear, throughout that voyage
from Troas to Neapolis. From the shore at Troas
Samothraoe la seen towering over lmbros (Horn.
11. xiii. 12, 13; Kinglake's AoYaea, p. 64), and it is
similarly a marked object in the view from the hills
between Neapolis and Phinppt (Clarke's TravtU,
ch. xiii.). These allusions tend to give vividness
to one of the most important voyages that ever
took place. Secondly, this voyage was made with
a fair wind. Not only are we told that it occupied
only parts of two days, whereas on a subsequent
return-voyage (Acts xx. f ) the time spent at aea
was five: but the technical word here used (titvtpo-
p^ctutar) implies that they ran before the wind.
Now the position of Samothraoe is exactly each as
to correspond with tluae notices, and thus incident-
ally to confirm the accuracy of a most artiest nar-
rative. St Paul and his companions anchored for
the night off Samothraoe. The ancient city, and
therefore probably the usual anchorage, was on the
N. aide, which would be sufficiently sheltered from
a S. E. wind. It may be added, as a further prac-
tical consideration not to be overlooked, that sack
a wind would be favorable tor overcoming the
opposing current, which acts southerly after lesv'ng
the Dardanelles, and easterly between Samothraoe
and the mainland. Fuller details sre given in
Life and Kpp. of SU Paul, 2d. ed. i. 835-388.
The chief classical associationa of this island are
mythological and connected with the mysterious
divinities called Oabdri. Perseus took refuge here
after his defeat by the Romans at Pydna. In St
Paul's time Samothraoe had, according to Pliny,
the privileges of a small free state, though it was
doubtless considered a dependency of the province
of Macedonia.' J. & H.
SAMP'SAMES ([Rom. Sin.] X<ui^d>ws,
[Alex.] Ssyiv/autnt: Lampsacut, Bamptama), a
name which occurs in the list of those to whom the
Romans are said to have sent letters in favor of the
Jews (1 Mace xv. 33). The name is probably not
that of a sovereign (aa it appears to be taken in
A. V.), but of a place, which Grimm identifies with
Bamtun on the coast of the Black Sea, between
Sinope and Trebixond. B. F. W.
SAMISON (TltrtJtP, i. e. Shimshon: fcs,-
d>«V: [Samson,] "little SDH," or "eunlike;" bill
according to Joseph. Ant. v. 8, $ 4 " atrong: " if
the root themtth has the signification of " awe "
which Geaaoiua ascribes to it, the nana) Samson
would seem naturally to allude to the " awe " an"*
" astonishment " with which the father and mother
riqulty and their symbolic Import aa connected wtra
the remarkable nagtous rites of which that Island
was the seat Fr. W. J. 8obeUlng maintains the Bhe-
mlne origin of these rltea and of some of the associated
bashings In bis noted lecture, Defer Si QotlAtiun
bo* Ssmotaros*. See also Crauaar'a aymiotii, U
808(1. It is worth mentioning that the old turn of
the Greek future which has generally disappear*!
from the modern Greek ta (bund to be common w
I seas rarely visited retreats of the c d Oalkiun rasa.
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SAMSON
ooked upon the angel who announced Samson's
birth — an Judg. xiii. 6, 18-90, and Joteph. i c),
■on of Manoah, a wan of the town of Zorah, in the
tribe of Dan, on the border of Judah (Josh. xv.
33, xii. 41). The miraculous eircunutanees of hit
birth are recorded in Judg. xiii. ; and the three fol-
lowing cbapten are devoted to the history of his
life an1 exploits. Samson take* his place in Scrip-
ture, (1) as a judge — an office which he filled for
twenty year* (Judg. xr. 90, xvi. 31); (9) ae a Nax-
arita (Judg. xiii. 5, xvi. 17); and (3) aa one en-
dowed with supernatural power by the Spirit of the
Lord (Judg. xiii. 25, xiv. 6, 19, xv. 14).
(1.) Aj a judge his authority seems to have been
limited to the district bordering upon the country
of the Philistines, and his action as a deliverer does
not serai to liave extended beyond desultory attacks
upon the dominant Philistines, by which their hold
upon Israel was weakened, and the way prepared
for the future emancipation of the Israelites from
their yoke. It is evident from Judg. xiii. 1, 6, xv.
"-11, 30, and the whole history, that the Israelites,
or at least Judah and Dan, which are the only
tribes mentioned, were subject to the Philistines
through the whole of Samson's judgeship; so that,
if course, Samson's twenty years of office would be
included in the forty years of the Philistine domin-
ion. From the angel's speech to Samson's mother
(Judg. xiii. 6), it appears further that the Israelites
were already subject to the Philistines at his birth;
and as Samson cannot have begun to be judge be-
fore he was twenty years of age, it follows that his
judgeship must about have coincided with the last
twenty years of Philistine dominion. But when
we turn to the First Book of Samuel, and especially
t/> vii. 1-14, we find that the Philistine dominion
ceased under the judgeship of Samuel. Hence it is
obvious to conclude that the early part of Samuel's
judgeship coincided with the latter part of Sam-
son's* and that the capture of the ark by the Phi-
listines in the time of Eli occurred during Samson's
lifetime. Then are besides several points in the
respective narratives of the times of Samson and
Samuel which indicate great proximity. First,
there is the general prominence of the Philistines
in their relation to Israel. Secondly, there is the
remarkable coincidence of both Samson and Sam-
uel being Nazaritea (Judg. xiii. 5, xvi. 17, com-
pared with 1 Sam. 1. 11). It looks as if the great
exploits of the young Danite Nazarite had suggested
to Hannah the consecration of her son in like man-
ner, or, at all events, aa if for some reason the
Nazarite row was at that time prevalent. No
.her mention of Nazaritea occurs in the Scripture
story till Amosii. 11, 19; and even there the al-
lusion seems to be to Samuel and Samson. Thirdly,
there is a similar notice of the house of Dagon in
Judg. xvi. 23, and 1 Sam. v. 9. Fourthly, the
lords of the Philistines are mentioned in a similar
way in Judg. xvi. 8, 18, 97, and in 1 Sam. vii. 7.
ATI of which, taken together, indicates a close
SAMSON
2819
• "Hercules once want to lsjpt. sod then the Inhab-
tants took him, and, putting a chaplet on his head,
ed bim out In solemn procession, intending to oner
•fen la atcriaan to Jupiter. For awhile be submitted
|ta*tly ; but when tbey led him up to the altar, and
saman the ceremonies, he put forth his strength and
slew them ail " (Hawllna. Htrod. book II 46).
The passu- from Lyeophron, vlth the aohouon,
sauced by Sochart (.Him. par* IL lib. v. cap. xil ),
eassa Hsreales Is said to have beet three night* at
•»» bally at toe sss m c aster, and to have com* out
proximity between the times of Samson and Sam-
uel. There does not seem, however, to be any
means of fixing the time of Samson's judgeship
more precisely. The effect of his prowess mus.
have bean more of a preparatory kind, by arous-
ing the cowed spirit of his people, and shaking the
insolent security of the Philistines, than in the way
of decisive victory or deliverance. There is no
allusion whatever to other parts of Israel during
Samson's judgeship, except the single fact of the
men of the border tribe of Judah, 3,000 in number,
fetching him from the rock Etani to deliver bim
up to the Philistines (Judg. xv. 9-18). The whole
narrative is entirely local, aud, like the following
story concerning Micah (Judg. xvii., xviiL), seem*
to be taken from the annals of the tribe of Dan.
(2.) As a Nazarite, Samson exhibits the law in
Num. vi. in full practice. [Nazakiti.] The
eminence of such Nazaritea as Samson and Samuo
would tend to give that dignity to the profession
which is alluded to in Lam. iv. 7, 8.
(8.) Samson is one of those who are distinctly
spoken of in Scripture aa endowed with supernat-
ural power by the Spirit of the Lord. "The
Spirit of the Lord began to mow bim at times in
Mahaneh-Dan." "The Spirit of the Lord came
mightily upon him, and the cords that were upon
his arms became as flax burnt with fire." " The
Spirit of the Lord came upon him, and he went
down to Ashkelon, and slew thirty men of them.
But, on the other hand, after bis locks were cut,
and bis strength was gone from him, it is said
" He wist not that tbe Lord was departed from
him " (Judg. xiii. 25, xiv. 6, 19, xv. 14, xvi. 90).
The phrase, "the Spirit of the Lord came upon
him," is common to him with Othniel and Gideon
(Judg. iii. 10, vi. 34); but the connection of super-
natural power with the integrity of tbe Nazaritia
vow, and the particular gift of great strength of
body, as seen in tearing in pieces a lion, breaking
his bonds asunder, carrying the gates of the city
upon his back, and throwing down the pillars which
supported the house of Dagon, are quite peculiar
to Samson. Indeed, his whole character and his-
tory have no exact parallel in Scripture. It la
easy, however, to see how forcibly the Isr.telites
would be taught, by such an example, that their
national strength lay in their complete separation
from idolatry, and consecration to tbe true God;
and that He oould give them power to subdue their
mightiest enemies, if only they were true to bis
service (cotnp. 1 Sam. ii. 10).
It is an interesting question whether any of the
legends which have attached themselves to the
name of Hercules may have been derived from
Phoenician traditions of the strength of Samson.
The combination of great strength with submis-
sion to the power of women ; the slaying of the
Nemeean lion ; the coming by his death at the
hands of his wife; and especially the story told by
Herodotus of the captivity of Heroules in Egypt,'
with tht lost of nit his hair, Is also curious, and seams
K- De a compound of the stories of 9aouoo and Jonah
To this may be added the connection between Sanuon.
eonslderad as derived Rom Shtmeih, " the sun," and
tbe designation of Houl, the Egyptian Bereulsi, as
" Son of the Sua. worshipped also under tbe name
Srm, which 81r G. Wilkinson compares with Sanuon
The Tyrian Hercules (whew* temple at Tyre la de-
scribed by HwrodoL II. 44), be also tells us, " was
originally the Sun, and tbe same aa Baal" (Bawl
Htrod. IL 44, nets 7). Th* eannswuon Decree* tbj
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2820
SAMSON
ere certainly remarkable coincidences. Phoenician
traders might easily turn carried stories concerning
the Hebrew hero to the different countries where
they traded, Especially Greece and Italy; and such
stories would have been moulded according to the
taste or imagination of those wbo beard them.
The following description of Hercules given by C.
O. Hiiller (Dorians, b. ii. c. IS) might almost
bare been written for Samson : " The highest de-
gree of human suffering and courage is attributed
to Hercules: his character is as uoble as could be
conceived in thoso rude and early times; but he Is
by no means represented as free from the blemishes
of human nature; on the contrary, he is frequently
■abject to wild, ungovernable passions, when the
noble indignation and anger of the suffering hero
degenerate into frenzy. Every crime, however, is
atoned for by some new surSsring; but nothing
breaks bis invincible courage, until, purified from
earthly corruption, he ascends Mount Olympus."
And again : " Hercules was a jovial guest, and not
backward in enjoying himself. .... It was
Hercules, above all other heroes, whom mythology
placed in ludicrous situations, and sometimes made
the butt of the buffoonery of others. The Cercopes
are represented as alternately amusing and annoy-
ing the hero. In works of art they are often rep-
resented as satyrs who rob the hero of his quiver,
bow, and dub. Hercules, annoyed at their insults,
binds two of them to a pole, and marches off with
Us prize. .... It also seems that mirth
tnd buffoonery were often combined with the festi-
vals of Hercules: thus at Athens there was a
society of sixty men, wbo on the festival of the
Uiomean Hercules attacked and amused themselves
and others with sallies of wit." Whatever is
thought, however, of such coincidences, it is certain
that the history of Samson is an historical, and
not an allegorical narrative. It has also a dis-
tinctly supernatural element which cannot be ex-
plained away. The history, as we now have it,
must have been written several centuries after Sam-
son's death (Judg. xv. 19, SO, xviii. 1, 30, xix. 1),
though probably taken from the annals of the tribe
of Dan. Joeephus has given it pretty fully, but
with alterations and embellishments of his own,
after his manner. For example, he does not make
Samson eat any of the honey which be took out
»f the hive, doubtless ss unclean, and unfit for a
Nazarite, but makes him give it to his wife. The
only mention of Samson in the N. T. is that in
Heb. xi. 83, where he is coupled with Gideon,
Barak, and Jephthah, and spoken of as one of
those who "through faith waxed valiant in fight,
Phoenician Baal (called Baal Shaman, Baal Bhemaah,
and Baal Himman), and Hercnka is wall known.
Qesenlus (Tftss. s. v. 793) tails ns that, In certain
Phoenician lnseripdoua, which an accompanied by a
Breek translation, Baal Is rendered HtrakUs, and that
she Tyrlan Hercules " m the constant Greek deslgna-
drn of she Baal of Tyre. He also gives many Car*
UuvrhrUn inscriptions to Baal Hammiin, which he
renders Baal Solaris ; and also a sculptors in which
Baal Hamman's head is surrounded with rays, and
*rhleh has an Image of the sun on the upper part of
0» monument (Mon mam. I. 171; 11. tab 21).
another evidence of the identity of the Phoenician
Baal and Hercules may be found In Bauli, ue*r Bate,
place sacred to Hercules ("locos Herculis," Serr.),
tat evidently so celled from Baal. Thlrlwall (Mist, of
trrsaa) ascribes to the numerous temples bout by the
SAMTJBIi
and toned to flight the armies of the
See, besides the places quoted in the course of this
article, a full article in Winer, Heaiwb ; Ewak
Gachichte, ii. 616, <tc; Bertheau, On Judge*
Bayls's DicL A. C. H.
BAMTJEL (bfcjFI&g?, s. e. Shemud: Sop-
ovt)\: [Samuel:] Arabic, Bamwil, or Aiehmouyi,
see D'Herbelot, under this last name). Different
derivations hare been given. (1.) 7S Qt27, " name
of God:" so apparently Origen (Ens. H. K. vi.
26), eeocAirnft. (*■) , 7H DW, "placed by
God." (8.) bH bTM», "asked of God" (1
Sam. i. 20). Joeephus ingeniously makes it eon.
respond to the well-known Greek name TheaUtui.
(4.) ^M SIQtP, "heard of God." This, which
may have the same meaning as the previous deriva-
tion, is the most obvious. The last Judge, the first
of the regular succession of Prophets, and the
founder of the monarchy. So important a position
did be hold in Jewish history as to have given his
name to the sacred book, now divided into two,
which covers the whole period of the first establish-
ment of the kingdom, corresponding to the man-
ner in which the name of Moses has been assigned
to the sacred book, now divided into five, which
covers the period of the foundation of the Jewish
Church itself. In fact no character of equal mag-
nitude had arisen since the death of the great
Lawgiver.
He was the son of FJkanah, an Ephrathite or
EpWraimite, and Hannah or Anna. His father is
one of the few private citizens in whose household
we find polygamy. It may possibly have arisen
from the irregularity of the period.
The descent of Elkanah is involved in great ob-
scurity. In 1 Sam. i. 1 he is described ss an
Ephraimito. In 1 Chr. vi. 22, S3 he is made a
descendant of Koran the Levite. Heugstenberg
(on PS. Uxviii. 1) and Ewald (ii. 433) explain this
by supposing that the Levites were occasionally in-
corporated into the tribes amongst whom they
dwelt The question, however, is of no practical
importance, because, even if Samuel were a Levite,
he certainly was not a Priest by descent. <
His birthplace is one of the vexed questions of
sacred geography, as his descent is of sacred gene-
alogy. [See Ramah, and Kamathaim-Zophim.]
All that appears with certainty from the accounts
is that it was in the hills of Ephraim, and (as may
be inferred from its name) a double height, user 1
for the purpose of beacons or outlookers (1 Sam. L
Phoenicians in honor of Baal in their different settle-
ments the Greek rabies of the labors and journeys of
Hercules. Boehart thinks the custom described by
Ovid (Fast, liv.) of tying a lighted torch betweeo two
foxes in the circus, in memory of the dsmags one-
done to the harvest by a fox with burning hay and
straw tied to It, was derived from the Phoenician*, and
Is clearly to be traced to the history of Samson (Hisrax
pars. 1. lib. III. cap. xlii.). From all which arises s
considerable probability that the Greek aod Latin co-
emption of Hercules in regard to his strength was d»
rived from Phoenician stories and reminiscences of lbs
great Hebrew hero Samson. Some learned men cod
neot the name Hrmila with &muon etymologicelly
(See Sir G. Wilkinson's nobs in Rawllnson's Herod, s
48 ; Patrick, 0» Judg. xvi. 80; Cornel, a LapMa, sea
But none of these etymologies are very nmvhieinav
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BAMTJEL
IV At the foot of the hill wu a wen (1 Sem. xtx.
Bl> On the brow of iti tws summit! wu the
Mtj. It never lost it* hold on Samuel, who In later
fife made it hit fixed abode.
The combined family moat hare been large.
Peninnah had several children, and Hannah had,
betide* Samuel, three eons and two daughter).
Bat of then nothing U known, unless the nauiee
of the aoni are than enumerated in 1 Chr. vi.
it, 97.
It la on the mother of Samuel that our chief
attention ia fixed in the aooount of his birth. She
is described as a woman of a high religious mis-
sion. Almost a Naxarite bj practice (1 Sam. i.
IS), and a prophetess in her gifts (1 Sam. ii. 1),
•he sought from God the gift of the child for which
she longed with a passionate deration of silent
prater, of which there is no other example In the
O. T., and when the son wss granted, the name
which he bore, and thus first introduced into the
world, expressed ber sense of the urgency of her
entreaty — Samuel, « the Asked or Heard of God."
living in the great age of tows, she had before
his birth dedicated him to the office of a Nazarite.
As soon as he wu weaned, she herself with her
husband brought him to the Tabernacle at Shiloh,
where she had received the first intimation of his
birth, and there solemnly consecrated him. The
form of consecration wu similar to that with which
the irregular priesthood of Jeroboam was set apart
in later times (3 Chr. xiii 9)— a bollock of three
years old (LXX.), loans (LXX.), an ephah of
flour, and a skin of wine (1 Sam. i. 84). First
took plan the usual sacrifices (LXX.) by Elkanah
himself — then, after the introduction of the child,
the special sacrifice of the bullock. Then bis
toother made him over to Eli (i. 36, 38), and (ac-
cording to the Hebrew text, but not the LXX.)
the child himself performed an act of worship.
The hymn which followed on this consecration
la the first of the kind in the sacred volume. It ia
possible that, like msny of the Psalms, It may have
been enlarged in later times to suit great occasions
of victory and the like. Bat Terse 5 specially ap-
plies to this event, and verses 7, 8 may well express
the soon entertained by the prophetess of the com-
ing revolution in the fortunes of her son and of her
country. [Hannah.]
From this time the child Is shut np in the
Tabernacle. The prints furnished him with a
sacred garment, an ephod, made, like their own,
sf white linen, though of inferior quality, and his
mother every year, apparently at the only time of
their meeting, gave him a little mantle reaching
(own to his feet, such u wu worn only by high
personages, or women, over the other dress, and
such u he retained, u his badge, till the latest
times of his life. [Mantle, vol. ii. p. 1788 *.]
He seems to have slept within the Holiest Plan
(LXX., 1 Sam. iii. 8), and his special duty wu to
pot out, n it would seem, the sacred candlestick,
sod to open the doors at sunrise.
In this way his childhood wu passed. It
whilst thus sleeping in the Tabernacle that be re-
ceived his first prophetic call. The stillness of the
sight— the sudden voin — the childlike misoonoep-
toa — the venerable Eli — the contrast uetwecn the
erribls doom and the gentle creature who has to
• Aeeordtnc to the Huaralmaa tradition, Samuel's
strut te granted In answer to the prayers of the nattoa
fa ate overthrow of the sanctuary and loss of the ask
SAMUEL
2821
announce it — give to this portion of the narratin
a universal interest. It is this side of Samucl'i
career that has been so well caught in the well-
known picture by Sir Joshua Reynolds.
From this moment the prophetie character of
Samuel wu established. His words were treasures
up, and Shiloh became the resort of those whs
me to hear him (iii 19-31).
In the overthrow of the sanctuary, which fb.
lowed shortly on this vision, we hear not wha
became of Samuel. 11 He next appears, probabrj
twenty years afterwards, suddenly amongst ths
people, warning them against their idolatrous prac-
tices. He convened an assembly at Hixpeb —
probably the place of that name in the tribe of
Benjamin — and there with a symbolical rite, es>
pressire partly of deep humiliation, partly of the
libations of a treaty, they poured water on the
ground, they fasted, and they entreated Samuel to
rain the piercing cry, for which he wu known, in
supplication to God for them. It wu at the
moment that he wu offering up a sacrifice, snd
sustaining this loud cry (compare the situation of
Paussniu before the battle qf Plata*, Herod, is.
61), that the Philistine host suddenly burst upon
them. A violent thunderstorm, and (according to
Josephus, Ant. vi. 3, § 3) an earthquake, came to
the timely assistance of Israel. The Philistines
fled, and, exactly at the spot where twenty years
before they had obtained their great victory, they
were totally routed. A stoue wu nt up, which
long remained u a memorial of Samuel's triumph,
and gave to the place its name of Eben-ezer, " the
Stone of Help," which hu thence passed into
Christian phraseology, snd become a common name
of Nonconformist chapels (1 Sam. vii. 18). The
old Canaanites, whom toe Philistines had dispos-
sessed in the outskirts of the Judaan hills, seem te
hare helped in the battle, and a large portion of
territory wu recovered (1 Sam. vi. U). This wu
Samuel's first and, n far u we know, his only
military achievement But, u in the can of the
earlier chiefs who bore that name, it wu appar-
ently this which raised him to the office of "Judge 'I
(comp. 1 Stun. xii. 11, where he is thus reckoned
with Jerubbaal, Bedan, and Jephtbah; and Eeclus.
xlvi. 15-18). He visited, in discharge of his dutin
u ruler, the three chief sanctuaries (tV weVt row
iiyiaffjijvois rofrroti) on the west of the Jordan —
Bethef Gilgal, and Mixpeh (1 Sam. vii. 16). His
own residence wu still his native city, Bamab or
Kamatbairo, which he further consecrated by an
altar (vii. 17). Here he married, and two sons
grew up to repeat under his eyes the same per-
version of high office that be had himself witnessed
in his childhood in the can of the two sons of EH.
One wu Abiah, the other Joe], sometimes called
simply "the second" (vaunt, 1 Chr. vi. 38). In
his old age, according to the quasi-hereditary prin-
ciple, already adopted by previous judges, he shared
his power with them, and they exercised their func-
tions at the southern frontier in Beer-sheba (1 Sam.
Till. 1-4).
8. Down to this point In Samuel's life there Is
but little to distinguish his career from that of his
predecessors. Like many characters in later days,
had he died in youth his fame would hardly have
been greater than that of Gideon or Samson. He
. I -
(D'Herbslot, jKfenoayf). This, though fake n ths
letter, Is true to ths spirit «•* •Sanaa's life.
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2822
SAMUEL
ma a Judge, a Nasarlte, a warrior, and (to a asr-
lain point) a prophet.
But Ma peculiar position in the aaercd narrative
tunia on the events which follow. He ia the in-
augurator of the transition from what ia commonly
called the theocracy to the monarchy. The mis-
demeanor of hia own sons, in receiving bribes, and
In extorting exorbitant interest on loans (1 8am.
rliL 8, 4), precipitated the cataatropbe which had
been long preparing. The people demanded a king.
Joaephua (AM. vi. 3, $ 8) deaerlbes the abode to
Samuel's mind, "because of hia inborn eenee of
justice, because of hia hatred of kings, aa ao far
inferior to the aristocratic form of government,
•inch conferred a godlike character on those who
Bred under it" For the whole night he lay (sat-
ing and sleepiest, in the perplexity of doubt and
difficulty. In the vision of that night, as recorded
by the sacred historian, ia given the dark side of
the new institution, on which Samuel dwells on the
following day (1 Sam. viii. 9-18).
This presents his reluctance to receive the new
order of things. The whole narrative of the recep-
tion and consecration of Saul gives his acquiescence
in it [Saul.]
The final conflict of feeling and surrender of his
office is given in the last assembly over which he
presided, and in hia subsequent relations with Saul.
The assembly was held at Gllgal, immediately after
the victory over the Ammonites. The monarchy
was a second time solemnly inaugurated, and (ac-
cording to the LXX.) '• Samuel " (in the Hebrew
text "Saul") "and all the men of Israel rejoiced
greatly." Then takes place his farewell address.
By this time the long flowing locks on which no
rasor had ever psssed were white with age (xli. 3).
He appeals to their knowledge of hia integrity.
Whatever might be the lawless habits of (be chiefs
of those times — Hophni, Phinehas, or his own
sons — he had kept aloof from all. No ox or ass
had be taken from their stalls — no bribe to obtain
his judgment (LXX., <*ffAao>a) — not even a
sandal (farooVa, LXX., and Ecclua. xlvl. 19). It
is this appeal, and the response of the pec pie, that
has made Grotius call him the Jewish Aristides.
He then sums up the new situation in which they
have placed themselves; and, although "the wick-
edness of asking a king " is still strongly insisted
in, and the unusual portent" of a thuiderstorm
n Hay or June, in answer to Samuel's | rayer, ia
■rged as a sign of Divine displeasure (xii. 10-19),
he general tone of the condemnation ia much
wftened from that which was pronounced on the
Irst intimation of the change. The first king is
repeatedly acknowledged as " the Messiah " or
anointed of the Lord (xii. 8, 8), the future pros-
perity of the nation is declared to depend on their
nso or misuse of the new constitution, and Samuel
retires with expressions of goodwill and hope: " I
will teach you the good and the right way . .
. . only fear the Lord . . . . " (1 Sam. xii.
»J,x4).
It is the most signal example afforded in the
D. T. of a great character reconciling himself to a
•hanged order of things, and of the Divine sanction
resting on his acquiesc en ce. For this reason it is
that Athanasius ia by Basil called the Samuel of
the Church (Basil, Ep. 89).
BAMUBL
8. Hia subsequent relations with Saul are of tta
same mixed kind. The two institutions which they
respectively represented ran on side by side. Sam-
uel was still Judge. He judged Israel "all Hi
date of hit t\ft " (vii. 16), and from time to tin*
came across the king's path. But these interven-
tions are chiefly in another capacity, which this is
the place to unfold.
Samuel is called emphatically "the Prophet"
(Acts iii. 34, xiii. 30). To a certain extent this
was in consequence of the gift which he shared in
common with others of his time. He was espe-
cially known in hia own age as " Samuel the Seer "
(1 Chr. ix. 23, xxvi. 88, xxlx. 39). "I am the
seer," was bis answer to those who asked " When
ia the seer?" "Where is the seer's bouse?*' (1
Sam. ix. 11 18, 19). •' Seer," the ancient name,
was not yet superseded by "Prophet " (1 Sam. ix.).
By this name, Samuel Vidtm and Samuel 6 0\4-
mr, he is called in the Ada Sanctorum. Of the
three modes by which Divine communications were
then msde, " by dreams, Urim and Thummim, and
prophets," the first was that by which the Divine
will was made known to Samuel (1 Sam. iii. 1, 8 ;
Jos. AnL v. 10, $4). "The Lord uncovered hia
ear " to whisper into it in the stillness of the night
the messages that were to be delivered. It is the
first distinct intimation of the idea of "Stvela-
turn" to a human being (see Gesenius, in roc.
n v3). He was consulted far and near on the
small affairs of life; loaves e>f "bread," or "the
fourth part of a shekel of silver," were paid for the
answers (1 Sam. ix. 7, 8).
From this faculty, combined with his office of
ruler, an awful reverence grew up round him. No
sacrificial feast was thought complete without hia
blessing (1 Ssm. ix. 13). When be appeared sud-
denly elsewhere for the ssme purpose, the villagers
"trembled " at his approach (1 Sam. xvi. 4, 6). A
peculiar virtue was believed to reside in his interces-
sion. He was conspicuous in later times smongst
those that "call upon the name of the Lord " (Ps.
xcix. 6; 1 Sam. xii. 18), and was placed with
Moses as "standing " for prayer, in a special sense,
"before the Lord" (Jer. xv. 1). It was the last
consolation he left in bis parting address that be
would " pray to the Lord " for the people (1 Sam.
xii. 19, 38). There was something peculiar in the
long sustained cry or shout of supplication, which
seemed to draw down aa by force the Divine an-
v (1 Sam. vii. 8, 9). All night long, in agi-
tated momenta, " he cried unto the Lord " (1 Sam.
XT. 11).
But there are two other points which more espe-
eislly placed him at the head of the prophetic order
as it afterwards appeared. The first is brought
out in his relation with Saul, the second in his
relation with David.
(a.) He represents the independence of the moral
law, of the Divine Will, aa distinct from regal or
sacerdotal enactments, which is so remsrkaUe a
characteristic of all the later prophets. As w*
have seen, be was, if a Levite, yet certainly not ■
Priest; and all the attempts to identify his opposi-
tion to Saul with a hierarchical Interest are founded
on a complete misconception of the facts of ths
esse. From the time of the overthrow of ShOoo,
« AoeontiiiK to the Mussulman traditions, his' soger
•as oeesstooed by toe people rejecting Saul as not
Ming of the trUM of J with. The it*n that Paul was
the kins; was the llqoefrcttou or the sacred oil ia bit
p re se n ce and ths r e cover} of the Tahrroaek (pUm
hslot, Atckmtmn.
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SAM1TEL
r appears in the remotest connection with
the priestly order. Amongst all the piaees in-
ehded in his personal or administrative visits,
neither Shiloh, nor Nob, nor Gibeon, the seats of
the saeerdutal caste, an ever mentioned. When
he counsels Seal, it is not as the priest, but as the
prophet; when he sacrifices or blesses the sacrifice,
it is not as the priest, bnt either as an individual
Israelite of eminence, or as a ruler, like Saul him-
self. Saul's sin in both cases where he came into
collision with Samuel, was not of intruding into
sacerdotal functions, but of disobedience to the
prophetic voice. The first was that of not waiting
for Samuel's arrival, according to the sign given
by Samuel at his original meeting at Raman (I
8am. x. 8, xiiL 8) ; the second was that of not car-
rying out the stern prophetic injunction for the
destruction of the Amalekites. When, on that
occasion, the aged Prophet called the captive • prince
before him, and with his own hands hacked him
limb from limb,' in retribution for the desolation
be had brought into the homes of Israel, and thus
ottered up his mangled remains almost as a human
sacrifice ('< before the Lord in Gilgal "), we see the
representative of the older part of the Jewish his-
tory. But it is the true prophetic utterance, such
as breathes through the psalmists and prophets, when
he says to Saul in words which, from their poetical
form, must hare become fixed in the national mem-
ory, " To obey is better than sacrifice, and to
hearken than the fat of rams."
The parting was not one of rivals, bnt of dear
though divided friends. The King throws himself
on the Prophet with all his force; not without a
vehement effort (Jos. Ant. vi. 7, § 5) the prophet
tears himself away. The long mantle by which
he was always known is rent in the struggle; and,
like Ahyah after him, Samuel saw in this the
omen of the coming rent in the monarchy. They
parted each to his house to meet no more. But
a long shadow of grief fell over the prophet.
" Samuel mourned for Saul." " It grieved Samuel
for Saul" "How long wilt thou mourn for Saul?"
(1 Sam. it. 11, 85, xri. 1).
(6.) He is the first of the regular su cce s si on of
prophets. "All the prophets from Samuel and
those that fallow after " (Acts iii. 84). " Ex quo
sanetos Samuel prophets cotpit et demeeps doneo
populus Israel in Babylonian) eaptivua veheretur,
totum est tempos prophetarum " (Aug.
Ore. Dei, aril. 1). Hoses, Miriam, and Deborah,
perhaps Ehud, had been prophets. But it was only
from Samuel that the continuous succession was
unbroken. This may have been merely from the
coincidence of his appearance with the beginning
of the new order of things, of which the prophet-
ical office was the chief expression. Some predis-
posing causes there may have been in his own
family and birthplace. His mother, as we have
seen, though not expressly so called, was in fact a
prophetess; the word Zopkim, as the affix of Ra-
mathaim, has been explained, not unreasonably, to
mean "seers;" and Elkanah, his father, is by the
ChaUee paraphrast on 1 Sam. 1. 1, said to be " a
disciple of the prophets." But the connection of
a Ass« Is described by Josepbus (Ant. vl. 7, { a) as
a chief of msgnhVant appearance ; and banes rescued
fkass assli nnlliiii. This Is perhaps en tnlknoee from
As word nSrjJifS, whtcn lbs Taiga* liisililn
SAMUEL
2828
the continuity of the office with Samuel appears U
be still mora direct. It is in his lifetime, long after
he had been "established as a propbet " (1 Sam.
iii 20), that we hear of the companies of disciples,
called in the O. T. " the sons of the prophets," by
modern writers " the schools of the prophets." All
the peculiarities of their education are implied or
expressed — the sacred dance, the sacred music, ths
solemn procession (1 Sam. x. 6, 10; 1 Chr. xxv. 1,
6). At the head of this congregation, or " church
as it were within a church " (LXX. rr/v fat Xir-
ciar, 1 8am. x 5, 10), Samuel is expressly de-
scribed as "standing appointed over them " (1 Sam
xix. 30). Their chief residence at this tins
(though afterwards, as the institution spread, it
struck root iu other places) was at Samuel's own
abode, Ramah, where they lived in habitations
(NaiiAh, 1 Sam. xix. 19, 4c.) apparently of a rustle
kind, like the leafy huts which Elisha's disciples
afterwards occupied by the Jordan (JVaixA =
" habitations," but more specifically used for " pas-
tures ••).
In those schools, and learning to cultivate the
prophetic gifts, were some whom we know for cer-
tain, others whom we may almost certainly conjec-
ture, to have been so trained or influenced. One
was SsuL Twice at least be is described as hav-
ing been in the company of Samuel's disciples, and
as having caught from them the prophetic fervoi
to such a degree as to hare " prophesied among
them " (1 Sam. x. 10, 11), and on one occasion U
have thrown off his clothes, and to have passed the
night in a state of prophetic trance (1 Sam. xix.
24) : and even in his palace, the prophesying min-
gled with his madness on ordinary occasions
(1 Sam. xviii. 9). Another was Datid. The
first acquaintance of Samuel with David, was when
be privately anointed him at the hones of Jessa
[see David]. But the connection thus begun
with the shepherd boy must hare been continued
afterwards. David, at first, fled to "Naioth it
Ramah,'' as to his second borne (1 Sam. xix. IV
and the gifts of music, of song, and of prophecy,
here developed on so large a scale, were exactly
such as we find in the notices of those who looked
up to Samuel as their father. It is, further,
hardly possible to escape the conclusion that David
there first met his fast friends and companions
in after life, prophets like himself — Gad and
Nathak.
It is needless to enlarge on the Importance with
which these Incidents invest the appearance of
Samuel. He there becomes the spiritual father of
the Psalmist king. He is also ths Founder of the
first regular institutions of religions instruction,
and communities for the purposes of education.
The schools of Greece were not yet m existence.
From these Jewish institutions were developed, by
a natural order, the universities of Christendom.
And it may be further sdded, that with this view
the whole life of Samuel is in accordance. He is
the prophet — the only prophet till the time of
Isaiah — of whom we know that he was so from
his earliest years. It is this continuity of bis own
Die and character, that makes blm so fit an instru-
ment for conducting his nation through so great
a change.
The deatn of Samuel la described as taking plan
» 1 Sam. xv. Ths LXX. softens this Into lr»«fi
bat the Title, translation, in fnuta emuidil, " cut as
to be the tree i
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2824
SAMUEL
in the year of the dote of David's wanderings. It
b said with peculiar emphasis, u if to mark the
km, that "all the Israelites " — nil, with a uni-
versality never specified before — "were gathered
together" from all parts of this hitherto divided
country, and " lamented him," and " buried him,"
not in any consecrated place, nor outside the walls
of his city, but within his own house, thus In a
manner consecrated by being turned into his tomb
(1 8am. zzt. 1). His relies were translated " from
judna" (the place is not specified) a. d. 406, to
Constantinople, and received there with much pomp
by the Emperor Arcadius. They were landed at
the pier of Chaksedon, and thence conveyed to a
church, near the palace of Hebdomon (see Acta
Banclorum, Aug. 20).
The situation of Ramathalm, as has been observed,
is uncertain. But the place long pointed out as his
tomb is the height, most conspicuous of all in the
neighborhood of Jerusalem, immediately above the
town of Gibeon, known to the Crusaders as " Mout-
Joye," as the spot from whence they first saw
Jerusalem, now called Neby SamwU, " the Prophet
Samuel." The tradition can be traced back as
tar as the 7th century, when it is spoken of as the
monastery of St Samuel (Robinson, BiU. Sit. ii.
142), and if once we discard the connection of
Hamathsim with the nameless city where Samuel
vet Saul (as is set forth at length in the articles
Ram ah; Ram athaim-Zopiiim ), there is no reason
why the tradition should be rejected. A care is
still shown underneath the floor of the mosque.
•' He built the tomb in his lifetime," is the account
of the Mussulman guardian of the mosque, " but
wis not buried here till after the expulsion of the
Greeks." It is the only spot in Palestine which
elaims any direct connection with the first great
prophet who was born within Its limits; and its
commanding situation well agrees with the impor-
tance assigned to him in the sacred history.
His descendants were here till the time of David.
Heman, bis grandson, was one of the chief sing-
ers in the Levitical choir (1 Chr. vi. 33, xv. 17,
ITT. 6).
The apparition of Samuel at Endor (1 Sam.
xxviii. 14; Ecclus. xlvi. 20) belongs to the history
•f Saotu
It has been supposed that Samuel wrote a Life
of David (of course of his earlier years), which was
■till accessible to one of the authors of the Book of
Chronicles (1 Chr. zzlz. 29); but this appears
doubtful. [See p. 2826 4.] Various other books
sf the O. T. have been ascribed to him by the
Jewish tradition : the Judges, Ruth, the two Books
af Samuel, the bitter, it is alleged, being written
to the spirit of prophecy. He is regarded by the
Samaritans as a magician and an infidel (Hottln-
ger, Hist. Orient, p. (2).
The Persian traditions fix his life in the time
of Kal-i-Kobad, 2d king of Persia, with whom he
Is said to hare conversed (D'Herbelot, Kai Kobad).
A. P. S.
• The prophet Samuel lived at a great trans!-
nooal period of Jewish history. The Israelites bad
been intended for a great nation, living under the
Immediate Divine government, and closely knit to-
gether by religious ties. Through their unfaith-
fulness to God, they had become little more than a
collection of independent tribes, continually en-
gaged In harassing wsrs with their neighbors, and
sften falling for long periods together under their
It was therefore a natural desire that they
SAMUEL
should have a king to reunite them in one i
ality, and enable them to make head against thaw
foes. To this Samuel was earnestly opposed, nor
did be acquiesce in their wish until expressly di-
rected to do so from on high. God saw that the
people were too sinful for the great destiny offered
them, and therefore it was fifing that in this
matter of government they should be reduced tc
the level of other nations. It was by no means an
" example of the Divine sanction resting on [Sam-
uel's] acquiescence;" but rather of a Divine com-
mand to him to let a stiff-necked people have their
way.
In the Tabernacle Samuel probably slept in one
of the chambers over, or at the side of, the Taber-
nacle [Temple]. The extreme improbability that
he should have slept in the Holy of Holies is en-
hanced by the fact that he wss evidently in •
different apartment from Eli (1 Sam. iii. 4-10),
and if the latter was not within the vail, much leas
the former. There is nothing in 1 Sam. iii. 8 to
suggest such a supposition. The " Temple " is there
particularized as the place " where the ark of God
tans," and the time is fixed as "before the lamp of
God" — which was outside the vail — "went out
in the Temple of the Lord." Mo hint is given of
the place of Samuel's chamber. At a later date,
when the Ark was taken into the battle with the
Philistines, it dues not appear that the Tabernacle
was otherwise disturbed, or that Samuel then gave
up his residence there. It is not likely that Sam-
uel himself ever actually engaged in military opera-
tions. In the successful battle with the Philistines
(1 Sam. vii.) he assisted by his prayers, but could
have taken no part in the battle 1 itself, as he was
engaged at the time in offering sacrifice (ver 10).
The name " warrior " must therefore be omitted
from the list of his titles.
The narrative in 1 Sam. ix. 7, 8, affords no
ground for the supposition that either he or other
inspired prophets received compensation for their
utterances as a quid pro quo after the fashion of
heathen soothsayers or modern necromancers.
Saul, a young man not of distinguished birth, and
an entire stranger to Samuel, did not think it
fitting, according to oriental etiquette, to approach
the great judge of Israel and divinely appointed
prophet without a present. This appears in the
narrative much more as a tribute to the rank and
station of Samuel than as a proposed payment for
his counsel — a thing abhorrent to the whole idea
of the prophetic office.
In 1 Sam. xlli. the narrative distinctly makes the
sin of Saul " bis intruding into sacerdotal func-
tions." Saul says (ver. 12), " Therefore, said I. the
Philistines will come down now upon me to GilgaL
and I have not made supplication unto the Lord;
I forced myself therefore, sod offered a burnt offer-
ing." Samuel replies — making no allusion to
the not waiting for his coming, — " Tbou hast d"o»
foolishly: thou hast not kept the commandment of
the Lord thy God."
It is impossible that Saul, and improbable that
David had any training in the schools of the
prophets under Samuel. The first passage adduced
in the article above In evidence of such training
(1 Sam. z. 10) reads that "a company of toe
prophets met" Saul as he went home after his
anointing (when be spent one night with Samoa,
whom he had not before known) and "the spirit
of God came upon him, and be prophesied amona
" The only other paasage gives (1 Sam
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SAMUEL, BOOKS OF
lb M) fa quite fate in the raign of Saul when be
ouae to Ninth in pursuit of David, and tlwre
■pat a day and a night, while the epirit o. proph-
ecy waa opoL him. In both casa the aatonish-
ment of the beholden is expressed by fie exclama*'
tkn, "Is Saul ahn among the prophet*? " — which
of ootme eootradieta the supposition that be had
been trained among them. In regard to David,
it fa inaccurately mid that he fled to " • Naioth in
Ramah' a* to his second borne (1 Sam. xix. 19)."
What ia mid ia that " he came to Samuel to Ra-
oah and told him all that Saul had done to him.
And he and Samuel went and dwelt in Naioth."
David'a purpoaa waa to asek refuge with Samuel,
the aged judge whom Saul (till feared and re-
spected. He went to his residence at Ramah.
For reasons not mentioned, but probably from pru-
dential considerations, they left then together and
« went and dwelt at Naioth."
Some other slight inadvertencies in the shore
article the reader will readily correct for himself.
F. U.
SAMUEL, BOOKS OF (bwiZSJfJ:
eWiAsfor Ityarrn, Aturtpa : Liber Rtyum
Prim u s , Stcuudut). Two hutorieal books of the
Old Testament, which are not separated from each
other in the Hebrew HSS., and which, from a
critical point of view, must be regarded as one
book. The present division was first msde in the
Septnagint translation, and was adopted in the Vul-
gate from the Septuagint. But Origen, as quoted
by Eosebius (Bator. Kcdei. vi. 25), expressly states
that they formed only one book among the He-
brews. Jerome (Praf. m Librot Samuel et Mat-
achxm) implies the same statement; and in the
Talmud iflaba Bathra, fol. 14, c. 2), wherein the
authorship is attributed to Samuel, they are desig-
nated by the name of his book, in the singular
number (T1QD 2HS VsiQtD). After the in-
tention of printing they were published as one
book in the first edition of the whole Bible printed
at Soncino in 1488 A. D., and likewise in the Com-
phrtensian Polyglot printed at Aksala, 1602-1517
a. D.; and it was not till the year 1518 that the
irriakm of the Septuagint was adopted in Hebrew,
fa the edition of the Bible printed by the Bom-
bsrgs at Venice. The book waa called by the He-
brews " Samuel," probably because the birth and
life of Samuel wen the subjects treated of in the
htg*"° i Pg of the work — just as a treatise on fcs-
thrafa in the Mishna bean the name of BciHah, an
ajg, because a question connected with the eating of
«n egg is the first subject discussed in it [Phabi-
ma, voL iH. p. 2475 a,] It has been suggested
indeed by AbarbaneL as quoted by Carpxov (811),
that the book was called by Samuel's name be~
sauae all things that occur In each book may, in a
certain sense, be referred to Samuel, including the
acts of Saul and David, inasmuch as each of them
waa anointed by him, and was, as it were, the
work of his hands. Tins, however, seems to be a
refinement of explanation for a fact which fa to be
accounted for in a less artificial manner. And,
generally, it is to be observed that the logical titles
at books adopted in modern times must not be
looked for in Eastern works, nor indeed in early
works of modern Europe. Thus David's Lamen-
tation over Saul and Jonathan was called '• The
Bow," for some reason connected with the occur-
rence of that word in hie poem (8 Sam. L 18-22);
mi Snorro Storlsaon's Chronicle of the Kings of
ITS
SAMUEL, BOOKS OF 2825
Norway obtained the name of '■ Heimrkrin^la,"
the World's Circle, because Heimskringki was Use
first prominent word of the MS. that caught the
eye (Laiiig's ffeimtkrmgln, i. !}.
Authorship and Date of tile Book. — Toe moat
interesting points in regard to every important hi*
torical work are the name, intelligence, and charac-
ter of the historian, and his means of obtaining
correct information. If these points should not be
known, next in order of interest is the precise pe-
riod of time when the work was composed. On all
these points, however, in reference to the book of
Samuel, more questions can be asked than can be
answered, and the results of a dispassionate inquiry
are mainly negative.
1st, as to the authorship. In common with all
the historical books of the Old Testament, except
the beginning of Nehemiah, the book of Samuel
contains no mention in the text of the name of its
author. The earliest Greek historical work extant,
written by one who has frequently been called tbs
Father of History, commences with the words,
•' This is a publication of the researches of Herod-
otus of Halicamassus;" and the motives which
induced Herodotus to write the work are then set
forth. Thucydides, the writer of the Greek his-
torical work next in order of time, who likewise
specifies his reasons for writing it, commences by
stating, "Thucydides the Athenian wrote the his-
tory of the war between the Peloponnesians and
Athenians," and frequently uses the formula thai
such or such a year ended — the second, or third,
or fourth, as the case might be — "of this war of
whieh Thucydides wrote the history " (ii. 70, 103;
iii. 25, 88, 116). Again, when be speaks In on*
passage of events in which it is necessary that he
should mention his own name, be refers to himself
as '" Thucydides son of Olorus, who composed this
work" (iv. 104). Now, with the one exception
of this kind already mentioned, no similar informa-
tion is contained in any historical book of the Old 1
Testament, although there are passages not only in
Nehemiah, but likewise in Ezra, written in the first
person. Still, without sny statement of the author-
ship embodied in the text, it is possible that his
torical books might come down to us with a titk
containing the name of the author. Tina is the
case, for example, with Livy's Soman History, sad
Caesar's Contmtntnries of {he Gallic War. In the
latter case, indeed, although Caesar mentions a long
series of his own actions, without intimating that
he was the author of the work, and thus there is an
antecedent improbability that be wrote it, yet the
traditional title of the work outweighs- this improb-
ability, confirmed as the title is, by an unbroken
chain of testimony, commencing with contempo-
raries (Cicero, Brut. 75; Cesar, De BeU. Gall
vili. 1; Suetonius, Jul Ow. 56; Quinctilian, x. 1;
Tacitus, Germ. 28). Here, again, there is noth-
ing precisely similar in Hebrew history. The five
books of the Pentateuch have in Hebrew no title
except the first Hebrew words-of each part; and
the titles Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers,
and Deuteronomy, which are derived from the Sep-
tuagint, convey no information as to their author.
In like manner, the book of Judges, the books of
the Kings and the Chronicles, are not referred to
any particular historian; and although six works
bear respectively the names- of Joshua, Ruth, Sam-
uel, Kara, Nehemiah, and Esther, there is nothing
in the works uxmaelvaa to preclude the idea that
in oner ease the whjer* calf if the work mar
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2826 SAMUEL, BOOKS OF
iadioated, sad not ita authorship; as U shown eon-
elusively by the titles Ruth and Either, which no
one haa yet construed into the assertion that those
celebrated women wrote the works concerning them-
selves. And it is indisputable that the title " Sam-
uel " does not imply that the prophet was the au-
thor of the book of Samuel as a whole; for the
death of Samuel is recorded in the beginning of
the 35th chapter; so that, under any circum-
stances, a different author would be required for
the remaining chapters, constituting considerably
more than one half of the entire work. Again, in
reference to the book of Samuel, the absence of
the historian's name from both the text and the
title is not supplied by any statement of any other
writer, made within a reasonable period from the
time when the book may be supposed to hare been
written. No mention of the author's name is
made in the book of Kings, nor, as will be here-
after shown, in the Chronicles, nor in any other
of the sacred writings. In like manner, it is not
mentioned either in the Apocrypha or in Josephus.
The silence of Josephus is particularly significant.
He published his Antiquities about 1100 years
after the death of David, and in them he makes
constant use of the book of Samuel for one
portion of his history. Indeed, it is his exclusive
authority for his account of Samuel and Saul, and
his main authority, in conjunction with the Chron-
icles, for the history of Dark). Yet he nowhere
attempts to name the author of the book of Sam-
uel, or of any part of it. There is a similar silence
in the Mishna, where, however, the inference from
such silence is far less cogent. And it is not until
we come to the Babylonian Gemara, which is sup-
posed to hare been completed in its present form
somewhere about 500 A. d., that any Jewish state-
ment respecting the authorship can be pointed out,
and then it is for the first time asserted (Baku
JBathra, fol. 14, c. 2), in a passage already referred
to, that " Samuel wrote his book," i. e. as the words
imply, the book which bears his name. But this
statement cannot be proved to have been made
earlier than 1550 years after the death of Samuel —
a longer period than has elapsed since the death of
the Emperor Constantine ; and unsupported as the
statement is by reference to any authority of any
kind, it would be unworthy of credit even if it
were not opposed to the internal evidence of the
book itself. At the revival of learning, an opinion
was propounded by Abarbanel, a learned Jew,
f A. D. 1608, that the book of Samuel was written
by the prophet Jeremiah' (I-at. by Aug. I'feifler,
Leipzig, 1686), and this opinion was adopted by
Hugo Grotiua (Prtf. ad Librum priorcm Sam-
uelis), with a general statement that there was no
discrepancy in the language, and with only one
special reference. Notwithstanding the eminence,
however, of these writers, this opinion must be re-
jected as highly improbable. Under any circum-
stances it could not be regarded as more than a
mere guess; and it is in reality a guess uncoun-
tenanced by peculiar similarity of language, or of
style, between the history of Samuel and the writ-
ings of Jeremiah. In our own time the most
SAMUEL, BOOKS 0»
prevalent idea in the Anglican Chord nijme h
have been that the first twenty-four chapters of
the book of Samuel were written by the prophet
himself, and the rest of the chapters by the pnphets
Nathan and Gad. This is toe view formed by
Mr. Home (Introduction to the Holy Scripture*.
ed. 1846, p. 45), in a work which has had very ex-
tensive circulation, and which amongst many read-
ers has been the only work of the kind consulted
in England. If, however, the authority adduced
by him is examined, it is found to be ultimately
the opinion " of the Talmudists, which was adopted
by the most learned Fathers of the Christian
Church, who unquestionably had better means of
ascertaining this point than we hare." Now tbf
absence of any evidence for this O) union in the
Talmud has been already indicated, and it is diffi-
cult to understand how the opinion could have been
stamped with real value through ita adoption by
learned Jews called Talmudists, or by learned
Christians called Fathers of the Christian Church,
who lived subsequently to the publication of the
Talmud. For there is not the slightest reason for
supposing that in the year 500 A. D either Jews or
Christians had access to trustworthy documents on
this subject which have not been transmitted to
modern times, and without such documents it can-
not be shown that they had any better means of
ascertaining this point than we have. Two cir-
cumstances have probably contributed to the adop-
tion of this opinion at the present day : 1st, the
growth of stricter ideas as to the importance of
knowing who was the author of any historical work
which advances claims to be trustworthy; and
2dly, the mistranslation of an ambiguous passage
in the First Book of Chronicles (xxix. 39), respect-
ing the authorities for the life of David. The first
point requires no comment On the second point
it is to be observed that the following appears to
be the correct translation of the passage in ques-
tion : " Now the history of David first and last,
behold it is written in the history of Samuel the
seer, and in the history of Nathan the propbet,
and in the history of Gad the seer " — in which
the Hebrew word dibrei, here translated "his-
tory," has the same meaning given to it each of
the four times that it is used. This sgreea with
the translation in the Septuagint, which is particu-
larly worthy of attention in reference to the Chion -
ides, as the Chronicles are the very last work in the
Hebrew Bible; and whether this arose from their
having been the last admitted into the Canon, or
the last composed, it is scarcely probable that any
translation in the Septuagint, with one great ex-
ception, was nude so soon after the composition of
the original. The rendering of the Septuagint is
by the word y6yoi, in the sense, so well known
in Herodotus, of " history " (i. 184, ii. 161, vi.
137), snd in the like sense in the Apocrypha,
wherein it is used to describe the history of Tobit,
£(0Aet KAymr Trnfiir. The word « history "
(Gttchichte) is likewise the word four times used
in the translation of this passage of the Chronicles
in Luther's Bible, and in the modern version of
the German Jews made under the auperintaideoef
a Professor Hluug, In like manner, attributes some
of the Psalms to Jeremiah. In support of this view,
he points out, 1st, several tpecial Instances of striking
srndlarity of language bstwaen those Psalms and the
writings of Jeramtah, and, 9dly, agreement be tw e en
hlnorleal fcett In the II* of T art and the situa-
tion In which the writer of those Psalms depicts hbr
sen* as having been placed (Hitxtg, Die Pmlmtn, pp
48-85). Whether the oonelurion la correct or 1
net, this Is a legitimate mods of reasoning, and I
is a sound baits for a cricks I rap
Paahns xxxi., xxxv.. xL
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SAMUEL, BOOKS OF
af the teamed Dr. Znns (Berlin. 1868: In the
English Venion, however the wo.tl dibrei Is trana-
kted in the lint instance '■ acta " aa applied to
Dand, and then "book" aa applied to Samuel.
Nathan, and Gad; and thua, through the ambi-
guity of the word " book " the possibility is sug-
gested that each of then three prophets wrote a
book respecting hia own life and times. This
double rendering of the same word In one passage
seems wholly inadmissible; aa ia also, though in a
leaa degree, the translation of tHbrti as u book,"
for which there is a distinct Hebrew word —
mfktr. And it may be deemed morally certain
that this passage of the Chronicles ia no authority
fee the supposition that, when It was written, any
work wu in existence of which either Gad, Na-
than, or Samuel waa the author."
8. Although the authorship of the book of Sam-
oat cannot be ascertained, there are some indica-
tions aa to the date of the work. And yet even on
this point no precision is attainable, and we must
be satisfied with a conjecture as to the range, not
of years or decades, but of centuries, within which
the history was probably composed. Evidence on
this head is either external or internal. The earli-
est undeniable external evidence of the existence of
toe book would seem to be the Greek translation
of it in the Septnagint The exact date, however,
of the tnnalation itself is uncertain, though it must
have been made at some time between the transla-
tion of the Pentateuch in the reign of ltolemy
PhiladeJpbua, who died b. c. 847, and the century
before the birth of Christ. The next best external
testimony ia that of a passage in the Second Book
of Maccabees (li. 18), in which it is said of Nehe-
miah, that " be, founding a library, gathered to-
gether the acta of the kings, and the prophets,
and of David, and the epistles of the kings con-
cerning the holy gifts." Now, although this pas-
sage oannot be relied on for proving that Nehe-
Buah himself did in fact ever found such a library, 6
yet it is good evidence to prove that the Acts of
the Kings, t4 weal tSf 0ao-iA«W, were in exist-'
enee when the passage waa written; and it can-
not reasonably be doubted that this phrase was in-
tended to include the book of Samuel, which is
squivalent to the two first books of Kings in the
Septnagint Hence there is external evidence that
Jae book of Samuel was written before the Second
Book of Maccabees. And lastly, the passage in
the Chronicles already quoted (1 Chr. xxlx. 29)
seems likewise to prove externally that the book
tf Samuel was written before the Chronicles. This
Is not absolutely certain, but it seems to be the
moat natural inference from the words that the his-
tory at* David, first and hut, is contained in the
history of Samuel, the history of Nathan, and the
history of Gad. For aa a work has come down to
as, entitled Samuel, which contains an account of
the Bit of David till within a abort period before
a In the Swedish Bible the word ditrni in each of
eat four instances Is translated ''acts n ( Otminfar),
sahtf pnektaly the same word which Is used to deaif
aata Mm Acts of the Apostles In the Mew Testament.
Ibis translation Is aslfeooatstsnt and admissible,
■at the Oerman translations, supported as they are
sy the Ssptoagnt, stem preferable.
' Professors Kwald and Bleek have accepted the
r so t'rm mt that Nehemlah founded such a Ubrs-y, and
bey make Inferences from the account of the library
to the Itme when certain books of "» Old **eeta-
aaat were admitted Into tsw Canon, ""■ten- are. how-
SAMUEL, BOOKS OP 2827
his death, it appears most reasonable to conclude
(although this point is open to dispute) that the
writer of the Chronicles referred to this work by
the title History of Samuel. In this case, admit-
ting the date assigned, on internal grounds, to the
Chronicles by a modern Jewish writer of undoubted
learning and critical powers, there would be exter-
nal evidence for the existence of the book of Sam-
uel earlier than 247 s. c, though not earlier than
312 B. c, the era of the SeleucidsB (Zunr, Die
GottetdieiwUichen Vortr&ge der Jutlen, p. 32).
Supposing that the Chronicles were written earlier,
this evidence would go, in precise proportion,
further back, but there would be still a total ab-
sence of earlier external evidence on the subject
than is contained in the Chronicles. If, however,
instead of looking solely to the external evidence,
the internal evidence respecting the book of
Samuel is examined, there are indications of its
having been written some centuries earlier. On
this bead the following points are worthy of no-
tice:—
1. The book of Samuel seems to have been writ-
ten at a time when the Pentateuch, whether it was
or was not in existence in its present form, was at
any rate not acted on as the rule of religious ob-
servances. According to the Mosaic Law as finally
established, sacrifices to Jehovah were not lawful
anywhere but before the door of the Tabernacle of
the congregation, whether this was a permanent
temple, as at Jerusalem, or otherwise (Deut xii.
13, 14; Lev. xvii. 3, 4; but see Ex. xx. 24). But
in the book of Samuel, the offering of sacrifices, or
the erection of altars, which implies sacrifices, is
mentioned at several places, such as Mixpeh, Ha-
inan, Bethel, the threshing-place of Araunah the
Jebusite, and elsewhere, not only without any dis-
approbation, apology, or explanation, but in a way
which produces the impression that such sacrifices
were pleasing to Jehovah (1 Sam. vii. 9, 10, 17,
ix. 13, x. 3, xjv. 36; 2 Stun. rxiv. 18-25). This
circumstance points to the date of the book of
Samuel as earlier than the reformation of Josiah,
when Hilkiah the high-priest told Shaphan the
scribe that he had found the Book of the Law in
the house of Jehovah, when the Passover was kept
as was enjoined in that book, in a way that no
Passover had been bolden since the days of the
Judges, and when the worship upon high-places
was abolished by the king's orders (2 K. xxii. 8,
xxiii. 8, 13, 15, 19, 21, 22). The probability thai
a sacred historian, writing after that reformation,
would have expressed disapprobation of, or would
have accounted for, any seeming departure from the
laws of the Pentateuch by David, Saul, or Samuel
is not in itself conclusive, but joined to other con-
siderations it is entitled to peculiar weight The
natural mode of dealing with such a religious scan
dal, when It shocks the ideas of a later generation,
is followed by the author of the book of Kings, who
ever, the following reasons for rejecting; the ststs-
ment: 1st It occurs In a letter generally deemed
spurious. 2dly. In the ssroe letter a tabuioun story
Is recorded not only of Jeremiah (li. 1-7), but iikewtst
of Nehemiab himself. 8dly. An erroneous historical
statement la likewise made In the same le ter, that
Nehemiah built the Temple of Jerusalem (I 18). No
witness In a court "* justice, whose credit jad been
shaken to a shrilar extent, would, unless corroborated
by other eriden'*, be relied on ar in author!')- frr amv
important fact
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5828 8AMDBL, BOOKS OF
■■okmbtedly lived later than the reformation of Jo-
nah, or than the beginning, at least, of the captiv-
ity of Judah (2 K. xxv. 81, 97). This writer men-
tiona the toleration of worship on high-places with
disapprobation, not only in connection with bad
kings, such as Manasseh and Ahaz, but likewise as
a drawback in the excellence of other kings, sneh as
Asa, Jehoshaphat, Jehoash, Aniasiah, Asariah, and
Jotham, who are praised for baring done what was
right in the sight of Jehorah (1 K. it. 14, xxii. 43;
i K. xii. 8, xiv. 4, xr. 4, 85, xvl 4, xxL 8); and
something of the same kind might have bean ex-
pected in the writer of the book of Samuel, if he
had lived at a time when the worship on high-
places had been abolished.
2. It is in accordance with this early date of the
book of Samuel that allusions in it even to the
existence of Hoses are so few. After the return
from the Captivity, and more especially after the
changes Introduced by Ears, Moses became that
great central figure in the thoughts and language
of devout Jews which he could not fail to be when
all the laws of the Pentateuch were observed, and
they were all referred to him as the divine prophet
who communicated them directly from Jehorah.
This transcendent importance of Hoses must al-
ready have commenced at the finding of the Book
of the Law at the reformation of Joaiah. Now it
is remarkable that the book of Samuel is the his-
torical work of the Old Testament in which the
name of Hoses occurs most rarely. In Joshua it
occurs 66 times; in Chronicles, Eara, and Nebe-
miah, 81 times; in the book of Kings ten timet;
in Judges three times; but in Samuel only twice
iZuns, VortrSgt, 86). And it is worthy of note
that In each case Hoses is merely mentioned with
Aaron as having brought the Israelites out of the
land of Egypt, but nothing whatever is said of the
Law of Hoses (1 Sam. xii. 6, 8). It may be
thought that no inference can be drawn from this
omission of the name of Hoses, because, inasmuch
ss the Law of Moees, ss a whole, was evidently not
acted on in the time of Samuel, David, and Solo-
mon, there was no occasion for a writer, however
late be lived, to introduce the name of Hoses at all
in connection with their life and actions. But it is
very rare indeed for later writers to refrain in this
way from importing the ideas of their own time
into the account of earlier transactions. Thus,
very early in the book of Kings there is an allusion
to what is "written in the Law of Hoses" (1 K.
ii. 8). Thus the author of the book of Chronicles
makes, for the reign of David, a calculation of money
in d/iria, a Persian coin, not likely to have been
in common use among the Jews until the Persian
domination had been fully established. Thus,
more than once, Josephus, in his Antiqmtui of
'/<« Jem, attributes expressions to personages in
i he Old Testament which are to be accounted for
'•y what was familiar to his own mind, although
'.hey are not justified by his authorities. For ex-
ample, evidently copying (he history of a transac-
tion from the book of Samuel, he represents the
prophet Samuel as exhorting the people to bear in
mind "the code of laws which Hoees had given
•hem " (rjjt MaOo'tar rouoeWfar, Ant. vi. 5, J 3),
■hough there is no mention of Hoees, or of his leg-
Vaation, in the corresponding passage of Samuel (1
■ As eompand with Samuel, the pteuliatitias of
i Pentateuch an not qviu as striking as toe dlflar-
M in tanfuafs between Loentiui and YngU : the
SAMUEL, BOOKS OF
8am. xii. 20-26). Again, in giving an i
the punishments with which the Israelites wen
threatened for disobedience of the Law by Moses ir
the book of Deuteronomy, Josephus attributes to
Hoses the threat that their temple should be burned
(Ant. ir. 8, § 46). But no passage can be pointed
out in the whole Pentateuch in which such a threat
occurs; and in fact, according to the received chro-
nology (1 K. vi. 1), or according to any chronol-
ogy, the first temple at Jerusalem was not built till
some centuries after the death of Hoses. Yet this
allusion to the burning of an unbuilt temple ought
not to be regarded as an intentional misrepresenta-
tion. It is rather an instance of the tendency in
an historian who describes past events to give ua-
eonsdously indications of his living himself at a
later epoch. Similar remarks apply to a passage
of Josephus (Ant. viL 4, $ 4), in which, giving an
account of David's project to build a temple at Je-
rusalem, ha says that David wished to prepare a
temple for God, "as Hoses commanded," though
no such command or injunction is found to be in the
Pentateuch. To a religious Jew, when the laws oi
the Pentateuch were observed, Hoses could not foil
to be the predominant idea in his mind ; but Hoaes
would not necessarily be of equal importance to a
Hebrew historian who lived before the reformation
of Josiah.
3. It tallies with an early date for the compo-
sition of the book of Samuel that it is one of the
best specimens of Hebrew prase in the golden sge
of Hebrew literature. In prose it holds the same
place which Jod and the undisputed prophecies ot
Isaiah hold in poetical or prophetical language. It
is free from the peculiarities S the book of Judges,
which it is proposed to account for by supposing
that they belonged to the popular dialect of Northern
Palestine; and likewise from the slight peculiarities
of the Pentateuch, which it is proposed to regard as
archaisms ° (Gesenius, Hebrew Grammar, § 2, 6).
It is a striking contrast to the language of the book
of Chronicles, which undoubtedly belongs to the
silver age of Hebrew prose, and it does not contain
as many alleged Chaldaisms as the few in the book
of Kings. Indeed the number of Chaldaisms in the
book of Samuel which the most rigid scrutiny has
suggested do not amount to more than about six
instances, some of them doubtful ones, in 90 pages
of our modern Hebrew Bible. And, considering the
general purity of the language, it is not only possi-
ble, but probable, that the trifling residuum of Chal-
daisms may be owing to the inadvertence of Chal-
dee copyists, when Hebrew had ceased to be a living
language. At the same time this argument from
language must not be pushed so far as to imply
that, standing alone, it would be conclusive; fat
some writings, the date of which is about the time
of the Captivity, are in pure Hebrew, such as the
prophecies of Habakkuk, the Psalms cxx., exxxvii.,
exxxix., pointed out by Gesenius, and by far the
largest portion of the latter part of the prophecies
attributed to " Isaiah " (xL-lxvi.). And we have
not sufficient knowledge of the condition of the Jews
at the time of the Captivity, or for a few centuries
after, to entitle any one to assert that there were nt
individuals among them who wrote the purest He-
brew. Still the balance of probability inclines to the
contrary direction, and, at a subsidiary argument
parallel which has basn suggested by Gesenius. Ttr
(U seems to have been about 14 years of age what
Lucretius' great poem was pubusted.
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SAMUEL, BOOKS OF
he parity of language of the book of Samuel is
aititled to fome weight.
Assuming, then, that the work wai composed at
a period not later than the reformation of Joaiah, —
say, B. c. 638, — the question arises a* to the very
earnest point of time at whleh it could hare existed
to its present form. And the answer seems to be,
that the earliest period was subsequent to the seces-
sion of the Ten Tribes. This results from the pas-
sage in 1 Sam. xxvii. 6, wherein it is said of Da-
fid, "Then Aehish gave him Ziklag that day:
wherefore Ziklag pertaineth unto the kings of Ju-
dah unto this day : " lor neither Saul, David, nor
Solomon Is in a single instance called king of Ju-
das simply. It is true that David is said, in one
Muslim respecting him, to have reigned in Hebron
•wren years and six months over Judah (8 Sam. v.
t) before be reigned in Jerusalem thirty-three
yean over all Israel and Judah ; but he is, notwith-
standing, never designated by the title King of
Judah. Before the secession, the designation of
the kings was that they were kings of Israel (1
Sam. xiii. 1, xr. 1, xvi. 1; 3 Sam. v. 17, viii. IS;
I K. ii.ll, ir. 1, ri. 1, xi. 43). It may safely,
there f ore, be sssumed that tbe book of Samuel
wold not have existed in its present form at an
earlier period than the reign of Keboboam, who as-
cended the throne n. c. 975. If we go beyond
this, and endeavor to assert tbe precise time be-
tween 976 B. c. and 633 n. c, when it was com-
posed, all certain indications fail us. The expres
doa u onto this day," used severs! times in the
took (1 Sam. v. 6, ri. 18, xxx. 35; 3 Sam. iv. 3,
si. 8), in addition to the use of it in the passage
thready quoted, is too indefinite to prove anything,
except that the writer who employed it lived subse-
quently to the events he described. It is inade-
quate to prove whether be lived three centuries, or
only half a century, after those events. Tbe same
remark applies to the phrase, " Therefore it became
a proverb, 'Is Saul among tbe Prophets?'" (1
Sam. x. 13), and to the verse, " Beforetime in Is-
rael, when a man went to enquire of God, thus be
spake, Come, and let us go to tbe seer: for he that
la now called a Prophet was beforetime called a
Beer" (1 Sam. ix. 9). In both cases it is not cer-
tain that the writer lived more than eighty years
after the incidents to which he alludes. In like man.
ear, the various traditions respecting the manner
in which Saul first became acquainted with David
(1 Sam. xvi. 14-33, xvii. 56-68) — respecting the
rammer of Saul's death (1 Sam. xxxi. 3-6, 8-13;
I Sam. i. 8-13) — do not necessarily show that a
eery long time (say even a century) elapsed between
the setae! events' and the record of the traditions.
to an age anterior to the existence of newspapers
or the invention of printing, and when probably
t*w could read, thirty or forty years, or even less,
have been sufficient for the growth of different tra-
ditions respecting the same historical fact. Lastly,
tjrtsmal evidence of language lends no assistance
for discrimination in the period of 353 years within
•Hah tbe book may have been written: for the
u n d i sp ut ed Hebrew writings belonging to that pe-
riod are comparatively few, and not one of them is
a history, which would present tbe best points of
comparison. They embrace scarcely more than
the writings of Joel, Amos, Hoses, Mlcah, Nahum,
end a certain portion of tbe writings under the title
< Isaiah." Tbe whole of these writings together
nm scarcely be estimated as occupying more than
sixty pages of our Hebrew Bibles, and whatever
SAMUEL, BOOKS OF 2829
may be their peculiarities of language or style, they
do not afford materials for a safe inference as to
which of their authors was likely to hare been con-
temporary with the author of the b^ok of Samuel.
All that can be asserted as undeniable is, that tbe
book, as a whole, can scarcely have been composed
later than the reformation of Joaiah, and that it
could not have existed in its present form earlier
than tbe reign of Keboboam.
It is to be added that no great weight, in oppo-
sition to this conclusion, is due to the fact that the
death of David, although in one passsge evidently
implied (3 Sam. v. 5), is not directly recorded in the
book of Samuel. From this fact Havernick (£w-
iatung m dot AUe Testament, part 11., p. 145)
deems it a certain inference that the author lived
not long after the death of David. But this is a
vary slight foundation for such an inference, since
we know nothing of the author's name, or of the
oireumstanees under which he wrote, or of his pre-
cise ideas respecting what is required of an histo-
rian. We cannot, therefore, assert, from the knowl-
edge of the character of bis mind, that his deeming
it logically requisite to make a formal statement
of David's death would have depended on his living
a short time or a louse time after that event. Be-
sides, it is very possible that he did forniuUy record
it, snd that the mention of it was subsequently
omitted on account of the more minute details by
which tbe account of David's death is preceded
in the First Book of Kings. There would have
been nothing wrong in such an omission, nor in-
deed, in any addition to the book of Samuel; for,
as those who finally inserted it in the Canon did
not transmit it to posterity with tbe name of any
particular author, their honesty was involved, not
in the mere circumstance of their omitting or
adding anything, but solely in the fact of then
adding nothing which they leliered to be faUe,
snd of omitting nothing of importance which tbey
believed to he true
In this absolute ignorance of the author's name,
and vague knowledge of the date of the work,
there has been a controversy whether the book of
Samuel is or is not a compilation from preexist-
ing documents; and if this is decided in the af-
firmative, to what extent the work is a compilation
It is not intended to enter fully here into this con-
troversy, respecting which the reader is referred to
Dr. Davidson's Introduction to the Critical Study
and Knowitdyt of the Holy ScriplHm, London,
Longman, 1866, in which this subject is dispas-
sionately and fairly treated. One o bserva tion, bow-
ever, of some practical importance, is to he borne
in mind. It does not admit of much reasonable
doubt that in tbe book of Samuel there are two
different accounts (already alluded to) respecting
Saul's first acquaintance with David, and the cir-
cumstances of Saul's death — ind that yet the
editor or author of the book did not let bis mind
work upon these two different accounts so far as tc
make him interpose his own opinion ss to which
of the conflicting aooounti was oorreet, or even to
poin* out to the reader that the two accounts were
apparently contradictory. Hence, in a certain
sense, snd to a certain extent, the author must be
regarded as a compiler, and not an original his-
torian. And in reference to the two accounts of
| bau"i death, this Is not the less true, even if the
I second account be deemed reconcilable with tbe first
b"" tbt supposition that the Amaiekite had (abli-
' eated the story of his having killed Saul (3 Sam.
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2880 SAMUEL, BOOKS OF
I 0-10). Although possibly true, thii bu ni-
likely supposition, because, aa the Amalekite's ob-
eet in a lie would here been to curry favor with
David, it would hare been natural for him to have
forged tome story which would have redounded
more to bu own credit than the cluniay and im-
Gbable statement that be, a mere casual spectator,
I killed Saul at Saul's own request. But whether
the Amalekite said what was true or what was
false, an historian, as distinguished from a compiler,
could scarcely have failed to convey his own opinion
on the point, affecting, as on one alternative it did
materially, the truth of the narrative which he had
just before recorded respecting the circumstances
under which Saul's death occurred. And if com-
pilation is admitted in regard to the two events
Just mentioned, or to one of them, there is no
antecedent improbability that the same may have
been the case in other instances; such, for exam-
ple, as the two explanations of the proverb, " b
Saul also among the Prophet* ? " (1 Sam. x. 9-18,
six. 32-31), or the two account* of David's having
forborne to take Saul's life, at the very time when
be was a fugitive from Saul, and his own life was
in danger from Saul's enmity (1 Sam. xxiv. 8-15,
xxvi. 7-12). The same remark applies to what
mem to be summaries or endings -t narratives by
different writers, such as 1 Sam. vii. i3- IT, 1 Sam.
xiv. 47-62,, compared with chapter xr.; 3 Sam.
riii. 16-18. In these cases, if each passage were
absolutely isolated, and occurred in a work which
contained no other instance of compilation, the
Inference to be drawn might be uncertain. But
when even one instance of compilation has been
elearly established in a work, all other seeming
instances must be viewed in its light, and it would
be unreasonable to contest each of tlieni singly, on
principles which imply that compilation is as un-
likely a* it would be in a work of modern history.
It is to be added, that ss the author and the
precise date of the book of Samuel ore unknown,
its historical value is not impaired by its being
deemed to a certain extent a compilation. Indeed,
from one point of view, its value is in this way
somewhat enhanced ; as the probability is increased
of its containing document! of an early date, some
of which may have been written by persons con-
temporaneous, or nearly so, with the events de-
scribed.
Sources of the Book of Samuel — Assuming that
the book is a compilation, it is a subject of rational
inquiry to ascertain the materials from which it
was composed. But our information on this head
la scanty. The only work actually quoted in this
book Is the book of Jaaher; i. c the book of
the Upright. Notwithstanding the great learning
which has been brought to bear on this title by
numerous commentators [vol. ii. p. 1215], the
meaning of the title must be regarded as absolutely
anknown, and the character of the book itself as
uncertain. The best oonjecture hitherto offered as
an induotion from facts is, that it was a book of
Voems; but the frets an too few to establish this
o Any Hebrew scholar who wni write out the a
kisl tour lines eommenemg with "Sun, stand thou
•HI) upon Gibson ! " may satisfy himself that they
•swag to a poem. The last line, " Until the people
hod avenged themselves noon their enemies," which
a the A. V. Is somewhat heavy, la almost unmistek-
wiv a Uns of poetry In the original. In a narrative
ssaatring the Israelites in erase they would not have
SAMUEL, BOOKS OF
as a positive general conclusion. II h only/ onaaaet
twice in the whole Bible, once as a work containing
David's Lamentation over Saul and Jonathan (1
Sam. i. 18), and secondly, a* an authority for the
statement that the sun and moon stood still at tbe
command of Joshua (Josh. x. 13). There can I*
no doubt that the Lamentation of David la a poem ;
and it is most probable that the other passage
referred to as written in the book of Jaaher in-
cludes four lines of Hebrew poetry," though the
poetical diction and rhythm of the original are
somewhat impaired in a translation. Bat the only
sound deduction from these facts is, that the book
of Jaaher contained some poem*. What alar H
may have contained we cannot amy, even nega-
tively. Without reference, however, to the book of
Jasher, tbe book of Samuel oontains several poetical
compositions, on each of which a few observation*
may be offered; commencing with the poetry of
David.
(1.) David's Lamentation over Saul and Jona-
than, called '< The Bow." This extremely beautiful
composition, which seems to have been preserved
through David's having caused it to be taught to
the children of Judah (2 Sam. i. 18), 1* universally
admitted to be the genuine production of David.
In this respect, it has an advantage over the
Psalms; as, owing to the unfortunate inaccuracy
of some of the inscriptions, no one of the psalms
attributed to David has wholly escaped challenge.
One point in the Lamentation especially merit*
attention, that, contrary to what a later poet would
have ventured to represent, David, in the generosity
and tenderness of his nature, sounds the praises of
Saul.
(2.) David's Lamentation on tbe death of Anna
(2 Sam. iil. 33, 34). There is no reason to doubt
the genuineness of this short poetical ejaculation.
(3.) 3 Sam. xxii. A Song of David, which is
introduced with the inscription that David epoka
the words of tbe song to Jehovah, in the day that
Jehovah bad delivered him out of the hand of all
his enemies and out of the hand of SauL This
song, with a few unimportant verbal di fferenc e s , is
merely tbe xviiith Psalm, which bear* substantially
tbe same inscription. For poetical beauty, the
soug is well worthy to be the production of David.
The following difficulties, however, are connected
with it.
(a.) The date of the oomposition i* assigned to
the day when David had been delivered not only
out of the hand of all bis enemies, but likewise
" out of tbe hand of Saul." Now David reigned
forty years after Saul's death (3 Sam. v. 4, 6), and
It was as king that he achieved the successive con-
quest* to which allusion is made in the paalnu.
Moreover, the psalm is evidently introduced a*
composed at a late period of hi* life; and it inane
diately precedes the twenty-third chapter, which
oommences with the passage, "Now these be the
last words of David." It sounds strange, there-
fore, that tbe name of Saul should be introduced,
whose hostility, so far distant in time, had been
bean described es "'IS (rSi), without even so aroekv
Moreover, there Is no other Instance m which the aun-
pl* accusative of tbs person on whom ranges me Is
taken is used after Qp3 (aaaom). la simple nessf
\0 (««•) Intervenes, and, like the artiest, II was
have been here omitted for iMwianpme,
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SAMUEL, BOOKS OF
i, aa it were, by David in his noble Lameo-
atioo
(4.) In the doting rene (3 8am. xxii. 51), Je-
hovah u spoken of u showing "mercy to Ml
anointed, unto David and his seed for evermore."
These words would be mors, naturally written of
David than by David. The; ma;, however, be a
later addition ; as it ma; be observed that at the
present day, notwithstanding the safeguard of print-
ing, the poetical writings of living authors are oeea-
aiomdly altered, and it must be added disfigured,
in printed hymn-books. Still, as tar as they go,
the words tend to raise a doubt whether the psalm
was written by David, as it cannot be provtd that
they are an addition.
(e.) In tome passage* of the psalm, the strong-
eat aasertions are made of the poet's uprightness
and purity. He says of himself, " According to
the cleanness of my hands hath He recompensed
me. For I bare kept the ways of Jehovah, and
have not wickedly departed from my God. For all
hia judgments were before me: and aa for his
statutes, I did not depart from them. I was alto
upright before Him, and have kept myself from
mine iniquity " (xxii. 21-3*). Now it is a subject
of reasonable surprise that, at any period after the
painful incidents of hit life in the matter of Uriah,
David should have used this language concerning
himself. Admitting fully that, in consequenoe of
his sincere and bitter contrition, " the priucely
heart of innocence " may have been freely Settowed
upon him, it is difficult to understand bow this
should have influenced him so far in hit assertions
respecting his own uprightness in past times, as to
make him forget that be had once been betrayed
by hie passions into adultery and murder. These
assertions, if made by David himself, would form
a striking contrast to the tender humility and self-
mistrutt in connection with the same subject by
a great living genius of spotless character. (See
" Christian Year," 9th Sunday after Trinity— ad
Jhtem.)
(4.) A aong, called " hut wordt of David " (2
Saro. xxiii. 2-7). According to the Inscription, it
waa composed by " David the son of Jesse, the man
who wat raited up on high, the anointed of the
God of Jacob, and the sweet psalmist of Israel."
It is suggested by Week, and it in itself very prob-
able, that both the psalm and the inscription were
aken from tome collection of tongs or psalms.
Them it not sufficient reason to deny that this song
i* correctly ascribed to David.
(6.) One other aong remains, which it perhaps
the meet perplexing in the book of Samuel. This
is the Song of Hannah, a wife of Elkanah (1 Sam.
li. 1-10). One difficulty arises from an allusion
in verse 10 to the existence of a king under Jeho-
vah, many years before the kingly power was
established among the Israelites- Another equally
great difficulty arises from the internal character
rf the aong. It purports to be written by one of
two wives at a song of thanksgiving for having
borne a child, after a long period of barrenness,
which had caused her to be looked down upon by
.be other wife of her husband. But, deducting a
lateral allusion, in verse fi, to the barrai having
borne seven, there is nothing in the aong peculiarly
applicable to the supposed circumstances, and by
fcr the greater portion of it teems to be % song of
ertuBph for deliverance from powerful enemies in
Utile (w. 1, 4, 10). Indeed, Thenius does not
t tsi uti to conjecture that it was written by Davie I
SAMUEL, BOOKS OF 2881
after he had slain Goliath, and the Philistines bad
been defeated in a great battle (Exegttiteha Band-
buck, p. 8). There it no historical warrant for
this supposition; but the song it certainly more
appropriate to the victory of David over Goliath,
than to Hannah's having given birth to a child
under toe circumstances detailed in the first chap-
ter of Samuel. It would, however, be equally
appropriate to some other great battles of the
Israelites.
In advancing a tingle step beyond the songs of
the book of Samuel, we enter into the region of
conjecture as to the materials which were at the
command of the author; and in points which arias
for consideration, we must be satisfied with a sus-
pense of judgment, or a slight balance of proba-
bilities. For example, it being plain that in some
Instances there are two accounts of the same trans-
action, it it desirable to form an opinion whether
there were founded on distinct written documents,
or on distinct oral traditions. Thit point it open
to dispute; but the theory of written document*
seems preferable; aa in the alternative of mere
oral traditions it would have been supereminently
unnatural even for a compiler to record them with-
out stating in hit own person that there were differ-
ent traditions respecting the same event. Again,
the truthful simplicity and extraordinary vividness
of tome portions of the book of Samuel naturally
suggest the idea that !hey were founded on con-
temporary documents or a peculiarly trustworthy
tradition. This applies specially to the account
of the combat between David and Goliath, which
hat been the delight of successive generations,
which charms equally in different ways the old and
the young, the learned and the illiterate, and which
tempts us to deem it certain that the account mutt
have proceeded from an eye-witness. On the other
hand, it is to be remembered that vividness of
description often depends more on the discerning
faculties of the narrator than on mere bodily
presence. "It it the mind that sees," so that 300
years after the meeting of the Long Parliament a
powerful imaginative writer shall portray Cromwell
more vividly than Ludlow, a contemporary who
knew him and conversed with him. Moreover,
Livy hat described events of early Roman history
which educated men regard in their details at
imaginary; and Defoe, Swift, and the authors of
The Arabian NigkU have described events which
all men admit to be imaginary, with such seem-
ingly authentic details, with such a charm of
reality, movement, and spirit, that it it sometime*
only by a strong effort of reason that we escape
from the illusion that the narratives are true. In
the absence, therefore, of any external evidence on
this point, it it safer to suspend our judgment at
to whether any portion of the book of Samuel it
founded on the writing of a contemporary, or on a
tradition entitled to any peculiar credit. Perhaps
the two conjectures respecting the composition of
the book of Samuel which are most entitled U»
consideration are — ltt. That the list which it
contains of officers or public functionaries under
David is the result of contemporary registration;
and Sdly. That the book of Samuel was the com-
pilation of some one connected with the schools of
the prophets, or penetrated by their spirit. On
the first point, toe reader is referred to such pas-
sages at 3 Sam. viii. 10-18, and xx. 33-86, in
regard to which one fact may be mentioned. It
hat already bean stated [Kuo, vol '.' p. 164041
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2882 SAMUEL, BOOKS OF
that under the king* then existed an officer
■died Beoorder, Bemembnneer, or Chronicler; in
Hebrew, vuuktr. Now it can scarcely be a nam
accidental coincidence that such an officer k men
timed for the first time in David'i reign, and that
It U precisely for David's reign that a list of public
functionaries is for the first time transmitted to
us. On the second point, it cannot but be ob-
served what prominence is given to prophets in
the history, as compared with priests and Levites.
This prominence is so decided, that it undoubtedly
contributed towards the formation of the uncritical
opinion that the book of Samuel wee the produc-
tion of the prophets Samuel, Nathan, and Gad.
This opinion is unsupported by external evidence,
and is contrary to internal evidence; but it is by
no means improbable that some writers among the
sons of the prophets recorded the actions of those
prophets. This would be peculiarly probable in
reference to Nathan's rebuke of David after the
murder of Uriah. Nathan here presents the image
of a prophet in its noblest sod most attractive form.
Boldness, tenderness, inventiveness, and tact, were
combined in such admirable proportions, that a
prophet's functions, if always discharged in a sim-
ilar manner with equal discretion, would have been
acknowledged by all to be purely beneficent. In
his interposition then is a kind of ideal moral
beauty. In the schools of the prophets be doubt-
less held the place which St Ambrose afterwards
held in the minds of priests for the exclusion of the
Emperor Theodosius from the church at Milan after
the maaeacn at Theasalonica. It may be added,
that the following circumstances are in accordance
with the supposition that the compiler of the book
sf Samuel was connected with the schools of the
prophets. The designation of Jehovah as the
" Lord of Hosts," or God of Hosts, does not occur
in the Pentateuch, or in Joshua, or in Judges; but
it occurs iu the book of Samuel thirteen times. In
the book of Kings it occurs only seven times; and
in the book of Chronicles, as far sa this is an
original or independent work, it cannot be said to
occur at all, for although it is found in three pas-
sages, all of then an evidently copied from the
book of Samuel. (See 1 Chr. xi. 9 — in the orig-
inal, precisely the same words as in S Sam. v. 10;
and an 1 Chr. xviL 7, 84, copied from S Sam. vii. 8,
88.) Now this phrase, though occurring so rarely
elsewhere in prose, that it occurs nearly twice as
often in the book of Samuel as in all the other
historical writings of the Old Testament put to-
gether, is a very favorite phrase in some of the
great prophetical writings. In Isaiah it occurs
sixty-two times (six times only in the chapters xl.-
.xvi.), and in Jeremiah sixty-five times at least.
Again, the predominance of the idea of the pro-
phetical office in Samuel is shown by the very sub-
jr linate place assigned in it to the Levites. The
inference between the Chronicles and the book oi
■ It Is worthy of new that the prophet afraklal never
■ass the expression "Lord of Hosts." On the other
hand, there U no mention of the Levites in the undis-
puted writings of Issjah-
o Tscitns records It as a distinguishing custom of
Sue Jews, " corpora eondere quam cremare, ex more
JEgypdo " (Hi*, v. 8). And it Is certain that, In later
lines, they burled dead bodies, and did not burn
hem j though, notwithstanding the Instance In Gen.
i. they did not, strictly speaking, embalm them,
:u the ifjpUaos. And though it may be suspected,
SAMUEL, BOOKS OF
Samuel in this respect is even more striking thai
their difference in the rise of the expression •' Lord
of Hosts; "« though in a reverse proportion. la
the whole book of Samuel the Levites an men-
tioned only twice (1 Sun. vi. 16; 8 Sam. xv. 84),
while in Chronicles they are mentioned about thirty
times in the first book alone, winch contains the
history of David's reign.
In conclusion, it may be observed that it is very
instructive to direct the attention to the passages
in Samuel and the Chronicles which treat of the
same events, and, generally, to the manner in which
the life of David is treated in the two histories. A
comparison of the two works tends to throw light
on the state of the Hebrew mind at the time when
the book of Samuel was written, compared with
the ideas prevalent among the Jews some hundred
yean later, at the time of the compilation of the
Chrnnioles. Some passages correspond almost pre-
cisely word for word ; others agree, with alight but
significant alterations. In some cases there an
striking omissions; in ethers then am no less re-
markible additions. Without attempting to ex-
haust the subject, some of the di ff erences between
the two histories will be now briefly pointed out;
though at the same time it is to be borne in mind
that, in drawing i n ferences from them, it would be
useful to review likewise all the differences b e t ween
the Chronicles and the book of Kings.
1. In 1 Sam. xxxi. 18, it is stated that the men
of Jabeab Gilead took the body of Saul and the
bodies of his sons from the wall of Beth-ahan, and
came to Jabeab and burnt them there. The com-
piler of the Chronicles omits mention of the burn-
ing of their bodies, and, as it would seem, de-
signedly; for he says that the valiant men of
Jabesh Gilead buried the Aones of Saul and his
sons under the oak in Jabesh; whereas if then
bad been no burning, the natural expression would
have been to have spoken of burying their iwnes,
instead of their bones. Perhaps the chronicler
objected so strongly to the burning of bodies that
be purposely refrained from recording such a fact
respecting the bodies of Saul and bis sons, evtn
under the peculiar circumstances connected with
that incident.''
8. In the Chronicles it is assigned as one of the
causes of Saul's defeat that he bad asked counsel
of one that had a familiar spirit, and '• had not
inquired of Jehovah" (1 Chr. x. 18, 14); whereas
in Samuel it is expressly stated (1 Sam. xxviii. 61
that Saul had inquired of Jehovah before he con-
sulted the witoh of Endor, but that Jehovah had
not answered him either by dreams, or by Urio,
or by prophets.
8. The Chronicles make no mention of the civil
ear between David and lahbosheth the son of Saul,
nor of Abner's changing sides, nor his assassins-
tion by Joab, nor of the assassination of lah-
bosheth by Rechab and Baanah (8 Sam. ii. 8-88,
iii^hr.).
it cannot be proved, tist they ever burned their deaa
in esrly tunes. The passage In Am. vi. 10 Is ambtg
nous. It may merely refer to the burning of bodies
aa a sanitary precaution In a plague ; but It la net
undoubted that burning Is alluded to Bee Furet f. v
f\~!D. The burning for Am (8 CkJ vi. 14) is dU
knot than the burning of his body. Compare Jet
xxxlv. 6; 8 Ohr. xzl. 19, 89 Joseph. Jut. xv. I, |
XM W. J«o. 1. 88, } 9.
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4. David's adultery with Bath-aheba, the ex-
posure of Uriah to certain death by Darid'a orden,
the solemn rebuke of Nathan, and the penitence of
David, are all pawed over in aoeolute alienee in the
Chronicle* (3 Sam. iL, zU. 1-25).
6. In the account given in Samuel (9 Sam. vi.
1-11) of Darid'a removing the Ark from Kirjath-
jearim, no special mention ia made of the prieata
oi Levitt*. Darid'a companions are aaid, generally,
to have been " all the people that were with him,"
and " all the house of Israel " are aaid to have
plajed before Jehovah on the occasion with all
manner of musical instruments. In the corre-
sponding passage of the Chronicles (1 Chr. xiii.
1—14) David ia represented as having publicly pro-
posed to send au invitation to the prieata and
Lsvites in their cities and "suburbs," and this is
said to have been assented to by all the congrega-
tion. Again, in the preparations which are made
far the reception of the Ark of the Covenant at
Jerusalem, nothing ia aaid of the Levites in Sam-
uel; whereas in the Chronicles David is introduced
as saying that none ought to carry the Ark of
God bat the Levites; the special numbers of the
Levites and of the children of Aaron are there
given; and names of Lsvites are specified as hav-
ing been appointed singers and players on musical
instruments in connection with the Ark (1 Chr.
ST., xri. 1-6).
6. The incident of David's dancing in public
vrfth all his might before Jehovah, when the Ark
was brought into Jerusalem, the censorious remarks
ef his wife Hichal on David's conduct, Darid'a
■newer, and Michel's punishment, are futly act
forth in Samuel (8 Sam. vi. 14-23) ; but the whole
subject ia noticed in one versa only in Chronicles
(1 Chr. it. 99). On the other hand, no mention
la made in Samuel of Darid'a having composed a
psalm on this great event; whereas in Chronicles a
psalm Is set forth which David ia represented as
having delivered into the hand of Asaph and his
brethren on that day (1 Chr. zvi. 7-36). Of this
psalm the first fifteen verses are almost precisely
the same as in Pa. cv. 1-15. The next eleven
i u a n a arc the same as in Ps. zcvi. 1-11; and the
next three concluding verses are in Ps. eri. 1, 47,
48. The last verse but one of this psalm (1 Chr.
xrL 35) appeals to have been written at the time
ef the Captivity.
7. It is stated in Samuel that Darid in his con-
quest of Moab put to death two thirds either of
toe inhabitants or of the Hoabitish army (3 Sam.
riii. 8). This fact is omitted in Chronicles (1 Chr.
xriu. 3), though the words used therein in men-
tioning the conquest are so nearly identical with
the beginning and the end of the passage in Sam-
uel, that in the A. V. there Is no difference in the
translation of the two texts, "And he smote Moab;
and the Hoabites became David's servants, and
brought gifts."
8. In 9 Sam. xxL 19, It Is staled that « there
was a battle in Gob with the Philistines, where
« • Th. Parker (Da Watts, hand, to the O. T. H.
MB) speaks of "an amusiag mistake " In S Bam.
(ssU. SI, aa compared with 1 Ohr. it 28. But there
*> an foundation for this, unlaee it be his own •tegular
■ nh s l n g, "a raspactabla man," where the Hebrew la
laser/ HfeHQ HPM, "a man of appearance " (_
safceewu rim\ in the' A. T. «a goodly man," became
i ia 1 Ohr. xl. 38, he was very tall,
a asan of statrne, eve •ubns htfh," «te. H.
SAMUEL, BOOKS OP 288J)
Hhanan the son of Jaare-oregim, a Bethlebemite
(in the original Beit hnUachnu), slew Goliath the
Gittite, the staff of whose apear waa like a weavers
beam." In the parallel passage in the Chronicle
(1 Chr. xx. 5) it is stated that " Elhanaii the son
of Jair slew Lachmi the brother of Goliath the
Gittite." Thus Lachmi, which in the former case
is merely part of an adjective describing Elhanan's
place of nativity, seems in the Chronicles to be
the aubstantive uanie of the man whom Elhanan
slew, and is so translated in the LXX. [Elha-
nan, I. 696 f.; Larmi, ii. 1581.]
9. In Samuel (3 Sam. xxiv. 1) it Is stated that,
the anger of Jehovah having been kindled against
Israel, Ht moved David against them to give orders
for taking a census of the population. In the
Chronicles (1 Chr. xxi. 1) it ia mentioned that
David waa provoked to take a census of the popu-
lation 6jr Salon. This last is the first and the
only instance in which the name of Satan is intro-
duced into any historical book of the Old Testa-
ment. In the Pentateuch Jehovah himself is
represented as hardening Pharaoh's heart (Ex. vii.
13), as in thia passsge of Samuel He is aaid to have
incited David to give orders for a census. 11
10. In the incident* connected with the three
days' pestilence upon Israel on account of the cen-
sus, some facts of a very remarkable character are
narrated in the Chronicles, which are not men-
tioned in the earlier history. Thus in Chronicles
it is stated of the Angel of Jehovah, that he stood
between the earth and the heaven, having a drawn
sword in hia hand stretched over Jerusalem ; that
afterwards Jehovah commanded the angel, and
that the angel put up again hia sword into its
sheath » (1 Chr. xxi. 15-27). It is further stated
(ver. 20) that Oman and his four sons hid them-
selves when they saw the angel; and that when
David (ver. 36) had built an altar to Jehovah, and
offered burnt-offerings to Him, Jehovah answered
him from heaven by fire upon the altar of burnt-
offering. Regarding all these circumstances these
ia absolute silence in the corresponding chapter of
11. The Chronicles make no mention of the hor-
rible fact mentioned in the book of Samuel (2 Sam.
xxi. 8-9) that David permitted the Gibeonites to
sacrifice seven sons of Saul to Jehovah, as an atone-
ment for the injuries whioh the Gibeonites had for-
merly received from Saul. This barbarous aet of
superstition, which is not said to have been com-
manded by Jehovah (ver. 1), is one of the moat
painful incidents in the life of David, and can
scarcely be explained otherwise than by the suppo-
sition either that David seized thia opportunity to
rid hiniaetf of seven possible rival claimants to the
throne, ofihst he was, for a while at least, infected
by the baneful example of the Phoenician*, who
endeavored to avert the supposed wrath of their
gods by human sacrifices [Pbckhicia]. It was,
perhaps, wholly foreign to the ideas of the Jew*
at the time when the book of Chronicles was eon-
piled.
a The status of the archangel Hhhaet on the top
of the mausoleum of Hadrian at Borne la in accordance
with the suna idea. In a procession to Si. Peters,
during a pestilence, Gregory the Great aaw the arch-
angel in a vision, as ha Is sup p ose d to be represented
In the statue. It Is owing to this that the anna
subsequently bad the name of the Castle of St. An-
gelo. See Hurrays Hemdtoe* for Mum p t/l ess
el US).
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2884 SAMUEL, BOOKS OF
It only remain* to add, that lu the numerous
Instances wherein then ii a cloae verbal agreement
between paaaagea in Samuel and in the Chronicle*,
the wand eoneiuaion aeema to be that the Chroni-
cle! were copied from Samuel, and not that both
were copied from a common original. In a matter
of Una land, we must proceed upon recognized
principle* of criticism. If a writer of the 3d or
4th century narrated erenta of Roman history al-
most precisely in the words of Livy, no critic would
hesitate to say that all such narratives were copied
from livy. It would be regarded as a wry im-
probable hypothesis that they were copied from
documents to which Livy and the later historian
had equal access, eevecially when no proof what-
ever was adduced that any such original documents
were in existence at the time of the later historian.
The same principle applies to the relation in which
the Chronicles stand to the book of Samuel There
is not a particle of proof that the original docu-
ments, or any one of them, on which the book of
Samuel was founded, were in existence at the tune
when the Chronicles were compiled ; and in the ab-
sence of such proof, it must be taken for granted
that, where there is a close verbal correspondence
between the two works, the compiler of the Chron-
icles copied passages, more or less closely, from the
book of Samuel. At the same time it would be
unreasonable to deny, and it would be impossible
to disprove, that the compiler, in addition to the
book of Samuel, made use of other historical docu-
ments which are no longer in existence.
Literature. — The following list of Commen-
taries is given by De Wette: Serrarii, Seb.
Schmidii, Jo. Clerici, Haur. Comment!.; Jo. Dru-
sii, Amwtatt. in Loan diffie. Jot., Jud., et Sam.;
Victorini Strigelii, Comm. in Libr. Sam., Beg.,
et Paralifp., Lips. 1691, fol.: Gasp. Sanctii,
Comm. in IV. Lib. Reg. el Parahfp., 1634, fol.;
{lender, Erlaiterungen dtt I. B. Sam. «. at Sa-
tan. DenktprQche, Hamburg, 1795. The best
aaodern Commentary seems to be that of Thenius,
Exegetitchet Handbuch, Leipzig, 1843. In this
work there is an excellent Introduction, and an
interesting detailed comparison of the Hebrew text
in the Bible with the Translation of the IAX.
There are no Commentaries on Samuel in Rosen-
muller's great work, or in the Compendium of his
Scholia.
The date of the composition of the book of Sam-
uel and its authorship is discussed in all the ordi-
nary Introductions to the Old Testament — such
ss those of Home, HSvemick, Keil, De Wette,
which have been frequently cited in this work. To
these may be added the following works, which
have appeared since the first volume of this Dic-
tionary was printed: Bleek'a Einleitung in dot
AUe Tettoment, Berlin, 1860, pp. 356-568; StS-
belin's BpecUUe Einleitung in die Kanotatchtn
BUcker dee AUen Tettamentt, Elberfeld, 1863, pp.
68-106 i Davidson's Introduction to the Old Testa-
ment, London and Edinburgh, 1863, pp. 491-536.
E.T.
• The alleged " mtetranelation " (see the article
above) of 1 Chr. xxix. 39, is of a technical rather
than a practical character. The same Hebrew word
is indeed rendered by different terms in English,
out only in order to express 'more clearly the dif-
ferent senses in which the Hebrew word must nec-
sssarily be understood. " The history of David "
which is written somewhere, -roust of course take
Wstocji is the sense of Mograiiy.; while " the bis-
8AMUBL, BOOKS OF
tory tf Samuel," in which it Is written, n-nst h
the written record. The passage certainly asserts
that the prophets mentioned did write an account
of David and his reign which was still extant a
the time of the writer of the book of Chronicles.
The question whether that account was the sanis
with our present books of Samuel turns upon the
probability or improbability of still another history
(beside Samuel and Chronicles) having been writ-
ten of the same events when one from such author-
ity was already in existence. Possibly the original
work may have been more roll, and the present
books have been more or less abridged; but in this
esse they still remain substantially, contempora-
neous history.
The arguments given above in favor of an early
date of these books are entitled to more weight
than is there allowed to them; especially the argu-
ment from the language does not require to be as
mueb qualified. The instances of pure Hebrew cited
sa belonging to the time of the Captivity, with the
single exception of Ps. exxxvii. (which is too brief to
support the inference from its language) all belong
to a much earlier date. At least, if the opinion of
Gesenius and some other scholars be considered an
offset to the solid arguments for their earlier date,
the question must be considered an open one; and
these books cannot therefore be legitimately te-
ferred to as evidence of compositions in pure He-
brew as late as the time of the Captivity.
On the other hand, the arguments in fevor of t
comparatively late date require important qualifica-
tion. The expression in 1 Sam. xxvii. 6, " where-
fore Ziklag pertaineth unto the kings of Judsh
to this day," relied on to prove thst the book eouM
not have been composed before the accession ot
Rehoboam (b. c. 975), will not sustain the infer-
ence. Such a clause might be a marginal notr,
crept into the text; but this supposition is unnec
essary. As Judah was the leading tribe, it is not
unlikely that kinyi of Judah was sometimes used
instead of kingt of Itratl to designate the mon-
archs, even before the secession. The contrary is
asserted above : '• Before the secession, the designa-
tion of the kings was that they were kings of Is-
rael." But not one of the nine references given
happens to contain the exact expression. They are
all '• king ovek Israel," or " king ovkb all Is-
rael," and this is quite another matter when the
question is ons of a precise title. There are indeed
three psssages (none of which are given above) in
which the construction is the same as in the pres-
ent instance, the exact title " king of Israel " being
used, with the word king in Hebrew in construc-
tion with Itratl (1 Sam. xxiv. 14, xxvi. 90, 3 Sam.
vi.90). But those instances of this title along with
one of " kings of Judah " do not form a sufficient
basis for an induction. There is, too, a special
reason why " kings of Judah " should be here used.
Ziklag was one of the cities originally assigned to
Judah (Josh. xv. 81), and subsequently allotted
out of bis territory to Simeon (xix. 5). When it
came back from the Philistines as the private prop-
erty of David and his descendants, it did not be-
long to the kings of Israel as such, but only to
those of the tribe of Judah, and particularly, it did
not pass to the inheritance of Simeon. The first
king wss of the tribe of Benjamin ; then for two
years his *«, of course a Beqjamite, reigned over
"aJlIsrae"' (1 Sam. u. 9), while David reigned
only over Judah; during five more years Davis"
continued to reign over Judah only, while the rse
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8AMFEL, BOOKS OF
and b lOant aa to the sovereignty over the other
kibes; and then at but David became king over all.
Certainly it waa natural in hia reign to (peak of
QHag aa pertaining ■' unto the kinga of Judah."
It ia truly laid that from certain expressions in
the book " it ia not certain that the writer lived
mora than eighty years after the incidents to which
he alludes." It should have been added that these
expressions furnish no probable inference that the
writer lived more than twenty years after the
Mania,
The «* Tarious traditions respecting the manner
in which Saul first became acquainted with David
(1 Sam. xvi. 14-33, xvii. 66-68), respecting the
manner of Saul's death (1 Sam. xxxi. 3-6, 8-13,
i Sam. L 3-13)," are easily shown to be quite har-
K^nioos. It is evident that the passage In 1 Sam.
rvi 18-33 is chronologically later than that in
xviL 66-68 (or rather, xvii. 56-xviii. 9); for in the
latter David ia represented as an unknown stripling,
while in the former (ver. 18) he is "a mighty rel-
iant man, and a man of war, and prudent in mat-
ters," and accordingly in some chronological ar-
rangements, aa in that of Townacnd, the passage is
actually transposed, and there is then seen to be no
inconsistency whatever in the story. In the nar-
rative itself, however, the former passage is a nar-
ration by anticipation in order to complete without
Interruption the narrative begun in ver. 14.
The other supposed inconsistency depends en-
tirely upon the assumed truthfulness of an Amahk-
!te who, according to his own story, had jnst com-
mitted a great crime. Hia fabrication may have
bean " etmnsy and improbable," as lies are apt to
be; or it may bare been, under the circumstances,
clever. His object waa to curry favor with David
(et 3 Sam. iv. 10), and nothing seemed to him
more to the purpose than to say that in Saul's ex-
tremity be bad himself actually dispatched him.
This be had to reconcile with facta as best he
SANBALLAT
2885
The theory of •' a compilation " has surely but
aught aupport in the mention of Saul's having been
filled with toe spirit of prophecy at the only times
when he was brought into close contact with the
company of the prophets, and of his having twice
(alien into the power of David. There is nothing
surprising in the fact that both these events should
have occurred twice in the life of Saul; and even
were the accounts of them given in separate books,
they are yet so dearly distinguished in time and in
differing circumstances, that we should still be
compelled to regard them as separate events.
There is nothing then to forbid, bnt much to fa-
vor, the supposition that the earlier part of the
hooks of Samuel was written by the prophet of
that name, and the later parts by hia successors in
the prophetic office, Nathan and Gad ; or at least
that they wrote the original history, of which the
present books, if an abridgment at all, must have
been an authorized abridgment, since none other
would have been likely to supplant the original.
In comparing the narrative of Samuel with tha/
••f C hr o n icles, eleven points of difference are men-
Joned, two or three of which are worthy of further
attention. The first instance may well be classed
among those " undesigned coincidences " which so
Beautifully illustrate the trustworthiness of the
Seripto*) narratives. In Chronicles no mention is
i of the burning of the bodies of Saul and his
reonrded by Samuel: yet tbr (act Is recog-
in saying that the men of labesh Gilead
buried — not their bodies, but only ■ - theii bones.
In the second instance both accounts sgree in the
fact, although there is a superficial verbal opposi-
tion in the manner of stating it. Both assert that
Saul did not obtain counsel of the Lord, Samuel
only mentioning that be vainly attempted to do so.
The fact is thus expressed by Samuel: he inquired,
but obtained no answer because of his wicked heart,
which led him into the further sin of inquiring of
the witch of Endor; the same fact is more briefly
expressed in Chronicles by saying that he sinned hi
not inquiring of the I»rd (i. e. in acting without
his counsel), but seeking counsel of the witch.
Most of the other instances are merely the fuller
relation of events by one or other of the writers,
showing that the author of Chronicles had access
to other sources of information in addition to our
present books of Samuel, and that be did not think
It necessary to transcribe everything he found in
that book.
We dissent from the representation, under the
11th head, of the event narrated in 3 Sam. xxi.
3-9, as a human sacrifice to Jehovah. It waa such
in the same sense in which the destruction of the
Canaanites, or any other guilty people, waa a sac-
rifice. Saul had broken the ancient treaty with
the Gibeonites, and for this sin God afflicted the
land. To remove the famine David offered the
Gibeonites any satisfaction they might demand,
and they chose to have seven of Saul's descendants
given up to them. These they hung " up unto the
Lord in Gibeah," not with the remotest idea of a
sacrifice to Him ; but aa a public token that they
were themselves appeased. If this punishment of
Saul's sins upon his descendants incidentally re-
moved a danger from David's throne, it waa an ad-
vantage not of his own devising, but brought about
by the sin and cruelty of Saul rankling in the
minds of the Gibeonites. F. G.
• Jtteent Literature. — On the books of Samuel,
we may also refer to Palfrey's Led. on the Jewish
8criptnra,\i. 336-300, iii. 1-43 (Boston, 1840-63);
Nagebbach, art. Samutlis, Bicher, in Herxog's ReiiL
KncykL xiii. 400-413 (Gotha, 1860); and Kueneu,
Hist. crU. da livret de tAucien Test., i. 374-399,
567-680 (Paris, 1866) ; — EwaM, G.scA.des lottes
Israel, 3« Ansg., Bde. ii., iii. ; and Stanley, Hut. of
the Jewish Church, vols, i., ii. The latest commen-
tarie$ are by Keil, Die Biciier Samuel*, I^eips.
1864 (Theil ii. Bd. ii. of the BibL Comm. by KeU
and Deiitzsch), Eng. trans. Ediiib. 1866 (Clark's
For. TheoL Libr.), and Wordsworth, Holy Bible,
with Notes and Introductions, vol. ii. pt. ii. (Lond.
1866). A new edition of Thenius's commentary
(Kurtgef. exeg. Handb. ir.) waa published in 1864.
Other works illustrating these books are referred to
under Chbomcles and Kings. A.
SANABAS'SAR {^atuudmnposl Alex. 3w-
rafiaovapos: Snlmannsanu). Shkshbazza*
(1 Etdr. U. 13, 16; comp. Ezr. i. 8, 11).
SANABAS'SARTJS (2aj8a»aV<rapor; Alex.
teumB&mmpoi: Salmnnasarvt). Sheshbazzah
(1 Esdr. vi. 18, 30; comp. Ezr. v. 14, 16).
SAN'ASIB (3arturl&; [Vat. iamfitif, Aid:
ianurtlfii] Alex. Ayatrti0: EUntib). The sons
of Jeddu, the son of Jesus, are reckoned " among
the sons of Sanasib," as priests who returned with
Zorobabel (1 Esdr. v. 34).
SASBAI/LAT (t2^5?D : swioAAoV;
[FA. aa«a/3aAaT, etc :] SanabnBat). Of uierf-
tom etymology; according to Gesenius aftrr Vac
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2886
SANBALLAT
Bohlon, meaning in Sanskrit " giving strength to
the army," but according to FUnt " a chestnut
U« " A Moabite of Horonaim, ai appears by hit
iesignation " Sanballat the Horonite" (Neb. U.
10, 19, xiii. 88). All that we know of him from
Scripture ia that he had apparently aome civil or
nllitary command in Samaria, in the aerrice of
Yrtaxerxea (Neh. iv. 9), and that, from the mo-
vent of Nehemiah's arrival in Judtea, he aet bim-
«lf to oppose every measure for the welfare of Je-
uaaiem, and was a constant adversary to the
rirahatha. His companions in this hostility were
Tobiah the Ammonite, and Geahem the Arabian
(Noh. ii. 19, iv. 7). For the details of their oppo-
sition the reader ia referred to the articles Nehe-
miah and Nehemiah, Book of, and to Neh. vi.,
where the enmity between Sanballat and the Jews
is brought out in the strongest colors. The only
other incident in his life is his alliance with the
high-priest's family, by the marriage of his daugh-
ter with one of the grandsons of Eliashib, which,
from the similar connection formed by Tobiah the
Ammonite (Neb. xiii. 4), appears to have been part
of a settled policy concerted between Eliashib and
the Samaritan taction. The expulsion from the
priesthood of the guilty son of Joiada by Nehemiah
must have still further widened the breach between
him and Sanballat, and between the two parties
in the Jewish state. Here, however, the Scriptural
narrative ends — owing, probably, to Nehemiah's
return to Persia — and with it likewise our knowl-
sdge of Sanballat.
But on turning to the pages of Josephus a
wholly new set of actions, in a totally different
time, is brought before us in connection with San-
ballat, while his name ia entirely omitted in the ac-
count there given of the government of Nehemiah,
which is placed in the reign of Xerxes. Josephus,
after interposing the whole reign of Artaxerxea
Longimanua between the death of Nehemiah and
the transactions in which Sanballat took part, and
utterly ignoring the very existence of Darius Nothns,
Artaxerxea Mnemon, Ochus, etc., jumps at once to
the reign of " Darius the last king," and tells us
(Ant. xi. 7, § 8) that Sanballat was his officer in
Samaria, that he was a Cuthean, i. «. a Samaritan,
by birth, and that he gave his daughter Nicaao in
marriage to Manaaseh, the brother of the high-
priest Jaddua, and consequently the fourth in de-
scent from Eliashib, who was high-priest in the
time of Nehemiah. He then relates that on the
threat of his brother Jaddua and the other Jews to
rxpel him from the priesthood unless he divorced
his wife, Manaaseh stated the case to Sanballat, who
thereupon promised to use his influence with king
Darius, not only to give him Sanballat'a govern-
ment, but to sanction the building of a rival temple
on Mount Gerizim, of which Manassph should be
the high-priest. Manaaseh on this agreed to retain
his wife and join Sanballat's faction, which was fur-
ther strengthened by the accession of all those
priest* and Levitea (and they were many) who had
•akcn strange wives. But just at this time hap-
peoed the invasion of Alexander the Great; and
SANDAL
Sanballat, with 7,000 men, joined Mm, and re-
nounced his allegiance to Darius (Ant xi. t, § 4).
Being favorably received by the conqueror, he took
the opportunity of speaking to him in behalf o>
Manaaseh. He represented to him how much it was
for his interest to divide the strength of the Jew-
ish nation, and how many there were who wished
for a temple in Samaria; and so obtained Alexan-
der's permission to build the temple on Mount
Gerizim, and make Manaaseh the hereditary high-
priest. Shortly after this, Sanballat died ; but the
temple on Mount Gerizim remained, and the She-
chemites, as they were called, continued also as a
permanent schism, which was continually fed by all
the lawless and disaffected Jews. Such is Josephus'
account. If there is any truth in it, of course the
Sanballat of whom he speaks is a different person
from the Sanballat of Nehemiah, who flourished
fully one hundred years earlier ; but when we put
together Josephus' silence concerning a Sanballat
in Nehemiah's time, and the many coincidences in
the lives of the Sanballat of Nehemiah and that of
Josephus, together with the inconsistencies in Jose-
phus' narrative (pointed out by Prideaux, Connect.
i. 466, 288, 290), and its disagreement with what
Eusebius tells of the relations of Alexander with
Samaria" (Chron. Cm. lib. post. p. 346), and re-
member how apt Josephus is to follow any narra-
tive, no matter how anachronistic and inconsistent
with Scripture, we shall have no difficulty in con-
cluding that his account of Sanballat ia not histor-
ical. It ia doubtless taken from some apocryphal
romance, now lost, in which the writer, living under
tbe empire of the Greeks, and at a time when the
enmity of the Jews and Samaritans was at its
height, 6 chose tbe downfall of the Persian empire
for the epoch, and Sanballat for the ideal instru-
ment, of tbe consolidation of the Samaritan Church
and the erection of the temple on Gerizim. To bor-
row events from some Scripture narrative and intro-
duce some Scriptural personage, without any regard
to chronology or other propriety, was tbe regular
method of such apocryphal books. See 1 Eadras,
apocryphal Esther, apocryphal additions to the
book of Daniel, and the articles on them, and the
story inserted by the LXX. after 2 K. xii. 84, Ac.,
with the observations on it in the art. Kuroa, vol. ii.
p. 1660. To receive as historical Josephus' narra-
tive of the building of tbe Samaritan temple by
Sanballat, circumstantial as it is in its account of
Hanasseh's relationship to Jaddua, and Sanballat's
intercourse with both Darius Codomanua and Alex-
ander the Great, and yet to transplant it, as Pri-
deaux does, to the time of Darius Nothus (B. c.
409), seems scarcely compatible with sound criti-
cism. For a further discussion of this subject, see
the article Nehemiah, Book of, iii. 8096; Pri-
deaux, Connect, i. 396-396; Geneal. of our Lord,
p. 383, Ac. ; Mill's I'imSc. of our Lordi Genual
p. 166; Hales' Analgt. Ii. 634. A C H.
* SANOTTJAKY. [Taberhaclb ; Tem-
ple.]
SANDAL (b?3 : twOnfut, «ror»<Uu>r). TW
a He says that Alexander appointed Andromaehus
governor of Judiea and the neighboring districts ; that
the Samaritans murdered nun ; and that Alexander on
bis return took Samaria in revenge, and settled a col-
nay of Macedonians in it, and the inhabitants of 8a-
■arle retired to Biohem.
b Bosh »«»,«.*, as when the book of lsekaeae-
Ueus waa written, in which we read (eh. L 36, 28>
" There be two manner of nations which mine hues'
abhorreth, and the third la no nation : they that sal
upon the mountain of Samaria, and they that dwet
among the Philistines, waf that fcclllh people the)
dwell in i
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BAKDAL
sandal appear* to have been the article ordinarily
and by the Hobrem for protecting the feet It
— ■.tojj (imply of a aoie attached to the foot bj
thong*. The Hebrew term na'al « impliei men an
article, its proper eenas being that of confining or
■hotting in the foot with thong*: we have alao
rxpress notice of the thong » (Tntp: Ju*»: A.V.
"shoe-latchet") in several passage* '(Gen. xiv. 23;
la. ». 37; Mark i. 7). The Greek term initio**
properly appliea to the tandal exclusively, a* it
mean* what ia bound under the foot; but no acre**
can be laid on the use of the term by the Alexan-
drine writer*, a* it was applied to any covering of
the foot, even to the military caUgn of the Romans
(Joseph. B. J. vi. 1, § 8). A similar observation
applies to oaytlxwv, which is used in a general,
and not in its strictly rissaioal sense, and was
adopted in a Hebraized form by the Talmudist*.
We have no description of the sandal in the Bible
itself, but the deficiency can be supplied from col-
lateral sources. Thus we learn from the Talmud-
ist* that the material* employed in the construction
of the sole were either leather, felt, cloth, or wood
(Miahn. Jebam. 12, §§ 1, 2), and that it was
■gypaan Sandal*.
■tonally shod with iron (So**. 6, § 2). In Egypt
various fibrons substances, «uch a* palm leave* and
papyrus italics, were used in addition to leather
(Herod, ii. 37; Wilkinson, ii. 8-32, 333), while in
Assyria, wood or leather was employed (Layard,
JVra. ii. 823, 324). In Egypt the sandal* were
usually turned up at the toe like our skates, though
atber forms, rounded and pointed, are alao exhib-
ited. In Assyria the heel and the side of the foot
were encased, and sometimes the sandal consisted
cf little else than this. This does not appear to
have been the case in Palestine, for a heel-strap was
■jet nt hi to a proper sandal (Jebam. 12, § 1).
Great attention was paid by the ladies to their san-
dala; they were made of the skin of an animal
named lackmi (Ex. xvi. 10), whether a hyena or
a seal (A. V. "badger") is doubtful: the skin* of
a flab (a ipecies of Halieore) an used for this pur-
• Ia the A. V. tad* tana I* invariably tendered
** shoaa." Then ia, however, little reason to think
that lb* Jews really won ahoa*, and the axpmaioaa
which Csrpaov (Apparal. pp. 781, 782) quote* to prove
that ther did — (namely, n pat the blood of war In
lis shoes," IK. 1.5; " make men go over in aims*,"
vs. xl. 15), an equally adapted to the sandal — the
fast atgnifytng that the blood waa sprinkled on the
bang of the sandaL, the second that man ahould cross
ha river oaybol Instead of in boats, The shoes found
• %ypt probably hahassjad to Cheeks (Wilkinson, H.
SANDAL 2887
pose in the peninsula of Sinai (Robinson, BibL Set.
i. 116). The thongs were handsomely embroidered
(Cant. vii. 1 ; Jud. x. 4, xvi. 9 ), as were those of
the Greek ladies (Diet, of Ant s. v. "Sanda-
lium '*). Sandals were worn by all classes of soci-
ety in Palestine, even by the very poor (Am. viii.
6), and both the sandal and the thong or shoe-
latchet were so cheap and common, that they passed
into a proverb for the most insignificant thing (Gen.
Assyrian Sandals. (From I*yard, U. 284.)
xiv. 23; Ecclus. xlvi. 19). They were not, bow-
ever, worn at all periods; they were dispensed with
in-doors, end were only put on by persona about to
undertake some business away from their homes
such as a military expedition (Is. v. 27; Eph. vi.
15), or a journey (Ex. xii. 11; Josh. ix. 5, 18;
Acts xii. 8): on such occasions persons carried an
extra pair, a practice which our Lord objected to as
far as the Apostles were concerned (Matt. x. 10;
cotnp. Mark vi. 9, and the expression in Luke x. 4,
" do not carry," which harmonizes the passages).
An extra pair might in certain cases be needed, as
the soles were liable to be soon worn out (Josh. ix.
5), or the thongs to be broken (Ia. v. 27) During
meal-times the feet were undoubtedly uncovered, as
implied in Luke vii. 38 ; John xiii. 5, 6, and in the
exception specially made in reference to the Paschal
feast (Kx. xii. 11): the same custom must have
prevailed wherever reclining at meals was practiced
(comp. Plato, Symput. p. 213). It was a mark of
reverence to east off the shoes in approaching a
place or person of eminent sanctity : c hence the
command to Moaea at the bush (Ex. iii. S) and to
Joshua in the presence of the angel (Josh. v. 15).
In deference to these injunctions the priests an?
said to have conducted their ministrations in the
Temple barefoot (Theodoret, ad Ex. iii. quasi. 7),
and the Talmudist* even forbade any person to pas*
through the Temple with shoes on (Miahn. Beraek.
9, § 5). This reverential act was not peculiar to
the Jews : in ancient times we have instances of it
in the worship of Cybele at Rome (Prudent. Peril.
154), in the worship of Isia as represented in a pic-
ture at Herculaneum (Ant. dKrcoL ii. 320), and
in the practice of the Egyptian priest*, according
* The term* applied to the removal of the ahoa
( y^?n, Dent. xxT. 10 ; Ia. xx. 2 ; and *)btjf, Roth
It. 7) Imply that the thongs wen either so numerous
or ao broad as almost Co oover the top of tbs foot.
• It Is worthy of observation that the term ossd
for " potting off" the shoes on then oeeaatow* a) a»
ouuar y . tt?J), ana conveys fits notion of
audi
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2888
SANHEDRIM
to 80. Ital. ill. 28. In modern timet we may cam
pare the similar practice of the Mohammedans of
Palestine before entering a moaque (Robinaon't
Researches, ii. 36), and particularly before entering
the Raaba at Mecca (Bnrekhardts Arabia, i. 970),
of the Yezidia of Hetopotamia before entering the
tomb of their patron saint (Layard's ffin. i. 282),
and of the Samaritan* a> the; tread the tumniit of
Mount Gerizim (Robinson, ii. 278). The practice
of the modern Egyptians, who take off their shoes
before stepping on to the carpeted leewdn, appears
to be dictated by a feeling of reverence rather than
cleanliness, that spot being devoted to prayer (Lane,
i. 85). It was also an indication of violent emo-
tion, or of mourning, if a person appeared barefoot
in public (2 Sam. xv. SO; Is. xx. 2; Ex. xxiv. 17,
23). This again was held in common with other
nations, as instanced at the funeral of Augustus
(Suet Aug. 100), and on the occasion of the sol-
emn processions which derived their name of WuoS-
vtdulia from this feature (Tertull. ApoL 40). To
carry or to unloose a person's sandal was a menial
office betokening great inferiority on the part of the
person performing it; it was hence selected by
John the Baptist to express his relation to the
Messiah (Matt in. 11; Mark i. 7; John i. 97;
Acts xiii. 25). The expression in P*. lx. 8, cviii.
9, " uver Edoni will I cast out my shoe," evidently
signifies the subjection of that country, but the
exact point of the comparison is obscure; for it may
refer either to the custom of handing a sandal to a
slave, or to that of claiming possession of a property
by planting the foot on it, or of acquiring it by the
symbolic action of casting the shoe, or again, Edom
may be regarded in the still more subordinate posi-
tion of a shelf on which the sandals were rested
while their owner bathed his feet. The use of the
shoe in the transfer of property is noticed in Ruth
iv. 7, 8, and a similar aignificoncy was attached to
the act in connection with the repudiation of a Le-
vitate marriage (Deut xxv. 9). Shoe-making, or
rather strap-making (i. e. making the straps for the
sandals), was a recognized trade among the Jews
(Mishn. Petaek. 4, % 6). W. L. B.
SAN'HEDRIM (accurately Sanhedrin,
^TTOPD, formed from amiteio*. the attempts
sf the Rabbins to find a Hebrew etymology are
Idle; Buxtorf, Lex. Chald. a v.), called also in the
Talmud the great Sanhedrin, the supreme council
of the Jewish people in the time of Christ and
earlier. In the Miahna it is also styled Y* fTS,
Beth Din, " house of judgment"
1. The origin of this assembly is traced in the
Mishna (Sanhedr. L 6) to the seventy elders
whom Moses was directed (Num. xi. 16, 17) to
•asoeiate with him in the government of the Israel-
ites. This body continued to exist, according to
the Rabbinical accounts, down to the close of the
Jewish commonwealth. Among Christian writers
Sehickhard, Isaac Oaaaubon, Salmaaius, Sdden,
and Grotius have held the same view. Since the
time of Vorstius, who took the ground (De Syn-
iedrus, §{ 25-40) that the alleged identity between
the assembly of seventy elders mentioned in Num.
si. 16, 17, and the Sanhedrim which existed in
the later period of the Jewish commonwealth, was
simply a conjecture of the Rabbins, and that there
ire no traces of such a tribunal in Dent xvii. 8,
10, nor in the age of Joshna and the Judges, nor
daring the reign of the kings, it has been gener-
SAKHKPMM
ally admitted that the tribunal ulal Ismail h)
Moses was probably temporary, and did not con-
tinue to exist after the Israelites had entered Pal-
estine (Winer, Realwdrlerh. art. " Synedrium ").
In the lack of definite historical information as
to the establishment of the Sanhedrim, it can only
be said in general that the Greek etymology of ths
name seems to point to a period subsequent to ths
Macedonian supremacy in Palestine. Livy ex-
pressly states (xir. 32), " pronuntiatum quod ad
statum Macedonia) pertinebat, senatores, quo* syne-
drot vocant, legendoa ease, quorum conailio repub-
lics administraretur." The fact that Herod, when
procurator of Galilee, was aummoned before the
Sanhedrim (B. c. 47) on the ground that in put-
ting men to death he bad usurped the authority
of the body (Joseph. Ant. xiv. 9, $ 4) shows that
it then possessed much power and was not of very
recent origin. If the ytpovela, rm lovSoiav,
in 2 Mace. i. 10, iv. 44, xi. 27, designate* the San-
hedrim — as it probably does — this is the earliest
historical trace of its exiatence. On these grounds
the opinion of Vorstius, Witsius, Winer, KeU,
and othera, may be regarded as probable, that the
Sanhedrim described in the Talmud arose after
the return of the Jews from Babylon, and in the
time of the Sekucidsa or of the Hasmonean
princes.
In the silence of Philo, Josephus, and the Miahna,
respecting the constitution of the Sanhedrim, we
are obliged to depend upon the few incidental no-
tices in the New Testament From these we gather
that it consisted of ipyicpcu, chief priests, or the
heads of the twenty-four classes into which the
priests were divided (including probably those who
had been high-priests), rpttrBirtpoi, elders, men of
age and experience, and ypawurrus, tcribu, law-
yers, or those learned in the Jewish law (Matt
xxvi. 57, 59; Mark xr. 1; Luke xxU. 66; Acts
v. 21).
2. The number of swatters is usually given as
seventy-one, but this is a point on which there is
not a perfect agreement among the learned. The
nearly unanimous opinion of the Jews is given in
the Mishna (Snnhedr. i. 6): "the great Sanhe-
drim consisted of seventy-one judges. How is this
proved? From Num. xi. 16, where it is said,
gather onto me seventy men of the elders of
Israel.' To these add Moses, and we have seventy-
one. Nevertheless R. Judah says there wen
seventy." The same difference made by the addi-
tion or exclusion of Moses, appears in the works
of Christian writers, which accounts for the varia-
tions in the books between seventy and seventy-
one. Baronius, however (Ad. Ann. 31, § 10), and
many other Roman Catholic writers, together with
not a few Protestants, as Druaiua, Grotius, Pri-
deaux, Jahn, Bretschneider, etc., hold that the
true number was seventy-two, on the ground that
Eldad and Medad, on whom it is expressly said the
Spirit rested (Num. xi. 26), remained in the camp
and should he added to the seventy (see Hartniann,
Verbmdung det A. T. p. 182; Selden, Dt Sgnedr.
lib. ii cap. 4). Between these three numbers
that given by the prevalent Jewish tradition is cer-
tainly to be preferred; but if, as we have seen,
there is really no evidence for the identity of ths
seventy elders summoned by Moses, and ths
Sanhedrim existing after ths Babylonish Captivity
the argument from Num. xi. 16 in respect to ths
number of members of which the latter body con-
sisted, has no force, aid w» ve left, is Kail man*
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BAHHBPMM
aha (Arektologie, it. } 959), without any certain
asniinaliiiii on the point.
The president of this body ni styled M*B73.
ATnjj, and, according to Maimonides and Lightfoot,
was chosen on account of hii eminence in worth
and wiadom. Often, if not generally, this pre-
aminenae wai accorded to the high-priest. That
the high-priest presided at the condemnation of
Jesus (Matt. xxri. 63) U plain from the narra-
tive. Toe Ties-president, called in the Talmud
T*iJ fTS 3M, "father of the bouse of judg-
ement,'' cat at the right hand of the president
Some writers speak of a second rice-president, styled
Q^n, "wise," but this is not sufficiently con-
firmed (see Selden, Ot Synedr. p. 156 ff.). The
Babylonian Gemara states that there were two
scribes, one of whom registered the votes for ac-
quittal, the other those for condemnation. In Matt.
Ctrl. 68; Mark or. 64, Ac., the lictors or attend-
ants of the Sanhedrim are referred to under the
name of frnunVtu- While in session the Sanhe-
drim sat in the form of a half-circle {Gem. Hieroe.
Const, ril. ad Sankedr. i.), with all which agrees
the statement of Maimonides (quoted by Vor-
stjras): •' him who excels all others in wisdom they
appoint bead orer them and head of the assembly.
And be it is whom the wise everywhere call Nasi,
and be is in the place of our master Hoses. like-
wise him who is the oldest among the seventy, they
place on the right hand, and him they call ' father
of the house of judgment' The rest of the
seventy sit before these two, according to their
dignity, in the form of a semicircle, so that the
president and vice-president may have them all in
eight"
3. The place in which the sessions of the San-
hedrim were ordinarily held was, according to the
Talmud, a hall called DV3, Gautth (Sanhedr. x.),
supposed by Lightfoot (Voris, L 9005) to have
been situated in the southeast corner of one of the
courts near the Temple building. In special exi-
gencies, however, it seems to hare met in the resi-
dence of the high-priest (Matt xxri. 3). Forty
yean before the destruction of Jerusalem, and oon-
aeqnently while the Saviour was teaching in Pales-
tine, the sessions of the Sanhedrim were removed
tram the hall Gaazith to a somewhat greater dis-
tance from the Temple building, although still on
Mt Moriah (Abod. Zara, i. Gem. Babyl. ad San-
kedr. v.). After several other changes, its seat was
Insily established at Tiberias (Lightfoot, Worb,
•-886).
As a judicial body the Sanhedrim constituted a
supreme eourt, to which belonged in the first
instance the trial of a tribe (alien into idolatry,
Use prophets, and the high-priest (Mishna, San-
hedr. I.): also the other priests (Uiddoth, r.).
As an administrative council it determined other
important matters. Jesus was arraigned before
(Me body as a raise prophet (John xi. 47), and
Pater, John, Stephen, and Paul as teachers of
error and deeeners of the people. From Acts ix.
9 it appears that the Sanhedrim exercised a degree
of authority beyond the limit* of Palestine. Ac-
sording to the Jerusalem Gemara (qth»«! by
Selden. lib. H. c 15, 11), the power of indicting
axaitai punishment was taken away from this tri-
tanal forty years before the destruction of Jeraaa-
WUh this sgrees the answer of the Jews to
i (John xriii. 31), "It is not lawful for us to
SANSAXNAH
2889
put any man to death." Beyond the arrest, Mai,
and condemnation of one convicted of violating tht
ecclesiastical law, the jurisdiction of the Sanhedrim
at the time could not be extended ; the confirma-
tion and execution of the sentence in capital cases
belonged to the Roman procurator. The stoning
of Stephen (Acts vii. 56, Ac.) is only an apparent
exception, for it was either a tumultuous proeeed-
ure, or, if done by order of the Sanhedrim, was
an illegal assumption of power, as Josephus (/Int.
xx. 9, J 1) expressly declares the execution of the
Apostle James during the absence of the procura-
tor to have been (Winer, Rtalub. art "Syna-
drium").
The Talmud also mentions a Utter Sanhedrim
of twenty-three members in every city in Palestine
in which were not less than 120 householders; but
respecting these judicial bodies Josephus is entirety
silent
The leading work on the subject is Selden, De
Synedriit et Prafectwit Jwidicit veUrum Ebrm-
orum, Loud. 1650, Amst 1679, 4to. It exhibits
immense learning, but introduces much irrelevant
matter, and is written in a heavy and unattractive
style. The monographs of Vorstius and Witsiua,
contained in Ugolini's Thetawut, vol. xxr., are
able and judicious. The same volume of Dgolinl
contains also the Jerusalem and Babylonian Ge-
maras, along with the Mishna on the Sanhedrim,
with which may be compared Duo Tituti Talmudici
Siinhedrm it Maccoth, ed. Jo. Coch, Amst 1699,
4to, and Maimonides, Be, Sanhedriit et PaYtit,
ed. Houtiug. Amst 1695, 4to. Hartmann, Die
Vti-b'mdung det Alien Ttttamtntt mil dem JVeueaj,
Hamb. 1831, 8vo, is worthy of consultation, and
for a compressed exhibition of the subject, Winer,
Realub., and Keil, Archaologie. G. E. D.
SANSAN'NAH (njD?5 [palmjranck,^
Flint]: ItttrviKi Alex, jawwra: Sentetma).
One of the towns in the south district of Judah,
named In Josh. xv. 31 only. The towns of this
district are not distributed into small groups, like
those of the highlands or the She/elah; and as
only very few of them have been yet identified, we
have nothing to guide us to the position of San-
sannah. It can hardly have had any connection
with Kirjath-Sahhah (Kirjath-Sepher, or De-
bir), which was probably near Hebron, many miles
to the north of the most northern position possible
for Sansannah. It does not appear to be men-
tioned by any explorer, ancient or modern. Ge-
senius ( Thet. p. 962) explains the name to mean
" palm-branch; " but this is contradicted by Fiirst
(ffwb. ii. 88), who derives it from a root which
signifies "writing." The two propositions an
probably equally wide of the mark. The eonjee-
tnre of Schwarx that it was at Simrim, on the val-
ley of the same name, is less feasible than usual.
The termination of the name is singular (eomp.
Madmakxahj.
By comparing the list of Josh. xv. 26-39 with
those in xix. 9-7 and 1 Chr. It. 88-33, it will be
seen that Beth-marcaooth and Haxar-ausim, or
-susah, occupy In the two last the place of Mad-
mannah and Sansannah respectively in the first
In like manner Shilhim is exchanged for Sharuben
and Shaaraim. It is difficult to believe that tness
changes ean have arisen from the mistakes of
sopyists solely Mit equally difficult to assign any
other satisfactory reason. Prof. Stanley has sng-
gasted that BtAb-mareaboth and Uaaar-eusiia an
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2840
SAPH
tokens of the trade in ohwioti and honsi which
arose in Solomon's time; bat, if so, how comes it
that the new names bear to close a reaembUnoe in
farm to the old one*? G.
SAPH (>1P [threthaU, duk, Gee.]: 2t>;
Alex. 2e<p«: 8aph). One of the eoni of the giant
CP<upa\ Arapha) slain bj Sibbechai the Husha-
thite in the battle against the Fhiliitinea at Gob
or Gaza (2 Sam. xxi. 18). In 1 Che xx. 4 he ia
called Sifpai. The title of Pa. cxliii. in the
Peahito Syriac ia, "Of David: when he slew
Aaaph (Saph) the brother of Gfllyad (Goliath),
and thanksgiving for that he had conquered."
SATHAT (icupir-- om. in the Vulg.). Shb-
fBATlAH 9 (1 Eadr. v. 9; eomp. Ear. ii. 4).
SAPHATI'AS (SooXrrfu; [Vat SooXn-uu:]
Baphatiat). Shkphatiah 2 (1 Eadr. viil. 84;
•omp. Est. viii. 8).
BATHETH (Jatirfi [Tat Smpveii Aid.
SaeWtf:] Alex. 2wpv6i: Stphegi). Shxfhatiah
(1 Esdr. t. 83; comp. Ear. ii. 67).
SA'PHIR (">*?#, [«. e. ShaphIr,/o»>, beau-
ttfvl]: koX«>: pulchra, but in Jerome's Com-
ment. Saphir). One of the villages addressed by
the prophet Micah (i. 11), but not elsewhere men-
tioned. By Eusebius and Jerome (Onumatt.
" Saphir ") it is described as " in the mountain
district between Eleutheropolis and Aacalon." In
thia direction a village called u-SmeQfir still exists
(or rather three with that name, two with affixes),
possibly the representative of the ancient Saphir
(Bob. Bibl. Ra. ii. 34 note; Van de Velde, Syr.
ifPaLf. 159). Ee-Saw&fir lies seven or eight miles
to the N. E. of Ascalon, and about 12 W. of Beil-
Jibrm, to the right of the coast road from Gaze.
Tobler prefers a village called Saber, close to 8a-
w&fir, containing a copious and apparently very an-
cient well (itte Wandertmg, p. 47). In one impor-
tant respect, however, the position of neither of
these agrees with the notice of the Onomaiticon,
since it is not near the mountains, but on the open
plain of the Shefelah. But as Beil-Jibrin, the
ancient Eleutheropolis, stands on the western slopes
of the mountains of Judah, it is difficult to under-
stand how any place could be westward of it (i. e.
between it and Ascalon), and yet be itself in the
mountain district, unless that expression may refer
to places which, though situated in the plain, were
for some reason considered as belonging to the
towns of the mountains. We have already seen
reason to suspect that the reverse was the case with
some others. [Kkilah; Nazis, etc.]
Schwarz, though aware of the existence of 8a-
wd/Sr (p. 116), suggests as the most feasible iden-
tification the village of Safiriyeh, a couple of miles
N. W. of Lydda (p. 136). The drawback to this is,
that the places mentioned by Micah appear, aa far
as we can trace them, to be mostly near BeU-Jibri*,
and in addition, that Safiriyeh is in clear contra-
diction to the notice of Eusebius and Jerome.
G.
8APPHI/RA (3<Br«W«w = either tappkWt,
from cr&wfeipos, or beautijui, from the Syrian
H~l ,| EtD). The wife of Ananias, and the partici-
pator both in his guilt and in his punishment
(Acts r. 1-10). The interval of three hours that
elapsed between the two deaths, Sapphire's igno-
rance of what had happened to her husband, and
the predictive language of St Peter towards her.
SARAH
are decisive evidences at to the supernatural chat
acter of the whole transaction 1b» history ei
Sapphire's death thus supplements that of Ananiaa.
which might otherwise have been attributed te
natural causes. W. L. B.
SAPPHIRE O s B?, sapph". vinptipos
tapphirut). A precious stone, apparently of a
bright blue color, see Ex. xxiv. 10, where the Gos
of Israel is represented as being seen in vision by
Moees and the Elders with "a paved work of a
$nppir atone, and as it were the body of heaven in
its clearness" (comp. Ex. i. 26). The tapph- was
the second stone in the second row of the high-
priest's breastplate (Ex. xxviii. 18); it was ex-
tremely precious (Job xxviii. 16); it was one of
the precious stones that ornamented the king of
Tyre (Ez. xxviii. 18). Notwithstanding the iden-
tity of name between our sapphire and the «-dV«f i-
pot and tnpphirtu of the Creeks and Romans, it is
generally agreed that the tnpphirtu of the ancients
was not our gem of that name, namely, the azure
or indigo-blue, crystalline variety of Corundum, but
our lapU-latuh (ultra-marine); thia point may
be regarded as established, for Pliny (H. N. xxxvii.
9) thus speaks of the tapphirvt: "It is refulgent
with spots of gold, of an azure color sometimes,
but not often purple; the beet kind comes from
Media; it ia never transparent, and is not well
suited for engraving upon when intersected with
hard crystalline particles." This description an-
swers exactly to the character of the lapis-lazuli;
the " crystalline particles " of Pliny are crystals of
iron pyrites, which often occur with this mineral-
It is, however, not so certain that the eappir of
the Hebrew Bible is identical with the lapis-lazuli;
for the Scriptural requirements demand transpar-
ency, great value, and good material for the en-
graver's art, all of which combined characters the
lapis-lazuli does not possess in any great degree.
Mr. King (Antique Gemt, p. 44) says that intagli
and camei of Roman times are frequent in the
material, but rarely any works of much merit
Again, the tnpptr was certainly pellucid, "sane
apud Judex*," says Braun (De VuL Sac. p. 680, ed.
1680), •'aaphiroa pellucidas notes filiate manifestis-
aimum est, adeo etiam ut peBudaum illorum phi-
losophis dicatur ""1 S BD, $apkir." Beckmann
(Hut. of Invent, i. 472) ia of opinion that the
tapjAr of the Hebrews is the same aa the lapis-
lazuli; Rosenmuller and Braun agree in favor of
its being our sapphire or precious Corundum. We
are inclined to adopt this latter opinion, but an
unable to come to any satisfactory conclusion.
W. H.
SA'RA (Sd>4o: Sara). 1. Sarah the wife
or Abraham (Heb. xi. 11; 1 Pet iii. 6).
8. The daughter of Raguel, in the apocryphal
history of Tobit As the story goes, she had been
married to seven husbands, who were all slain on
the wedding night by Asmodeus, the evil splria,
who loved her (Tob. iii. 7). The breaking of
the spell and the chasing away of the evil spirit by
the "fishy fume," when Sara was married to
Tobias, are told in chap. viil.
BA.UABVAa(Xapa$las-- Saretiat). SRKBtv
biah (1 Esdr. ix. 48; eomp. Neh. viil. 7).
SA'RAH (rnip, prineta: lAtfai Bam
originally , "3^ : iapa- Saral). i. The wife »
Abraham and mother of Iaaac
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BABAH
Of her With and parentage we hare no certain
account in Scripture. Her name ii 8nt introduced
in Gen. xi. 89, as followi: "Abram and Nahor
took them wives: the name of Abram'a wife waa
Serai ; and the name of Nahor' ■ wile wai Milcab,
the daughter of Haran, the father of Milcab and
the father of Iscah." In Gen. xx. 12, Abraham
speaks of her aa " hia atster, the daughter of the
came father, but not the daughter of the fame
mother." The common Jewiah tradition, taken
for granted by Joeephua (Ant. i. c. 6, § 6) and by
St Jerome ( QmtL Htbr. ad Geaenn, rol. iii. p. 383,
ed. Ben. 1738), is that Sarai is the same aa lacah,
the daughter of Haran, and the sister of Lot, who
is ailed Abraham's " brother " in Gen. xiv. 14, 16.
Judging from the fact that Rebekah, the grand-
daughter of Nahor, was the wife of Isaae the son
of Abraham, there is reason to conjecture that
Abraham was the youngest brother, so that hia
wife might not improbably be younger than the
wife of Nahor. It ia certainly strange, If the tra-
dition be true, that no direct mention of it is found
in Gen. xi. 89. But it is not improbable in itself;
it supplies the account of the descent of the mother
of the chosen race, the omission of which in such a
passage ia most unlikely j and there it no other to
set against it.
The change of her name from " Sarai " to " Sa-
rah" was made at the same time that Abram 's
name was changed to Abraham, on the establish-
ment of the covenant of circumcision between him
and God. That the name " Sarah " signifies " prin-
cess " is universally acknowledged. But the mean-
ing of " Sarai " is still a subject of controversy.
The older inte rp r et er s (as, for example, St. Jerome
in QacuL Heir., and those who follow him) sup-
pose it to mean "my princess;" and explain the
ehange from Sarai to Sarah, as signifying that she
was no longer the queen of one family, but the
royal ancestress of " all families of the earth." They
also suppose that the addition of the letter i"T, aa
taken from the sacred Tetragrammaton Jehovah, to
the names of Abram and Sarai, mystically signified
their being received into covenant with the Lord.
Among modern Hebraists there is great diversity of
interpretation. One opinion, keeping to the same
general derivation as that referred to above, explains
" Sarai " as " noble," '■ nobility," etc., an explana-
tion which, even more than the other, labors under
the objection of giving little force to the change.
Another opinion supposes Sarai to be a contracted
form of «"P"TtP (SfrdydA), and to signify "Jeho-
vah ia ruler." 'But this gives no force whatever to
the change, and besides introduces the same name
Jnk into a proper name too early in the history.
A third (following Ewald) derives it from rnfy
not which ia found in Gen. xxxii. 28, Hos. xii.
in the sense of "to fight," and explains it as
"contentious" (ttrdUichHy). This last seems to
be etymofogically the most probable, and differs
from the others in giving great force and dignity
to the ehange of name. (See Get. The: vol. iii.
p. llMe.)
Her history la, of course, that of Abraham.
She came with him from Ur to Haran, from Haran
BAttAI
2841
a Hot* the stfatneant remark on usee's marriage
(Gen. xxtr. 67), " Isaac was comforted after his moth-
er's death." There Is a Jewish tradtrjot based ap-
aaieawrj on the inaction of Sarah's lasts tunest to-
179
to Canaan, and accompanied bin. in all the wander-
ings of his life. Her only independent action is
the demand that Hagar and Ishmael should be east
out, far from all rivalry with her and Isaac; a
demand, symbolically applied in GaL ir. 83-31 to
the displacement of the Old Covenant by the New.
The times in which she plays the most important
part in the history, are the times when Abraham
was sojourning, first in Egypt, then in Genu-, and
where Sarah shared his deceit, towards Pharaoh
and towards Abimelech. On the first occasion,
about the middle of her life, her personal beauty is
dwelt upon as its cause (Gen. xii. 11-15); on the
second, just before the birth of Isaac, at a time
when she was old (thirty seven years before her
death), but when her vigor had been miraculously
restored, the same cause is alluded to, as supposed
by Abraham, but not actually stated (xx. 9-11).
In both cases, especially the last, the truthfulness
of the history is seen in the unfavorable contrast
in which the conduct both of Abraham and Sarah
stands to that of Pharaoh and Abimelech. She
died at Hebron at the age of 127 years, 28 years
before her husband, and was buried by him in the
cave of Machpelah. Her burial place, purchased
of Ephron the Hittite, was the only possession of
Abraham in the land of promise; it has remained,
hallowed in the eyes of Jews, Christians, and Mo-
hammedans alike, to the present day ; and in it the
" shrine of Sarah " is pointed out opposite to that
of Abraham, with those of Isaac and Rebekah on
the one side, and those of Jacob and Leah on the
other (see StanUy'i Ltd. on Jemish Church, app.
ii pp. 484-609).
Her character, like that of Abraham, is no ideal
type of excellence, but one thoroughly natural, in-
ferior to that of her husband, and truly feminine,
both in its excellences and its defects. She is the
mother, even more than the wife. Her natural
motherly affection is seen in bar touching desire
for children, even from her bondmaid, and in her
unforgiving jealousy of that bondmaid, when she
became a mother; in her rejoicing over her son
Isaac, and in the jealousy which resented the
slightest insult to him, and forbade Ishmael to
share his sonsbip. It makes her cruel to others as
well ss Under to her own," and is remarkably con-
trasted with the sacrifice of natural feeling on the
part of Abraham to God's command in the last
case (Gen. xxi. 12). To the same character belong
her ironical laughter at the promise of a child, long
desired, but now beyond all hope; her trembling
denial of that laughter, and her change of it to the
laughter of thankful joy, which she commemorated
in the name of Isaac It ia a character deeply
and truly affectionate, but impulsive, jealous, and
imperious in its affection. It is referred to in the
N. T. at a type of conjugal obedience in 1 Pet iii.
6, and as one of the types of faith in Heb. xi. 11
A. B.
2. (rnlp: 2dpa; [Vat' M. Kopa:] Sara.,
Szrah the daughter of Asher (Num. xxvi. 46).
SA'KAI [2 syl.] ("1^ [tee below]: 2d>»:
Sural). The original name of Sana, the wife of
Abraham. It is always used in the history from
mediately after the sacrifice of Isaac, chat the shoe*
of It killed her, and that Abraham found her dead aa
his retnra iron aUrieh.
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!
2842
SABAIAS
Use id. 29 to nii. IB, when it ni ehangwl to
Sarah at the seme time that her huaband'i naaw
Bom Abfam became Abraham, and the birth of
but was more distinctly foretold. The meaning
of the name appears to be, at EwaM hat sug-
gested, " contentious." [Sarah.]
SARA IAS [3 syL] (iapaiaf- om. in Vulg.).
L Seiuuh the high-priest (1 Esdr. T. S).
8- C\(apaittt ; Alex. [Aid.] Zapaiaf- Atarint,
Axnrtut.) Seraiah the father of Em (1 Esdr.
viii.1; 2E»dr. i. 1).
8AKAJMEL ([Rom.] Alex, lapa^ix: [Sin.
and] other MSS. 'KaapopiK : Attramtl). The
oauw of the place in which the assembly of the
Jews was held at which the high-priesthood was
coiifeired upon Simon Maccabeus (1 Mace. xiv.
28). The fact that the name is found only in this
passage baa led to the coigecture that it i« an im-
perfect version of a word in the original Hebrew or
Syriac, from which the present Greek text of tbe
Maccabees is a translation. Some (as Castellio)
have treated it as a corruption of Jerusalem : but
this is inadmissible, since it is inconceivable that
so well-known a name should be corrupted. Tbe
other conjectures are enumerated by Grimm in the
Kitrzyrf. exeyelitchee llandb. on the passage. A
few only need be named here, hut none seem per-
fectly satisfactory. All appear to adopt the mul-
ing AnrnmeL L Hnhatiar ifillu, " tbe court
of Millo," Millo being nut improlwbly the citadel
of Jerusalem [vol. iii. p. 1937]. This is the con-
jecture of Grotius, and has at least the merit of
ingenuity. 2. Hnlinttar Am El, " tbe court of
the people of God, that it, the great court of the
Temple." This it due to Evrald (Getch. iv. 387),
who compares with it the well-known Snrbtth
Sabnnni El, given by Euaebius sa the title of the
Maccabean history. [See Maccabkkb, vol. ii. p.
1718.] 3. Hiiuhnar Am El, "the gate of the
people of God," adopted by Winer (/tW«o.). 4.
HttMvir Am El, " prince of tbe people of God," as
if not the name of a place, but the title of Simon,
tbe " in " having been inserted by puzzled copyists.
This it adopted by Grimm himself. It has in its
favor the fact that without it Simon is here styled
high-priest only, and his second title, "captain and
governor of the Jews and priests " (ver. 47), is
then omitted in the solemn official record — the
■ery place where it ought to be found. It also
items to be countenanced by the Peahito-Syriac
version, which certainly omits the title of "high-
priest," but inserts Rnbbn de Itrael, « leader of
Israel." None of these explanations, however, can
* regarded at entirely satisfactory. G.
SA'RAPH (*yip r&wrono, Jfery, poison-
ous]: ZeuKbp; [Vat. Sam:] Incendent). Men-
tioned in 1 Cbr. iv. 22 among tbe descendants of
Sbeinh the ton of Judah. Burrington ( OtneaL i.
179) makes Seraph a descendant of Jokim, whom
he regards as the' third son of Shelah. In the
Targum of R. Joseph, Joash and Saraph are
Identified with Mahlon and Chilion, "who mar-
ried Plb5$) in Moab."
SABCHED'ONUS ([Rom. Vat] So X «p-
tWf, [Alex.] Xaxtpiir, [Aid. Sapx'Mrot •■]
ArcJtedonnuar, Achenouar, Sarcedonassar), a col-
lateral form of tbe name Esar-baddon [Ebak-had-
* Jimlns and TramsUius
itbvntairw
a* ram s
new], occurring Too. L 21. The form m A V. a»
Sadkmtmut appeal* to be an oversight. [»» asanas
from the Aldine edition. — A.] & F. W.
SARDETJti (ZeooAfaj; Alex. ZooSoier [to
Titeh., bnt ZooSauu, Baber's ed. ; Aid. XtptaUtt]
Tebediat). Aziza (1 Etdr. ix. 28; eomp. Ear.
x.27).
SARDINE, SABDIUS (DjH Afem: «-d>
Stoy: sonmst) la, aeoording to the LXX and
Joaephus (BelL Jud. r. 5, § 7), the correct render-
ing of tbe Hebrew term, which occurs m Ex. x<riii-
17, xxxix. 10, as the name of the stone which
occupied the first place in the first row of the high-
priest's breastplate; it should, however, be noticed
that Joaephus is not strictly consistent with him-
self, for in the Anliq. iii. 7, § 5, he says that the
tardimyx was tbe first stone in tbe breastplate;
still as this Utter named mineral is merely another
variety of agate, to which also the sard or aardius
belongs, there is no very great discrepancy in the
statements of tbe Jewish historian. The Mem is
mentioned by Kaekiel (xxriii. 13 ) as one of the orna-
ments of tbe king of Tyre. In Rev. iv. 3, St. John
declares that he whom he saw sitting on the
heavenly throne " was to look upon like a Jasper
and a vrdmt stone." Tbe sixth foundation of
the wall of tbe heavenly Jerusalem was a gnrdnu
(Rev. xxl. 20). There can scarcely be a doubt
that either the sard or tbe sardonyx is the stone
denoted by 6dm. Tbe authority of Joseph™ in
all that relates to the high-priest's breastplate is of
tbe greatest value, for as Braun (De Vest. Sac
lleb. p. 635) hss remarked, Joaephus was not only
a Jew but a priest, who might have seen the breast-
plate with the whole sacerdotal vestments a hun-
dred times, mice in hit time the Temple was stand-
ing; the Vulgate agrees with his nomenclature; in
Jerome's time the breastplate was still to be in-
spected in the Temple of Concord ; hence it will
readily be acknowledged that this agreement of the
two is of great weight.
The sard, which is a superior variety of agate,
has long been a favorite stone for tbe engraver's
art; "on this stone," says Mr. King (Antique
Grme, p. 5), " all the finest works of tbe most
celebrated artists are to be found; and this not
without good cause, such is its toughness, facility
of working, beauty of color, and the high polish
of which it is susceptible, and which Pliny states
that it retains longer than any other gem." Sards
differ in color ; there is a bright red variety which,
in Pliny's time, was the most esteemed, and, per-
haps, the Heb. idem, from a root which means " to
be reJ," points to this kind; there is also a paler
or honey-colored variety ; but in all sards there Is
aiwaya a shade of yellow mingling with the red
(see King's Ant. Gem, p. 6). The sardius, ac-
cording to Pliny (H. N. xxxvii. 7), derived Ha
name from Sardis in Lydia, where it was first
found; Babylonian specimens, however, were the
most esteemed. The Hebrews, in the time of
Mcsee, could easily have obtained their sard stones
from Arabia, in which country tbey were at the
time the breastplate was made; other precious atones
not acquirable during their wanderings, may hart
been brought with them bom the land of the)
bondage when " they spoiled the Egyptians."
W. H.
SAxVDIS [or SARDES] (3£*>»«t). A citj
situated about two miles to the south of the rival
Hennas, Jast below the range of Tmolus (aw
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SABDI8
Dmt/k\, on a spur of which it* acropolis m boilt.
It ma the ancient residence of the kings of l.ydia.
After iu conquest by Cyrus, the Persians always
■apt a garrison in the citadel, on account of its
sattnral strength, which induced Alexander the
Ureal, when it was surrendered to him in the
taqael of the battle of the Granicus, similarly to
occupy it. SardU was in very early times, both
from the extremely fertile character of the neigh-
boring region, and from ita convenient position, a
commercial mart of importance. Chestnuts were
bat produced in the neighborhood, which procured
•hem the name of fiiXayoi ScwStarol. The art
af dyeing wool is said by Pliny to have been
invented there; and at any rate, Sardis was the
entrepot of the dyed woolen manufactures, of which
Phrygia with its vast flocks (roAinrpo/SaTarrdVr;,
Herod, v. 49) furnished the raw material. Hence
we hear of the (potvucttet lapitaral, and Sappho
speaks of the ioi*!Aos uatfSMjj \iSiov KaXiy
tfyr, which was perhaps something like the mod-
SABDIS
2843
em Turkish carpets. Some of the woolen manu-
factures, of a peculiarly fine texture, were called
ifnAoTdViStt. The hall through which the king
of Persia paused from his stale apartments to the
gate where be mounted on his horse, was laid with
these, and no foot but that of the monarch wat
allowed to tread on them. In the description
given of the habits of a young Cyprian exquisite
of great wealth, he is represented ss reposing upon
a bed of which the feet were silver, and upon which
these <fit\oriiriSts SapSuwal were laid aa a mat-
tress. Sardis, too, was the place where the metal
ettctrum was procured (Soph. Antiy. 1037); and
it was thither that the Spartans sent in the sixth
i century b. c. to purchase gold for the purpose of
gilding the face of the Apollo at Amycke. This
J wss probably furnished by the auriferous sand of
. the I'actolua, a brook which came from Tmoloa,
and ran through the ngora of Sardis by the aid*
; of the great temple of Cybebe. But though Its
gold-washings may have been celebrated In wart?
Balm of Sardis.
jnee the greatness of SardU in Its best days was
amen more doe to its general commercial impor-
tance and ita convenience as an entrepot. This
seems to follow from the statement, that not only
silver and gold coins were there first minted, but
Acre alas the diss of nimkoi (stationary traders
ss contradistinguished from the tpa-opoi, or travel-
ling merchants) first arose. It was also, at any
rate between the fall of the Lydian and that of the
Persian dynasty, a slave-mart.
Sardis recovered the privilege of municipal gov-
arrment (and, as was alleged several centuries
afterwards, the right of a sanctuary) upon its sur-
ender to Alexander the Great, but ita fortunes for
the next three hundred yean are wry obscure. It
changed hands more than onos in the contests
setween the dynasties which arose after the death
«T Alexander. In the year 314 b c, it was taken
and seated by the army of Antioehua the Great,
who oeaieged bis cousin Aehaus In it lor two years
<•£** —uniting, as he at last did through treach-
ery, in obtaining possession of the person of tea
latter. After the ruin of Autiochut'a fortunes, it
passed, with the rest of Asia on that side of Tau-
rus, under the dominion of the kings of Pergamoa,
whose interests led them to divert the course of
traffic between Asia and Europe away from Sardis.
Its productive soil must always have continued a
source of wealth ; but its importance as a central
mart appears to hare diminished from the time of
the invasion of Asia by Alexander. Of the few
inscriptions which have been discovered, all, or
nearly all, belong to the time of the Roman empire.
Yet there still exist considerable remains of the
earlier days. The massive temple of Cybebe still
bears witness in its fragmentary remains to the
wealth and architectural skill of the people that
raised it. Mr. Cockerel), who visited it in 1819,
found two columns standing with their architrave,
the stone of wmch •tretched in a aingle block from
the centre of one to that of the other. This I
although it was not the largest of the archib
Digitized by CjOOQIC
2844
SARDIS
hi sshwiktes matt haw weighed 95 tool. The
diameters of the columns supporting it ere 6 feet
H Inches at about 86 feet below the capital. The
present toil (apparently formed by the crumbling
away of the hill which backs the temple on its
eastern tide) is more than 25 feet above the pave-
ment 8ueh proportiooa are not inferior to those
of the columns in the Hemam at Samoa, which
divides, in the estimation of Herodotus, with the
Artemlsium at Ephetus, the palm of preeminence
among all the works of Greek art And as regards
the details, " the capitals appeared," to Mr. Cock-
erel], '• to surpass an; specimen of the Ionic be had
seen in perfection of design aud execution." On
the north aide of the acropolis, overlooking the
valle; of the Hennas, is • theatre near 400 feet in
diameter, attached to a stadium of about 1,000.
This probably was erected alter the restoration of
Sardis by Alexander. In the attack of Sard is by
Antiechus, described by Polybius (rti. 16-18), it
constituted one of the chief points on which, after
entering the city, the assaulting force waa directed.
The temple belongs to the era of the Lydian
dynasty, and ia nearly oonteniporaueoua with the
temple of Zeua Panhellenius in ^Egina, and that
of Here in Samoa. To the same date may be as-
signed the "Valley of Sweets" {y\webt irynir),
a pleasure ground, the fame of which Polycrates
endeavored to rival by the so-called Laura at
Samoa.
The modern name of the ruins at Sardis ie Serl-
KaleuL Travellers describe the appearance of the
locality on approaching it from the N. W. as that
of complete solitude. The I'actolua ia a mere thread
of water, all but evanescent in summer time. The
Wadu-ichai (Hermus), in the neighborhood of the
town, Is between SO and 60 yards wide, aud nearly
I feet deep, but Its waters are turbid and disagree-
able, and are not only avoided as unlit for drink-
ing, but have the local reputation of generating
the fever which Is the scourge of the neighboring
In the time of the emperor Tiberius, Sardis was
desolated by an earthquake, together with eleven,
or as Euaebius aaya twelve, other important cities
of Asia. The whole face of the country ia said to
have been changed by this convulsion. In the
ease of Sardis the calamity was increased by a pes-
tilential fever which followed; and so much com-
passion wss in consequence excited for the city at
Rome, that its tribute waa remitted for live years,
and it received a benefaction from the privy purse
of the emperor. Thia was in the year 17 A. D.
Nine years afterwards the Sardiana are found
among the competitors for the honor of erecting,
aa rep r es e n tatives of the Asiatic eitiea, a temple to
their benefactor. [Smyrna.] On thia occasion
tiny plead, not only their ancient services to Rome
in the time of the Macedonian war, but their well-
watered country, their climate, and the richness of
the neighboring soil : there ia no allusion, however,
to the important manufactures and the commerce
sf the early times. In the time of Pliny it was
Deluded in the same cumtntia jmitKcut with Phil-
idelphia, with the Cadueni, a Macedonian colony
In the neighborhood, with some settlements of the
tW Mawnisn population, and a few other towns of
fan note. These Maeonisus still continued to call
Bardia by its ancient name Hyde, which it bore in
lb* time of Omphale.
The only |Msaage in which Sardia is mentioned
ia the Bible, is Rev. Hi. 1-6. There ia nothing in
SARGON
A which appears to hare any special reference fa
the peculiar circumstances of the city, or to any-
thing else than the moral and spiritual condition
of the Christian community existing there. Thai
latter was probably, in its secular relations, pretty
nearly identical with that at Philadelphia.
(Athenaae ii. 48, si. 131. xU. 614, 640; Ar-
rian, L IT; Pliny, Ii. N. v. 89, xv. St; Stepha-
nos Byi t. *r»i); Pausanias, iii. 9, 6; Diode
rus Sic. xx. 107; Scholiast, Aristoph. Pac 1174;
Boeckh. Intcriptiona Orwem, Noa. 8461-8479;
Herodotus, 1. 69, 94, iii. 48, viii. 106; Strabo, xttt
S 6; Tacitus, Annul II. 47, HI 63, iv. 66; Cookar-
eU, in Leake's Aria Minor, p. 843; Arundell, ZJis-
eoteriet in Aria Minor, i. pp. 96-98; TohihatcbssT,
Arie Mmemre, pp. 939-949.) J. W. B.
SAE-DITES THE fTlpn [pair.]: J Jap.
tti [Tat -»«]: Saredtia). 'The descendants of
Seked the son of Zebuloo (Num. xxvi. 96).
SARDONYX (oaptirvl- snnfonyz) is men-
tioned in the N. T. once only, namely, in Rev.
xxi. 90, as the stone which garnished the fifth foun-
dation of the wall of the heavenly Jerusalem. " By
sardonyx," says Pliny (U. N. xxxvii. 6), who de-
scribes several varieties, "was formerly understood, as
its uame implies, a sard with a white ground beneath
it, like the flesh under the finger-nail." The sar-
donyx consists of " a white opaque layer, superim-
posed upon a red transparent stratum of the true
red sard " (Antique Gems, p. 9); it is, like the
sard, merely a variety of agate, and is frequently
employed by engravers for the purpose of a signet-
ring. W. H.
SA'REA (Sana). One of the five scribes
"ready to write swiftly" whom Esdraa was com-
manded to take (3 Eadr. xiv. 94).
SAREPTA (Zdosirra: Snrepla: Syriae,
Ttarpnth). The Greek form of the name which in
the Hebrew text of the O. T. appears as Zare-
fhath. The place is designated by the same for-
mula on its single occurrence in the N. T. (Luke
ir. 96) that it is when first mentioned in the LXX.
version of I K. xvii. 9, "Sarepta of Sidonia."
G.
SAR'GON (]\JHP [perh. Pers., prince of
lie an, Gee.]: 'AprS: Sargon) was one of the
greatest of the Asayriau kings. His name is read
in the native inscriptions as Sargina, while a town
which he built and called after himself (now Kbor-
sabad) was known as Barghun to the Arabian
geographers. He is mentioned by name only ones
Li Scripture (Is. xx. 1), and then not in an histor-
ical book, which formerly led historians and critics
to suspect that he wss not really a king distinct
from those mentioned in Kings and Chronicles, but
rather one of those kings under another name. VI-
tringa, Offerhaua, Eichhoro, and Hupfeld identified
him with Shalmaneser; Grotius, Lowth, and Keil
with Sennacherib; Perixonius, Kalinaky, aud Hi-
chaelia with Esarhaddon. AD these conjectures
are now shown to be wrong by the Assyrian in-
scriptions, which prove Sargon to have been dis-
tinct and different from the several monarchs uameu,
and fix his place in the list — where it had bees
already assigned by Roaenmiiller, Geseniua, Ewald,
and Winer — between Shalmaneser and Sennach-
erib. He was certainly Sennacherib's father, anc
there ia no reason to doubt that be waa bis im-
mediate predecessor. He ascended the throne of
Assyria, as we gather from bis annals, in the sease
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BABOON
fear that Merodach-Baladan unaided the throne
If Babylon, which, according to Ptolemy's Canon,
waa B. ft 791. Ha aaama to have been an neurper,
tad not of royal birth, for in hit inaeriptiora he
aarefuDy avoids all mention of hie father. It haa
been oonjeotured that he took adTantage of Sbal-
maneaer'a abeenee at the protracted tiege of Sama-
ria (8 K. xrii. 6) to effect a rarolntion at the icat
of government, by which that king waa denoted,
and he himself substituted in hit room. [Srau
MaJtaanu] It it remarkable that Sargon claims
the conquest of Samaria, which the narrative in
Kings apptart to assign to hie predecessor. He
reseat the event in his first year, before any of his
ether expeditions. Perhaps, therefore, be is the
" king of Assyria " intended in 2 K. xrii. 6 and
xviii. 11, who is not said to be Shalmaneaer, though
we might naturally suppose so from no other name
being mentioned. Or perhaps he claimed the
conquest at hit own, though Shalmaneaer really
aeoMnplisbed it, because the capture of the city oc-
curred after he had been acknowledged king in the
Assyrian capital. At any rata, to him belongs the
settlement of the Samaritans (97,980 families, ac-
cording to his own statement) in Halah, and on
the Habor (Kknbour), the river of Goxan, and (at
a later period probably) in the cities of the Modes.
Sargon was undoubtedly a great and successful
In his annals, which cover a space of
i yean (from b. c. 791 to a. o. 706), he gives
an account of his warlike expeditions against Baby-
lonia, and Suaianaon the south, Media on the east,
Armenia end Oeppadoda towards the north, Syria,
Palestine, Arabia, and Egypt towards the west and
the southwest In Babylonia be deposed Mero-
dacb-Baladan, and established a viceroy; in Media
ho built a number of cities, which be peopled with
captives from other quarters; in Armenia and the
neighboring countries he gained many victories;
while in the far west he reduced Philistia, pene-
trated deep into the Arabian peninsula, and forced
Sigypt to submit to hit arms and content to the
payment of a tribute. In this last direction he
seems to have waged three wars — one in his sec-
ond year (b. c. 790), for the possession of Qaza;
another in his sixth year (a. o. 715), when Kgypt
iteek* was th» object of attack; and a third in his
ninth (a. c. 719), when the special subject of con-
tention waa Asbdod, which Sargon took by one of
his generate. This is the event which causes the
mention of Sargon's name in Scripture. lasl
was instructed at the time of this expedition to
" pat off hie shoe, and go naked and barefoot,'' for
a sign that " the king of Assyria should lead away
the Egyptians prisoners, and the Ethiopians cap-
tives, young and okl, naked and barefoot, to the
shame of Egypt " (Is. xx. 9-4). We may gather
from Una, either that Ethiopians and Egyptians
formed part of the garrison of Asbdod and were
eaptared with the city, or that the attack on the
FMHstin* town waa accompanied by an invasion of
Kgypt itself, which waa disastrous to the Egyptians.
TVs year of the attack, being B. a 719, would fall
new the reign of the first Ethiopian king, Sabaso
SAKOK
2845
L, who probably conquered Egypt in B. c. 714
(Kawlinson's ffercdona, i. 886, note 7, 9d ed.),
and it is in agreement with this [that] Sargon
speaks of Egypt aa being at this time subject to
Meroe. Besides these expeditions of Saigon, hie
monuments mention that he took Tyre, and re-
ceived tribute from the Greeks of Cyprus, against
whom there is some reason to think that he con-
ducted an attack in person.'
It it notes a warrior only that Sargon deserves
special mention among the Assyrian kings. He
was also the builder of useful works and of one of
the most magnificent of the Assyrian palaces. He
relates that ha thoroughly repaired the walls of
Nineveh, which be seems to have elevated from a
provincial city of come importance to the first posi-
tion in the empire; and adda further, that in its
neighborhood he constructed the palace and town
which he made his principal residence. This was
the city now known ss " the French Nineveh," or
" Khorsabad," from which the valuable series of
Assyrian monuments at present in the Lourre is
derived almost entirely. Traces of Sargon's build-
ings have been found also at Nlmrud and Koyun-
jik; and his time is marked by a considerable ad-
vance in the useful and ornamental arts, which
seem to have profited by the connection which be
established between Assyria and Egypt He probably
reigned nineteen years, from B. o. 791 to B. o. 709,
when he left the throne to his son, the celebrated
Sennacherib. G. R.
SATRID (yO? [one Je/1, a lurnvor] : 'Ewe-
tnc-rm\a, c ScSoofa; Alex. 2apti8, 3tmt> Sarid).
A chief landmark of the territory of Zebulun, ap-
parently the pivot of the western and southern
boundaries (Josh. xix. 10, 19). All that can bs
gathered of its position is that it lay to the west of
Cbisloth-Tabor. It was unknown to Eusebius and
Jerome, and no trace of it seems to have been
found by any traveller since their day ((Mom.
"Sarith").
The ancient Syriao version, in each case, reads
Asdod. This may be only from the interchange,
so frequent in this version, of B and D. At any
rate, the Ashdod of the Philistines cannot be in-
tended. G.
SATtON (to* Zapata; in some MSS. oe-sw
pairs, i. t. fnt^n [lAe plain] : Sanaa). The
district in which Lydda stood (Acts ix. 86 only) ;
the Sharon of the O. T. The absence of the ar-
ticle from Lydda, and its presence before Saron, is
noticeable, and shows that the name denotes a dis-
trict — aa in " The Shefelah," and in our own
<< The Weald," " The Downs." G.
• The Plain extended along the sea-coast from
Joppa to Ceaarea, about 80 miles. Though con-
nected by ml to Lydda, in Acts ix. 86, Saron In-
cluded that city. It has been oonjeotured that than
was a village of this name, bnt no trace of It has
been discovered. Luke's meaning is that not only
the inhabitants of Lydda bnt of the Plain gener-
ally, heard of the miracle and beHeved. H.
* The status of Sargon, now In me Berlin Museum,
was found at Idattum in Cyprus. It Is not very likely
af the writer that (Bi a lm siisss r was not the aetua. . (hat the alng'i statue would have ban est up uhIm
» In the fourth year of fl o nkl i h ," he save, | he had made the oxpsmtton tn person.
r king of Assyria mum up afanutSaina- 1 e Thai ba/beroos word is obtained by jotmaf te Is
• There Is a peculiarity of phraseology in 9 K. xvttt.
^Mwtifch perhaps Indicates & know Isdgsoa the part
it i
end at the end of these years, , „ „ .. __,_.„. -„ _. _V_,
[rid the first word of the tjUowlng Teres, nvj],
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2846
SAROTHIE
8AH.OTH1E [4 syl.] (Saserff [Vat. -»,.];
Alex. [Aid.] lapweU: Caroneth). " The sons of
Barothie " are among the ion of the servants of
Solomon who returned wtth Zorobabet, according
to the list in 1 Esdr. T. 84. There is nothing eor-
.-esponding to it in the Hebrew.
SAR'SECHIM (£!*yp$B [print* of tht
tunuchs] : Sartachim). One of the generals of
Nebuchadnezzar's arm; at the taking of Jerusalem
(Jer. xxxix. 3). He appears to have held the office
of chief eunuch, far Bab- saris la probably a title
and not a proper name. In Jer. xxxix. 18, Nebu-
ihasban is called Bab-saris, " chief eunuch," and
the question arises whether Nebusbasban and Sar-
■eehim may not be names of the same person. In
the LXX., verses 3 and 18 are mixed up together,
and so hopelessly corrupt that it is impossible to
Infer anything from their reading of Kafiowdx'P
[but Comp. Noftawranrax'p] for Ssrsechtm. In
Gesenius' Thttaurm it is conjectured that Sane-
chim and Kab-saris may be identical, and both
titles of the same office.
SA'RTTCH (Zapoix' Sarug). Seruo the
ton of Reu (Luke iii. 35).
SATAN. The word itself, the Hebrew )X* p,
U simply an " adversary,*' and is so used in 1 Sam.
Mix. 4; 3 Sam. xix. S3; 1 K. ». 4 (IJCX. M-
6VwA*f); in 1 K. xi. 35 (LXX. trrwttptnt) : in
Num. xxii. 23, and Ps. cix. 6 (LXX. »,A$<,\<n and
cognate words); in 1 K. xi. 14, 33 (IJCX. owrdV)-
Tbis original sense is still found in our lyord's ap-
plication of the name to St Peter in Matt. xvi. 33.
It is used as a proper name or title only four times
In the O. T., namely, (with the article) in Job I. 6,
13, ii. 1; Zech. iii. 1, and (without the article) in
1 Chr. xxi. 1. In each case the LXX. has SiAfio-
Ao>, and the Vulgate Satan. In the N. T. the
word is nmim, followed by the Vulgate Satanas,
except in 8 Cor. xii. 7, where uaray is used. It is
found in twenty-fire places (exclusive of parallel pxs-
sages), and the corresponding word 6 JidjSeAoi in
about the same number. The title i ipxuv rev
KoVitov roirov is used three times ; i rornpdr is
used certainly six times, probably more frequently,
and i Ttipifav twice.
It is with the Scriptural revelation on the sub-
ject that we are here concerned, and it is clear,
bom this simple enumeration of passages, that it is
to be songht in the New, rather than in the Old
Testament.
It divides itself naturally into the consideration
jf his existence, his nature, and his power and
lotion.
(A.) His Existence. — It would be a waste of
time to prove, that, in various degrees of clearness,
the personal existence of a Spirit of Evil is revealed
again and again in Scripture. Every quality, every
action, which can indicate personality, is attributed
to him in language which cannot be explained away.
It is not difficult to sen why it should be thus re-
vealed. It if obvious that the fact of hit existence
is of spiritual importance, and it is also clear, from
she nature of the case, that it could not be discov-
ered, although it might be suspected, by human
reason. It Is in the power of that reason to test
sny supposed manifestations of supernatural power,
and any assorted principles of Divine action, which
'ail aithin its sphere of experie n ce (" the earthly
thh-£S ' of John iii. IS); it may by such exsmina-
tssQ satisfy itself of the truth and divinity of a fler-
BATAJft
son or a book; but, having dona this, H most the*
accept and understand, without being abb to test
or to explain, the disclosures of this Divine author-
ity upon subjects beyond this world (the " heavenly
things," of which it is said that none can see of
disclose them, save the •' Son of Man who is in
heaven").
It is true, that human thought can assert as
A priori probability or improbability in such state-
ments made, based on the perception of a greater or
less degree of accordance in principle between the
things seen and the things unseen, betw e en the
effects, which are visible, and the causes, which are
revealed from the regions of mystery. Bat even
tbis power of weighing probability is applicable
rather to the fact and tendency, than to the method,
of supernatural action. This is true even of natu-
ral action beyond the sphere of human observation.
In the discussion of the Plurality of Worlds, for
example, it may be asserted without doubt, that
m all the orbs of the universe the Divine power,
wisdom, and goodness must be exercised ; but the
Inference that the method of their exercise is found
there, as here, in the creation of sentient and rational
beings, is one at best of but moderate probability.
Still more is this the case in the spiritual world.
Whatever supernatural orders of beings may exist,
we can conclude that in their case, as in ours, the
Divine government must be carried on by tbe union
of Individual freedom of action with the overruling
power of God, and must tend finally to that good
which is his central attribute. But beyond this
we can assert nothing to be certain, and can scarcely
even say of any part of the method of this govern-
ment, whether it is antecedently probable or im-
probable.
Thus, on our present subject, man can ascertain
by observation the existence of evil, that is, of hets
and thoughts contrary to tbe standard which con-
science asserts to be tbe true one, bringing with
them suffering and misery as their inevitable re-
sults. If he attempts to trace them to their cause*.
be finds them to srise, for each individual, partly
from tbe power of certain internal impulses which
act upon the will, partly from the influence of ex-
ternal circumstances. These circumstances them-
selves arise, either from tbe laws of nature and so-
ciety, or by the deliberate action of other men.
lie can conclude with certainty, that both seris of
causes must exist by the permission of God, and
must finally be overruled to his will. But whether
there exists any superhuman but subordinate cause
of the circumstances, and whether there be any
similar influence acting in tbe origination of tbe
impulses which move tbe will, this is a question
which be cannot answer with certainty. Analogy
from the observation of the only ultimate cause
which he can discover in the visible world, namely,
the free action of a personal will, may lead him,
and generally has led him, to conjecture in tbe af-
firmative, but still the inquiry remains unanswered
by authority.
The tendency of the mind in its inquiry ■ gen-
erally towards one or other of two extremes. The
first is to consider evil as a negative imperfection,
arising, in some unknown snd inexplicable way
from the nature of matter, or from some disturbing
influences which limit the action of goodness oa
earth; in fact, to ignore as much of evil as possible,
and to decline to refer the residuum to sny posttivi
canse at all. The other is tbe ok) Persian or Man-
icbesan hypothesis, which traces the existence a
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8A.TAV
Ml *• s rival Creator, not subordinate to the Cro-
stor of Good, though perhaps inferior to Him in
power, and destined to be overcome by Him at but.
Between these two extremes the mind varied,
through many gradations of thought and countless
farms of superstition. Each hypothesis had its ar-
gument* of probability against the other. The first
labored under the difficulty of being insufficient as
an account of the anomalous facta, and indetermi-
nate in its account of the disturbing causes ; the
second sinned against that belief in the Unity of
God and the natural supremacy of goodness, which
is supported by the deepest instincts of the heart.
Ait both were laid in a sphere beyond human cog-
■Jaanee; neither eould be proved or disproved with
certainty.
The Revelation of Scripture, speaking with au-
thority, meets the truth, and removes the error in-
herent in both these hypotheses. It asserts in the
strongest terms the perfect supremacy of God, so
that under his permission alone, and for bis inscru-
table purposes, evil is allowed to exist (see for
eiampjs, Pro*, xvi. 4; Is. xlv. 7; Am. iii. 0;
eomp. Rom. ix. 83, 33). It regards this evil as an
anomaly and corruption, to be taken away by a
new manifestation of Divine Lore in the Incarna-
tion and Atonement The oonquest of it began
virtually in God's ordinance after the Fall itself,
was effected actually on the Cross, and shall be
perfected in its results at the Judgment Day.
Still Scripture recognizes the existence of evil in
the world, not only as felt in outward circum-
stances (" the world "), and as inborn in the soul
of man ("the flesh"), but also as proceeding
from the influence of an Evil Spirit, exercising
that mysterious power of free will, which God's
rational creatures possess, to rebel against Him,
and to draw others into the same rebellion (" the
devil").
In accordance with the " economy " and pro-
peesiveness of God's revelation, the exiateuoe of
Satan is but gradually revealed. In the first en-
trance of evil into the world, the temptation is
referred only to the serpent. It is true that the
whole narrative, and especially the spiritual nature
ef the temptation (" to be as gods "), which was
united to the sensual motive, would force on any
thoughtful reader <• the conclusion that something
more than a mere animal agency was at work;
eut the time was not then come to reveal, what
afterwards was revealed, that "be who sinneth
j of the devil " (1 John iii. 8), that " the old
serpent " of Genesis was " called the devil and
Satan, who decciveth the whole world " (Rev. xii.
i.xx.3).
Throughout the whole period of the patriarchal
and Jewish dispensation, this vague and imperfect
revelation of the Source of Evil alone was given.
The Sonne of all Good is set forth in all bis su-
preme and unapproachable Majesty; evil is known
negatively as the falling away from Him ; and the
" vanity " of idols, rather than any positive oil
mJoonce, is represented as the opposite to his
reality and goodness. The Law gives "the knowl-
edge of sin " in the soul, without referring to any
1 influence of evil to foster it; it denounces
SATAK 2847
Idolatry, without even hinting, what the N. T.
declares plainly, thai such evil Implied a ' power
of Satan."'
The book of Job stands, In any case, alon
(whether we refer it to an early or a later period)
on the basis of " natural religion," apart from the
gradual and orderly evolutions of the Mosaic reve-
lation. In it, for the first time, we find a distinct
mention of " Satan," " the adversary " of Job.
But it is important to remark the emphatic stress
hud on his subordinate position, on the absence jf
all but delegated power, of all terror, and all grand-
eur in his character. He comes among the " sons
of God " to present himself before the Lord ; hie
malice and envy are permitted to have scope, in
accusation or in action, only for God's own pur-
poses; and it is especially remarkable th.it do power
of spiritual influence, but only a power over out-
ward circumstances, is attributed to him. All this
is widely different from the clear and terrible reve-
lations of the N. T.
The Captivity brought the Israelites face to face
with the great dualism of the Persian mythology,
the conflict of Ormuzd with Ahriman, the co-
ordinate Spirit of Evil. In the books written sfter
the Captivity we have again the name of " Satan "
twice mentioned; but it is confessed by all that
the Satan of Scripture bears no resemblance to the
Persian Ahriman. His subordination and inferi-
ority are as strongly marked at ever. In 1 Chr.
xxi. 1, where the name occurs without the articls
(•' an adversary," not " the adversary " ), the com-
parison with i Sam. xxiv. 1 shows distinctly that,
in the temptation of David, Satan's malice was
overruled to work out the " anger of the Lord "
against Israel In Zech. iii. 1, 8, •• Satan" is
6 ovtISi/coi (sa in 1 Pet. v. 8), the socuser of
Joshua before the throne of God, rebuked and put
to silence by Him (eomp. Pa cix. 6). In the esse,
as of the good angels, so also of the Evil One, the
presence of fable and idolatry gave cause to the
manifestation of the truth. [Anoxia i. 97 *.]
It would have been impossible to guard the Israel-
ites more distinctly from the fascination of the
great dualistic theory of their conquerors-
It is perhaps not difficult to conjecture, that the
reason of this reserve as to the disclosure of the
existence and nature of Satan is to be found re
the inveterate tendency of the Israelites to idolatry,
an idolatry based as usual, in great degree, on the
supposed power of their false gods to inflict evil
The existence of evil spirits is suggested to them
in the stern prohibition and punishment of witch
craft (Ex. xxii. 18; Dent, xviii. 10), and in the
narrative of the p ossess ion of men by an " evil '' at
"lying spirit from the Lord" (1 Sam. xvi. 14
1 K. xxii. 33); the tendency to seek their aid it
shown by the rebukes of the prophets (Is. viii
19, Ac.). But this tendency would have been in-
creased tenfold by the revelation of the existence of
the great enemy, concentrating round himself all
the powers of evil and enmity against God. There-
fore, it would seem, the revelation of the " strong
man armed" was withheld until "the stringer
than he " should be made manifest.
Kor in the New Teat, this reserve suddenly vaa>
a nrfcrenee to the Spirit ef Bvtl. Such
would no. only stud sloae, but would be entirely ta>
• ■w«rM.ll.Ht«k V HluaitaMmn<l«vi-
wsfs* (Mf TOP stOtffMt**
• lor this reason, h" tor no other, It asms hniossl- . eoaststsnt with tbs wools taw of the M
•,1s to assent the Interpretation of « asses!," grain bv | tfcea, 8m Dai or Anwuouun,
resaast , Usnptrabsns, and ethers, In lev. xvi. 8, a*
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2848
SATAN
■baa. In the interval between the Old and New
rest, the Jewish mind had pondered on the scanty
revelations already given of evil spiritual influence.
But the Apocryphal Books (as, for example, Tobit
and Judith), while dwelling on " demons " (S<u/u>-
kio), have no notice of Satan. The same may be
observed of Josephus. The only instance to the
contrary is the reference already made to Wiad. ii.
94. It is to be noticed also that the Targums often
Introduce the name of Satan into the descriptions
of sin and temptation found in the 0. T. ; as for
example in Ex. xxxii. 19, in connection with the
worship of the golden calf (corap. the tradition as
to the body of Hoses, Deut xxxir. 6, 6 ; Jude 9,
Michael). But, while a mass of fable and super-
stition gr*w up on the general subject of evil
spiritual influence, still the existence and nature of
Satan remained in the background, felt, but not
understood
The N. T. first brings it plainly forward. From
the beginning of the Gospel, when he appears as
the personal tempter of our Lord, through all the
Gospels, Epistles, and Apocalypse, it is asserted or
implied, again and again, as a familiar and im-
portant truth. To refer this to mere " accommo-
dation " of the language of the Lord and his
Apostles to the ordinary Jewish belief, is to contra-
diet facta, and evade the meaning of words. The
subject is not one on which error could be tolerated
as unimportant; but one important, practical, and
even awfuL The language used respecting it is
either truth or falsehood; and unless we impute
error or deceit to the writers of the N. T., we mutt
receive the doctrine of the existence of Satan as a
certain doctrine of Revelation. Without dwelling
on other passages, the plain, solemn, and unuieta-
phorical words of John viii. 44, must be sufficient:
" Ye are of your father the devil He
was a murderer from the beginning, and abides
(•Wiprsr) not in the truth When
he speaketh a lie, he speaketh of his own, for be is
t liar and the father of it." On this subject, see
Demoniacs, vol. i. p. 585.
(B.) His Nature. — Of the nature and original
state of Satan, little is revealed in Scripture. Host
af the common notions on the subject are drawn
from mere tradition, popularized in England by
Milton, but without even a vestige of Scriptural
authority. He is spoken of as a " spirit " in Eph.
Ii. 2, as the prince or ruler of the "demons"
(SoipeW) in Matt. ill. 24-36, and as having
"angels" subject to him in Halt xxv. 41; Rev.
xii. 7, 9. The whole description of his power im-
plies spiritual nature and spiritual influence. We
conclude therefore that he was of angelic nature
[Akokls], a rational and spiritual creature, super-
human in power, wisdom, and energy; and not
»ly so, but an archangel, one of the " princes " of
leaven. We cannot, of course, conceive that any-
-huig essentially and originally evil was created by
God. We find by experience, that the will of a
free and rational creature can, by his permission,
oppose his will; that the very conception of free-
dom Implies capacity of temptation; and that
every sin, unless arrested by God's fresh gift of
grace, strengthens the hold of evil on the spirit,
till it may fall into the hopeless state of repro-
We can only conjecture, therefore, that
is a fallen angel, who once had a time of
■ It Is referred by some to Gen. vt. 2, where many
■MA. of tea LXX. have iyyisx M for " sons of
SATAK
probation, but whose condemnation Is now ire*
vocably fixed.
But of the time, cause, and manner of his fall
Scripture tells us scarcely anything. It limits its
disclosures, as always, to that which we need tc
know. The passage on which all the fabric of
tradition and poetry has been raised is Rev. xii. 7
9, which speaks of " Michael and his angels " as
" fighting against the dragon and his angels," til>
the "great dragon, called the devil and Satan,"
was " cast out into the earth, and his angels cast
out with him." Whatever be the meaning of this
passage, it is certain that it cannot refer to the
original fall of Satan. The only other paaaage
which refers to the fall of the angels is 3 Pet. ii. 4,
God spared not the angels, when they had sinned,
but having oast them into bell, delivered them to
chains of darkness (o-euNur £6$ov Toyre ya Wi a s
wapiSvnr), reserved unto judgment," with the
parallel passage in Jude 6, " Angels, who kept not
their first estate (t4)k favraV opxr/y), but left
their own habitation, he hath reserved in everlast-
ing chains under darkness unto the judgment of
the Great Day." Here again the passage is mys-
terious; « but it seems hardly possible to consider
Satan as one of these ; for they are in chains
and guarded (TrrvwrutsVovs) till the Great Day;
be is permitted stiU to go about ss the Tempter
and the Adversary, until his appointed time bs
Setting these pasaages aside, we have still to con-
sider the declaration of our Lord in Luke x. 18,
"I beheld {UtApovr) Satan, as lightning, fall
from heaven." This may refer to the feet of his
original fall (although the use of the imperfect
tense, and the force of the context, rather refer it
figuratively to the triumph of the disciples over the
evil spirits); but, in any case, it tells nothing of its
cause or method. There is also the passage already
quoted (John viii. 44) in which our Lord declares
of him, that "he was a murderer from the be-
ginning," that " he stands no* (Iott/««) in the
truth, because there is no truth in him," " that he
is a liar and the father of it." But here it seems
likely the words oV ipx*' n ^ r to "* beginning
of bis action upon man; perhaps the allusion U
to his temptation of Cain to be the first murderer,
an allusion explicitly made in a similar passage in
1 John iii. 9-13. The word $o™r»« (wrongly
rendered " abode " in A. V.), and the rest of the
verse, refer to present time. The pssasge therefore
throws little or no light on the cause and method
of his fall.
Perhaps the only one, which hss any value, is
1 Tim. iii. 6, " lest being lifted up by pride he fall
into the condemnation (koIiui) of the deviL" It
is concluded from this, that pride was the cause
of the devil's condemnation. The inference is a
probable one; it is strengthened by the only anal-
ogy within our reach, that of the fall of man, in
which the spiritual temptation of pride, the de-
sire "to be as gods," wss the subtlest and most
deadly temptation. Still it is but an inference;
it cannot be regarded as a matter of certain Reve-
lation.
But, while these points are passed by almost in
silence (a silence which rebukes the i rreverent
exercise of imagination on the subject), Scripture
describes to us distinctly the moral nature of tht
Oodj n espseleUr because 8 Pet. m. 6, ralatlng «s rk>
Flood, asms closely connected with that |
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Ml One. Thii is no matter of barren speculation
to those who by yielding to evil way become the
••ehildien of Satan," instead of "children of God."
Tie ideal of goodneai is made np of the three great
moral attribute* of God, Love, Truth, and Purity
■x Holiness; combined with that spirit, which is
the natural temper of a Unite and dependent crea-
ture, the spirit of Faith. We find, accordingly,
that the opposite! to these qualities are dwelt upon
as the characteristics of the devil. In John viii.
44, compared with 1 John ill. 10-15, we have
hatred and falsehood j in the constant mention of
the "unclean" spirits, of which he is the ohief,
we find imparity; from 1 Tim. iil. 6, and the nar-
rative of the Temptation, we trace the spirit of
pride. These are especially the "sins of the devil;"
in them we trace the essence of moral evU, and the
batons of the reprobate mind. Add to this a
spirit of restless activity, a power of craft, and an
iutenae desire to spread corruption, and with it
sternal death, and we hare the portraiture of the
Spirit of Evil as Scripture has drawn it plainly
before our eyes.
(C.) Hut Powro am Actios. — Both these
points, being intimately connected with our own
lib and salvation, are treated with a distinctness
and fullness remarkably contrasted with the ob-
scurity of the previous subject
The power of Satan over the soul is represented
as aiarrlead, either directly, or by his instruments.
His direct influence over the soul is simply that of
a powerful and evil nature on those in whom lurks
the germ of the same evil, differing from the in-
fluence exercised by a wicked man in degree rather
than in kind; but it has the power of acting by
su gg est i on of thought*, without the medium of
actions or words — a power which is only in very
aught degree exercised by men upon each other.
This influence is spoken of in Scripture in the
strongest terms, as a real external influence, cor-
relative to, but not to be oonfeunded with, the
existence of evil within. In the parable of the
sower (Matt. xiii. 19), It is represented as a nega-
tive influence, taking away the action of the Word
of God for good; in that of the wheat and the
tares (Matt xiii. 89), as a positive influence for
aril. Introducing wickedness into the world. St.
Paul does not hesitate to re p res en t it as a power,
permitted to dispute the world with the power of
God; for he declares to Agrippa that his mission
was "to turn men from darkness to light, and
•nm the power ({{ovwfat) of Satan unto God,"
and represents the exoommunioatlon, which cuts
■sen off from the grace of Christ in his Church, is
i " deb'veranee of them unto Satan " (1 Cor. v. 5;
1 Ton. 1. 90). The same truth is conveyed, though
to ■ bolder and more startling; form, in the Epistles
V> the Churches of the Apocalypse, where the body
sf the unbelieving Jews is called a " synagogue of
Satan" (Rev. ii. 9, iii. 9), where the secrets of bias
sostrine are called " the depths of Satan " (ii 84),
and the "throne" and "habitation "of Satan are
ask! to he sat np in opposition to the Church of
Christ Another and even more remarkable ex-
SMasion of the same idea is found in the Enistle
• the Hebrews, where the death of Christ la spoken
sf aa intended to baffle (Karamir) "him *Jiat
Bath the power (re x-ocEror) of death, that is the
■Ml;" for death is evidently regarded as the
•wagss of sin," and the power of death as in-,
ssaa rabls from the power of oorraatloa. Nor is j
Ms truth only expressed duvetly and formally;
SATAN
2849
it meets us again and agahi in pas s ag es simply
practical, taken for granted, aa already fiuniliar
(see Rom. xvi. 30; 2 Cor. Ii. 11; 1 These. Ii. 18;
% These, ii. 9; 1 Tim. v. 16). The Bible does
not shrink from putting the foot of Satanic influ-
ence over the soul before us, in plain and terrible
oertsinty.
Yet at the same time it Is to be observed, that
its language is very for from countenancing, even
for a moment, the horrors of the Manicbjean the-
ory. The influence of Satan is always spoken of
as temporary and limited, subordinated to Us)
Divine counsel, and broken by the Incarnate Son
of God. It is brought out visibly, in the form of
possession, in the earthly life of our Lord, only la
order that it may give the opportunity of his
triumph. As for Himself, so for his redeemed
ones, it is true, that " God shall bruise S tfan under
their feet shortly" (Rom. xvi. 90; oomp. Gen. iii.
16). Nor is this all, for the history of the book
of Job shows plainly, what is elsewhere constantly
implied, that Satanio influence is permitted, in
order to be overruled to good, to teach humility,
and therefore bith. The mystery of the existence
of evil is left unexplained; but its present subordi-
nation and future extinction are familiar truths. So
accordingly, on the other hand, his power is spoken
of as capable of being resisted by the will of man,
when aided by the grace of God. "Resist the
devil, and he will Bee from you," is the constant
language of Scripture (Jam. iv. 7). It is indeed
a power, to which "place" or opportunity "is
given " only by the consent of man's will (Eph. It.
37). It is probably to be traced most distinctly in
the power of evil habit, a power real, but not irre-
sistible, created by previous sin, and by every suc-
cessive act of sin riveted more closely upon the
souL It is a power which cannot act directly and
openly, but nerds craft and dissimulation, in order
to get advantage over man by entangling the win.
The " wiles " (Eph. vi. 11), the ■' devices " (3 Cor.
ii. 11), the "snare" (1 run. iii. 7, vi. 9; 9 Tim.
ii. 36) "of the devil," are expressions which indi-
cate the indirect and unnatural character of the
power of evil. It is therefore urged as • reason
for "soberness and vigilance" (1 Pet v. 8), for
the careful use of the "whole armor of God"
(Eph. vi. 10-17); but it is never allowed to obscure
the supremaoy of God's grace, or to disturb the
inner peace of the Christian. " He that is born
of God, keepeth himself, and the wicked one toueh-
eth him not" (1 John v. 18).
Besides his own direct influence, the Scripture
discloses to us the bet that Satan hi the leader of
a host of evil spirits or angels who share bis evil
work, and for whom the " everlasting fire is pre-
pared " (Matt xxv. 41). Of their origin and faS
we know no more than of his, for they cannot be
the same as the fallen and imprisoned angels of
3 Pet ii. 4, and Judo 6; but one passage (Matt
xii. 94-96) identifies them distinctly with the
eeupoW (A. V. "devils" ) who had power to
possess the souls of man. The Jews there speak
of a Beehebub (BmA{sj9o£a), "a prince of the
demons," whom they identify with, or symbolize
by the idol of Ekroo, the "god of flies" [see
Beklzsbub], and by whose power tbey accuse our
Lord of casting ^t demons. His answer is, " How
• It Is nuVrtnnata that she a, T. should use toe
ivord "derll," not only tor lis proper equrrsfem.
ItajWket, but also for ««hHms»,
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2850
SATAN
•an Sutra east out Satan?" The inference U dear
that Satan U Beelzebub, and therefore the demon*
are " the angdt of the devil : " and this inference ia
strengthened by Acta z. 38, in which St. Peter
describes the possessed as KaraSwatTTtvofitvovs
too rev ttafiikov, and by Luke x. 18, in which
the master}' over the demons is connected by our
Lord with the " fall of Satan from heaven," and
their power included by Him in the " power of the
enemy" (tob cVfooD); oomp. Matt. xiii. 89). For
their nature, see Demons. They are mostly spoken
of in Scripture in reference to possession; but in
Kph. vi. 12 they are described in various lights,
at "principalities" («j>x«0> "powers" (tfoiwloi),
"rulers of the darkness of this world," and
"spiritual powen of wickedness in heavenly places "
(or "things") (tA s-reu/urruccb ■riji worn/Has it
roit iwovparloti); and in all as "wrestling"
against the soul of man. The same reference is
made less explicitly in Rom. viii 88, and Col. ii.
15. In Rev. xii. 7-9 they are spoken of as fight-
ing with " the dragon, the old serpent called the
devil and Satan," against " Michael and his angels,"
and as cast out of heaven with their chief. Taking
all these passages together, we find them sharing
the enmity to God and man implied in the name
and nature of Satan ; but their power and action
are but little dwelt upon in comparison with his.
That there is against us a power of spiritual wick-
edness is a truth which we need to know, and a
mystery which only Revelation can disclose: but
whether it is exercised by few or by many is a
matter of comparative indifference.
But the Evil One is not only the " prince of the
demons," but also he is called the " prince of this
world " (a ipx"" r °v *4<rpov rovrov) in John xii.
81, xiv. 80, xvi. 11, and even the "god of this
world " (6 Scot t*5 eu'iVoj robrov) in 2 for. iv.
4; the two expressions Wing united in the words
robs KtMTfjLOKpdropas rov aKoWovs tov cdvvos
tosVov, used in Eph. vi. 12" This power be
claimed for himself, at a deU gated authority, in
the temptation of our Ix>rd (Luke iv. 6): and the
temptation would have been unreal, had he spoken
altogether falsely. It implies another kind of in-
direct influence exercised through earthly instru-
ments. There sre some indications in Scripture of
tie exercise of this power through inanimate in-
struments, of an influence over the powers of na-
ture, and what men call the " chances " of lite-
Such a power is distinctly asserted in the case of
Job, and probably implied in the case of the woman
with a spirit of infirmity (in l.uke xiii. 18), and of
St Paul's "thorn in the flesh" (2 Cor. xii. 7).
It is only consistent with the attribution of such
action to the angels of God (as in Ex. xii. 23; 2
Sam. xxir. 16; 8 K. xix. 85; Acta xii. 83); and,
D our ignorance of the method of connection of the
srtond cvises of nature with the Supreme Will of
G**d we cannot even say whether it has in it any
antecedent improbability; but it is little dwelt
wpon in Scripture, in comparison with the other
txerciw of this power through the hands of wicked
men, who become "children of the devil," and
accordingly "do the lusts of their father." (See
John viii. 44; Acta xiii. 10; 1 John ill- 8-10;
a The word ctfo-pof , proper'y referring to the system
af to* universe, and so used In John 1. 10, Is generally
applied In Scripture to human socftecy as alienated
fern God, with a reftrencs to the " pomp and vanltj "
sues makes it an Idol (ass, «. g, 1 John U 16) ; ouir
SATAN-
and eomp. John vi. 70.) In thii tense the Scrip
tore regards all sins as the " works of the devil,"
and traces to him, through his ministers, si
spiritual evil and error (2 Cor. xi. 14, 15), and aL
the persecution and hindrances which oppose the
Gospel (Rev. ii. 10; 1 These, ii. 18). Most of all
ia this indirect action of Satan manifested in those
who deliberately mislead and tempt men, and who
at last, independent of any interest of their own,
come to take au unnatural pleasure in the sight of
evil-doing in others (Rom. i. 82).
The method of bis action is best discerned by
an examination of the title by which he is desig-
nated in Scripture. He is called emphatically
6 SidSoAo* , " the devil." The derivation of the
word in itself implies only the endeavor to break the
bonds between others, and " set them at variance "
(see, e. g., Plat Symp. p. 222 c .- SmfiiXKur iitk
rol 'AydBwra); but common usage adds to this
general sense the special idea of " setting at vari-
ance by slander." In the N. T- the word Jid/SoAoi
is used three times ss an epithet (1 '11m. iS. 11;
2 Tim. iii. 8; Tit ii. 8); and in each case with
something like the special meaning. In the appli-
cation of the title to Satan, both the general and
special senses should be kept in view. His general
object is to break the bonds of communion between
God and man, and the bonds of truth and' love
which bind men to each other, to " set " each soul
" at variance " both with men and God, and so
reduce it to that state of self-will and selfishness
which is the seed-plot of sin. One special means
by which he seeks to do this, it slander of God to
man, and of man to God.
The slander of God to man is seen best In the
words of Gen. iii. 4, 5: "Ye shall not surely die:
for God doth know, that in the day that ye eat
thereof your eyes shall be opened, and ye shall be
as gods, knowing good and evil." These words
contain the germ of the false notions, which keep
men from God, or reduce their service to Him to a
hard and compulsory slavery, and which the hea-
then so often adopted in all their hideousness, when
they represented their gods at either careless of
human weal and woe, or "envious " of human ex-
cellence and happiness. They attribute selfishness
and jealousy to the Giver of all good. This is
enough (even without the imputation of falsehood
which is added) to pervert man's natural love of
freedom, till it rebels against that which is made
to appear at a hard and- arbitrary tyranny, and
seeks to set up, as it thinks, a freer and nobler
standard of its own. Such is the slander of God
to man, by which Satan and his agents still strive
against his reuniting grace.
The slander of man to God it illustrated by the
book of Job (Job 1. 9-11, ii. 4, 5). In reference
to it, Satan is called the "adversary" (eWfSurot)
of man in 1 Pet v. 8, and represented in that
character in Zech. iii. 1, 2; and more plainly still
designated in Rev. xii. 10, as " the accuser of our
brethren, who accused them before our God day
and night " It ia difficult for us to understand
what can be the need of accusation or the power or
slander, under the all-searching eye of God. Tb»
mention of it is clearly an u accommodation " of
to Its transitory character, and U evident*;
used sbovs to qualify the startling application *
the word t*ic,a "god of an age" being of eosm
no true God at all. It Is mad with s&rpst In Wft
Ml
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SATAN
Sod's judgment to the analogy of our human expe-
rience; but we understand by it a practical and
twful truth, that every lin of life, and even the
sdmixture of lower and evil motives which tainta
the beat actioni of man, will rise up against us at
the judgment, to claim the soul as their own, and
fix forever that separation from God, to which,
through theui, we have yielded ourselves. In that
accusation Satan shall in some way bear a leading
part, pleading against man with that worst of
slander which is based on perverted or isolated
£acU ; and shall be overcome, not by any counter-
claim of human merit, but " by the blood of the
l-amb" received in true and steadfast faith.
But these points, important as they are, are of
less moment than the disclosure of the method of
Satanic action upon the heart itself. It may be
summed up in two words — Temptation and Poe-
8ATAK
2851
The subject of temptation is illustrated, not only
by abstract statements, but also by the record of
the temptations of Adam and of our Lord. It is
expressly laid down (as in James i. 3-4) that
u temptation," properly so called, «". t. "trial"
'.wcuxur/uJi), is essential to man, and is accord-
ngly ordained for him and sent to him by God
,as in Gen. xxii. 1 ). Han's nature is progressive ;
bis faculties, which exist at first only in capacity
(Svrd/Mi) most be brought out to exist in actual
efficiency (<V<ay<ia) by free exercise." His appe-
tites and pusions tend to their objects, simply and
unreservedly, without respect to the tightness or
wiongness of their obtaining them ; they need to
he checked by the reason and conscience, and this
need constitutes a trial, in which, if the conscience
prevail, the spirit receives strength and growth ; if
It be overcome, the lower nature tends to predomi-
nate, and the man has fallen away. Besides this,
the will itself delights in independence of action.
Such independence of physical compulsion is its
high privilege; but there is over it the Moral Power
of God's Law, which, by the very fact of its truth
aud goodness, acknowledged as they are by the
reason and the conscience, should regulate the hu-
man wilL The need of giving up the individual
will, freely and by conviction, so as to be in har-
mony with the will of God, is a still severer trial,
with the reward of still greater spiritual progress,
if we sustain it, with the punishment of a subtler
and more dangerous fall if we succumb. In its
struggle the spirit of man can only gain and sus-
tain ita authority by that constant grace of God,
given through communion of the Holy Spirit,
which is the breath of spiritual life.
It is this testability of man, even in his original
nature, which is represented in Scripture as giving
scope to the evil action of Satan. He is called the
"tempter" (as in Matt. iv. 3; 1 Thess. iii. a).
He has power (as the record of Gen. iii. shows
dearly), first, to present to the appetites or passions
their objects in vivid and captivating forms, so as
so induce man to seek these objects against tBe
Law of God " written in the heart j " and next, to
eat upon the false desire of the will for indepen-
Jenee. the desire " to be as gods, knowing " (that
is, practically, judging and determining) "good
and evil." It is a power which can be resisted,
•ananas it is under the control and overruling power
tf God, as is emphatically laid down in 1 Cor. x.
13; Jam. iv. 7, Ac. ; but it can be *> resisted only
by yielding to the grace of God, and by a struggle
(sometimes an "agony") in reliance on its
strength.
It is exercised both negatively and positively.
Its negative exercise is referred to in the parable of
the sower, as taking away the word, the " engrafted
word " (James i. 91) of grace, i. e. as interposing
itself, by consent of man, between him and the
channels of God's grace. Its positive exercise is set
forth in the parable of the wheat and the tares,
represented as sowing actual seed of evil in the in-
dividual heart or the world generally ; and it is to
be noticed, that the consideration of the true na-
ture of the tares (fifaVio) leads to the conclusion,
which ia declared plainly in 2 Cor. xi. 14, namely,
that evil is introduced into the heart mostly sa
the counterfeit of good.
This exercise of the Tempter's power is possible,
even against a sinless nature. We see this in the
Temptation of our Lord. The temptations pre-
sented to Him appeal, first to the uatural desire
and need of food, next to the desire of power, to
be used for good, which is inherent in the noblest
minds; and lastly, to the desire of testing and
realizing God's special protection, which is the in-
evitable tendency of human weakness under a real
but imperfect faith. The objects contemplated in-
volved in no case positive sinfulness; the temptation
was to seek them by presumptuous or by unholy
means ; the answer to them (given by the Lord as
the Son of Man, and therefore as one like ourselves
in all the weakness and finitenest of our nature)
lay in simple Faith, resting upon God, and on his
Word, keeping to his way, and refusing to con-
template the issues of action, which belong to Him
alone. Such faith is a renunciation of all self-
confidence, and a simple dependence on the will aud
on the grace of God.
But in the temptation of a fallen nature Satan
has a greater power. Every sin committed makes
a man the " servant of sin " for the future (John
viii. 34; Rom. vi. 16); it therefore creates in the
spirit of man a positive tendency to evil, which
sympathizes with, and aids, the temptation of the
Evil One. This is a fact recognized by experience;
the doctrine of Scripture, inscrutably myeteriout,
but unmistakably declared, is that, since the Kail,
this evil tendency is born in man in capacity, prku
to all actual sins, and capable of being brought nut
into active existence by such actual sins committed.
It ii this which St. Paul calls "a law," i. t. (ac-
cording to his universal use of the word) an exter-
nal power " of sin " over man, bringing the inner
man (the voit) into captivity (Bom. vii. 14-84).
Its power is broken by the Atonement and the gift
of the Spirit, but yet not completely cast out; it
still " lusts against the spirit " so that men " can-
not do the things which they would " (Gal. v. 17).
It is to this spiritual power of eviL the tendency to
falsehood, cruelty, pride, and unbelief, independently
of any benefits to be derived from them, that Satan
ia said to appeal in tempting us. If his tempta-
tions be yielded to without repentance, it becomes
the reprobate (aooKiuoi) mind, which delights in
evil for itt own sake (Kom. i. 28, 32) and makes
I men emphatically "children of the devil" (John
viii. 44; Acts xiii. 10: 1 John iii. 8, 10), and " so-
cursed" (Matt. xxv. 41), fit for "the fin prs>
• Ss> aba oonueotfon between frith and low by
It k mads parent (cwoytwfUrq) la Sal. v. 6,
and between Mth and the works by wMeh It is
footed (vtAnovnu) in Jam. U. XL
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2862
8ATHKABUZANE8
pared fo the devil and Us angels." If they be
milted, 14 by God's grace they may be rotated,
then tbe evil power (the "flesh" or the "old
man") ia gradually " crucified " or "mortified,"
until the tool la prepared for that heaven, where
no evil can enter.
Thia twofold power of temptation ia frequently
referred to in Scripture, aa exercised, chiefly by the
■uggeation of evil thought*, but occasionally by tbe
delegated power of Satan over outward circum-
stancae. To thia latter power ia to be traced
(aa haa been said) tbe trial of Job by temporal loaa
and bodily suffering (Job i., ii.), the remarkable
expression, used by our Lord, aa to tbe woman
with •"spirit of infirmity" (Luke xiii. 16), the
"thorn in the fleab," which St. Paul calls the
» meaasnger of Satan " to buffet him (2 Cor. xii. 7).
Us language is plain, Incapable of being explained
as metaphor, or poetical personification of an ab-
stract principle. Its general statements are illus-
trated by examples of temptation. (See, besides
those already mentioned, Luke xxii. 3 ; Jobu xiii.
87 (Judaa); Luke xxii. 31 (Peter); Acts r. 8 (An-
anias aud Sapphira); 1 Cor. vii. 6; 2 Cor. ii. 11;
1 Thees. ill. 6.) Tbe subject itself is the moat
startling form of the mystery of evil ; it is one on
which, from our Ignorance of the connection of the
First Cause with Second Causes in Nature, and
of the process of origination of human thought,
experience can hardly he held to be competent
either to confirm or to oppose the testimony of
Scripture.
On the subject of Possession see Dkmomacb.
It ia sufficient here to remark, that although widely
different in form, yet it is of the same intrinsic
character as the other power of Satan, including
both that external and internal influence to which
reference has been made above. It is disclosed
to us only in connection with tbe revelation of that
redemption from sin, which destroys it, — a reve-
lation begun in the first promise in Eden, and
manifested, in itself at the Atonement, in its effects
at tbe Great Day. Its end is seen in the Apoca-
lypse, where Satan is first " bound for a thousand
years," then set free for a time for the last conflict,
and finally " cast into the lake of fire and brim-
stone . . . forever and ever" (xx. 2, 7-10).
A. B.
* The literature of thia subject is extensive.
Some of tbe works relating to it are referred to
under tbe articles Angels, Demons, and Demo-
niacs. Among the more recent books it may be
sufficient to name here G. Roskoff'a Getchichtt dtt
Teu/elt, 2 vols. Leips. 1869, 8ro. A.
SATHRABUZA'NES ( 3a6pafr} U {dvris i
[Vat. once -jSoiwfswr/i:] Satrabiaanei). Shkth-
ahboznai (1 Ksdr. vi. 8, 7, 27 [vii. 1]; oomp.
Ear. v. 3, 6, vi. 6, 18).
SATYRS (DnSfo.Brfa,.. tcutfria: pilon),
he rendering in the A. V. of tbe above-named
lural noun, which, having the meaning of " hairy "
or '• rough," is frequently applied to " he-goats "
(comp. tbe Latin hircut, from Atrrats, hirttttw) ; the
SHrlm, however, of Is. xiii. 21, and xxxhr. 14,
where the prophet predicts tbe desolation of Baby-
lon, have, probably, no allusion to any species of
goat whether wild or tame. According to tbe old
versions, and nearly all the commentators, our own
translation ia correct, and Satyrs, that is, demons
at woods and desert places, half men and half
(Data, an intended. Comp. Jerome (Omsieai. ad
SAtTL
It. xiii.), "Setrim vel mcuboues vel aatyiet va
sylvestres quosdam homines quos nonnulli tatuot
flearios vocant, aut dsemonum genera inteOigunt."
This explanation receives confirmation from a paa
uge in Lev. xvii. 7, "they shall no more oflej
their sacrifices unto SHrhn," and from a ainiihi
one in 2 Cbr. xi. 15. Tbe Israelites, it is prob-
able, had become acquainted with a form of goat-
worship from the Egyptians (see Bochart, Bierct.
HI. 825; Jabkraaki, Pant. jEgypL L 278 ff.).
The opinion held by Hlchaelis (Stay. p. 2842) and
Lichtenstein ( CommentaL d* Bimianm, ate., { 4,
Oynoeephaloa. OaryptUn Mow
50, aqq.), that tbe Sitrim probably denote aoma
species of ape, has been sanctioned by Hamilton
Smith In Kitto's Cyc. art " Ape." From a few pas-
sages in Pliny (//. JV. v. 8; vU. 2; viii. 54) it Is
clear that by Satyrs are sometimes to be understood
some kind of ape or monkey; Col. H. Smith haa
figured the Macnaa Arabian as being tbe prob-
able satyr of Babylon. That some species of Cyno-
ctphahu (dog-faced baboon) was an animal that
entered into tbe theology of the ancient Egyptians,
is evident from the monuments and from what
Horapollo (I. 14-16) has told us. The other ex-
planation, however, has tbe sanction of Gesenius,
Bochart, Rosenmiiller, Parkhurst, Maurer, Filrst,
and others. As to tbe " dancing " satyrs, oomp.
Virg. Eclr. 78,—
"Baltantas satyros unltabitur AJphedbonu »
W. H.
SAUL (V«Wlp, i. e. Shaul [oatwf for, be-
taught]: JoouA; Joseph. SdovXot: Baal), mors
accurately Shaul, in which form it is given on
several occasions in the Authorized Version. The
name of various persons in the Sacred History.
L Saul of Rehoboth by the River was one of
the early kings of Edoni, and successor of Samlah
(Gen. xxxvi. 87, 88). In 1 Chr. I. 48 he is called
Shaul- G.
,2. Tbe first king of Israel. The name her-
first appears in the history of Israel, though found
before in the Edomite prince already mentioned ;
and in a son of Simeon (Gen. xlvi. 10; A. V.
Shaul). It also occurs among the Kobathitea hi
the genealogy of Samuel (1 Cbr. vi. 24), and ia
Saul, like tbe king, of the tribe of Benjamin, better
known as the Apostle Paul (aee below, p. 2867)
Josephus (B. J. ii. 18, § 4) mentions a Saul tatbat
of one Simon who distinguished himself at Scythop
oils in the early part of tbe Jewish war.
In tbe following axnealogy may be observed • ■
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SAUL
SAUL
2868
t. The repetition In two generations of the nanus (4.) J»"<ifcKdiua= JWraa. (ft) &i*baal=i Ish-
sf Kish and Nar, of Nadab and Abi-nadab, and of I boduth. (A) Mephi- (or Men-) 6ao/=Mephi.
Mephibosbeth. 2. The occurrence of the name of bothetk. 4. Tba long continuance of the family
Baal in three auoeeasive generations: possibly in down to the times of Em. 5. Is it possible that
bar, at then wen two Hephiboabeths. 8. The ' Zimri (1 Cbr. ix. 43) can be the usurper of 1 K,
, ehiftmgs of the names of God as inoor- ' xvi. — if so, the last attempt of the house of Seal
1 in the proper names: (a.) ^o-iel= Je-hieL ' to regain its asce nd ency? The time would agree.
Arnun. (lgun.ta.1.)
Bachorath.
Zaror. (1JJL Jaord.)
AbM, or MM - Maachah.
(1 8am. Ix. L) , (1 Chr. Ix.)
GChr.ritt.ai)
KUh.
BaaL lit Neoab. Oakor. ABo.
aOhr.lx.aH)
_ — SAUL m BJspsh.
GOhr.lx.SR.)
(Sashr*.
iChr. rliL)
Miliar*.
IChr. rx.t i
■a. AHaedab. bh-baal. Ifirab. D.TkJ- Mahal -FhaWaL ArauaL
xIt. • t Jaahua PlsevSsl, Joe, JmL rL a, | «.)
d Car. to. SO.)
■baa Taaree, Abu.
J.L
oadah. 0arah,lChr. lx.*V)
ZlmrL
J
Bepaar.
Gtapbakh, 1 Car. fat. at.)
AxeL
aafAaai foaasra.
OtattaB.
TJlam.
I
Xanax.
!
T,
Than it a contradiction between the pedigree in
1 Sam. ix. 1, xiv. 51, which represents Saul and
Aimer as the grandsons of Abid, and 1 Cbr. riii.
3*, ix. 89, which represents them as his great-
If we adopt the more elaborate pedi-
i in the Chronicles, we must suppose either that
a Una has been dropped between Abiel and Kiah,
in 1 Sam. ix. 1, or that the elder Kish, the son of
Abid (1 Chr. ix. 36), has been confounded with
the younger Kish, the son of Ner (1 Chr. ix. 89).
Tba pedigree in 1 Chr. viii. is not free from con-
bskxa, sa it omits, amongst the sons of Abiel,
Nar, who in 1 Chr. ix. 38 is the fifth son, and who
in both is made the father of Kish.
His character is in part illustrated by the fierce,
wayward, fitful nature of the tribe [Bshjamhi],
and in part accounted lor by the struggle between
the old and new systems in which be found him-
self involved. To this we must add a taint of
which broke out in violent frenzy at
, leaving him with long ludd intervals. His
sSections were strong, as appears in his lore "nth
David and his son Jonathan, but they were
' to the wild acce s se s of religious seal or
a t bbss. L 19, the word trstjuatei "Beauty," but
•a asaas term (\}S) to 1 Sam. B. 18 and alsswher*
insanity which ultimately led to his min [yt was,
like the earlier Judges, of whom in one sense ho
may be counted as the successor, remarkable for bh)
strength and activity (3 Sam. i. 28), and he war,
like the Homeric heroes, of gigantic stature, talk/
by head and shoulders than the rest of the people,
and of that kind of beauty denoted by the Hebrew
word "good" (1 Sam. ix. S), and which caused
him to be compared to the gazelle, "the gazelle
of Israel." « It was probably these external quali-
ties which led to the epithet which is frequently
attached to his name, "chosen" — "whom tba
Lord did choose " — " See ye («. e. Look at) him
whom the Lord hath chosen!" (1 Sam. ix. 17,
x. 34; S Sam. xxt. 6).
Tbe birthplace of Saul is not expressly men-
tioned; but ss Zdah was the place of Klsh's sep-
ulchre (3 Sam. xxi.), it was probably his native
village. There is no warrant for saying that it
was Glbeah,' though, from its subsequent connec-
tion with him, It is called often "Gibeah of Saul "
[Gibbah]. His father, Kish, was a powerful and
wealthy chief, though tile family to which be be-
longed was of little importance (1 Sam. ix. 1, 31)
with a very similar word, and render it lrpmnr,
"set up a pillar."
» When Abiel, or Jehiel (1 Ohr. vlU. SB, Ix. 86), is
called the father of "Oibeon," It ataaaar/ aasaaa
sranhr e/ OAaaa.
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2854
SATJL
A portion of fab property consisted of a drove of
asses. In search of these inn, gone aatxay on
the mountains, be tent his wo Seal, aooompuiied
bj a •errant," who acted also aa a guide and
guardian cf the young man (iz. 3-10). After a
three dayi' journey (iz. SO), which it baa hitherto
proved impossible to track, through Kphraim and
Benjamin [Shaluha ; Shaum; Zufh], they
arrived at the foot of a hill surrounded by a town,
when Saul proposed to return home, but was de-
terred by the advice of the servant, who suggested
that before doing so they should consult « a man
of God," '• a seer," as to the fate of the uses —
securing his oracle by a present (backthuh) of a
quarter of a silver shekel. They were instructed
by the maidens at the well outside the city to catch
the seer as he came out of the city to ascend to a
sacred eminence, where a sacrificial feast was wait-
ing for his benediction (1 Sam. ix. 11-13). At
the gate they met the seer for the first time — it
was Samuel. A divine intimation had indicated
to him the approach and the future destiny of the
youthful Bcnjamite. Surprised at his language,
but still obeying bis call, they ascended to the high
place, and in the inn or caravanserai at the top
(to KarrdAvpo, LXX., iz. 27) found thirty or
(LXX., and Joseph. Ant. vi. 4, { 1 ) seventy guests
assembled, amongst whom they took the chief place.
In anticipation of some distinguished stranger,
Samuel had bade the cook reserve a boiled shoulder,
from which Saul, as the chief guest, was bidden to
near off the first morsel (LXX., iz. 22-24). They
then descended to the city, and a bed was prepared
for Saul on the housetop. At daybreak Samuel
roused him. They descended again to the skirts
of the town, and there (the servant having left
them) Samuel poured over Saul's bead the conse-
crated oiL and with a kiss of salutation announced
to him that he was to be the ruler and (LXX.)
deliverer of the nation (iz. 28 -x. 1). From that
moment, aa be turned on Samuel the huge shoulder
which towered above all the rest (z. 9, LXX.), a
new life dawned upon him. He returned by a
route which, like that of his search, it is impos-
sible to make out distinctly; and at every step
homeward it was confirmed by the incidents which
ucording to Samuel's prediction, awaited him (z.
I, 10). At Rachel's sepulchre he met two men, 6
ivho announced to him the recovery of the asses —
his lower cares were to cease. At the oak" of
Tabor [Plain; Tabor, Plaih ok] he met three
men carrying gifts of kids and bread, and a skin
of wine, as an offering to Beth-el. Two of the
loaves were offered to him as if to indicate his new
dignity. At "the hill of ''God" (whatever may
he meant thereby, possibly his own city, Gibbah),
be met a band of prophets descending with musi-
cal instruments, and he caught the inspiration from
them, as a sign of his new life.*
• The word is "IJJ, "servant," ant "Q5,
"•toe."
» AtZelsah, or (LXX.) " laiptng for Joy."
< Mistranslated In A. V. " plain."
■* In x. 6, Qibuuh ha-JClohim; in z. 10, hmg-fibrak
sly. Joseph. (Ant. vl. 4, } 2) gives the name Qe-
jajtha, by which he elsewhere designates (Hbeah, Saul's
wry.
« Res for this Kwald (HI. 28-80).
) Win, " the stnogth," the heat, z. 23; eomp
lean xxtv. 3L The word "banal" at
SAUL
This is What may be called the private, ikIM
view of bis call. The outer call, which is rehrtre
independently of the other, was as follows. Aa
assembly was convened by Samuel at Hizpeh, and
lots (so often practiced at that time) were cast K
find the tribe and the family which was to produc*
the king. Saul was named — and, by a Divine in-
timation, found hid in the circle of baggage which
surrounded the encampment (z. 17-24). His
stature at once conciliated the public feeling, and
for the first time the shout was raised, afterwards
so often repeated in modern times, " Long live the
king " (z. 23, 34), and he returned to hi* native
Gibeah, accompanied by the fighting part/ of the
people, of whom he was now to be the especial
bead. The murmurs of the worthless part of the
community who refused to salute him with the
accustomed present* were soon dispelled » by an
occasion arising to justify the selection of SauL
He was (having apparently returned to his private
life) on his way home, driving his herd of oxen,
when he heard one of those wild lamentations in
the city of Gibeah, such as mark in eastern towns
the arrival of a great calamity. It was the tidings
of the tonal issued by Nahash king of Amnion
against Jabeeh Gilead (aee Ammon). The inhab-
itants of Jabesh were connected with Benjamin,
by the old adventure recorded iu Judg. zxi. it
was as if this one spark was needed to awaken the
dormant spirit of the king. " The Spirit of the
Lord came upon him," as on the ancient judges.
The shy, retiring nature which we have observed,
vanished never to return. He bad recourse to the
ezpedient of the earlier days, and summoned the
people by the bones of two of the oxen from the
herd which he was driving: three (or six, LXX.)
hundred thousand followed fn»m Israel, and (per-
haps not in due proportion) thirty (or seventy,
LXX.) thousand from Judah: and Jabesh was
rescued. The effect waa instantaneous on the peo-
ple ; the punishment of the murmurer* was de-
manded — but refused by Saul, and the monarchy
was inaugurated anew at Gilgal (xi. 1-15). It
should be. however, observed that, according to 1
Sam. xii. 12, the affair of Nahash preceded and
occasioned the election of Saul. He becomes king
of Israel. But be still so far resemble* the earli v
judges, as to be virtually king only of hi* oao
tribe, Benjamin, or of the immediate neighborhood.
Almost all his exploits are confined to this circle
of territory or associations.
Samuel, who had up to this time been still
named as ruler with Saul (xi. 7, 12, 14), now with-
drew, and Saul 'became the acknowledged chief.*
In the 2d year ' of his reign, he began to organ!**
an attempt to shake off the Philistine yoke which
pressed on his country ; not least on his own tribe,
where a Philistine officer had long been stationed
even in bis own field (x. 6, xiii. 8). An army of
ployed la the A. T. for THJ, a very different tens,
with a strict meaning of its own. [Taoor.J
» The words which dose 1 Sun. x. 27 ars In liar
Hebrew text " he was ss though be were deaf ; " tat
Joseph. Ant. vi. 6, } 1, and the LXX (followed by
Xwald), " and It oame to pus after a month that."
A Also 2 8am. z. 16, LXX., for •'Lord.*'
< The expression, xU. 1, "Baal was one year oM'
(the son of a year) la hie ratgaiBf, may bs stcnss
(1), he reigned one year ; or (2), the word 80 nvty tun
dropped oat thane* to xsU. *, and It may haf* bass
" he was 81 when he began to rrlga."
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SAUL
4000 m formed, irMeh ha soon afterwards gath-
ered together raand him ; and Jonathan, apparently
with his sanction, rose against the officer 11 and
■lew him (xiii. 9-4). This roused the whole force
of the Philistine nation against him. The spirit
of Israel was completely broken. Many concealed
themeeivee in the caverns ; many crossed the Jor-
dan; all were disarmed, except Saul and his son,
with their immediate retainers. In this crisis,
5*nl, now on the Terr confines of his kingdom at
GUgid, found himself in the position long before
described by Samuel; longing to exercise his royal
right of sacrifice, yet deterred by his sense of obe-
dience to the prophet.* At last, on the 7th day,
be could wait no longer, but just after the sacrifice
was completed Samuel arrived, and pronounced the
first curse, on bis impetuous seal (xiii. 6-14).
Meanwhile the adventurous exploit of Jonathan at
Michmash brought on the crisis which ultimately
trove the Philistines back to their own territory
[Jonathan]. It was signalized by two remark-
able incidents in the life of Saul. One was the
first appearance of bis madness in the rash vow
which all but cost the life of his son (1 Sam. xir.
24, 44). The other was the erection of his first
altar, built either to celebrate the victory, or to
expiate the savage feast of the famished people
(xiv. 36).
Tbe expulsion of the Philistine* (although not
entirely completed, xiv. 69) at once placed Saul In
a position higher than that of any previous ruler
of Israel. Probably from this time was formed
the organisation of royal state, which contained
in germ some of tbe future institutionr of the
monarchy. The host of 3,000 has been already
mentioned (1 Sam. xiii., xxiv. 2, xxvt. S; comp.
1 Chr. xii. 89). Of this Abner became captain
(1 Sam. xiv. 60). A body guard was also formed
ef runners and messengers (see 1 Sam. xvi. 16, 17,
xxii. 14, 17, xxvi. 39).' Of this David was after-
wards made the chief. These two were the prin-
cipal officers of the court, and sate with Jonathan
st the king's table (1 Sam xx. 95). Another
ameer is incidentally mentioned — the keeper of
the royal mules — the cumti ttabu/i, the " consta-
ble" of the king, such as appears in the later
monarchy (1 Chr. xxvii. 30). He is the first
JBStsjaee of a foreigner employed about tbe court
— being an Edomite or (LXX.) Syrian, of the
name of Doeg (1 Sam. xxi. 7, xxii. 0). According
to Jewish tradition (Jer. Qu. Htb. ad loc.) he was
the servant who accompanied Saul in his pursuit
of his father's asses, who counseled him to send
for David (ix., xvi.), aid whose son ultimately
killed him (9 Sam. 1. 10). The high priest of tbe
boose of Itbamar (Ahimelech or Ahijah) was in
attendance upon him with the ephod, when he
desired it (xiv. 3), snd felt hiiuelf bound to sasist
his secret commissioner* (xxi. 1-8, xxii. 14).
The king himself was distinguished by a state
sot before marked in the mien. He bad a tall
spear, of the same kind a* that described in the
hand of Goliath. [Aiwa.] This never left him
— in repose (1 Sam. xviii. 10, xix. 9); at his meals
,xx. 83); at rest (xxvt, 11), In battle (S Sam. L 6).
SAUL
2866
a The word may be rendered dtbsr "garrison * or
'■Steer i " Us meaning Is oneeroUn.
* The maud of Samuel (x. 8) had apparently a
I obligation (ml 18). It had been given two
' and in the Interval they had bath seen at
In battle he wore a diadem on his head sod a
bracelet on his arm (9 Sam. i. 10). He sate at
meals on a seat of his own facing his sen (1 Sam
xx. 36; LXX.). He was received on his return
from battle by the songs of the Israelite <* women
(1 Sam. xviii. 6), amongst whom be was on such
occasions specially known ss bringing back from
the enemy scarlet robes, and golden ornaments for
their apparel (3 Sam. i. 24).
The warlike character of his reign naturally still
predominated, and he was now able (not merely,
like his temporary predecessors, to act on tb*
defensive, bnt) to attack the neighboring tribes of
Moab, Amnion, Edom, Zobah, and finally Amalok
(xiv. 47). Tbe war with Amalek is twice related,
first briefly (xiv. 48), and then at length (xv. 1-0).
Its chief connection with Saul's history lies in the
disobedience to the prophetical command of Sam-
uel; shown in tbe sparing of the king, and the
retention of the spoil.
The extermination of Amalek and the subsequent
execution of Agog belong to the general question
ot the moral code of the O. T. There is no reason
to suppose that Saul spared the king for any other
reason than that for which he retained the spoil —
namely, to make a more splendid show at the
sacrificial thanksgiving (xv. 21). Such was the
Jewish tradition preserved by Josephus (Ant. vi. 7,
$2), who expressly says that Agag was spared for
his stature and beauty, and such is the genersl
impression left by the description of the celebration
of the victory. Saul rides to the southern Carruel
in a chariot (LXX.), never mentioned elsewhere,
and sets up a monument there (Heb. "a hand,"
2 Sam. xviii. 18), which in the Jewish traditions
(Jerome, Qu. Heb. ad loc.) was a triumphal arch
of olives, myrtles, end palms. And in allusion to
his crowning triumph, Samuel applies to God tha
phrase, " The Victory (Vulg. trimtphntor) of Israel
will neither lie nor repent" (xv. 99; and com)*
1 Chr. xxix. 11). This second act of disobedience
called down the second curse, and the first distinct
intimation of tbe transference of the kingdom to a
rival. The struggle between Samuel and Saul ir
their final parting is indicated by the rent of
Samuel's robe of state, as he tears' himself awaj
from Saul's grasp (for the gesture, see Joseph Ant
vi. 7, § 6), and by the long mourning of Samne.
for the separation — " Samuel mourned for Saul."
" How long wilt tbou mourn for Saul ? " (xv. 31),
xvi. 1 ).
Tbe rest of Saul's life is one long tragedy. The
frenzy, which had given indications of itself befoie,
now at times took almost entire possession of him.
It is described in mixed phrases as " an evil spirit
of God " (much ss we might speak of " religious
madness"), which, when it came upon him, almost
choked or strangled bim from its violence (xvi. 14,
LXX; Joseph. Ant. vi. 8, § 2).
In this crisis David was recommended to him by
one of tbe young men of his guard (in tbe Jewish
tradition groundleasly supposed to be Doao. Je-
rome, Qu. Heb. ad loc.). From this time forward
their lives are blended together. [David.] In
Saul' better moments he never lost the strong af-
QOgal (xL 16). N. B Tb* words « had appointed "
(xtU 8) are inserted in A. V.
Joey were Benjamltea (1 Bam. xzll. 7 ; Joseph. AM.
vn. 14), young, tsll, and handsome (JN«\ vi fl, | 6).
d Joseph. (Ant. vi. 10, 1 1) make* tha warns* rfef
tb* araisss of Seal, tbe asasd— r, of B***L
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2856
SAUL
betion which he had contracted for David. " He
loved him greatly" (xvi. 21). "Saul would let
him go no mora home to his father's houae " (xviii.
3). " Wherefore eometh not the son of Jeaae to
meat? " (xx. 27). " Is this thy voice, my son Da-
vid. . . . Return, my son David ; blessed be thou,
my son David " (xxiv. 16, xxrL 17, 25). Occa-
sionally too his prophetical gift returned, blended
with his madness. He " prophesied " or " raved "
in the midst of bis house — " he prophesied and lay
down naked all day and all night " at Kamah (xix.
24). But his acts of fierce, wild zeal increased.
The massacre of the priests, with all their families"
(zzii.) — the massacre, perhaps at the same time,
of the Gibeonites (2 Sain. xxi. 1), and the violent
extirpation of the necromancers (1 Sam. xxviii. 3,
9), are all of the same kind. At last the monarchy
itself, which he had raised up, broke down under
the weakness of its head. The Philistines reen-
tered the country, and with their chariots and
horses occupied the Plain of Esdrselon. Their
camp was pitched on the southern slope of the
range now called Little Hennon, by Shunem. On
the opposite side, on Mount Gilboa, was the Israel-
ite army, clinging as usual to the heights which
were their safety. It was near the spring of Gid-
eon's encampment, hence called the spring of Harod
or " trembling " — and now the name assumed an
evil omen, and the heart of the king as he pitched
his. camp there "trembled exceedingly ' (1 Sam.
xxviii. 6). In the loss of all the usual means of
consulting the Divine will, he determined, with
that wayward mixture of superstition and religion
which marked his whole career, to apply * to one of
the necromancers who bad escaped hia persecution.
She was a woman living at Endor, on the other
aide of Little Hennon ; she is called a woman of
" Ob," i. t. of the skin or bladder, and this the
LXX. has rendered by eyyturrplpivBos or ventrilo-
quist, and the Vulgate by Pythoness. According
to the Hebrew tradition mentioned by Jerome, she
wss the mother of Abner, and hence her escape
from the general massacre of the necromancers (see
Leo Allatius, De Engattrimytho, cap. 6, in Oriiici
Baari, it.). Volumes have been written on the
question, whether in the scene that follows we are
to understand an imposture or a real apparition of
Samuel. Euatathius and most of the Fathers take
the former view (representing it, however, as a fig-
ment of the devil) ; Origen, the latter view. Au-
gustine wavers. (See Leo Allatius, tit supra, pp.
1062-1114.) The LXX. of 1 Sam. xxvii. 7 (by
the above translation) and the A. V. (by its omis-
sion of " himself" in xxviii. 14, and insertion of
" when " in xxviii. 12) lean to the former. Joae-
pbus (who pronounces a glowing eulogy on the
woman, Ant vi. 14, §§ 2. 3), and the LXX. of
1 Chr. x. 13, to the latter. At this distance of
time it is Impossible to determine the relative
amount of fraud or of reality, though the obvious
meaning of the narrative itself tends to the hypoth-
esis of some kind of apparition. She recognises the
disguised king first by the appearance of Samuel,
seemingly from hia threatening aspect or tone aa
towards his enemy." Saul apparently saw nothing,
« This Is placed by Josephus aa the ethuax of his
rutlt, brought on by the Intoxication of power (Ant.
*. is, i n
6 His companions wars Abner and Amass (5nhr
mmm, Meyer, p. 492).
lot
SAUL
but listened to her description of a god-like Agon
of an aged man, wrapped round with the royal or
sacred robe.''
On bearing the denunciation which the appa-
rition conveyed, Saul fell the whole length of hit
gigantic stature (see xxviii. 20, margin) on the
ground, and remained motionless till the woman
and his servants forced him to eat.
The next day the battle came on, and according
to Josephus (Ant. vi. 14, § 7), perhaps according
to the spirit of the sacred narrative, his courage
and self-devotion returned. The Israelites wen
driven up the side of Gilboa. The three sons of
Saul were slain (1 Sam. xxxi. 2). Saul himself
with his armor-bearer was pursued by the archers
and the charioteers of the enemy (1 Sam. xxxi. 3;
2 Sam. i. 6). He waa wounded in the stomach
(LXX., 1 Sam. xxxi. 8). Hia shield was castaway
(2 Sam. i. 21). According to one account, he sal
upon his own sword (1 Sam. xxxi. 4). According
to another account (which may be reconciled with
the former by supposing that it describes a later
incident), au Anuuekite* came up at the moment
of his death-wound (whether from himself or the
enemy), and found him " fallen," but leaning on
hia apear (2 Sam. i. 6, 10). The dizziness of des/h
waa gathered over him (LXX., S Sam. i. 9), bu»
he was still alive; and he was, at his own reque-*
put out of his pain by the Anuuekite, who took oil
his royal diadem and bracelet, and carried the news
to David (2 Sam. i. 7-10). Not till then, accord-
ing to Joaephus (Ant. vi. 14, $ 7), did the faithful
armor-bearer fall on his sword and die with him
(1 Sam. xxxi. t). The body on being found by
the Philistines waa stripped, and decapitated. The
armor was sent into the Philistine cities, aa if in
retribution for the spoliation of Goliath, and finally
deposited in the temple of Astarte, apparently in
the neighboring Canaanitiah city of Beth-ehan ; and
over the walla of the same city was hung the naked,
headless corpse, with those of his three sons (w. 9,
10). The head waa deposited (probably at Aah-
dod) in the temple of Dagon (1 Chr. x. 10). The
corpse wss removed from Beth-shan by the gratitude
of the inhabitants of Jabeeh-gileed, who came over
the Jordan by night, carried off the bodies, burnt
them, and buried them under the tamariak at Ja-
besh (1 Sam. xxxi. 18). Thence, after the lapse of
several yean, his ashes and those of Jonathan were
removed by David to their ancestral sepulchre at
Zdah in Benjamin (2 Sam. xxi 14). [Mkphi-
HoeHETH, voL iii. p. 1889 6.] A. P. S.
* On the history and character of Saul may be
mentioned Ewald, Gttchiohtt dtt Votka Itratk
»• Ausg. (1866), iii. 22-76; Nagebbaeh, art. Sunt;
in Herzog's HtaUJincyk. xiil. 432-437; Wunder-
lich, in Zeller's BM. WOrterb. ii. 407-9; Bishop
Hall, Contemplation on the 0. and JV. TettamenU,
bks. xiii.-xv; Miltnan, History oftht Jem, i. 816-
831 (N. Y. 186S); Stanley, writer of the preceding
sketch, " House of Saul," in hia Lecture* on ne
Jewish Church, U. 1-44; and Archbishop Trench,
Shtpareckt of faith: Three Sermons preached
before the University of Cambridge in May, 1867.
This last writer has drawn a sad picture of the con-
tor, not hattng, BauL Bad the massacre of tha prlastr
and tha persecution of David (xut. 18) alienated Mas
d 'laaarwaV twaetta (Joseph. Ant. vi. 14, f 2).
• according to the Jewish tndloon (Jsisssi, <J»
Htb ad loo.), he was the son of Deaf.
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&AVAKAN
tmat batmen the beginning ud the clow of Saul'a
gmar. All the finer end nobler dementi of nil
character displayed tbenuelvei it the outlet of nil
•ventral life; while at the end we hare before in
the mournful spectacle of "the gradual breaking
down under the wear and the tear of the world,
under the infiuenoe of unresisted temptations, of a
lofty aoul: the unworthy close of a life worthily
begun." H.
3. The Jewish name fit St. Paul. This was
the most distinguished name in the genealogies of
the tribe of Benjamin, to which the Apostle felt
some piide in belonging (Rom. xi. 1; Phil. iii. 6).
He himself leads us to associate his name with that
of the Jewish king, by the marked way in which he
Kentious Saul in his address at the Pisidisn Anti-
gen : " God gave unto them Saul the son of Cis, a
son of the tribe of Benjamin " (Acts xiii. 21).
Theae indications are in harmony with the intensely
Jewish spirit of which the life of the Apostle ex-
hibits so many signs. [Paul] The early ecclesi-
astical writers did not nil to notice the prominence
thus given by St Paul to hie tribe. Tertullian
(adc. Marc t. 1) applies to him the dying words
of Jscob on Benjamin. And Jerome, in his Epi-
taphium Paula (§ 8), alluding to the preservation
of the six hundred men of Benjamin after the af-
fair of Uiheah (Judg. xx. 49), speaks of them as
" trecentos (sic) viros propter Apottolum reterva-
«■." Compare the article on Bkimamih (toL i.
p. 979 a).
Nothing certain b) known about the change of
the Apostle's name from Saul to Paul (Acts xiii.
9), to which reference has been already made.
[Paul, roL iii. p. 2369 a.] Two chief conject-
ures ■ prevail conoaming the change. (1.) That
of Jerome and Augustine, that the name was de-
rived from Sebgius Padlus, the first of his Gen-
tile converts. (2.) That which appears due to
Ligbtfoot, that Paulus was the Apostle's Roman
name as a citisen of Tarsus, naturally adopted into
common use by bis biographer when his labors
among the heathen commenced. The former of
theae ia adopted by Obhsusen and Meyer. It is
ahn the view of Ewald (Oaek. vi. 419, 490), who
seems to oonsider it self-evident, and looks on the
absence of any explanation of the change aa a proof
that it was so understood by all the readers of the
lets. [See vol. iii. p. 9369 a, and note, Amer.
«L] However this may be, after Saul has taken
his place definitively as the Apostle to the Gentile
world, his Jewish name ia entirely dropped. Two
divisions of hia life are well marked by the use of
the two names. J. LL D.
SAVIOUB
2857
SAV'ARAN (o SovopdV; l&ln. o Avpor;
Coup, with 4 MSS. Avayxtr:] JBuu Saura, Ava-
nass t\ an err on e ous form of the title ^wrran,
i by Hearer the am of Hattathias, which ia
In the common texts in 1 Msec vi. 43.
fbM (An 8, vol. 1. p. 698 a.] B. F. W.
8A.VTA8 (om. In Tat; Alex, Soovfe; om.ln
Ydg.). Vzzi the aneastor of Em (1 Eedr. rill,
t; eomp. Ear. viL 4).
SAVIOUR. The following article, together
with the one on the So* or Goo, forma the oom-
to the life of our Lord 'esui Christ.
■las I
tSeevol
See vol 1L p. 1487.] Aa explanation is first
given of the Mora' " Saviour," and then of hia toors
of salvation, aa unfolded and taught in the Mew
Testament [See also Messiah.]
I. The Word Saviour. — The term "Sav-
iour," aa applied to our Lord Jeaui Christ, repre-
sents the Greek titer (o-wrfo), which in turn rep-
resents certain derivatives from the Hebrew root
jdaA'o (2$*): particularly the participle of the
Hlphil form mdrtf a (J«ipO): which la usually
rendered " Saviour " In the A. V. (e. o. Is. xlv.
15, xlix. 96). In considering the true import of
" Saviour," it is essential for us to examine the
original terms answering to it, including in our
view the use of liter In the LXX., whence it wss
more immediately derived by the writers of the
New Testament, and further noticing the cognate
terms " to save " and " salvation," which express
respectively the action and the results of the Sav-
iour's office. (1. ) The first point to be observed is
that the term titer is of more frequent occurrence
in the LXX. than the term " Saviour " in the
A. V. of the Old Testament It represents not
only the word tnithfa above mentioned, but also
very frequently the nouns ueth'a (7QT) and yithffik
(nyW?): which, though properly expressive of
the abstract notion " salvation," are yet sometimes
used in a concrete sense for " Saviour." We may
cite as an example, Ia. brii. 11, " Behold, thy salva-
tion cometh, hit reward la with him," where evi-
dently " salvation " = Saviour. So again in pas-
sages where theae terms are connected immediately
with the person of the Godhead, as in Ps. lxviik
90, " the God our Saviour " (A. V. " God of our
salvation "). Not only in such cases as these, but
in many others where the sense does not require it,
the LXX. has titer where the A. V. has " salva-
tion ; " and thus the word " Saviour " was more
familiar to the ear of the reader of the Old Testa-
ment in our Lord's age than it is to us. (2.) The
same observation holds good with regard to the
verb aACtiv, and the substantive owrtipla, as used
in the LXX. An examination of the passages »
which they occur shows that they stand as equiva-
lents for words conveying the notions of well-being,
succor, peace, and the like. We have further to
notice atrrnpla in the sense of recovery of the bod-
ily health (2 Msec. iii. 82), together with the ety-
mological connection supposed to exist between the
terms <rorrfu> and aS/ta, to which St Paul evi-
dently alludes in Eph. v. 23 ; PbiL iii. 20, 91. (8.)
If we turn to the Hebrew terms, we cannot fail to
be struck with their comprehensiveness. Our verb
" to save " implies, in its ordinary sense, the res-
cue of a person from actual or impending danger.
This ia undoubtedly included In the Hebrew roci.
ydsA'a, and may be said to be its ordinary sense, aa
testified by the frequent accompaniment of the
preposition min (]D; eompare the o*«V« ami
which the angel gives In explanation of the name
Jesus, Matt 1. 21). But gith'a, beyond this, ex-
presses auitUmce and protection of every kind -
assistance in aggressive measures, prelection against
snack; and, in a secondary cense, the results of
such assistance — victory, safety, prosperity, and
happiness. We may site as an instance of the ay-
• There are many other theories, one of wbis_ may
ha awn Boned ; that of Mosphorus {Hitt. Sect. it. 87),
what swats Paulas as a contraction of FuaUlua, sod
119
supposes It to hsve been a nlesaaase given to
Apostle on seoonnt at Ms- Inssjiilneaat stature I
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2858 savioub
(pranre aeon, Dent. zx. 4, "to light for yon
•gainst your enemies, to save 70a; " of protection
against attack, la. mi. 1, '• aalvation will God ap-
point for walla and bulwarks; " of victory, 2 Sam.
viii. 6, " The Lord preserved David," «. t. gave
him victory; of prosperity and happinat, la. lz.
18, " Thou ahalt call thy walla Salvation ; " Is. Id.
10, " He hath clothed me with the garments of
aalvation." No better instance of thia last sense
can be adduced than the exclamation " Hoaanna,"
meaning, " Save, I beseech thee," which was uttered
as a prayer for God's blessing on any joyous occa-
sion (Pi. cxviii. 25), as at our Lord's entry into
Jerusalem, when the etymological connection of the
terms Hoaanna and Jesus could not have been lost
on the ear of the Hebrew (Matt xxi. 9, 15). It
thua appears that the Hebrew and Greek terma had
their positive as well as their negative aide, in other
words that they expressed the presence of blessing
as well as the absence of danger, actual security as
well as the removal of insecurity.' (4.) The histor-
ical personages to whom the terms are applied fur-
ther illustrate this view. The judges are styled
" saviours," as having rescued their country from a
state of bondage (Judg. iii. 9, 15, A. V. " deliv-
erer;" Neh. ix. 27); a "saviour" was subse-
quently raised up in the person of Jeroboam II. to
deliver Israel from the Syrians (2 K. xiii. 6); and
In the same sense Joeepbus styles the deliverance
from Egypt a "salvation" (Ant. iii. 1, % 1).
Joshua on the other hand verified the promise con-
tained in hia name by hit conquests over the Ca-
naanites : the Lord was his helper in an aggressive
sense. Similarly the office of the " saviours " prom-
ised in Obad. 21 was to execute vengeance on Edotn.
The names Isaiah, Jeshua, Iahi, Hosea, Hoshea,
and lastly, Jesus, are all expressive of the general
idea of auUlancc from the Lord. The Greek tdter
was in a similar manner applied in the double sense
of a deliverer from foreign foes as in the case of
Ptolemy Soter, and a general protector, as in the
numerous instances where it was appended as the
title of heathen deities. (5.) There are numerous
indications in the 0. T. that the idea of a spiritual
salvation, to be effected by God alone, was by no
means foreign to the mind of the pious Hebrew.
In the Psalms there are numerous petitions to God
to save from the effecta of sin (e. g. xxxix. 8, lxxix
P). Isaiah in particular appropriates the term
"saviour" to Jehovah (xliii. 11), and connects it
with the notions of justice and righteousness (xlv.
21, Ix. 16, 17): -he adduces it as the special manner
in which Jehovah reveals Himself to man (xlv. 15):
he hints at the means to be adopted for effecting
salvation in passages when he connects the term
"saviour" with "redeemer" (goil), as in xli. 14,
xlix. 26, lx. 16, and again with "ransom," as in
xliii. 3. Similar notices are scattered over the pro-
phetical books (e. o. Zech. ix. 9; Hos. i. 7), and
though in many instances these notices admitted
of a reference to proximate events of a temporal
nature, they evidently looked to higher things, and
thus fostered in the mind of the Hebrew the idea
BAVIOUll
of e "Saviour" who should far surpass hi bis
achievements the " saviours " that had as yet ap-
peared. The mere sound of the word would conjure
up before his imagination visions of deliverance, se-
curity, peace, and prosperity.
II. The Work or thk Savioub. — 1. The
three first Evangelists, ss we know, agree in show-
ing that Jesus unfolded his message to the disci-
ples by degrees. He wrought the miracles that
were to be the credential* of the Messiah ; He laid
down the great principles of the Gospel morality,
until He had established in the minds of the
Twelve the conviction that He was the Christ of
God. Then as the clouds of doom grew darker,
and the malice of the Jewa became more intense,
He turned a new page in hia teaching. Drawing
from his disciples the confession of their faith in
Him as Christ, He then passed abruptly, so to
speak, to the truth that remained to be learned in
tie last lew months of his ministry, that his work
Included suffering as well as teaching (Matt. xvi.
20, 21). He was instant in pressing this unpal-
atable doctrine home to his disciples, from this
time to the end. Four occasions when He proph-
esied his bitter death are on record, and they
are probably only examples out of many more
(Matt xvi. 21). We grant that in none of these
places does the word " sacrifice" occur; and that
the mode of speaking la somewhat obscure, as ad-
dressed to minds unprepared, even then, to bear the
full weight of a doctrine so repugnant to their
hopes. But that He must (St J) go and meet death
that the powers of sin and of this world are let
loose against Him for a time, so that He shall be
betrayed to the Jews, rejected, delivered by them to
the Gentiles, and by them be mocked and scourged,
crucified, and slain ; and that all this shall be done
to achieve a foreseen work, and accomplish all things
written of Him by the prophets — these we do cer-
tainly find. They invest the death of Jeans with a
peculiar significance ; they set the mind inquiring
what the meaning can be of this hard necesnity that
is laid on Him. For the answer we look to other
places ; but at least there is here no contradiction
to the doctrine of sacrifice, though the Lord does
not yet say, " I bear the wrath of God against your
sins in your stead ; I become a curse for you." Of
the two sides of thia mysterious doctrine, — thai
Jeans dies for us willingly, and that He dies to bear
a doom laid on Him as of necessity, becanae some
one must bear it, — it is the latter side that is made
prominent In all the passages it pleases Jesus to
speak, not of hia desire to die, but of the burden
laid on Him, and the power given to others against
Him.
2. Had the doctrine been explained no further,
there would have been much to wait for. But the
series of announcements in these passages leads up
to one more definite and complete. It cannot be
denied that the words of the institution of the
Lord's Supper speak most distinctly of a sacrifice.
" Drink ye all of this, for this is my blood of the
new covenant," or, to follow St Luke, " the new
■> The Latin language po s se — »d In the classical pe-
riod no proper equivalent for the Greek osnfp. This
appears from the Introduction of the Greek ward Itself
In a Latinised form, and from Cicero's remark (in Terr,
Act. 2, 11. 68) that there was no one word which ex-
pressed the notion qui lalutem dedil. Tadtus (Ann.
sv. 71) asss committor, snd Pliny (nil. 5) nrreMr.
the term soleaisr sppesis appended as ■ title of Jess-
i«r m an Inscription of the age of Trajan (Grater, p
19, No. 6). This was adopted by Christian writers ss
the most adequate equivalent for mrrft>, though ob-
jections were evidently raised against It (Augurttai
Sam. 299, } 8). Another term, Miut\fitaur, as*
occasionally used by Tertulllan ifit Rttmr. Cm*
e. 47; De Cam. Or. 1. 141.
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SAVIOUR
nt in my Mood." We are carried back by
i words to the first covenant, to the altar with
pillars, and the burnt offerings and peace-
oflerings of oxen, and the blood of the victims
sprinkled on the altar and on the people, and the
words of Moses as he sprinkled it: " Behoid the
blood of the covenant which the Lord hath made
with von concerning all these words" (Ex. xxir.).
No interpreter has ever (kited to draw from these
i the true meaning: " When my sacrifice is
nplished, my blood shall be the sanction of the
new covenant." lie word "sacrifice" is wanting;
bat sacrifice and nothing else is described. And
the) words are no mere figure used for illustration,
acrl laid aside when they have served that turn,
" Do this in remembrance of Me." They are the
words in which the Church is to Interpret the act
of Jesus to the end of time. They are reproduced
exactly by St Paul (1 Cor. xi. 28). Then, as
now, Christian! met together, and by a solemn
act declared that they counted the blood of Jesus
as a sacrifice wherein a new covenant was sealed ;
and of the blood of that sacrifice they partook by
faith, professing themselves thereby willing to enter
the covenant and be sprinkled with tbe blood.
8. So far we have examined the three " synop-
Uo " Gospels. They follow a historical order' In
the early chapters of all three the doctrine of our
Lord's sacrifice is not found, because He will first
answer tbe question about Himself, "Who is
this?" before He shows them " Whst is his
work?" Bat at length the announcement is
made, enforced, repeated; until, when the feet of
the betrayer are ready for their wicked errand, a
command is given which secures that the death of
Jeans shall be described forever as a sacrifice and
nothing esse, sealing a new covenant, and carry-
ing good to many. Lest the doctrine of Atone-
ssriit should seem to be an afterthought, as indeed
De M'ette has tried to represent it, St. John pre-
serves the conversation with Nicodemug, which took
place early in the ministry; and there, under the
score of the brasen serpent lifted up, the atoning
virtue of the Lord's death is fully set forth. •' As
Moses lifted up the serpent in the wilderness, even
so most the Son of Man be lifted up: that whoso-
ever beiieveth in Him should not perish, but have
sternal life " (John iii. 14, IS). As in this inter-
cessory act, the image of the deadly, hateful, and
t e am e d (Gen. iii. 14, 16) reptile became by God's
facree the means of health to all who looked on it
earnestly, so does Jesus in the form of sinful man,
if a deceiver of tbe people (Matt, xxvii. 63), of An-
ichrtat (Matt xii. 84; John xviii. 33), of one ac-
ursed (Gal iii. 13), become the means of our sal-
vation; so that whoever fastens tbe earnest gaze of
faith on Him shall not perish, bat have eternal life.
There la even a significance in the word '• lifted
ap; " the Lord used probably tbe word FpT,
•Ueh is older Hebrew meant to lift np in the
widest sense, but began in tbe Aramaic to have tbe
restricted meaning of lifting np for punishment."
With Christ the lifting up was a seeming disgrace,
a true triumph and elevation. But the context in
which these verses occur is as important as the
SAVIOUR
2859
• So Tholack. ana Knapp (Commits, 1. 317) The
Ireatw* of Knapp on this discourse is va-nabl*
» Same, osrittlnf «r ryfc Mow, weald resd, •* And
en- Men is the bread that I will give tor tbe life of the
verses themselves. Nieodemus comes as an in-
quirer; he is told that a man must be bom again
and then he is directed to tbe death of Jesus as the
means of that regeneration. The earnest gaze of
the wounded soul is to be the condition of its cure
and that gaze is to be turned, not to Jesus on tbe
mountain, or in the Temple, but on the Cross.
This, then, is no passing allusion, but it is the sub-
stance of tbe Christian teaching addressed to aa
earnest seeker after truth.
Another passage claims a reverent attention —
" If any man eat of this bread, he shall lire for
ever, and the bread that I will give is my flesh,
which I will give for the life of the world " (John
vi. 51). He is the bread; and He will give the
bread.* If his presence on earth were tbe expected
food, it was given already; bnt would He speak of
"drinking his blood" (ver. 53), which can only
refer to the dead ? It is on tbe cross that He will
afford this food to his disciples. We grant that
this whole passage has occasioned aa much dis-
puting among Christian commentators as it did
among the Jews who heard it; and for the same
reason, — for the hardness of tbe saying. But
there stands the saying; and no candid person can
refuse to see a reference in it to the death of Him
that speaks.
In that discourse, which has well been called the
Prayer of Consecration offered by our High Priest,
there is another passage which cannot be alleged as
evidence to one wbo thinks that any word applied
by Jesus to his disciples and Himself must bear in
both cases precisely the same sense, but which is
really pertinent to this inquiry : " Sanctify them
through thy truth : thy word is truth. As Thon
hast sent Me into the world, even so have I also
sent them into the world. And for their sokes I
sanctify Myself, that they also might be sanctified
through the truth " (John xvii. 17-19). The word
ayii(tir, "sanctify," "consecrate," is used in the)
LXX. for tbe offering of sacrifice (Lev. xxii. 3),
and for the dedication of a man to the Divine ser-
vice (Num. iii. 16). Here the present tense " I
consecrate," used in a discourse in which our Lord
says He is " no more in the world," is conclusive
against the interpretation " I dedicate my life to
Thee; " for life is over. No self-dedication, except
that by death, can now be spoken of as present
" I dedicate Myself to Thee, in my death, that
these may be a people consecrated to Thee; " such
is the great thought in this sublime passage, which
suits well with his other declaration, that the blood'
of bis sacrifice sprinkles them for a new covenant
with God. To the great majority of expositor*
from Chrysostom and Cyril, tbe doctrine of recon-
ciliation through the death of Jesus is asserted in
these verses.
The Redeemer has already described Himself as
the Good Shepherd who lays down his life for the
sheep (John x. 11, 17, 18), taking care to distin-
guish his death from that of one wbo dies against
his will in striving to compass some other aimt
" Therefore doth my Father love Me, because I fay
down my life that I might take it again. No man
Uketh it from Me, but I lay it down of Myself.
I have power to lay it down, and I have power to
take it again."
world" So TsrtulUan stems to have read "Pans!
quem ego dedero pro salute mundl earo mea est"
Th« sense Is thr lame with the omission ; but th* re
oalved reeding maj be s ucc e ssfu lly denm led.
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8AVIOTJB .
Other passages that reUte to his death wiB oocar
to the memory of any Bible reader. Toe com of
wheat that dice in the ground to bear much fruit
(John xii. 24) hi wrplsinwi by big own words else-
where, where He says that He came " to minister,
and to give his life a ransom for man;" (Matt,
xz. 98).
4. Thus, then, speaks Jems of Himself. What
say his witnesses of Him? '• Behold the Lamb
sf God," says the Baptist, « which taketh away
the sin of the world " (John L 29). Commentators
differ about the allusion implied in that name. But
take any one of their opinions, and a sacrifice is
Implied. Is it the Paschal lamb that is referred
to? Is it the lamb of the daily sacrifice? Either
way the death of the rictim is brought before us.
Hut the allusion in all probability is to the wdl-
known prophesy of Isaiah (liii.) to the Lamb
brought to the slaughter, who bore our griefs and
carried our sorrows.'
5. The Apostles after the Resurrection preach no
moral system, bnt a belief in and lore of Christ,
the crucified and risen Lord, through whom, if
they repent, men shall obtain salvation. This was
Peter's preaching on the day of Pentecost (Acts
U.) ; and he appealed boldly to the prophets on the
ground of an expectation of a suffering Messiah
(Acts iii. 18). Philip traced out for the Eunuch,
in that picture of suffering holiness in the well-
known chapter of Isaiah, the lineaments of Jesus
of Nazareth (Acts viii.; Is. liii.). The first ser-
mon to a Gentile household proclaimed Christ slain
and risen, and added " that through his name
whosoever believeth in Him shall receive remission
of sins " (Acts x.). Paul at Antioch preaches "a
Saviour Jesus" (Acta xiii. 23); "through this
Han is preached unto you the forgiveness of sins,
and by Him all that believe are justified from all
things from which ye could not be justified by the
Law of Moses " (Acts xiii. 38, 89). At Thessa-
kmica all that we learn of this Apostle's preaching
la " that Christ must needs have suffered and risen
spun from the dead ; and that this Jesus, whom I
preach unto you, is Christ " (Acts xvii. 3). Before
Agrippa he declared thai he had preached always
" that Christ should suffer, and that He should be
the first that should rise from the dead" (Acts
xxvi. 23); and it was this declaration that con-
vinces his royal hearer that he was a crazed fanatic.
The account of the first founding of the Church
in the Acts of the Apostles is concise and frag-
mentary ; and sometimes we have hardly any means
of judging what place the sufferings of Jesus held
in the teaching of the Apostles; but when we read
that they » preached Jesus," or the like, it is only
fair to infer from other passages that the Cross
of Christ was never concealed, whether Jews, or
Greeks, or barbarians were the listeners. And this
very pertinacity shows how much weight they at-
tached to the facta of the life of our I^ord. They
iid not merely repeat in each new place the pure
awrality of Jesus as He uttered it in the Sermon
an the Mount : of such lessons we have no record.
They took in their hands, as the strongest weapon,
the fact that a certain Jew crucified afar off in
SAVIOUR
Jerusalem was the Son of God, who had disd tc
save men from their sins; and they oflared to si
alike an interest, through faith, in the re surrecti on
from the dead of this outcast of his own people.
No wonder that Jews and Greeks, judging in their
worldly way, thought this strain of preaching came
of folly or madness, and turned from what they
thought unmeaning jargon.
6. We are able to complete from the epistles our
account of the teaching of the Apostles on the doe-
trine of Atonement. '• The Man Christ Jesus" ia
the Mediator between God and man, for in Him thai
human nature, in its sinless purity, is lifted op at
the Divine, so that He, exempt from guOt, east
plead for the guilty (1 Tim. ii. fi; 1 John Ii. 1, 2;
Heb. viL 25). Thus He is the second Adam that
shall redeem the sin of the first; the interests of
men are bound up in Him, since He has power to
take them all into Himself (Eph. v. 29, 30; Bom.
xii. 5; 1 Cor. xv. 22; Bom. v. 12, 17). This sal-
vation wsa provided by the Father, to « reconcile
us to Himself" (2 Cor. r. 18), to whom the nam*
of " Saviour " thus belongs (Luke i. 47); and our
redemption is a signal proof of the love of God to
us (1 John iv. 10). Not less is it a proof of the
love of Jesus, tir.ee He freely lays down his life for
us — offers it as a precious gift, capable of pur-
chasing all the lost (1 Tim. ii. «-, Tit. U. 14; Eph.
i. 7. Comp. Matt xx. 28). But there ia another
aide of the truth more painful to our natural rea-
son. How came this exhibition of Divine fore to
be needed ? Because wrath had already gone out
against man. The clouds of God's anger gathered
thick over the whole human race; they discharged
themselves on Jesus only. God has made Him to
be sin for us who knew no sin (2 Cor. r. 91); Ha
is made "a curse" (a thing accursed) for us, that
the curse that hangs over us may be removed (Gal.
iii. 13) ; He bore our sins in hta own body on the
tree (1 Pet. ii. 24). There are those who would
see on the page of the Bible only the sunshine of
the Divine love; but the muttering thunders of
Divine wrath against sin are heard there also: and
He who alone was no child of wrath, meets the
shock of the thunderstorm, becomes a curse for us,
and a vessel of wrath ; and the rays of love break
out of that thunder-gloom, and shine on the bowed
head of Him who hangs on the Croat, dead for our
sins.
We have spoken, and advisedly, as If the New
Testament were, as to this doctrine, one book in
harmony with itself. That then are in the New
Testament different types of the one true doctrine,
may be admitted without peril to the doctrine.
The principal types are four in number.
7. In the Epistle of James there is a remarkable
absence of all explanations of the doctrine of tot
Atonement; but this admission does not amount to
so much as may at first appear. True, the key-
note of the epistle is that the Gospel is the Law
made perfect, and that it ia a practical moral sys-
tem, in which man finds himself free to keep the
Divine Law. But with him Christ is no mere
Lawgiver appointed to impart the Jewish system.
He knows that Elias ia a man like himself, but of
gas this passage discussed fully In the notes of
', I*nga (SfeJwcr*), and Afford. The reference
the Paschal lamb finds favor with Orottas and
; ths rsaVranes to Isslah Is approved by Ohry-
m an>l many others. Tb« taking away of sin
v) of the Battlst, sod tha bearing it (+«•«»,
LXX. ) of Isslah, hav» one mandng , and answer to me
Hebrew word M&3. To take ths sins on Hhnsslf it
to remove them from tha sinners ; and how can tha*
be through his death except In the way rf aifStHsl
ST that death ltssuTT
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BAVIOUB
the Perm of Christ ha speaks in a Afferent spirii.
Be calls himself *' • servant of God and of the
Lord Jesus Christ," who is " the Lord of Glory."
He> speaks of the Word of Truth, of whleh Jesus
baa been the utterer. He knowi that faith in the
Lord of Glory is inconsistent with ti m e ser vi ng
and " respect of persons " (James L 1, ii. 1, i. 18).
" There is one Lawgiver," he says, " who is able
to save and to destroy " (James iv. IS) ; and this
refers no doubt to Jesus, whose second owning be
holds up as a motive to obedience (James v. 7-0).
These and like expressions remove this epistle Bur
sot of the sphere of Ebionitish teaching. The
Inspired writer sees the Saviour, in the Father's
glory, preparing to return to judge the quick and
dead He puts forth Christ as Prophet and King,
lbs- be makes Him Teacher and Judge of the
world; but the office of the Priest he does not
dwell on. Far be it from us to say that he knows
it not. Something must have taken place before
he could treat bis bearers with confidence, as five
creatures, able to resist temptations, and even to
meet temptations with Joy. He treats " your
faith" as something founded already, not to be
prepared by this epistle (James i. 9, 3, 31). His
purpose is a purely practical one. There is no
intention to unfold a Christology, such as that
which nukes the Epistle to the Romans so valu-
able. Assuming that Jesus bas manifested Him-
self, and begotten anew the human race, he seeks
so make them pray with undivided hearts, and
be considerate to the poor, and strive with lusts,
for which they and not God are responsible; and
bridle their tongues, and show their fruits by their
SAYIOUB
2861
g. In the teaching of St Peter the doctrine of
the Person of our Lord is connected strictly with
that of hie work as Saviour and Messiah. The
frequent mention of his sufferings shows the prom-
inent plaee he would give them ; and he puts for-
ward as the ground of his own right to teach, that
ha was "a witness of the sufferings of Christ"
(1 Pet. v. 1). The atoning virtue of those suf-
ferings be dwells on with peculiar emphasis; and
not leas so on the purifying influence of the Atone-
ment on the hearts of believers. He repeats again
and again that Christ died for as (1 Pet. ii. 31,
in. 18, i». 1); that Ha bare our sins in hit own
body on the tree 6 (1 Pet. ii. 34). He bare them;
and what does this phrase suggest, but the goat
that •> shall bear" the iniquities of the people off
Into the land that was not inhabited? (Lev. xvi,
S3) or else the fating the eoiueoneacei of sin, ss
the word is used elsewhere (Lev. xx. 17,19)? We
hare to choose between the cognate ideas of sacri-
fice and substitution. Closely allied with these
statements are those which oonneet moral reforma-
tion with the death of Jesus. He bare our sins
that wa might rive nnto righteousness. His death
Is oar list. We sre not to be content with a self-
t-I^T**^ contemplation of our redeemed state, but
so lire a life worthy of it (1 Pet. ii. 81-35, iii.
15-18). Id these passages the whole Gospel is
sontained; we are justified by the death of Jesus,
sm.3 bora oar sins that we might be sanctified snd
■ Bse N smear, QhMevur, ». vt. c » ptoblnaan's
aaaat. p. 488 ft.); Belinda, IVoteru da N. T., part
t ; sad Darner, Otrittatotie, I 96.
» If Dan wen any doubt that "fbt a" (fhrlpj
renewed to a life of godliness. And from thi.
Apostle we bear again the name of " the Lamb,"
as well as from John the Baptist; and the passage
of Isaiah oomee back upon us with unmistakable
clearness. We are redeemed "with the precious
blood of Christ, as of a lamb without blemish and
without spot" (1 Pet. L 18, 19, with Is. liii. 7).
Every word carries us back to lie Old Testament
and its sacrificial system : the spotless victim, the
release from siu by its blood (elsewhere, i. 3, by
the tprinkling of its blood), are here; not the type
and shadow, but the truth of them; not a cere-
monial purgation, but an effectual reconcilement of
man and God.
9. In the inspired writings of John we an struck
at once with the emphatic statements as to the
Divine and human natures of Christ A right
belief in the incarnation is the test of a Christian
man (1 John ir. 3; John i. 11; 3 John 7); wa
must believe that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh,
and that He is manifested to destroy the works of
the devil (1 John iii. 8). And, on the other band,
He who has come in the flesh is the One who alone
has been in the bosom of the Father, seen the
things that human eyes have never seen, and has
come to declare them unto us (I John i. 8, ir. 1*;
John i. 14-18). This Person, at once Divine and
human, is "the propitiation for our sins," our
•' Advocate with the Father," sent into the world
"that we might live through Him;" and the
means was his laying down his life for us, which
should make us ready to lay down our lives for
the brethren (1 John ii. 1, 8, iv. 9, 10, v. 11-13,
iii. 16, v. 8, 1. 7; John xi. 61). And the moral
effect of his redemption is, that '• the blood of
Jeaus Christ cleaiueth us from all sin " (I John
i. 7). The intimate connection between his work
and our holiness is the main subject of his first
epistle: '• Whosoever is bora of God doth not
commit sin " (1 John iii. 9). As with St. Peter,
so with St. John; every point of the doctrine of
the Atonement comes out with abundant clearness:
the substitution of another who can bear our sins,
for us who cannot; the sufferings and death as the
means of our redemption, our justification thereby,
and our progress in holiness as the result of oar
justification.
10. To follow out as fully, in the more volumi-
nous writings of St Paul, the passages that speak
of our salvation, would far transgress the limits of
our paper. Man, according to this Apostle, is a
transgressor of the Law. His conscience tells him
that he cannot act up to that Law which, the same
conscience admits, is Divine, and binding upon
him. Through the old dispensations man remained
in this condition. Even the Law of Moses could
not justify him: it only by its strict behests held
up a mirror to conscience that its frailness might
be seen. Christ came, sent by the mercy of our
Father who had never forgotten us; given to, not
deserved by us. He came to reconcile men and
God by dying on the Cross for them, and bearing
their punishment in their stead « (8 Cor. v. 14-31;
Rom. v. 8-8). He is "a propitiation through
faith in his blood " (Ron iii. 35, 88. Compare
Itajer) means "in our stsad
sana, wueh exalalne the
[It may be the inferential, but not direct force of vwe>
(comp. Philip, i. 29). See Winer, JV. T. Or., 7th at,
pp. 883, 881 (Thayer's trans. 1889). — H.]
« These two passages are dsdsivs as to the fast
(ssa vsr. 21). this 24th of substitution : they might be fbrUBMl with
Sit ati
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SAVIOUR
law. xrL 16. 'IXcurHipior means « victim for
expiation"): words which moat people will find
unintelligible, except in reference to the Old Testa-
ment and its sacrifices. He is the ransom, or price
paid, for the redemption of man from all iniquity ■
(Titos ii. 14). The wrath of God was against
man, but it did not fall on man. God made his
Son " to be sin for us " though He knew no sin,
and Jesus suffered though men had sinned. By
this act God and man were reconciled (Rom. v. 10;
8 Cor. v. 18-90; Eph. 11 16; Col. 1. 21). On
the side of man, trust and love and hope take the
place of fear and of an evil conscience; on the side
of God, that terrible wrath of his, which is re-
Tealed from heaven against all ungodliness and
unrighteousness of men, Is turned away (Rom. i.
18, v. 9; 1 These, i. 10). The question whether
we are reconciled to God only, or God is also rec-
onciled to us, might be discussed on deep meta-
physical grounds; but we purposely leave that on
one side, content to show that at all events the in-
tention of God to punish man is averted by this
" propitiation " and " reconcilement"
11. Different views are held about the author-
ship of the Epistle to the Hebrews, by modern
critics; out its numerous points of contact with
the other epistles of St. Paul must be recognized.
In both, the incompleteness of Judaism is dwelt on ;
redemption from sin and guilt is what religion has
to do for men, and this the Law failed to secure.
In both, reconciliation and forgiveness and a new
moral power in the believers are the fruits of the
work of Jesus. In the Epistle to the Romans,
Paul shows that the Law failed to justify, and
that faith in the blood of Jesus must be the ground
of justification. In the Epistle to the Hebrews the
same result follows from an argument rather dif-
ferent : all that the Jewish system aimed to do is
accomplished in Christ in a far more perfect manner.
The Gospel has a better Priest, more effectual sacri-
fices, a more profound peace. In the one epistle
the Law seems set aside wholly for the system of
Wth ; in the other the Law is exalted and glorified
in its Gospel shape; but the aim is precisely the
■ame — to show the weakness of the Law and the
effectual fruit of the Gospel.
12. We are now in a position to see how far the
teaching of the New Testament on the effects of the
leath of Jesus is continuous sod consistent Are
Jie declarations of our Lord about Himself the
same as those of James and Peter, John and Paul ?
and are those of the Apostles consistent with each
other V The several points of this mysterious trans-
action may be thus roughly described : —
(1.) God sent his Son into the world to redeem
lost and ruined man from sin and death, and the
Son willingly took upon Him the form of a servant
for this purpose; and thus the Father and the Son
manifested their love for us.
(2.) God the Father laid upon his Son the weight
of the sins of the whole world, so that He bare in
his own body the wrath which men must else have
borne, because there was no other way of escape for
them ; and thus the Atonement was a manifestation
af Divine justice.
(8.) The effect of the Atonement thus wrought
■, that man is placed in a new position, freed from
.be dominion of sin, and able to follow holiness;
a Still atronfar In 1 Tim. U. 8, "r
sf" (arrfllFTBo.). Also Kph. L 1 (iwAir
n.*>,TU.»r
« », ransom Instead
(iwAvrpwnc) ; 1 Cor.
SAYIOX7B
and thus the doctrine of the Atonement ought at
work in all the hearers a sense of love, of obedience
and of self-sacrifice.
In shorter words, the sacrifice of (he death of
Christ is a proof of Divine love, and of Divine jug-
tier, and Is for us a document of obedience.
Of the four great writers of the Mew Testament,
Peter, Paul, and John set forth every one of thesa
points. Peter, the " witness of the sufferings of
Christ," tells us that we are redeemed with the
blood of Jesus, as of a lamb without blemish and
without spot; says that Christ bare our sins in hia
own body on the tree. If we " hare tasted that
the Lord is gracious" (1 Pet ii. 3), we must not
rest satisfied with a contemplation of our redeemed
state, but must live a life worthy of it Mo on*
can well doubt, who reads the two epistles, that
the love of God and Christ, and the justice of God,
and the duties thereby laid on us, all have their
value in them ; but the love is less dwelt on than
the justice, whilst the most prominent idea of all la
the moral and practical working of the Cross of
Christ upon the lives of men.
With St John, again, all three points find place.
That Jesus willingly laid down his life for us, and
is an advocate with the Father; that He is also the
propitiation, the suffering sacrifice, for our sins;
and that the blood of Jesus Christ cleanseth us
from all sin, for that whoever is born of God doth
not commit sin — all are put forward. The death
of Christ is both justice and love, both a pro-
pitiation and an act of loving self-surrender; but
the moral effect upon us is more prominent even
than these.
In the epistles of Paul the three elements are all
present. In such expressions as a ransom, a pro-
pitiation, who was " made sin for us," the wrath
of God against sin, and the mode in which it was
turned away, are presented to us. Yet not wrath
alone. "The love of Christ constraineth us; be-
cause we thus judge, that if one died for all, then
were all dead : and that He died for all, that they
which live should not henceforth lire unto them-
selves, but unto Him which died for them, and
rose again " (2 Cor. v. 14, 15). Love In Him be-
gets love in us, and in our reconciled state the holi-
ness which we could not practice before becomes
easy.
The reasons for not finding from St. James simi-
lar evidence, we have spoken of already.
Mow in which of these points is there the sem-
blance of contradiction between the A pee ties and
their Master? In none of them. In tie Gospels,
as in the Epistles, Jesus is held up ss the sacrifice
and victim, draining a cup from which his human
nature shrank, feeling in himself a sense of desola-
tion such as we fail utterly to comprehend on a
theory of human motives. Yet no one takes from
Him his precious redeeming life; He lays it down
of Himself, out of his great love for men. But
men are to deny themselves and take up their croaa
and tread in his steps. They are his friends only
if they keep his commands and follow hia foot-
steps.
Wa must consider It proved that these three
points or moments are the doctrine of the whole
New Testament What is there about this teaching
that has provoked in times past and present ss
much disputation ? Mot the hardness of the doe-
trine, — for none of the theories put In its place
are any easier, — but its want of logical complete
neat. Sketched out for us In a few bread linaa, l>
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SAVOUR
i the «ao:y to fill it In and lend it color; and
aw do not always remember that the hands that
attempt this an trying to make a mystery into a
theory, au infinite truth into a finite one, and to
raduee the great thing* of God into the narrow
limit* of our little field of view. To whom wa» the
ransom paid? What waa Satan's share of the
transaction? How can one suffer for another?
How could the Redeemer be miserable when He
waa conscious that his work was one which could
bring happiness to the whole human race? Yet
this condition of indefiiiiteneas is one which is im-
posed od us in the reception of every mystery:
prayer, the incarnation, the immortality of the soul,
an all subjects that pass for beyond our range of
thought. And here we an the wisdom of God in
connecting so closely our redemption with our
reformation. If the object wen to give us a com-
plete theory of salvation, no doubt there would be
in the Bible much to seek. The theory is gathered
by fragments out of many an exhortation and warn-
ing; nowhere does it stand out entire, and without
logical flaw. But if we assume that the New Tes-
tament is written for the guidance of sinful hearts,
we find a wonderful aptness for that particular end.
Jesus is proclaimed as the solace of our fears, as
the founder of our moral life, as the restorer of our
lost relation with our Father. If He bad a cross,
there is a cross for us; if He pleased not himself,
let us deny ourselves; if He suffered for sin, let us
hate sin. And the question ought not to be, What
do all these mysteries mean? but, Are these
thoughts really such as will serve to guide our life
and to assuage our terrors in the hour of death ?
The answer is twofold — one from history and one
from experience. The preaching of the Cross of
the Lord even in this simple fashion converted the
world. The same doctrine is now the ground of
any definite hope that we find in ourselves, of for-
giveness of sins and of everlasting life-
It would be oat of place in a Dictionary of the
Bible to examine the History of the Doctrine or to
answer the modern objections urged against it. For
these subjects the reader is ref<jrred to the author's
essay on the " Death of Christ," in Aidt to Faith,
which also contains the substance of the present
article [See also the arts. Jesus Christ, Mes-
bUR, Son or God, and Son or Man, in this
Dictionary.] W. T.
• SAVOUR as a verb occurs in the A. V.
■nly in Matt. xvi. 83, and the parallel passage
Mark viii. S3, in our Lord's rebuke of Peter: "Thou
tavowttt not the things that be of God, but those
th it be of men." The Greek, oti ippariis tA rov
Sees, etc , may be well rendered, at it is by Mr.
Green in hi* Twofold New Test., " Thy mind ia
act on the thing* of God, but on those of men."
Dr. Johnson defines the word snoour here "to
exhibit a taste for," and probably most English
deaden so understand it But it may have been
. sed by our translator* in a more comprehensive
tanas, corresponding to the translation given above.
Wydiffe render* CoL iii. 3 (Vulg. qua sunum
■art, tapite), "anew ye tbo thingis that Den
above," and uses the same word In his translation
if Rom. viii. 6, xil. 3, 16; Phil. iii. 19, etc, when
SCEPTRE
2868
• I JTTIP: wpimr: nan "T"H:
■art- *■*!, 1 k. vtt. 9.
% "llJSp : wftmr: mm.
only
the A. V. ha* "mind" or "think of." The ten
1* derived, ultimately, through the French noun
totem-, 0. F. savor, verb savorer, from the Latin
sapere, meaning primarily to take or smeB, then
to discern, pouat discernment or knowledge, etc
The noun savour occurs very often in the A. V,
uid almost always in the sense (now becoming ob-
solete) of " odor." A.
SAW." Egyptian saws, so far as has yet been
discovered, were single-handed, though St. Jerome
ha* been thought to allude to circular saw*. A*
is the case in modern oriental saws, the teeth
usually Incline toward the handle, instead of away
from it like ours. They have in most cases, bronze
blades, apparently attached to the handles by
leathern thongs, but some of those in the British
Museum have their blades let into them like our
knives. A double-handed iron saw has been found
at Nimrud ; and double saws strained with a cord,
such a* modern carpenters use, were in use among
the Romans. In sawing wood the Egyptians
placed the wood perpendicularly in a sort of frame,
and cut it downwards. No evidence existu of the
use of the saw applied to stone in Egypt, nor with-
out the double-handed saw does it seem likely that
thia should be the case; but we read of sawn stones
used in the Temple (1 K. vii. 9; Ges. Thet. p.
305; Wilkinson, Anc Egyp. U. 114, 119; Brit.
Mus. Kgyp. Room, No. 8046; Layard, If in. and
Bab. p. 195; Jerome, Comm. in It. xxviii. 37.)
The saws " under " or " in " * which David is said
to have placed his captives were of iron. The
expression in 3 Sam. xii. 81 does not necessarily
imply torture, but the word "cut" in 1 Chr.
xx. 3 can hardly be understood otherwise (Get.
Thet. p. 1836; Theniua on 3 Sam. xii. and
1 Cbr. xx.) A ease of sawing asunder, by placing
the criminal between boards, and then beginning
at the head, is mentioned by Shaw, Trav. p. 354.
(See Did. of Antiq. "Serra.") [HANDiCRArr;
PUNISHMENTS, III. 4. (3).] H. W. P.
80APE-OOAT. [Atohimbjit, Dat of.]
SCARLET. [Colors.]
SCEPTRE (153??). The Hebrew term she-
bet, like it* Greek equivalent o-nrjrrpoy, and our
derivative tctptrt, originally meant a rod or ttaf
It was thence specifically applied to the shepherd's
crook (Lev. xxvii. 32; Mic vii. 14), and to the
wand or sceptre of a ruler. It baa been inferred
that the latter of these secondary senses is derived
from the former (Winer, Reaheb. " Sceptre " ) ; but
this appears doubtful from the circumstance that
the sceptre of the Egyptian kings, whence the idea
of a sceptre was probably borrowed by the early
Jews, resembled not a shepherd's crook, but a
plough (Diod. Sic iii. 3). The use of the staff a*
a symbol of authority was not confined to kings ;
it might be used by any leader, as instanced in
Judg. v. 14, where for " pen of the writer," at in
the A. V., we should read "sceptre of the leader."
Indeed, no instance of the sceptre being actually
handled by a Jewish king occurs in the Bible; the
allusions to tt are all of a metaphorical character,
and describe it simply a* one of the insignia of su-
preme power (Gen. xlix. 10; Num. xxiv. 17; Ps.
xlv. 6; Is. xiv. 5; Am. i. 5; Zech. x. 11; Wisd.
x. 14; Bar. vi. 14 [or Epb*. of Jar. 14]). We an
» nnjjp?: wieiffa. (»*«.)! •>"**.
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naaqoently unable to describe the article from
my Biblical notion; we may infer from the term
ihtbet, that it via probably made of wood ; bat
we are not warranted in quoting Es. xix- 11, in
rapport of this, aa done by Winer, for the term
rendered •• rode " may better be rendered " •hoots,"
or " tproute " u = offspring. The aceptre of the
Persian monarcha ia described aa " golden," i. a.
probably of maarire gold (Esth-iv. 11; Xen. Cyrop.
riii. 7, § 13); the inclination of it towards a sub-
ject by the monarch was a sign of favor, and kiss-
ing it an act of homage (Esth. iv. 11, v. 2). A
carved ivory staff discovered at Nimrud ia sup-
posed to have been a aceptre (Layard, Nm. aid
Bab. p. 196). The sceptre of the Egyptian
queens ia represented in Wilkinson's Anc. Eg.
i. 276. The term shebtt is rendered in the A. V.
" rod " in two paasages where sceptre should be
substituted, namely, in Pa. U. 9, where " sceptre of
iron " is an expression for strong authority, and in
Fa. cxxt. 8. W. L. R
SOE'VA (SkcvSi: Sana). A Jew residing
at Ephesus at the time of St Paul's second visit
to that town (Acta six. 14-16). He ia described
aa a " high-priest " (opx'epeor), either as having
exercised the office at Jerusalem, or as being chief
of one of the twenty-four classes His seven sons
attempted to exorcise spirits by using the name of
Jesus, and on one occasion severe injury was in-
flicted by the demoniac on two of them (as implied
in the term Apdwrepw, the trut> reading in ver. 16
instead of ovraV). W. L. R
* SCHOOL. Acta xix. 9. [TrBjunrnB.]
•SCHOOLS OF THE PROPHETS.
[Samuel, 3 (b); Prophet, II.]
SCIENCE (STO: yy&ats: scientia). In
the A. Y. this word occurs only in Dan. i. 4, and
1 Tim. vi. 20. Elsewhere the rendering for the
Hebrew or Greek words and their cognates is
••knowledge," while the Vulg. has as uniformly
saentia. Its use in Dan. i. 4 is probably to be
explained by the number of synonymous words in
the verse, forcing the translators to look out for
diversified equivalents in English. Why it should
have been chosen for 1 Tim. vi. 20 is not so ob-
vious. Its effect is injurious, as leading the reader
to suppose that St. Paul ia speaking of something
else than the '• knowledge" of which both the
Judaixing and the mystic sects of the apostolic age
continually boasted, against which he so urgently
varns men (1 Cor. viii. 1, 7), the counterfeit of
Jie true knowledge which he prizes so highly
1 Cor. xii. 8, xiii. 2; Phil. i. 9; Col. iii. 10). A
natural perversion of the meaning of the text has
followed from this translation. Men have seen in
It a warning, not against a spurious theosophy —
of which Swedenborgianism is, perhaps, the nearest
modern analogue — but against that which did
net come within St. P Mil's horizon, and which, if
It had, we may believe he would have welcomed —
the study of the works of God, the recognition of
SCORPION
his Will working by laws in nature. It has baas
hurled successively at the heads of satroumen and
geologists, whenever men have been alarmed at
what they have deemed the antagonism of physics,
" science " to religion. It would be interesting tl
ascertain whether this were at all the animus of
the translators of the A. V. — whether they wen
beginning to look with alarm at the union of skep-
ticism and science, of which the common proverb,
«M /ret ffleoVci daw athti, was a witness. As H
is, we most content ourselves with noting a few
facta in the Biblical history of the English word.
(1.) In Wicklifle's translation, it appears leas
frequently than might have been expected in a ver-
sion based upon the Vulgate. For the " knowledge)
of salvation " of the A. V. in Luke i. 77, we have
the " science of health." In Christ are hid «> the
treasures of wisdom and of science " (Col. ii. 8).
In 1 Tun. vi. 20, however, Wieklifle baa "kun-
uynge."
(2.) TindaL rejecting "science" as a rendering
elsewhere, introduces it here; and is followed by
Cramner'a and the Geneva Bibles, and by the
A. V.«
(8.) The Rhemiah translators, in this instance
adhering less closely to the Vulg. than the Protest-
ant versions, give " knowledge."
It would obviously be out of place to enter here
into the wide question what were the aWi$cVeu
Tvjr ^tvoarifum yvActm of which St Paul
speaks. A dissertation on the Gnosticism of the
Apostolic age would require a volume. What is
necessary for a Dictionary will be found under
Timothy, Epistles to. E. H. P.
SCORPION (37i75, •ak-Ab: nopwiof.
scorpio). The well-known animal of that name,
belonging to the class Arachmda and order Put-
mmaria, which is twice mentioned in the 0. T.
and four times in the N. T. The wilderness of
Sinai is especially alluded to aa being inhabited by
scorpions at the time of the Exodus (Deut viii. 16),
and to this day these animals are common in the
same district, aa well as in some parts of Palestine.
Ehrenberg (Symb. Pbys.) enumerates five species
as occurring near Mt Sinai, some of which are
found also in the Lebanon. Ezekiel (ii. 6) ia told
to be in no fear of the rebellious Israelites, ben
compared to scorpions. The Apostles were endued
with power to resist the stings of serpents and
scorpions (Luke x. 19). In the vision of St John
(Rev. ix. 3, 10) the locusts that came oat of the
smoke of the bottomless pit are said to have had
" tails like unto scorpions," while the pain result-
ing from this creature's sting is alluded to in verse
6. A scorpion for an egg (Luke xi. 12) waa prob-
ably a proverbial expression. According to Eras-
mus the Greeks had a similar proverb (oWl *»p-
•rijt e-KotrWor)- Scorpions are generally found in
dry and in dark places, under stones and in ruins,
chiefly in warm climates. They are carnivorous hi
their habits, and move along in a threatening atti-
tude with the tail elevated. The sting, which ■
• The following quotation from Tindal Is deolerra as
k> the sense In which ha used the word. It shows
mat ha con turn plated no form of science (In the mod-
am sense of toe term), matbsmatical or physical, but
■he very opposite of this, — the attempt to bring all
■atrltoal or divine truths under the formula) of the
lagaml understanding. Ha speaks of the disputes of
Banish theologians as the " contradictions of which
Feed warned Timothy, ealling them the opposlttous of
a (Use-named science, for that their tdulaitietU A'tiMfe
must make objections against any troth, be It never
so plain, with en and centra " (Sapprr 0/ the Lord
ill 284, Parker Bon. Edition). Tlndal's nee and applt
cation of the word accounts, It may be remarked, fir
the choice of a different word by the Rhemiah tnuukj
tors. Those of the A. T. may have used at with
different meaning.
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SCOURGING
at Um extremity of the Uil, has at It*
■mm a gland that secretes a poUonona fluid, whkb
m diaeharfsd into tha wound by two minute or-
ifice* at it* extremity. In hot climate* tha (ting
often oeouiona moeh suffering, and sometime*
-i.r.-in C symptnma The following are the spe-
cie* of scorpions mentioned by Ehrenberg: Scorpio
wncioccnlrut, S. pilumltu, 8. tricolor, 8. teptoche-
£*, 18. fmettut, aD found at Mt Sinai; 8. nigro-
oixcf ■*, 8. melumphy <, 8. palmatut, Mt Lebanon.
Bes'du theae Palestine and Sinai kinds, five others
<re recorded aa oocunbg in Egypt.
SCRIBhrJ
2865
8eorpit)fL.
The •< scorpions " of 1 K. xii. 11, 14, 9 Chr. x.
11, 14, have dearly no allusion whatever to the
animal, but to some instrument of scourging —
null as, indeed, the expr es si on is a mere figure.
Ceinoa (ffierob. ii. 46) thinks the •• scorpion "
asoorgs was the spiny stem of what the Arabs call
BtdeJt (^StXo). tha Solatium melmgenn, var.
ttculentwn, egg-plant, because, according to Abdul
Fadli, this plant, from the resemblance of its •"ines
to the sting of a scorpion, was sometimes callo. be
•* seorpkm thorn ; " but in all probability this In-
strument of punishment was in the form of a whip
armed with iron point* " Virga — si nodosa vel acu-
leate, seorpio rectaasimo nomine vocatur, qui arcuato
Tulnere in corpus infigitur." (Isidorus, Orig. Lai.
6, 87; and see Jahn, Bib. Ant. p. 887.) In the
Greek of 1 Mace. vi. 51, some kind of war missile
hi mentioned under the name aKoewtttor; but we
want information both as to its form and the rea-
son of its name. (See Did. of Antiqwtirt, art.
« Tonnentam.") W. H.
SCOURGING.* The punishment of scourg-
ing was prescribed by the Law in the esse of a be-
trothed bondwoman guilty of unchastity, and per-
fcapa in the ease of both the guilty parsons (Ler.
six. 90). Women were subject to scourging in
Egypt, as they still are by the law of the Koran,
for incontinence (Sale, Koran, chap. xxiv. and
snap. rv. ante ; Lane, Mod. Egyp. I 147; Wilkin
son, Anc. Egyp. abridgm. ii 911). The instru-
ment of punishment in ancienl. Kgypt, ss it is also
In modern times generally in the Fast, was usual!}
the stick, applied to the soles of the feet — basti-
nado (Wilkinson, /. c; Chaidln, vi. 114: Ijuie,
Mod. Egyp. 1. 146). A more severe scourge is
possibly implied in the term " scorpions," whips
armed with pointed balls of lead, the " horribue
flageDum " of 1 luraee, though it is more probably
merely a rivid figure. Under the Roman method
the culprit was stripped, stretched with cords or
thongs on a frame (divarication and beaten with
rods. After the Poreian law (b. c. 300), Roman
citizens were exempted from scourging, but slares
and foreigners were liable to be beaten, eren to
death (Gesen. The*, p. 1062; laid. Orig. t. 97,
ap. Scheller, Lex. L»L Scorpio; Hor. 1 Sat. U.
41, iil. 119; Pror. xxri. 3; Acts xvi. 99, and Gro-
tius, ad i, xal 94, 96; 1 K. xii. 11; Cic Jar.
iil. 28, 29: pro Rah. 4; Llv. x. 9; SaO. Cat. 61)
[PonuHMEXTS, III. c. (4.)] H. W. P
SCREECH-OWL. [Owu]
SCRIBES (pnsSD: 7p0w.0T.if: **■***).
The prominent position occupied by the Scribes m
the Gospel history would of itself make a know)
edge of their life and teaching essential to any
clear conception of our Lord's work. It was by
their influence that the later form of Judaism had
been determined. Such as K was when the " new
doctrine " was first proclaimed, It had become
through them. Far more than priests or Levi tea
they represented the religious life of the people.
On the one hand we must know what they were
in order to understand the innumerable point* of
contrast presented by our Lord's sets and word*.
On the other, we must not forget that there wars
also, inevitably, point* of resemblance. Opposed
as his teaching was, In its deepest principals, t»
theirs, He was yet, in the eyes of men, sa one of
their order, a Scribe among Scribes, a Rabbl among
Rabbi* (John i. 49, iii. 2, vi. 25, Ac.; Schoettgen,
Hor. Htb. ii. Chrittm Rnbbinorum Summw).
I. Name. — (1.) Three meanings axe connected
with the verb i/tpknr OBtJ) the root of Sopherim
— (1) to write, (2) to set in order, (8) to count
The explanation of the word has been referred to
each of these. The Sopherim were so celled be-
cause they wrote out the Law, or because they
classified and arranged its precepts, or because they
counted with scrupulous minuteness every clause
and letter it contained. The traditions of the
Scribes, glorying in their own achievement*,* were
in favor of the last of these etymologies (Seinlim,
6; Carpnr, App. CriL ii. 135). The second fits
in best with the military functions connected with
the word in the earlier stage* of Ha history (infra).
The authority of most Hebrew scholars is with the
first (Geeenius, s. v.). The Greek equivalent an-
swers to the derived rather than the original mean -
big of the word. The ypapyumii of a Greek
■boss Mod* wbkh bav* *U are*, Boaahu* to ttai
wfcssa bar* etfht, sad Anirostonu* to the** which
» 1. To seourf*,t2 ! MZ?; the seourfs, TdSB? : iUr-
■sf; JlaiuftM : al»o to A. T. " wtap."
% t9QQ7: ft**.' ••ffmdnatnmni only in Josh,
xxM. 18. Khar a subst ot she luf. to Plsl (Oes. »
1S79).
e Tbey bad aa tai l*lu e aj *hM the otnaal letter of sat
whoh Law was the to* of PITS In Lsr. xt. 49, aad
wrots It aecordtogly to » larger ehanetsr. (Kiddvtk
In Ughtfoot, On LtUa a.) They counted up to Hk*
manner taw prsespla of the Law that answered to the
number of Ansshsi'a asstaata on Jacob** ease end
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2866 . 80BIBBB
state mi not the men writer, but the keeper end
regietnr of public dommente (Thue. lv. 118, ttL
10, so in Aetsxix. 86). The Scribes of Jerusalem
wen, in like manner, the etutodlene and Interpret'
era of the yai/tfuera upon which the polity of the
nation reeled. Other wordi applied to the bum
deal an found in the N. T. tfofUMol appeara in
Matt. nil. 86, lake rii. 80, z. 36, xlr. 8; ropeoV
SdVcaAoi in Lake t. 17; Act* v. 84. Attempt!
have been made, bat not very rocce ss f u Dy, to re-
duce the several terme to a classification.* AH
Jut can be said ia that yaamucrtit appears the
moot generic term ; that In Luke xi. 46 it if con-
trasted with vofuxit; that ro/io»<»aV*oA»t, ae in
AeU r. 84, seems the highest of the three. Jose-
phs (Ant. xvU. 8,58) panphraees the technical
(8.) The name of Kijuath-Sifhxr (wi\it
ypafifijTtnr, LXX., Josh. xr. 16; Judg. i. 19)
ma; possibly eonneet itself with some early nse of
the title. In the Song of Deborah (Judg. T. 14)
the word appears to point to military functions of
some kind. The " pen of the writer " of the A.
V. (LXX. ir pifiSf Saryt<mn ypafifiarttt) is
probably the rod or sceptre of the commauder
numbering or marshalling his troops.* The title
appears with more distinctness in the early history
of the monarchy. Three men are mentioned as
soccessiTdy filling the office of Scribe under David
and Solomon (8 Sam. nil. 17, xx. 35; 1 K. ir. 8,
in this instance two simultaneously). Their func-
tions an not specified, but the high place assigned
to them, side by side with the high-priest and the
captain of the host, implies power and honor. We
may think of them ss the king's secretaries, writing
his letters, drawing up Us decrees, managing his
finances (oomp. the work of the Scribe under Jo-
ash, 2 K. xii 10). At a later period the word
again connects itself with the set of numbering the
military forces of the country (Jer. Hi. 86, and
probably Is. xxxiii. 18). Other associations, how-
ever, began to gather round it about the same pe-
riod. The seal of Hezekiah led him to foster the
growth of a body of men whose work it was to
transcribe old records, or to put in writing what
had been handed down orally (Prov. xxv. 1). To
this period, accordingly, belongs the new algnifi-
eanee of the title. It no longer designates only an
officer of the king's court, but a class, students and
interpreters of the Law boasting of their wisdom
(Jer. riH. «).
(8.) The seventy years of the Captivity gave a
fresh glory to the name. The exiles would be
anxious above all things to preserve the sacred
books, the laws, the hymns, the prophecies of the
past To know what was worth preserving, to
transcribe the older Hebrew documents accurately,
when the spoken language of the people was pass-
ing into Aramaic, to explain what was hard and
a IiKhobofs arrangement, though conjectural, la
r*th giving (.Harm, f, 77). The " Scribes," ss such,
sen those who occupied themsslvw with the Mikra.
Rett above them wen the " Lawyers," students of the
tJMiia, acting as laj ia ao u , though not voting In the
sanhedrim. The « Decani of the Law >' wen «-
sounder* of the Orrnara, and actual member! of the
tansdrhn. (Oomp. Oarjaov, App. Oil. L 7 ; Lsue-
xea, Mat Hebr. c 38 ; Leyrar, In Herat's Encyklap.
B o hr lngehhrtc.")
» Iwald, however ( Pot. Mat. 1. 138 [181, 8« Aufl.fl,
■ens "IJJD as equivalent to tS§U7, "a Judge."
80RHIJB8
obscure — this waa what the neeeeutLs of the Ones
nanded. The man who met them became em
phatmaBy Eara the Scribe, the priestly functions
faBing into the background, aa the priestly ordet
itself did before the Scribe* as a class. The words
of Ei. rii. 10 describe ths high ideal of the new
ce. The Scribe Is" to seek (07?}) the law of
the Lord and to do it, and to teach in Israel stat-
utes and judgment*." This, tar more than his
prieetbood, was the true glory of Eara. In the
eyes even of the Persian king be was " a Scribe oi
the Law of the God of Heaven " (rii. 18). He
wo* assisted in his work by others, chiefly Lerites.
Publicly they read and expounded the Law, per-
haps also translated it from the already obeoleeeont
Hebrew into the Aramaic of the people* (Neh
riii. 8-13).
(4.) Of the time that followed we ham bus
scanty records. The Scribes' office appar en tl y be-
came more and men prominent. Traces sre found
in the later canonical books of their work and in-
fluence. Already they are recognized aa " masters
of assemblies," acting under " one shepherd," hav-
ing, that is, something of a corporate lift (Eod. xii.
11; Jost, Jadenlh. L 48). As such they set their
faces steadily to maintain the authority of the Law
and the Prophets, to exclude from all equality with
them the " many books " of which " than is no
end " (EecL xii. 13). They appear aa a distinct
class, "the families of the Scribe*," with a local
habitation (1 Chr. it. 66). They compile, ea In the
two books of Chronicle*, twetrpta and epitomes
of larger histories (1 Chr. nix. 89; 3 Chr. he 89).
The occurrence of the word midrath ("the story
— margin, ' the commentary ' — of the Prophet
Iddo"), afterward* *o memorable, in 3 Chr. sill
88, shows that the work of commenting and ex-
pounding had begun already.
II. Dtvelopment of Doctrine. — (1.) It is char-
acteristic of the Scribes of this period that, with
the exception of Ezra and Zadok (Neh. xiiL 18),
we have no record of their names. A later age
honored them collectively ss the men of the Great
Synagogue, the true successors of the Prophet*
{Pirke AbolA, 1. 1), but the men the msel ves by
whose agency the Scriptures of the O. T. were)
written in their present character*,** compiled In
their present form, limited to their present num-
ber, remain unknown to us. Never, perhaps, waa
so Important a work done so silently. It baa been
well argued (Jost, JudenUium, i. 43) that it was *c
of set purpose. The one aim of those early Scribe*
was to promote reverence for the Law, to make it
the groundwork of the people'* life. They would
write nothing of their own, tart leas worthy words
should be raised to a level with those of the oracle*
of God. If interpretation were needed, their teach-
ing should be oral only. No precepts should bs
perpetuated aa resting on their authority.* In the
e If this wan so (and mot oarsmen taton adopt this
view), we should have In thla history the starting,
point of the xargma. It has, however, ban ques-
tioned. (Oomp. Lryrar, I. e.)
*• Jost (Jus-rata. L 68) draws attention to the stngv-
lar, almost unique combinations of this period. The
Jewish tasoben kept to the old Hebrew, but ueal
Aramaio character*. The Samaritans apok* Aramaic
but retained the older Hebrew writing.
• The principle of an unwritten teaching was atsssr
eafcaad among the Babbb of Palestine up to the da
•traction of the Temple (Jost, 1. 87, 867).
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8CEIBE8
i of ktcr Judaism, they devoted themselves to
lb* Mtkra (i. e. recitation, reeding, as in Neh. viii.
I), the careful study of the text, and bid down
rale* for transcribing it with the roost scrupulous
precision (eomp. the tract Scpherim in the Jeru-
mliim Geniara).
(9.) A saying la ascribed to Simon the Jost
(b. o. 300-280), the hat of the succession of the
men of the Great Synagogue, which embodiea the
prinoiple on which they had acted, and enables ui
to tones the next stage of the growth of their sys-
tem. "Our fathers bare taught us," he said,
** three things, to be motions in judging, to train
many scholars, and to set a fence about the Law "
(/■tree Abotk, L 1; Jest, i. M). They wished to
make the Law of Moses the rule of We for the
whole nation and for individual men. But it lice
in the naton of every soeh law, of every informal,
half-systematic code, that it raises questions which
is dees not solve. Csmumstances change, while the
Lsur remains the mine. The infinite variety of life
ss jee s nt s cases which it has not contemplated. A
Soman sr Greek jurist woald have dealt with these
so general principles of equity or polity. The
Je wish teacher could recognise no principles beyond
lb* precepts of the Law. To him they all stood
en the same footing, were all equally divine. AH
pos si ble casts must be brought within their range,
decided by their authority.
(8.) The result showed that, in this as in ether
instances, the idolatry of the letter waa destructive
of the very reverence in which it had originated.
Stay by step the Scribes were led to osnehuions at
wbiab we may believe the earlier representatives of
the order would hare started back with horror.
Decisions on fresh questions were accumulated into
a co m p l ex system of casuistry. The new precepts,
still transmitted orally, more precisely fitting in to
the cimimstsnws of men's lives than the ok), came
practicaliy to take their place. The "Words of
the Scribes " (Q^T^'lD "H^?, now used ss a tech-
nical phrase for these decisions) were honored above
the Law (Ligbtfoot, Harm. I. $ 77; Jost, Judenth.
i. S3). It was a greater crime to offend against
them than against the Law. They were as wine,
while the precepts of the Law were aa water. The
first step was taken towards annulling the com-
mandments of God for the sake of their own tra-
tttotjs. The casuistry became at once subtle and
wurtent,* evading the plainest duties, tampering
with conscience (Matt. xv. 1-8, xxiii. 16-23). The
right relation of moral and ceremonial laws wss
sot only forgotten, but absolutely inverted. This
was the result of the profound reverence for the
letter which gave no heed to the " word abiding in
them" (John v. 38).
(4.) The history of the full development of these
tendencies belongs to a history of the Talmud.'
Ilere it will be enough to notice in what way the
tmrhrng of the Scribes in our Lord's time was
a n would be si oil Is— to acsmaulats proem of
Them who ears for them may And them In
, Bgnafogm Judaic*; H'Osul, Old Pattu.
j as It Is, ws must remember that It row out of
the principle that them can be no Indifferent aeuun,
mat there must be a right or a wrong even for the
eawmwasst a w — IH si, the m srsst animal fanoaons of
sum's "Ms, that it wss the work »f the teacher to for-
waktas that principle into rutss. [Compare the Re-
Ma Cathcli; writers on " Moral Theology." — A.]
» • for a partial view of the Mentor* relating to
scribe* 2867
making to that result. Their first work was to
report the decisions of previous Rabbis. Them
were the Halachoth (that which goes, the current
precepts of the schools) — precepts binding on th
conscience. As they accumulated they had to be
compiled and classified. A new coda, a second
OmjMM Juris, the alishna (B«r«p*V«r), grew out
of them, to become in its turn the subject of fresh
questions and commentaries. Hera ultimately the
spirit of the commentators took a wider range.
The anecdotes of the schools or courts of law, th*
obiter dicta of Rabbis, the wildest fables of Jewish
superstition (Tit. 1. 14), were brought in, with a
without any relation to the context, and the G*
mora (completeness) filled up the measure of tbj
Institutes of Rabbinic Law. The Hishna and thi
Gemara together were known as the Talmud (in-
struction), toe " necessary doctrine and erudition "
of every learned Jew (Jost, Judmth. ii. 902-222).
(5.) Side by side with this was a development
in another direction. The sacred books were not
studied ss a cods of laws only. To starch into
their meaning had from the first belonged to the
ideal office of the Scribe. He who so searched was
secure, in the language of the Scribes themselves,
of everlasting life (John v. 39; Pirke Aboth, ii. 8)
But here also the book suggested thoughts which
could not logically be deduced from it Hen came
to it with new beliefs, new in form if not in essence,
and, not finding any ground for them in a literal
interpretation, were compelled to have recourse to
sn interpretation which was the reverse of literal.'
The fruit of this effort to find what waa not there
appears in the Midrathim (searchings, investiga-
tions) on the several books of tin 0. T. The
process by which the meaning, moral or mystical,
wss elicited, wss known u Hagada (saying, opin-
ion). There was obviously no assignable limit to
such a process. It became a proverb that no one
ought to spend a day in the Beth-ham-Midrash
(" the bouse of the Interpreter ") without lighting
on something new. But there lay a stage higher
even than the Hagada. The mystical school of in-
terpretation culminated in the Kabbala (reception,
toe received doctrine). Every letter, every num-
ber, became pregnant with mysteries. With the
strangest possible distortion of its original mean*
ing, the Greek word which had been the repre-
sentative of the most exact of all sciences wss
chosen for the wildest of all Interpretations. The
Gematria (= ytmutrplm) showed to what deptlu)
the wrong path could lead men. The mind of the
interpreter, obstinately shutting out the light of
day, moved in its self chosen darkness amid a work!
of fantastic Eidola (oomp. Oarpsov, A/ip. Crti. I
7; Schoettgen, Hor. Beb. dt Mem. i. 4; Zona,
GattetdienttL Vortrtgt, pp. 42-61; Jost, Judenth.
iiL 66-81; [Ginsburg, The Kabbalah: tit Doc-
trines, Development, and Literature, Lond. 1886;
also his sits. Kabbalah and Midrath in Kitto't
Cyehp. of HM. Lit., 3d ed.]).
tba Talmud the reader may ass the relarewa s under
Psusssxm (voL III. p. 2472, note ft), to which may be
added the tntsnstlng and instructive article on I»t
Jmrith Reformation and the Talmud In Blackwood's
Jta*. lor Nov. 1868, reprinted In UttsU's Livirg Aft
for Jan. 22, 1870, No. 1338. A.
e Oomp. t. f. tbs sxposttton which found la I«ba»
and Balaam '< going to their own place " (Gen. xsxl
65; Num. axis. 26) an Intimation of their being am
to Oehsnna (OUL, Otmm. en Atu, 1. 26).
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(SCRIBES
m. Hutory.— (1.) The names of the earlier
Beribei passed away, as hu been said, unrecorded.
Biraon the Just (sir. B. c. 800-890) appears as
the last of the men of the Great Synsgogne, the
beginner of a new period. Hie memorable names
of the times that followed — Antigonus of Soebo,
Zadok, Boethos — connect themselves with the rise
of the first opposition to the traditional system
which was growing up. [Sadduchs.] The tenet
of the Sadducees, however, never commanded the
adhesion of more than a small minority. It tended,
by maintaining the sufficiency of the letter of the
Law, to destroy the very occupation of a Scribe,'
and the class, as such, belonged to the party of Its
opponents. The words " Scribes " and " Pharisees "
were bound together by the closest possible alliance
(Matt xxiii. passim ; Luke v. 30). [PnABiozu.]
Within that party there were shades and sub-
divisions, and to understand their relation to each
other in our lord's time, or their connection with
his life and teaching, we must look back to what is
known of the fire pairs (rYUFD) of teachers who
represented the scribal succession. Why two, and
two only, are named in each ease we can only
conjecture, but the Rabbinic tradition that one was
always the Nasi or President of the Sanhedrim as
a council, the other the Ab-beth-din (Father of
the House of Judgment), presiding in the supreme
court, or in the Sanhedrim when it sat as such, is
not improbable (Jost, JadrntM. i. 160).
(2.) The two names that stand first in order are
Joses ben-Joezer, a priest, and Joses ben-Jochauan
(cir. B. c. 140-130). The precepts ascribed to
them indicate a tendency to a greater elaboration
of all rules connected with ceremonial defilement.
Their desire to uparati themselves and their dis-
ciples from all occasions of defilement may have
furnished the starting-point for the name of Phari-
see. The brave struggle with the Syrian kings
bad turned chiefly on questions of this nature, and
it was the wish of the two teachers to prepare the
people for any future conflict by founding a fra-
ternity (the Chaberim, or associates) bound to the
strictest observance of the Law. Every member
of the order on his admission pledged himself to
this in the presence of three Chaberbn. Tbey
looked on each other as brothers. The rest of the
nation they looked on as " the people of the
earth." The spirit of Scribedora was growing.
The precept associated with the name of Joses ben-
Joezer, " Let thy house be the assembly-place for
the wise; dust thyself with the dust of their feet;
drink eagerly of their words," pointed to a further
growth (Pirke Alt*, i. 1; Jost, i. 333). It was
hardly cheeked by the taunt of the Sadduoees that
'•these Pharisees would purify the sun itself"
(.lost, i. 817).
(8.) Joshua ben-Peraohiah and Nithai of Ar-
bda were contemporary with John Hyrcanns (cir.
t. a 186-108), and enjoyed his favor till towards
the dose of his reign, when caprice or interest led
ilia hi pass over to the camp of the Sadducees.
1 he saying ascribed to Joshua, " Take to thyself a
racher (tfae), get to thyself an associate ( Chabtr),
Judge every man on his better side " (Pirke
doom, L 1), while to last dauss attracts us by to
SCRIBES
candor, shows how easily even a fair-minded anas
might come to recognize no bends of fellowship
outside the limits of bis sect or order (Jost, i
397-383).
(4.) The secession of Hyrcanns involved the
Pharisees, and therefore the Scribes ss a class, ia
difficulties, and a period of confusion followed.
The meetings of the Sanhedrim were suspended or
became predominantly Sadducean. Under his suc-
cessor, Alexander Jannai, the influence of Simon
ben-Shetach over the queen-mother Salome rees-
tablished for a time the ascendency of the Scribes.
The Sanhedrim once again assembled, with none
to oppose the dominant Pharisaic party. The day/
of meeting was observed afterwards as a festival
only lets solemn than those of Purim and the
Dedication. The return of Alexander from hat
campaign against Gaza again turned the tables
Eight hundred Pharisees took refuge In a fwlnns,
were besieged, taken, and put to death. Joshua
ben-Peraehiah, the venerable head of the order,
was driven into exile. Simon ben-Sbetacn, his
su cc essor, had to earn bis livelihood by spinning
flax. The Sadducees failed, however, to win the
confidence of the people. Having no body of oral
traditions to fall back on, tbey began to compile a
code. Tbey were accused by their opponents of
wishing to set up new laws on a level with those
of Hoses, and had to abandon the attempt. On
the death of Jannai the influence of his widow
Alexandra was altogether on the side of the Scribes,
and Simon ben-Shetach and Judah ben-Tabbai
entered on their work as joint teachers. Under
them the juristic side of the Scribe's functions
became prominent. Their rules turn chiefly on
the laws of evidence (Pirkt Abotk, L IV. In two
memorable instances they showed what sacrifices
they were pr e p ared to make in support of those
laws. Judah bad, on one occasion, condemned
fake witnesses to death. His seal against the guilt
led him to neglect the rule which only permitted
that penalty when it would have been the conse-
quence of the original accusation. His ooDeague
did not shrink from rebuking him, "Thou hast
shed innocent blood." From that day Judah re-
solved never to give Judgment without consulting
Simon, and every day threw himself on the grave
of the man be had condemned, imploring pardon.
Simon, in his turn, showed a like sense of the
supreme authority of the Law. His own son was
brought before him as an offender, and he sen-
tenced him to death. On the way to execution
the witnesses confessed that they had spoken
falsely; but the son, more anxious that they should
suffer than that be himself should escape, turned
round and entreated his father not to stop the
completion of the sentence. The character of such
a man could not fail to impress itself upon hi*
followers. To its influence may probably be traced
the indomitable courage in defense of the Temple,
which won the admiration even of the Soman
generals (Jost, i. 334-347).
(8.) The two that followed, Shemahh and Ab-
talion (the names also appear under the form of
Sameas, Joseph. Ant. xiv. 9, § 4, and PoDio, Jo-
seph. Ant. xiv. 1, § 1), wen conspicuous for an-
other reason. Now, for the first time, the tsach-
a A striking nwlsnee of this is seen In the history was the answer. " But what then will become of ths
af John flymanus. A Badduees came to hhn whh teaching of the law?" "The Law Is now In th«
atoofc of the duatlKtfcm of the Pharisees. The king hands of every man. They, and they only, weals
" ^Whet than am I to do!" "Crush them," I keep It tn a comer" (Jest, Jutm i k L Ms>
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BCBIBBB
si who sat in Motet' got wan not tno of tLe
■Juali e u of Abraham. Proselytes themselves, or
the •no* of proselytes, their preeminence in the
knowledge of the Law rated them to toil office.
The jealousy of the high-priest wu excited. At
the people flocked round their favorite Rabbit when
it waa hie function to pronounce the biasing, he
looked round and, turning hie benediction into a
•tenasni, said, with a marked emphasis, " May the
tons of the MM walk in peace! " The answer of
the two teachers expre sse d the feeling of scorn with
which the one order waa beginning to look upon
the other: " Tea, the eons of the alien shall indeed
walk in peace, for they do the work of peace. N ot
so the son of Aaron who foUowt not in the loot-
steps of his father." Here also we have some sig-
nificant sayings. The growing lore of titles of
honor was cheeked by Shemsith by the connsel
that "men should lore the work, but hate the
Babbiahip." The tendency to new opinions (the
fruits, probably, of the freer exposition of the Ba-
faia) was rebuked by Abtslion in a precept which
enwraps a parable: " Take good heed to thy words,
lest, if thou wander, thou light upon a place where
the wells are poisoned, and thy scholar! who come
thee drink deep thereof and die" (Pu-ke
" , i. 1). The lot of these two alto was out
■poo eril days. They had courage to attempt to
s h o ck the rising power of Herod in his bold defi-
ance of the Sanhedrim (Joseph. Ant. xiv. 9, § J).
When be showed himself to be irresistible they had
the wisdom to submit, and were suffered to con-
tinue their work m peace. Its glory was, however,
in great measure, gone. The doors of their school
wen no longer thrown open to til comers so that
crowd* might listen to the teacher. A fixed fee*
had to be paid on entrance. The regulation was
probably intended to discourage the attendance of
the young men of Jerusalem at the Scribes' classes;
and apparently it had that effect (Jost, i. 248-253).
On the death of Shemaiah and AbUlion there were
no qualified successors to take their plaoe. Two
sons of Betters, otherwise unknown, for a time oc-
cupied it, but they were themselves conscious of
their incompetence. A question wss brought be-
itre them which neither they nor any of the other
Scribes could answer. At last they asked, in their
perplexity, " Was there none present who had been
a disciple of the two who had been so honored? "
The question wu answered by HiUel the Babyio-
« The amount Is uncertain. The story of HUM
;«•/*«> n p i tts u ts Mat half a Mater, but It it doubtful
whi th e r the stater has* is equal to twice tba didnchma
er to half (camp. Oeiger, De HilUh a SSamtrai, in
(Tenant, IV*. xxi.). It was, at any rate, half the
day's wages of a sUlkd laborer.
• ■ We have not the means of axing with say ere-
ataasw the date of HlUtl's birth. The question is rally
• h un ts 1 1 by Bwmld In hit Sent. d. rales* Itrmd,
•> Aster. (1817), v. 12-3*. Assuming that HUM It the
tttat pan with the Poltto of Jsoephus (to Jatlppoo,
v. «,sto. eltod by anmld) he It disposed to oonsMu
htm at nourishing from about 60 i 0. to 10 1. D
ttsreaboorg (Sum at PUtt. a la g'f. it la "sfeKuu,
I. lew t, 468 f.) thinks that the stance and PoUio of
Joasphu* r epre s en t, threugt a eonnutou on the part
tf thfa wrttsr, oomerimee Shemaiah and Abtatton, and
sumutl Shamnssi and RUlel. Oinsbunj, art. EClW
at KRtow CfcWsv. if KM. Lit., Id ad., says, without
(Mag say authority, that he was born about 75, a. a.
On HUM, whose merits, really great, have htsn
tsts ug e l y ex agg er ate d by tome recent Jewish writers,
g. Or. Oatftr (not the Gasger to often referred to In
8CKIBBS 2869
nian, known also, then or afterwards, st the sen
of David. He solved the difficulty, appealed to
principles, and, when they demanded authority
as well at argument, ended by saving, '• So have
I heard from my masters Shemaiah and AbU-
lion." This was decisive. The son of Bethent
withdrew. Hillel wss invited by acclamation to en-
ter on his high office. His alleged descent from the
house of David may have added to his popularity.
(6.) The name of Hillel (born cire. B. a 112 »)
has hardly received the notice due to it from stu-
dents of the Gospel history.' The noblest and
most genial repre s e ntative of his order, we may see
in him the best fruit which the system of the
Scribes was capable of producing.'' It is instrus-
tive to mark at once bow far he prepared the way
for the higher teaching which wu to follow, how
far he inevitably fell short of it- The starting-
point of his career is told in a tale which, though
deformed by Rabbinic exaggerations, is yet fresh
and genial enough. The young student had come
from GoUh in Babylonia to study under Shemaiah
and Abtalion. He wu poor and had no money.
The new rule requiring payment wu in force. For
the most part be worked for his livelihood, kept
himself with half his earnings, and paid the rest u
the fee to the college-porter. On one day, how-
ever, he had failed to find employment. The door-
keeper refused him entrance; but his zeal for
knowledge wu not to be baffled. He stationed
himself outside, under a window, to catch what hi
could of the words of the Scribes within. It wu
winter, and the snow began to fall, but ha re-
mained there still. It fell till it lay upon him six
cubits high ( ! ) and the window wu darkened and
blocked up. At last the two teacbert noticed it,
sent out to ees what caused it, and when they found
out, received the eager scholar without payment.
u For such a man." said Shemaiah, " one might
even break the Sabbath " (Geiger, ui n/tra ; .lost,
i. 254). In the earlier days of his activity Hillel
bad u his colleague Meiiahein, probably the same
u the Keeene Manaeu of Jotephus (AttL xv. 10,
J 6). He, however, wu tempted by the growing
power of Herod, and, with a large number (eighty
in the Rabbinic tradition) of his followers, entered
the king's service end abandoned at once their call-
ing u Scribes and their habits of devotion. They
appeared publicly in the gorgeous apparel, glitter-
ing with gold, which wu inconsistent with both*
this article), one may ess, in addition to the works al-
ready referred to in the body of the article, or just men-
tioned, IwaM's JaM. at. BSU. tmtirmeha/l, x. 56-81
(snhstinHslly reproduced In hit Oudtickit, as above),
and the Interesting little pamphlet of Delitsech, Asm
sad HUUl, mil BMcktiekt auf lumen ttnd Otigtr «w
gtidun, 8» And., sntaaasn, 1867. A.
< Thoexhaunra rr so H cs by Bsl g si la Pgollat, last,
md. mutt be msnnoned u an exception.
d Tb« revenues of latsr Jews for HlUel Is shown la
some eurfous forma. To him it wu given to under
stand the speech of tnlmtls u will as of men. He
who hearkened not to the words of HlUel was worthy
of death. (Qeigwr, at sacra.) Of him too It wss said
that the Divine Sheohlnah rested on him : If the
heavens wen parchment and all the trees of ths earth
pans, and all the tea ink, It would not be enough te
write down his wisdom (camp. John xxi. 26). (Set
Hsabncr, Dt Acadrmiu Ustiw i era m , In Ugoanl, IVs.
xxi.)
• VJe may perhaps find in thai feet ea expiaaaaoc
whloh elves a special fame to words that ban hitherto
been liitasssisil somewhat vaguely. When new tVert
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(Joat, L 869). The pkoe thai vacant m won
Bled by Shammai. The two win held in nearly
•sua] honor. On, In Jiwkh language, m the
Nad, the other the Ab-beth-din of the Sanhedrim.
Tbej did not teaeh, however, u their predecessors
had done, in entire harmony with euh other.
Within the party of the Pharisees, within the or-
der of the Scribes, there came for the first time to
be two achoola with diitlnctly oppoeed tendencies,
one vehemently, rigidly orthodox, the other ortho-
dox aha, bat with an orthodoxy whioh, in the lan-
guage of modem polities, might be chawed ai Lib-
eral Conservative. The point* on whioh tbey dif-
fered were almoet innumerable (oomp. Geiger, at
mpra). In mort of them, queationi as to the
caueM and degrees of nncleanneso, ai to the law of
contract! or of will*, we can find little or no inter-
est. On the former clan of lubjecta the acbool of
Shammai repreeented the extremist development of
(he Pharisaic apirit. Everything that could pocsl-
bly have been touched by a heathen or an unclean
Israelite, became iteelf unoleau. "Defilement"
was as a contagioui diasaie which it vm hardly
ponible to avoid even with the careful acnipuloiity
deoeribed in Hark vii. 1-t. Tbey were, in like
manner, rigidly eabbatarian. It mi unlawful to
do anything before the Sabbath which would, in any
eenoe, be in operation during it, e. o. to put cloth
into a dye-vat, or neti into the tea. It waa un-
lawful on the Sabbath itielf to give money to the
poor, or to teaeh children, or to viait the tick.
They maintained the marriage law in its strictness,
and held that nothing but the adultery of the wife
eouU justify repudiation (Jost, i. 967-969). We
must not think of them, however, as rigid and
austere in their Uvea. The religious world of Ju-
daism presented the Inconsistencies which it has
eften presented sinoe. The " straiteat sect " waa
alao the moat secular. Shammai himself was said
to be rich, luxurious, self-indulgent. Hiilel re-
mained to the day of his death as poor aa in his
youth (Geiger, L c).
(7.) The teaching of Hiilel showed some capac-
ity for wider thoughts. His personal character was
more lovable and attractive. While on the one
aide be taught as from a mind well stored with the
traditions of the elders, he was, on the other, any-
eontrasted the steadmstmes and austerity of the Bap-
tist with the lives of those who wore soft clothing,
were gorgeously appareled, and lived delicately In
Unas' houses (Matt. xt. 8; Luke vil. 24), those who
heard Him may at once have recognised the plotun.
[n the multitude of uncertain guesses as to the He*
rodtans of the Gospels (Matt xxll. 16) we may be per-
mitted to haeud the conjecture that they may be
Identified with the party, perhaps rather with the
clique, of Menahem and hie followers (Oetger, ut tap.
Otho, Hia. Doclontm Misnicormm, in Ugollnl, lass.
xxl.). The feet that the stem, sharp words of a di-
vine acorn which have been quoted above, meet us
put after the first combination of Herodiaoe and
Pharisees, gives it a strong confirmation (oomp. Mark
8L 6; Luke vi. 11, viL 19).
a It Is fair (o add that a great Rabbinic scholar
maintains that this "spoiling the dinner" waa a
well-known figurative phrase for conduct which
brought shame or discredit on the husband (Jost, i.
«4).
• The history connected with thai saying is too
ebermlngly characteristic to be pssssd over. A pros-
elyte eeme to shammai and begged for some Injtroo-
i In the Law if it were only lor aa long as he, the
one foe*. The Scribe waa an-
thing but a slavish follower of these
He was the first to lay down principles far saw
equitable construction of the Law with a diskette
precision which seems almost to imply a Greek cap-
ture (Jost, i. 967). Whan the letter of a kw, a*
e. g. that of the year of release, was no long** '
suited to the times, and waa working, so far a* it
was kept at all, only for evil, he suggested an in-
terpretation which met the difficulty or practically
set it aside. His teaching as to divorce was in liks>
manner an adaptation to the temps of the age. It
waa lawful for a man to put away his via* far *u>
cause of disfavor, even for so slight an often*) aa
that of spoiling his dinner by her bad «~**"g «
(Geiger, L c). The genial character of the mam
conies out in some of his sayings, which remind ma
of the tone of Jesus the son of Sirach, and prtesnt
some faint approximations to a higher teaching:
"Trust not thyself to the day of thy death."
>• Judge not thy neighbor till thou art in his plena'*
" Leave nothing dark and obscure, saying to thy-
self, I will explain it when I have time; far hoar
knoweet thou whether the time will come?"
(oomp. James iv. 13-16). " He who gaina a good
name gaina it for himself, but he who gaina a knowl-
edge of the Law gains everlasting life " (camp. John
v. 39; Pirke Moth, ii. 6-8). In one memorable
rule we find the nearest approach that had as yet
been made to the great commandment of the Gos-
pel: " Do nothing to thy neighbor that thou wcwid-
est not that he should do to thee." *
(8.) The contrast showed itself in the conduct
of the followers not less than in the teachers. The
disciples of Shammai were conspicuous far their
fierceness, appealed to popular passions, used the
sword to decide their controversies. Out of that
school grew the party of the Zealots, fierce, forest
icaL vindictive, the Orangemen of Pharisaism (Joat,
i. 967-269). Those of Hiilel were, like their mas-
ter (oomp. t. o. the advice of Gamaliel, Acts v. 84-
49), cautious, gentle, tolerant, unwilling to
enemies, content to let things take their
One school reaiated, the other was disposed to fos-
ter the study of Greek literature. One sought to
impose upon the proselyte from heathenism the foil
burden of the Law, the other that he should be
treated with some sympathy and indulgence).
gry, and drove hhn away harshly. He went to HUM
with the same request He received the inquire* tw-
mgnantly, and gave him the precept above quoted,
adding — « So this, and thou hast fulfilled the Law
and the Prophets " (Oetger, « nam). [Oomp. Tobtt,
iv. 16, t fustic nwlai n>w|ti and eee Wetttetn'o
not* on Matt vil. 12. It Is wall known that the
same precept appears repeatedly, in this nasalise
form, among the sayings ascribed to Oonfucrne. 8a*
the Lsm-Yk, or " Confucian Analects," as Br. lags*
calls U» work, bk. v. e. 11 j xil.8; xv. 38. In taw
Oumn-Yont. xill. 8, 4, Confucius delivers the earn*
rule with a positive application, but confesses that ha
has not himself been able to practice it pnrseetly
Oomp. the Lun- Yu, lv. 16, when the whole docMaaeST
Confucius Is summed up In two words, stung and saw,
translated by Pautblcr (Cew/ucMu 4 Mamas, Faria,
1868, p. 122) avoir la drvitwt du rawr and aimer saw
pnvAatn eomnu imn(n<. 8. W. Williams, Tbwts
Diet. */«*« Ckintte Long fa <*» Canton Dinlmst, Caat-
ton, 1868, pp. 168, 4M, gives among the meanings of
«**, « treating others es one wishes to be treated,''
and similar definitions are given by Be Outgoes, Ms*
rhnn, Medhuret, and Lsgge Oonfaalus dose not est
pear to have accepted the doctrine of returning float
for evil (Ism- tw, xiv. 88). — A.J
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[PnoeaxTTc] On* aubjeot of debate between
the eebook exhibit* the contrast as going deeper
than these questions, touching upon the great prob-
lems of the naiverae. - W«» the state of man ao
(nil of misery that it would hate been better for
him neter to hne been? Or wm thie life, with
all it* coffering, (till the gift of God, to be rallied
and need ai a training for aomethlng higher than
itaalf ? H The eehool of Shammai took, at might
be expected, the darker, that of Hillel the brighter
and the wieer riew (Jost, i. 864).
(9.) Outwardly the teaching of oar lord moat
have appeared to men different In many ways from
both. While they repeated the tradition* of the
elder*, He « apake as one baring authority," " not
aa the Seribet" (Matt vii. 39; oomp. the oon-
atantly recurring " 1 aay onto you "). While they
eonftued their teaching to the elan of eeboiart, He
" had companion on the moititude* " (Matt. ix. 36).
While they were to be found only in the ooaneU or
in their aehoobj, He journeyed through the oltles
and villages (Matt iv. 23, ix. 88, Ac, Ac. ). While
they epoke of the kingdom of God vaguely, a* a
thing for off, He proclaimed that it had already
come nigh to men (Matt ir. IT). But in moat of
the point* at Mane between the two parties, He
moat hare appeared in direst antagonism to the
eehool of Shammai, in •ympathy with that of Hil-
lel. In the qneetion* that gathered round the law
of the Sabbath (Matt xii. 1-14, and John r. 1-16,
ate.), and the idea of purity (Matt xv. 1-11, and
it* parallel*), thia waa obviously the eaae. Eren
in the controversy about divorce, while hi* chief
work wa* to assert the truth which the diaputanta
on both tides were Wag eight of, He reoognized,
U moat be remembered, the rule of Hillel aa being
a true Interpretation of the Law -(Matt six. 8).
When He (ummed up the great oommandment in
which the Law and the Prophet* were fulfilled, He
reproduced and ennobled the precept which had
been given by that teacher to hi* disciples (Matt.
tIL 18, nil. 84-40). So for, on the other band,
a* the temper of the Hillel eehool waa oue of mere
adaptation to the foaling of the people, clearing to
tradition, wanting in the Intuition of a higher life,
the teaching of Christ must have been felt u un-
sparingly condemning it
(10.) It add* to the interest of this inquiry to
lamsmliirthat Hillel himself lived, aeeording to the
tradition of the Babble, to the great age of 120,
and may therefore have been present among the
doctors of Lake iL 46, and that Gamaliel, his
grandson and successor,* was at the bead of this
school daring the whole of the ministry of Christ,
as well a* in the early portion of the history of the
Act*. We are thai able to explain the fact, which
so many passages in the Gospels lead aa to infer,
the eajatonoo all along of a party among the
Scribes themselves, more or lass disposed to recog-
nise Jeans of Naaereth as a teacher (John ill 1;
Mark x. 17), not far from the kingdom of God
(Mark xii- 84), advocates of a policy of toleration
SOBIBBS
2871
■abU Bunaon, the son of Jamalial, earn* between
i, bat apparently for a short tuna only. The
whether hole to be tdenttned WW the Simeon
Luke U- 86, Is one which wo have not sunWent
• to determ ine. Host commentators answer It In
i Bapjetlvs There stem, however, come probabilities
the etbw side. One trained In the soboo. of Hil-
mlefct net unsatarally be looking for the "coneo-
«T laeaal." lUmosu* of the bouse and lineage
David, he would readily accept toe inward witness
(John vU. 61), but, on the other hand, timid and
timeserving, unable to ooufets even their half-belief
(John xU. 48), afraid to take their stand against
the strange alliance of extreme* which brought
together the Saddueaan section of the priesthood
and the ultra-Pharisaic followers of Shammai.
When the last great oris)* came, they apparently
contented themselves with a policy of absence
(Luke xxiii. 60, 61), possibly were not even sum-
moned, and thus the Council which condemned our
Lord was a packed meeting of the confederate par-
ties, not a formally constituted Sanhedrim. All its
proceedings, the hasty investigation, the immediate
sentence, were vitiated by irregularity (Jost, L
407-400). Afterwards, when the fear of violence wan
onoe over, and popular feeling had turned, we find
Gamaliel summoning courage to maintain openly
the policy of a tolerant expectation (Acta v. 84).
IV. Education and Lift. — (1.) The special
training for a Scribe's office began, probably, about
the age of thirteen. Aeeording to the Pirkt
Aboth (v. 34) the child began to read the Mikra at
five and the Mithna at ten. Three yean later every
Israelite became a child of the Law (Bar-Afitnxth),
and was bound to study and obey it The great
mast of men raited in the icanty teaching of their
synagogues, in knowing and repeating their Te-
phillim, the texts inscribed on their phylacteries.
For the boy who was destined by his parent*, or
who devoted himself, to the calling of a Scribe,
something more was required. He made bit way
to Jerusalem, and applied for admission to the
school of tome famous RabbL If he were poor, it
wa* the duty of the synagogue of his town or vil-
lage to provide for the payment of hit bee, and in
part alto for hit maintenance. Hit power to learn
was tested by an examination on entrance. If he
passed It he became a "chosen one" ("1TQ,
oomp. John xv. 16), end entered on nil work as a
disciple (Carpxov, App. Grit. 1. 7). The master
and his scholars met, the former sitting on a high
chair, the elder pupils (B'TO ?H) oa a lower
bench, the younger (CTOttp) on the ground, both
literally" at bis feet" The class-room might be
the chamber of the Temple set apart for this pur-
pose, or the private school of the Rabbi. In ad-
dition to the Rabbi, or head master, there were
assistant te a cher*, and one interpreter or erier,
whose Amotion it waa to proclaim aloud to the
whole tehool what the Rabbi had spoken in a whis-
per (oomp. Matt x. 87). The education mi ahiefiy
catechetical, the pupil submitting the easel and
asking questions, the teacher examining the pupil
(Luke ii.). The questions might be ethical, >> What
waa the great oommandment of all ? What moat
a man do to Inherit eternal life V " or casuistic,
" What might a man do or leave undone on the
8abbath?"or ceremonial, " What did or did not
render him unclean ? " • In doe time the pupil
on to the laws of property, of contract*, and
which pointed to aehlld of that hones aa "the Lord's
Christ." Thar* is something slgnlaeant, too, In the
eUenot of Babblnle literature. la the Ptrkt Atotk he
Is not even named. Oomp. Otho, Hut. Doct. Jstea. In
Ugolinl xxt
t W* are left to wander what wars the quasaoao
and answers of the cohool-raom of Lose IL 48, bat
thaes p rop ose d to our Lord by his own disciples, or by
the Berlbee, is tests of his proaeMnoy, may surly be
taken aa types of what waa commonly dlicn— d The
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SCRIBES
ef evidence. So fe htni within the rink) of
the Ualacnah, the simple exposition of to* tradi-
tional " Worda of the Scribes." He might re-
main content with this, or might peat on to the
higher knowledge of the Beth-ham-Midraeh, with
ita inexhaustible atone of mystical interpretation.
In both cases, preeminently in the latter, parablea
entered largely into the method of instruction.
The teacher ottered the similitude, and left it to
his bearers to interpret for themselves. [Paba-
BLB8.J That the relation between the two waa
often one of genial and kindly feeling, we may
infer from the saying of one famous Scribe, "I
hare learnt much from the Rabbis my tcanhcra,
1 hare learnt more from the Rabbis my colleagues,
I bare learnt most of all from my disci pi ta"
(OarpsoT, Afp. CriL i. 7).
(2.) After a sufficient period of training, prob-
ably at the age of thirty, ■ the probationer was sol-
emnly admitted to his office. The presiding
Rabbi pronounced the formula, " 1 admit thee, and
thou art admitted to the Chair of the Scribe,"
solemnly ordained him by the imposition of hands
(the nS^QD = x«po0«ria), 6 and gave to him,
as the aymbol of his work, tablets on which he waa to
note down the sayings of the wise, and the " key of
knowledge " (oomp. Luke xi. 62), with which he was
to open or to shut the treasures of Divine wisdom.
So admitted, he took his place as a Chabtr, or mem-
ber of the fraternity, was no longer brypdn/uerot
«ol fittcJriji (Acts iv. 18), was separated entirely
from the multitude, the brute herd that knew not
the Law, the " cursed "" people of the earth"
(John vii. 15, 49).«
(8.) There still remained for the disciple after
his admission the choice of a variety of functions,
the chances of failure and success. He might give
himself to any one of the branches of study, or
combine two or more of them. He might rise to
high places, become a doctor of the Law, an arbi-
trator in family litigations (Luke xii. 14), the head
of a school, a member of the Sanhedrim. He
might have to content himself with the humbler
work of a transcriber, copying the Lew and the
Prophets for the use of synagogues, or Tephillim
for that of the devout (Otho, Lex. Rubb. s.
" PhyUvoteria " ), or a notary writing out contracts of
sale, covenants of espousals, bills of repudiation.
The position of the more fortunate was of course
attractive enough. Theoretically, indeed, the office
if the Scribe was not to be a source of wealth.
(t is doubtful how far the fees paid by the pupils
vera appropriated by the teacher (Buxtorf, Si/nag.
ludaie. cap. 48). The great Hillel worked as a
Jay-laborer. St. Paul's work as a tout maker, our
Lord's work as a carpenter, were quite compatible
with the popular conception of the most honored
Rabbi. The indirect payments were, however, con-
siderable enough. Scholars brought gifts. Kick
BORISES
and devout widows maintained a Rabbi as an act
of piety, often to the injury of their owu tiadraf
(Matt, xxiii. 14). Each sot of the notary's office,
(ir the arbitration of the jurist, would beattanded
by an honorarium.
(4.) In regard to social position there was a ttka
contradiction between theory and practice. The
older Scribes bad had no titles [Rabbi] ; ai.— .;.!.
as we hare seen, warned his disciples against them.
In our Lord's time the passion for distinction was
insatiable. The ascending scale of Rab, Rabbi,
Rabban (we are reminded of our own Reverend,
Very Reverend, Right Reverend) pnasnted ar
many steps on the ladder of ambition (Serunian,
d* lit. Rabbi, in Ugolini xxii.). Other forms of
worldliness were not far off-* The salutations in
the market-place (Matt, xxiii. 7), the reverential
kiss offered by the scholars to their master, or by
Rabbis to each other, the greeting of Abba, father
(Matt, xxiii. 9, end Lightibot, Hor. Heb. in lot),
the long oToAai, as contrasted with the simple
Xfratr and /udVur of our Lord and his disciples,
with the broad blue Zhdth or fringe (the jtpoW-
irscW of Matt, xxiii. 5), the Tephillim of ostenta-
tious sue, all these go to make up the picture of a
Scribe's life. Drawing to thsmselves, as they did,
nearly all the energy and thought of Judaism, the
close hereditary easts of the priesthood was power-
less to compete with them. Unless the priest be-
came a Scribe also, be remained in obscurity. The
order, as such, became contemptible and base.*
For the Scribes there ware the best places at feasts,
the chief seats in synagogues (Matt, xxiii. 6; Luke
xiv. 7).
(5.) The character of the order was marked ua
der these influences by a deep, incurable hypocrisy,
all the more perilous because, in most cases, it was
unconscious. We must not infer from this that
all were alike tainted, or that the work which they
had done, and the worth of their office, were not
recognized by Him who rebuked them for their
evil. Some there were not far from the kingdom
of God, taking their place aids by side with proph-
ets and wise men, among the instruments by which
the wisdom of God was teaching men (Matt, xxiii.
84). The name was still honorable. The Apostles
themselves were to be Scribes in the kingdom of
God (Matt. xiii. S3). The Lord himself did not
refuse the salutations which bailed Him as a Rabbi.
In " Zenas the lawyer" (rouMer, Tit. iii. 18) and
Apollos "mighty in the Scriptures," sent appar-
ently for the special purpose of dealing with the ud-
X«u roputoi which prevailed at Crete (Tit. iii. 9),
we may recognize the work which members of the
order were capable of doing for the edifying of the
Church of Christ (oomp. Winer. Ruiiwb., and Her-
sog'a£acyt^«SchriAgelehrte"). E. H. P.
• l&troturt The preceding article is so full
and satisfactory that it is not worth while to add
many references. We may name, however, the
Apocryphal Scepsis, at usual, mock our ourioatr/ with
the most irritating puerilities. (Comp. Bvangtl. In-
Jkml. e. iS, In TtoebendorT, Keangttia Apocrypha.)
a This Is Inferred by Sehoettgva (Bur. «*. I. e.)
worn «M analogy of the Lsvltel offloc, and tern the
hot that ths Baptist and our Lord both entered on
their ministry at this age.
• It was said of Hillel thai he placed a limit on this
arec M ii. It had ben exercised by any Bcrlbe. After
Us time It was reserved for the Meal or President of
ms nanhearhn (Qslasr, »l mtpra).
> let all the details in the above section, and many
others, ecanp. the elaborate tre at ises by Uismus, An-
tiqq. Htb., sod Heabner, Dt Aaxitmw Bf'- m nm-
In Ugolini, Thts. xxl.
' The later Rabbinic ■aymg that « the disciples ef
the wise have a right to a goodly home, a fair vrmt
and a eoft couch," reflected probably the luxury at
an sarller rims. (Ureal Antiey. *»• cap. &,«**»
•re-)
< lT«f..Ung to curloosly prominent tathsBehbh*
scale of precedence. The Wist Man, ». «. tbr BabM
at higher than the High Priest hlmttlf. rOsm. Sera
Jlerateta, f. 84.)
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scrip
i of Um Jan (in German) by Herxfeld,
Enid; Zona, DU gottodiuutHch*
Vurtrig* dm- Judtn, Bert 1832; Hincb&ud,
daaicaiiea* Eacegrte, Bad. 1840, and HagtidUcht
A ta y t a t , 1847 ; Ginsburg'* art. " Scribe* " in Kitlo's
Cfchp. of BiU. Xifc 3d *d., vol. iii.; and Haus-
tatb's NaUttL ZdtgackickU, i. 76-114. A.
SCRIP (WP*£: ouAAoy*, wijpd: para).
The Hebrew word" thus translated appear* in
I Saav irii. 40, aa a synonym tor D^'lTl '■b?
(t* editor to wottwruroV), the bag in which the
abephard* of Palestine carried their food or other
In Synimachus and the Vulg. ptra,
in the marginal reading of A. V. "eerip,"
in 2 K. iv. 42, for the ]V7f7?, which in
the text of the A. V. ii translated 'hint (comp.
Gaaan. $. v.). The wtjea of the N. T. appears in
our Lord's command to his disciples aa diatio-
gniahed from the (awn (Matt. x. 10; Mark vi. 8)
and the BoAAaVriav (Lake x. 4, nil. 35, 36), and
it* nature and use are sufficiently denned by the
lexicographers. The scrip of the Galilean peasants
ana of leather, used especially to carry their
(bod on a journey (ij 0n«-h T&r tprmv, Suid.j
Upfia ti A>to$hW, Amnion.), and slung over
their shoulders. In the Talmudic writers the word
7Q*V1 is used aa denoting the same thing, and
'■ named aa part of the equipment both of shepherd*
in their common life and of proselyte* coming on a
pilgrimage to Jerusalem (Lightfoot, //or. Hub. ou
Matt. x. 10). The (itVn, on the other hand, waa
the looas girdle, in the folds of which money waa
often kept for the sake of safety [Uutout]; the
faAAaVr u>r (saccate*, Vulg.), the smaller bag
used exclusively for money (Luke xii. 81). The
eommand given to the Twelve first, and afterwards
io the Seventy, Involved therefore an absolute de-
pendence upon God fir each day's want*. They
wan to appear in every town or village, at men
•nKka all other travellers, freely doing without that
which other* looked on aa essential. The fresh rule
given in Luke xxU. 86, 36, perhaps also the facta
that Judas waa the bearer of the bag (y\aoo6ico-
a*r, John xii. 6), and that when the disciples
war* without bread they were ashamed of their
fargetfulneae (Mark viii. 14-16), show that the
eemmand waa not intended to be permanent.
The English word has a meaning precisely
aoaivalent to that of the Greek. Connected a* it
probably is, with serirpe, Krap, the scrip waa used
for artidea of food. It belonged especially to
shepherds (Am Yarn like It, aot iii. ae. 3). It was
saade of leather (Milton, Comas, 636). A similar
arlkts is still used by the Syrian shepherds (Por-
tal's Amoscas, ii. 109). The later sense of
werip aa a written certificate, is, it need hardly be
said, of different origin or meaning; the word, on
he Ant use In English, waa written "tenpt"
(Chaucer). E. M. P.
scripture: (ans, Do. «, si: 700*4,
Tffrv . a Tim. iii. 16: Seriptura). The chief
fact* relating to the book* to which, individually
and collectively, this title has been applied, will be
hand under Bibuc and Canon. It will fall
a Keunii, the sarin, is th* quaint sale of some of
ah* aaoat laamed of tit* JUbbhucal tnauaes: for !u-
saaaaytha Kaaaal Stimtm, a a-dscaUansons coUteaoa
af anajaaatuy oommaou on the anal* of the O. T., I Hue uf the saend book ofUam (Koran
181
SCRIPTURE 2878
within the scope of this article to trace the history
of the word, and to determine its exact ■"■"■■"£
In the language of the O. and K. T.
(1.) It la not till the return from the Captivity
that the word meet* ua with any distinctive force.
In the earlier books wo read of the Law, the Book
of the Law. In Ex. xxxii. 16, the commandments
written on the tablet of testimony are said to be
'• the writing of God " (yptutA) *<•■>), but there is
no special sense in the word taken by itself. In
the paasage from Dan. x. 21 (4, yotuffi oAn-
0«uu), where the A. V. has "the Scripture U
truth," the words do not probably mean more
than a « true writing." The thought of tkt Scrip-
ture aa a whole ia hardly to be found in them
This first appears in 3 Chr. xxx. 5, 18 (DV^J,
Kara -rip ypaf4», LXX., "a* it was written,"
A. V.), and u probably connected with the profound
reverence for the Sacred Books which led the earlies
Scribes to confine their own teaching to oral tradi-
tion, and gave therefore to " the Writing " a dis-
tinctive preeminence. [Sckibes.] The same feel-
ing showed itself in the constant formula of quota-
tion, '• It it written," often without the addition of
any words defining the passage quoted (Matt. iv. 4,
6, xxi. 13, xxvi. 24). The Greek word, a* will be
•ecu, kept its ground in this tense. A slight chanat
passed over that of the Hebrew, and led to the
substitution of another. The CHVI? (cMMm
= writings), in the Jewish arrangement of the
O. T., was used for a part and not the whole of
the O. T. (the Hagiograpba; comp. Biblk), while
another form of the same root (ceuVio) came to
have a technical significance aa applied to tne text,
which, though written in the MSS. of the Hebrew
Scriptures, might, or might not be recognized as
ktri, the right intelligible reading to be read ia th*
congregation. Another word was therefore wanted,
and it waa found in the MUera' (r-PI7D, Neh.
viii. 8), or " reading," the thing read ur recited,
recitation.' This accordingly we find as the equiva-
lent for the collective ypwpal- The boy at the
age of five begins the study of the Mikj-a, at ten
passes on to the Atitknn (Pirkt Aboth, v. 34).
The old word has uot, however, disappeared, and
3VT^n, "the Writing," ia used with the same
connotation (ibid. iii. 10).
(2.) With this meaning the word ypaipi passed
into the language of the N . T. Used in the singu-
lar it is applied chiefly to this or that passage
quoted from the O. T. (Mark xii. 10; John rii. 38,
xiii. 18, xix. 37; Luke iv. 21; Rom. ix. 17; Gal.
iii. 8, et ot). In Acts viii. 32 (jj wtpioxh t»3»
ypcuprii) it takes a somewhat larger extension, as
denoting the writing of Isaiah ; but in ver. 35 the
more limited meaning reappears. In two passages
of tome difficulty, some hare teen the wider, some
the narrower sense. (1.) niira 7pas>h 6foa-v<vo-
ros (2 Tim. 111. 16) has been tranalated in the
A. Y. " All Scripture is given by the inspiration
of God," at though 700*4, though without th*
article, were taken at equivalent to tbe 0. T. at a
whole (comp. riaa oucoSour), Epu. 11. 21; a-aws
'UpoaiKu/ia, Matt. ii. 3), and fkoVre vtrros, th*
predicate asserted of it. Ketaiuing the narrower
eonsbttuaj of extracts nam aaera than fllty ekkr Jaw*
lib work* (Zuna, Qottud. Vtnraft, cap. 18).
t> Th» asm* root. It may be nottnau, Is found to tap
n-ettaooal
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8874
SCRIPTURE
■waning, however, we might still take etimvrros
as (he predicate. "Every Scripture — se. every
•eparate portion — it divinely implied." It has
been urged, however, that this assertion of a truth,
which both St. Paul and Timothy held in common,
would be leu suitable to the context than the as-
signing that truth as a ground for the further in-
ference drawn from it; and so there is a prepon-
derance of authority in favor of the rendering,
"Every ypapfi, being inspired, is also profitable,
..." (corop. Meyer, Alford, Wordsworth, Ellicott,
Wiesinger, in be.). There does not seem any
ground for making the meaning of ypatfrti depend-
ent on the adjective tVeVycwrros (" every inspired
writing "), as though we recognized a ypaffi not
inspired. The tuuj loquendi of the S. T. is uni-
form in this respect : and the word ypwpii is never
used of any common or secular writing.
(2.) The meaning of the genitive in woca
a-paatyrsla ypatpiis (2 Pet. i. 20) seems at first
sight, anarthrous though it be, distinctively collec-
tive. " Every prophecy of, »'. e. contained in, the
O. T. Scripture." A closer examination of the
passage will perhaps lead to a different conclusion.
The Apostle, after speaking of the vision on the
holy mount, goes on, " We have as something yet
firmer, the prophetic word " (here, probably includ-
ing the utterances of N. T. rptrtnfrai, as well
as the writings of the 0. T. a ). Men did well to
give heed to that word. They needed one cau-
tion iu dealing with it. They were to remember
that no rpoifnfTtta ypapfjs, no such prophetic
utterance starting from, resting on a ypa^, b
came from the ISia erlAwn, the individual power
of interpretation of the speaker, but was, like the
•wxuOf) itself, inspired. It was the law of ttpo^/nrt (a,
i the later as well as the earlier, that men of God
■pake, "borne along by the Holy Spirit."
(3.) In the plural, as might be expected, the
collective meaning is prominent. Sometimes we
have simply ai y papal (Matt. xxi. 42, xxii. 29;
John v. 89; Acts xvii. 11; 1 Cor. xv. 3). Some-
times woVou ai ypanpal (Luke xxlv. 27). The
epithets iyuu (Bom. i. 2), TpoipyrtKal (Rom.
xvi. 26), are sometimes joined with it. In 2 l'et.
il. 16, we find an extension of the term to the
.pistles of St. Paul; but it remains uncertain
whether ai Aonral ypaipal are the Scriptures of
the 0. T. exclusively, or include other writings,
then extant, dealing with the same topics. There
seems little doubt that such writings did exist.
A comparison of Bom. xvi. 28 with Epb. Ui. 6
might even suggest the conclusion, that in both
there is tbe same assertion, that what bad not been
revealed before was now manifested by the Spirit
to tbe apostles and prtphett of the Church ; and
so that tbe •'prophetic writings" to which St.
Paul refers, are, like the spoken words of N. T.
prophets, those that reveal things not made known
before, the knowledge of the mystery of Christ.
It is noticeable, that in the [spurious] 2d Epistle
of Clement of Borne (c xi.) we have • long citation
of this nature, not from tbe 0. T-, quoted as 6
rpodnrrucai kiyor (oomp. 2 Pet i. 19), and that
■ 'O *fo$vnxbc A4yov is used by Phllo of tbe words
of Moses (Ug. Alleg. HI. 14, vol. 1. p. 96, sd. Maog.).
Bo, of « una, could recognise no prophets but those
of the O. T. Olemant of Borne [Pseudo-Clement, A.]
01. 11) u*es It of a prophecy not included In the
Oan"n.
» So In the only other lasunee In which the geni-
tive Is Bund (Bom. xv. 4), 4 raaaVrtaww t»V yso^w
SCYTHIAN
h. he 1st Epistle (c. xziiL) the soma ■ quoted «
4 7pas>r}- Looking to the special fullness of the
prophetic gifts in the Church of Corinth (1 Cor
1. 6, xiv. 1), it is obviously probable that some of
tbe spoken prophecies would be ootnmitted to writ-
ing; and it is a striking coincidence, that both the
apostolic and post-apostolic references are ranortod.
first with that church, and next with that of Borne,
which was so largely influenced by it.
(4.) In one passage, ra {spa ypdptutra (2 Tim.
Ui. 15) answers to ''The Holy Scriptures" of the
A. V. Taken by itself, the word might, as in
John vii. 16, Acts xxvi. 24, have a wider range, in-
cluding tbe whole circle of BabbinUs education
As determined, however, by the use of other Hei
leniatio writers, Philo (Ltg. ad Cousin, vol. U. p
674, ed. Mang.), Josephus (Ant. protein. 8, x. 10,
§ 4; c. Apion. 1. 26), there can be no doubt that
it is accurately translated with this special mean-
ing. E. H. P.
• SORIPTTJRx*- INTERPRETATION.
[Old Tmtamkht, voL iii. p. 2228 ff.]
• SCURVY, puunonm.]
SCYTHIAN (Xrittnr: Sn/tha) occurs In
Col. iii. 11, as s generalized term for rude, igno-
rant, degraded. In tbe Gospel, says Paul, " there
is neither Greek nor Jew, circumcision nor undr-
cumcision, barbarian, Scythian, bond nor free; but
Christ is all and in alL" The same view of Scythian
barbarism appears in 2 Maoc. iv. 47, and 8 Mace,
vii. 6. For the geographical and ethnographic*,
relations of the term, sat Did, of O'tog. ii. 988-
946. Tbe Scythians dwelt mostly on the north of
the Black Sea and tbe Caspian, stretching thence
indefinitely into inner Asia, and were regarded by
tbe ancients as standing extremely low in point of
intelligence and civilization. Josephus (c. Apia*.
ii. 87) says, ixitcu ti ettVou %aipwr*t Mpimn
*ol tipa%h rsn> Anpwr SjaoWporrsr ; and Par-
menio (up. Atben. v. 221), Mip yap hump
otror, let ttap Twwot ScvOirrl aWrsi, ovSt
Kehnra ytyrdcKwr- For other similar testimonies
see Wetatein, Nov. Te$t. vol. ii. p. 292. At tbe
same time, by the force of numbers, and by their
wUdness and savage ferocity, tbe Scythians were a
dreaded foe, and often spread slaughter and desola-
tion through the lands which they invaded (sea
Bawlinsou's Ancient Itonarckin, ii. 608-617). It
is generally allowed that they are the hordes meant
under the name of Magog in Ex. xxxviii. and
xxxix., and are also tbe warriors whom Jeremiah
describes as so terrible (iv.-vi.). Perhaps it may
be inferred from Col. iii. 11 that there were Scy-
thians also among the early converts to Christianity.
Many of this people lived in Greek and Koman
lands, and could have heard the Gospel there, even
if some of the first preachers had not penetrated
into Scythia itself. According to one of tbe early
Christian traditions it was the mission of the
Apostle Andrew to go to the Scythians and pr U ao n
to them the Gospel (Euseb. Mil. Eeclu. iii. 1).
Herodotus states (i. 103-106) that the Scythians
made an incursion through Pakatinu into Egypt,
Is the counsel, admonition, diawn from the Scriptures.
Aftyoc iropaxA^oiuc appears In Acts xita. 15 as the re-
ceived term for such an address, the Sermon of the
Synagogue. UapixX^iju Itself was so closely allied
with rptxfanU (comp. Barnabas = wi&c isosVvnss* "•
eiftc waaasA^mft), that the expressions or the ten
Apostles may be regarded as substantially I "
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SC7THOPOLI8
■nitr Ptttomatichua, the contemporary of Joeian.
U thia way une would account for the Green
jim of Beth-ehean, Scythopolu. H. B. H.
SCYTHOP'OLIS (a«v6«r wiKa: Peehilo-
Syriae, Beittm: dvitai Bcytharum), that It, "the
rity of the Scythian*," ocean in the A. V. of Jud.
iU. 10 and 8 Mace. xii. 89 only. In the LXX-
ef Judg. i. 87, however, it ia ineerted (in both the
gnat MSS.) at the synonym of BnH-aHKAK, and
this identification ia confirmed by the narratire of
1 Utec t. 52, a parallel account to that of 8 Maoc.
mii. 39, aa well at by the repeated •tatenienta of
Joaaphna (Aid. v. 1, § 22, vi. 14, § 8, xii. 8, § 5).
He uniformly give* the name in the contracted
shape (XrvtioVoAit) in which it U alao given by
Knenhim {Onum. passim), Pliny {H. N. v. 18),
Bumbo (xvi.), etc., els., and which i* inaccurately
bllowed in the A. V. Polybiua (v. 70, $ 4) empkya
the fuller form of the LXX Beth-ehean hat now,
like ao many other placet In the Holy Land, re-
gained it* ancient name, and i* known aa Bdtdn
only. A mound ckee to it on the weat ia called
TJi Shut, in which it ia perhaps juat poaaible that
a trace of Scythopolia may linger.
But although there ia no doubt whatever of the
identity of the place, there ia oonaiderable difference
of opinion aa to the origin of the name.' The
LXX. (aa ia evident from the form in which they
preaaot it) and Pliny (//. JV. v. 16 *) attribute it to
the Scythiana, who, in the worda of the Byzantine
historian, Ueorge Syncellus, "overran Palestine,
and took poaaeaaiuo of Baiaan, which from them ia
tailed Seythopolie." Thia haa bam in modern
timet generally referred to the invaaion recorded by
Harodotua (i. 104-6), when the Scythiana, after
their occupation of Media, patted through Palea-
tine on their road to Egypt (about B. c. 600 — a
lew yeara before the taking of Jerusalem by Nebu-
ahadnexzar), a atatement now recognized aa a real
tact, though tome of the detaila may be open to
queatkm {Diet. <f Gtogr. ii. 940 b; Rawlinaoo'a
Beiod. 1. 846). It ia not at all improbable that
aither on their panage through, or on their return
after being repulsed by Paammetichua (Herod, i.
106), tome Soythiana may have fettled in the coun-
try (Ewald, Gttch. iii. 694, note); and no place
would be more likely to attract them than Bourn
(fertile, moat abundantly watered, and in an ex-
eaDent military petition. In the then atata of the
Holy Land they would hardly meet with muoh re-
sist anoa.
Belaud, however (apparently incited thereto by
hit doubta of the truth of Harodotua' aocount), die-
aarded thia explanation, and suggested that Soy-
tbopolia waa a corruption of Sucoothopolia — the
ehaaf town of the diatrict of Soeooth. In thia he b
supported by Geteniut (JVote* to Burekhnrdt, p.
1068) and by Grimm (Extg. Hamdbwek on 1 Mac*.
siu. 2875
68). Since, however, the objection of Roland to
the biatorical truth of Harodotua ia now removed,
the necessity for thia auggeetion (certainly moat in-
genioua) aeema not to exiaU The diatanee of Suo-
ooth from Btitan, if we identify it with SaJcAl, it
10 m tee, while if the argumenta of Mr. Ueke are
valid it would be nearly double aa for. And it it
aurely gratuitous to suppose that ao large, inde-
pendent, and important a town aa Beth-abean waa
in the earlier hiatory, and aa the remains show it
to have been hi the Greek period, should have taken
ita name from a comparatively inaiguificuit place
at a long diatanee from It. Dr. Kobiuaon (BibL
Jiti. iii. 330) remarki with justice, that bad the
Greeks derived the name from Suecoth they would
have employed that name in ita trai>alnted form at
2<rnvai, and the compound would have been Scen-
opolia. Relaud'a derivation ia alao dismissed with-
out heaitatiou by Ewald, on the ground that the
two name* Sucooth and Skythea have nothing in
common (6'tacA. iii. 694, no»e). Dr. Kohinaon
auggeata that, after all, City of the Scythians may
be right: the word Scythia being uaed at in the
N. T. at equivalent to a barbarian or aavage. In
thia eense be thinka It may have been applied to
the wild Arabs, who then, at now, inhabited the
Uhtr, and at timet may have had potaeaaion of
Beth-ahean.
The Canaanitea were never expelled from Beth-
ahean, and the heathen appear to have always main-
tained a footing there. It ia named in the Mithna
at the aeat of idolatry (Miahna, Aboda Zarn, i. 4),
and aa containing a double population of Jewa and
heathena. At the beginning of the Roman war
(A. D. 65) the heathen roae againat the Jew* and
maaaacred a large number, according to Joaephut
(B. J. ii. 18, § 3) no leaa than 13,000, in a wood or
grove dote to the town. Seythopoli* waa the
largest city of the Decapolia, and the only one of
the ten which lay weat of Jordan. By Euaebiua
and Jerome {(Mom. ••Betbeau ") it it character-
ized aa woAu tVttwuoi and vrbi nobilit. It waa
aurrouuded by a district of ita own of the moot
abundant fertility. It became the aeat of a Chrit-
tiao biabop, and it* name ia found in the liata of
signature! aa late at the Council of Constantinople,
A. D. 536. The latest mention of it under tht
title of Scythopolia it probably that of William
of Tyre (xxii. 16, 36). He mentiona it at if it
waa then actually ao-oalled, carefully explaining
that it waa formerly Betb-than. G.
• SOYTHOPOI/ITAH8 (*ru»o»oAJr« :
ScfllwpotUa), lnhabitanU of Scythopolu (8
Maes. xii. 30). &•
SKA. The Sea, yam,' It uaed In Scripture to
denote — (1.) The " gathering of the waters " (yd-
mim) enoompavssiug the land, or what we call in a
more or leaa definite aenae " the Ocean." (8.) Some
aThe"aaoaaaiiaf*ekt n araaaUtD derive It from
•<s>a<,aUde(Wllt«aina,tBlKcl. «/ Om»t.). This is,
liiatllwi, another appearance of ths Isgend ao well
Known In eonnaetloa with the muadsnon of Byres
■Okrthatj*). One sneh hat been menuooed In nfer-
*aet to Bebroa under lUaHrazua (vol. U. p. 1789,
■east).
a Tn* tburalar name Nyaa, mentlonad In this pas-
sag* sa a former aspellaakw of Boylhopnlls. Is ideod-
tjai by ttwald {Ouch. Iv. 46S) with IWoja, aa In ar-
•jsa of (Bath-) Sua*, aetumUy tbund on coins.
' D\ Oh. ►»!*£, Ban, vn. 8, < MAaewas mars,
torn n^J, not oasd, I. q, Dljn,
71 and , being interchanged.
rrpn, " roar,*'
Connected with this Is
a'lnri : s>mi : o»*ihu, " ths deep " (Oen. L »;
Jon. 11. '6 i Oee. p. 871). It also maans the wast (G«a.
pp. 860, 698). When used tor the ssa, It very often,
but not always, takae the article.
Other words for the sea (In A. T. « deep ") are : (1.)
nb«lp, nb'lSP (only In plural), or rib's :
i>«wot, «***: «***««*, vn>fim*>m. (8.) bifflO '
muKwmi *town», "waU^nood" (Pa, zxto. 101
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1876 sea
portion rfthi* as tbe Mediterranean Sea. (8.) In-
Lnd lakes, whether of nit or tahntff. (4.) Any
gnat collection of water, aa the riven Nile or Eu-
phrates, especially la a atate of overflow.
1. In the firat ana) It ia uaed in Geii. i. 2, 10,
and elsewhere, aa Deut. in. 13; 1 K. X. 88; Pa.
uir. 8; Job xxvi. 8, 13, xxxriii. 8; an Horn. //.
xir. 801, 808, and He*. Tktog. 107, 109; and 3 Pet.
ill. 6.
8. Id the tecond, it ia used, with the article (a)
•f the Mediterranean Sea, called the" hinder," « tbe
"western," and the "utmost" en (Deut xi. 34,
xxxvr.8; Joel U. 30); "Ma of tbe Philiatinei " (Ex.
xxiii. 81); "the great aea" (Num. xzxir. 6,7; Josh.
ZT.47);<*theaea n (Uen.xliz.l3; P». boot. 1 1, crii.
83; 1 K. it. 30, Ac.). (») Alao frequently of tbe Red
Sea (Ex. xv. 4; Josh. xxlv. 6), or one of its gulfe
(Num. xi. 81; Is. xi. 15), and perhaps (1 K. t. 28)
the sea traversed by Solomon's fleet [Keu Sea.]
8. Tbe inland lakes termed seas, as the Salt or
Dead Sea. (See the special articles.)
4. The term yim, like tbe Arable bahr, is also
applied to great rivers, aa the Nile (Is. xix. fi; Am.
vilL 8, A. V. " flood; " Nah. iii. 8; Ex. xxxii. 2),
the Euphrates (Jer. It 86). (See Stanley, B. $ P.
App. p. (33.)
The qualities or charaeteristies of tbe sea and
sea-ooast mentioned in Scripture are, (1.) Tbe sand, 6
whose abundance on tbe coast both of Palestine
and Egypt furnishes so many illustrations (Gen
xxil. 17, xli. 49; Judg. vii. 13; 1 Sam. xiii. 6; 1
K. ir. 80, 89; Is. x. 28; Matt vii. 86; Strabo,
lib. xvi. 758, 759; Raumer, P«L p. 45; Robinson,
B. 34-38, 464; Shaw, Trail, p. 280; Hasselquist,
Trail, p. 119; Stanley, S. f P. pp. 355, 860, 864).
(8.) The shore." (8.) Creeks "or inlets. (4.) Har-
bors." (5.) Waves/ or billows.
It may be remarked that almost all the figures
of speech taken from tbe sea in Scripture refer
either to its power or its danger, and among the
woes threatened in punishment of disobedience, one
may be remarked as significant of the dread of the
sea entertained by a non-eeafaring people, tbe being
brought back into Egypt " in ships " (Dent xxviil.
68). The national feeling on this subject may be
contrasted with that of the Greeks in reference to
the sea. [Commerce.] It may be remarked, that,
as ia natural, no mention of the tide ia found in
Scripture.
The place '• where two seas met"' (Acta xxvii.
41) is explained by Conybeare and Howsoo as a
place where the island Salmonetta, oft" the coast of
Malta in St Paul's Bay, so intercept* tbe passage
from the sea without to the bay within as to give
the appearance of two seas, just a* Strabo repre-
amta the appearance of the entrance from tbe Bos-
* V*" l EJfi' : <**■*•» 4) «»X*rs: («"•») "•"<*-
ataiem.
« *]Sn, Joined with DV wpoWWyfi: totas. In
**n. xUx. 18, "haven ; » lets xxvll. 89, elytelM.
* V^P?. bvn YT& "break," only In Judg.
. 17, in plural: imont : partus : 4.V. « b i aas h s s "
« tNTTQ, a place of rstnat : Aijtdr : porta*: A. T.
"haveo."
/(1-) b|, Ht a hasp, In plural, weesai ■««*:
trngilu, mum JhuuuaM. (S.) >3T or HS? : *»»-
SEA, MOLTEN
phoms Into the Euxlne; but it seems quite asHkwj
that by the " place of the double sea," is mesa!
one where two currents, caused by the interventioe,
of the island, met and produced an eddy, which
made it desirable at once to ground the ship (Couy
bean and Howson, U. 423; Strabo, ii. 124).
H. W. P.
• SEA, THE GBEAT. [Sea, 8.]
SEA, MOLTEN.* Tbe name given to the
great brazen ' lever of the Mosaic ritual. [Laves.]
In the place of the laver of the Tabernacle, Solo-
mon caused a laver to be cast for a similar purpose,
which from its size was called a sea. It was mad*
partly or wholly of the brass, or rather copper,
which had been captured by David from " Tibhata
and Cbun, cities of Hsdarazer king of Zobah"
(1 K. vii. 83-86; 1 Chr. xviii. 8). It* dimensions
were as follows: Height, 5 cubits; diameter, 10
cubit* ; circumference, 80 cubit* ; thickness, 1
haudbreadth; and it is said to have been capable
of containing 2.000, or, according to 2 Chr. iv. 6,
8,000 baths. Below the brimi then was a double
row of " knops," * 10 (t. a. 6 + 6) in each cubit
These wen probably a running border or double
fillet of tendrils, and fruits, said to be gourds, of an
oval shape (Celsius, Ifierob. i. 397, and Jewish au-
thorities quoted by htm). Tbe brim itself, or lip,
was wrought " like the brim of a cup, with flowers '
of lilies," i. e. curved outwards like a lily or lotos
flower. Tbe laver stood on twelve oxen, three to-
wards each quarter of the heavens, and all looking
outwards. It was mutilated by Ahaz, by being
removed from its basis of oxen and placed on a
stone base, and was finally broken up by the Assyr-
ians (2 K. xvi. 14, 17, xxv. 13).
Josephus says that tbe form of the sea was hemi-
spherical, and that it held 8,000 baths; and be else-
where tells us that the bath was equal to 72 Attic
feo-rot, or 1 ^er/nrrvji = 8 gallons 5.12 pints
(Joseph. Ant. viii. 2, § 9, and 8, § 5. The question
arises, which occurred to the Jewish writers them-
selves, bow the contents of the laver, as they an
given in the sacred text, an to be reconciled with
it* dimensions. At tbe rate of 1 bath = 8 gallons
5.13 pints, 3,000*baths would amount to about
17,250 gallons, and 8,000 (the more precisely stated
reading of 2 Chr. iv. 5) would amount to 25,980
gallons. Now, supposing the vessel to be hemi-
spherical, as Josephus says it was, tbe cubit to be
= 20 t inches (20 6350), and the palm or hand-
breadth = 8 inches (84464, Wilkinson, Anc. Kgjpt.
ii. 858), we find tbe following proportions: From
the height (5 cubit* = 103) inches) subtract tbe
thickness (3 inches), the axis of the hemisphere
Ttl+mf.Jhttiui only In Pa. xefctt. 8. (8.) "l^D
fxrmpuniAt i Vfh •*■*■• "» breaker " (4.) HC^
(Job lx. 8) : jlttai: as. "a high place > (aa. XT. »V
r •KnttMXamt: loau rfdaofacnu
' iof*ia5 rrng: **•#»*. «*&<•: /■<*■»« ■.
UUi. Tb» aaaasaaiiteraUy ia, «and Its Up (was) ns
work (such ss) a cup's Up, a Wj-flowr."
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SEA. MOLTEN
•ouM be 991 inches, and its contents In gallons, it
J77J cubic inches to the g«Don, would be about
7,500 gallons; or taking the cubit at 22 inches, the
content* would reaeh 10,046 galloni— an amount
■till far below the required quantity. On the other
band, a hemispherical vend, to contain 17,350 gal-
lons, moat hare a depth of 11 feet nearly, or rather
more than 6 cubits, at the highest estimate of 22
inches to the eubit, exclusive of the thickness of
the Teasel- To meet the difficulty, we may imag-
ine — (1.) An erroneous reading of the numbers.
f> , We may imagine the law, like Its prototype
In the Tabernacle, to have had a " foot," which may
have been a basic which received the water as it
waa drawn out bj taps from the layer, so that the
priests might be said to wash " at " « not " in " It
(Ex. xxx. 18, 19; 2 On. iv. 6). (8.) We may
suppose the layer to have had another shape than
the hemisphere of Josephns. The Jewish writers
■opposed that it had a square hollow base for 3
•obits of its height, and 2 cubits of the circular
fbrm above (Lightfoot, Doer. Tempi vol. i. p.
647). A far more probable suggestion is that of
Thenins, in which Keil agrees, that it was of a
bulging form below, but contracted at the mouth
to the dimensions named in 1 K. vil. 23. (40 A
fourth supposition is perhaps tenable, that when
H is said the layer contained 2,000 or 3,000 baths,
the meaning is that the simply of water required
for its use amounted, at its utmost, to that quan-
tity. The quantity itself of water is not surpris-
ing, when we remember the quantity mentioned as
the supply of a private house for purification,
namely, 6 smphone of 2 or 3 firkins {/urppTal)
' ,i. t. from 16 to 24 gallons each (John ii. 6).
SEA, THE SALT
2877
jfruta aUll
Hypothetical restoration of the Lavar.
The larar is said to have bean supplied in earlier
days by the Gibeonites, but afterwards by a conduit
from the pools of Bethlehem. Ben-Katin made
twelve cocks (epistomia) for drawing off the water,
and invented a contrivance for keeping it pure
during the night (Joma, iii. 10; Tamid, iii. 8;
Middoa, iii. 6; Lightfoot, I c). Mr. Layard
■Motions some circular vessels found at Nineveh,
of 6 feet in diameter and 2 feet in depth, which
■sillied to answer, in point of use, to the Molten
Sea, though for inferior in sixe; and on the bas-
reliets it is remarkable that cauldrons are repre-
tsnted supported by oxen (Layard, Nm. and Bab.
a. 180; see Tbenius on 1 K. vii.; and Keil, Arch.
BM i. 127, and pL 3, fig. i.). H. W. P.
SEA, THE SALT VT^U DV jj Hkv
Tin &Aew; ». V oAoicfj, and tt)i AAwri>»t ». 4Ao»
in Gen. mnvt mlu, elsewhere m. mUurimum, ex-
cept Josh. iii. quod nunc vocatw mortuum). The
usual, and perhaps the most ancient name for the
remarkable lake, which to the Western «orld is
u.w generally known as the Dead Sea.
I. (1.) It is found only, and but rarely, fa the
Pmtateucb (Gen. xiv. 3; Num. xxxiv. 3, 12; Deut.
in. 17»), and in the book of Joshua (iii. 16, xii. S,
xv. 2, 5, xviii. 19).
(2.) Another, and possibly a later name, ia the
Sea of the Arabah (rtyjj?n OJ : »Ax<uroa
'Aeo/Ja; *, »<U. 'AoajSa! r) tix. rfjf 'ApojaV
mnrt sottumnw, or ocjeru"; A. V. » Sea of the
plain "), which is found fa Dent. iv. 49, and 2 K.
xiv. 26; and combined with the former — "the sea
of the Arabah, the salt sea" — in Deut. iii. 17:
Josh. iii. 16, xii. 8.
(3.) In the prophets (Joel U. 20; Be xlvii. 18,
Zecb. xiv. 8) it is mentioned by the title of the
East* Sea C?'tDTj33 DJH : fa Ex. tV »«ao»-
<m T*r Wf*t ararsAar *oiruiinns\' i fa Joel and
Zech. Tr)r *V&. tt/k rp&rnr: mare orientali).
(4.) In El. xhrii. 8, it ia styled, without previous
reference, the sea (Q'H), and distinguished from
"the great sea"— the Mediterranean (ver. 10).
(5.) Its connection with Sodom is first suggested
in the Bible in the book of 2 Esdras (v. 7) by the
name "Sodomitiab see" (mart Sodomiticum).
(6.) In the Taimudical books it is called both the
« Sea of Salt" (Mnbm HO*), and » Sea of
Sodom " (OVTD blD KQ*). See quotations from
Talmud and Midrasb Tehillim, by Belaud (Pat. p.
237).
(7.) Josephus, and before him Diodoms Siculus
(U. 48, xix. 98), names it the Asphaltic Lake -
rj *A«rd)aAT<Ti5 Aiimi (Ant i. 9, iv. 6, § 1, ix. 10,
§ 1; B. J. i. 33, $5. '»• 10 . S 7 i '»• 8 > S '• *>•
and once \. i, atrfalTOfipos (Ant. xvii. 6, J 6)
Also (Ant. v. 1, § 22) ft looopTris Al/urj.
(8.) Thename " Deed Sea " appears to have been
first used in Greek (taMurtra nnpi) by Pausaniaa
(y. 7) and Galen (iv. 9), and in Latin (mart mor-
tuum) by Justin (xxxvi. 3, § 6), or rather by the
older historian, Tragus Pompeiius (cir. B. c. 10),
whose work he epitomised. It is employed also by
Eusebius (Omm. 24to/ia)- The expressions of
Pausaniaa and Galen imply that the name was fa
use fa the country. And this is corroborated by
the expression of Jerome (Comm. on Dan. xi. 45).
"mare .... quod buna appellator mor
toum." The Jewish writers appear never to have
used it, and it has become established fa modern
literature, from the belief fa the very exaggerated
stories of its deadly character and gloomy aspect,
which themselves probably ansa out of the name,
and were due to the preconceived notions of the
travellers who visited its shores, or to the implicit
• Sg^O: «t«*r»8:A,V.«the™et"(lx xxx.19).
fe: fce*rp(3 0br.lT.«).
» In the Samaritan Pentateuch also hi Iv. 49.
• In Bwharlah and Joel, aa an antithesis to " the
r sss," i. «■ the Medl s s ii snssii ; '
rofthaA. Y., «
<t The version of tha LXX. la rsmaikable, as intro-
ducing tha name of Pbonueia In both vv. 18 and 19.
This may be either an equivalent of Xo-fedL, originally
Haaaaon-tamar, the "City of Palm-trea" (^au^w);
or may arias out of a corr up tion of Kadmom Into
Kanaan, whtab In tUa version Is occasionally rendered
by PtHsnMa. Tha only warrant ax B in lbs exfcelng
Hebrew text la tha name Tamer (— "a aalu/ and
readarad Wisiir «•! t m iai ni ) m ver. 19.
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2878
SEA THE SALT
tilth with which they received the statement* of
their guides. Thus Maundeville (ch. Ix.) says
K U called the Dead Sea because it moveth not,
but is ever still — the fact being that it is fre-
quently agitated, and that when in motion its
wan* hare great force. Hence also the fable that
no birds could fly across it alive, a notion which
the experience of almost every modern traveller to
Palestine would contradict
SEA, THB SALT
(".) The Arable name Is Bnhr Lil, the "Seeel
Lot." The name of Lot is also specially connected
with a small piece of land, sometimes island some-
times peninsula, at the north end of the lake.
II. (1.) The so-called Dead Ska is the final re-
ceptacle of the river Jordan, the lowest and largest
of the three lakes which interrupt the rush of its
downward course. It is the deepest portion of that
very deep natural fissure which runs tike a farrow
Hap, aud Longitudinal Beetton (from north to south), of the Dau> 8u, Cram the Observation!, Surveys, and
Soundings of Lynch, Robinson, Da Saulcy, Van de Telde, and others, drawn under the aaparlntendtnes of
Mr. Grove by Trelawney Saunders, and engraved by t. D. Cooper.
Btftrmca. — 1. Jericho. X. Ford of Jordan. 8. Wady Goumran. 4. Wady Z&rka Main. 6. Bas el-Tssh
khah. 6. Aln Tsrabeh. 7. Bas Mersed. 8. Wady Mqjlb. 9. Aln JIdy. 10. Blrket el KhulU. 11. Ssb-
beh. 13. Wady Zuwelrah. la. Urn goghal. 14. Khashm TJsduo. 15. Wady Flkreh. 16. Wady et-Jctfc.
17. Wady TutUsh. 18. Otaor es-8aneh. 1». Plain es-Sabkah. 30. Wady ed-Dra'ah. 31. The Peninsula.
S3. The Lagoon. 38. The Frank Mountain. 34. Bethlaheta. 38. Hebron.
The dotted Unas crowing and recroarlug the Lake show the places of the tranverse sections given on the oppo-
site page.
from the Gulf of Akaba to the range of Lebanon,
and from the range of Lebanon to the extreme
north of Syria. It is in tact a pool left by the
ocean, in its retreat from what there is reason
to believe was at a very remote period a channel
■onnecting the Mediterranean with the Red Sea.
i i the most enduring result of the great geological
^Deration which determined the present tons of the
country it may be called without exaggeration the
key to the physical geography of the Holy Land.
It is therefore in every way an object of extreme
interest. The probable condition* of the formation
of the lake will be alluded to in the course of this
article: we shall now attempt to describe it* dimes
skms, appearance, and natural features
3. Viewed on the map, the lake U of an eoksw
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SEA, THE SALT
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SEA, THE SALT
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A from itaMrk Wady MoJIb.
I Ford near 8. end
ot Penlninla.
Aaom the Lagoon from E. to W.
form, of tolerably regular contour, interrupted only
by a large and long peninsula which project* from
the eastern shore, near its southern end, and vir-
tually divide* the expanse of the water into two
portions, connected by a long, narrow, and some-
what devious passage. Its longest axis is situated
nearly north and south. It lies between 31° 6'
90" and 31° 46' N. lat., nearly ; and thus its water
surface is from N. to 8. as nearly as possible 40
geographical, or 46 English miles long. On the
other hand, it lies between 86° 34' and 35° 37'
east long.," nearly; and its greatest width (some 3
miles S. of Am Jidy) is about 9 • geographical miles,
or 104 English miles. The ordinary area of the up-
per portion is about 174 square geographical miles ;
of tie channel 89 ; and of the lower portion, her*'
after styled "tbe lagoon," 46; in all about 250
square geographical miles. These dimensions are
not very dissimilar to those of the Lake of tieneva.
They are, however, as will be seen further on, sub-
ject to considerable variation according to tbe time
of the year.
At its northern end the lake receives the stream
of tbe Jordan : on its eastern side the Z&rkn Mn'ln
(the ancient CaDlrrhoS, and possibly the more an-
cient en-Egktim), the Mojib (tbe Arnon of tbe
Bible), and tbe Beni-flanAd. On the south the
Kur&hy at tUAhty; and on the west that of Am
Jidy. These are probably all perennial, though
variable streams; but, In addition, the beds of the
torrents which lead through the mountains east
and west, and over the flat shelving plains on both
north and south of the lake, show that in the
winter a very large quantity of water must be
poured into it. There are also all along the west-
ern side a considerable number of springs, some
fresh, some warm, some salt and fetid — which
appear to run continually, and all find their way,
more or less absorbed by the sand and shingle of
the beach, into its waters. The lake has do visible •
outlet.
3. Excepting the last circumstance, nothing has
yet been stated about the Dead Sea that may not
be stated of numerous other inland lakes. The
depression of Its surface, however, and the depth
which it attains below that surface, combined with
the absence of any outlet, render it one of the most
remarkable spots on tbe globe. According to the
observations of Lieut Lynch, the surface of the lake
in May, 1848, was 1,316.7 « feet below the level of
leansreter Section* (flam west to asst) of the Dud
8u ; plotted tor to* tint tune, from the Soundings
given by Lynch on the Hap in his Itarrat'm of lit
V. B. Expedition, eta., London, 1849. Tn« spots at
which Uw Sections were taken an Indicated on the
Hap (opposite) by the dotted Unes The depths are
gtven In Kugllsh feet.
«. B. — For the sake of olsarness, the hortsontal
sat wsroeal scales tbe these Sections have been *n-
ejejed trass those adopted tor the Map and LonfMudV
sal III Han on the opposite peg*.
a The longitudes and latitudes are given with cars
by Tan de Velds (Man. p. 66), but they can none of
them be Implicitly trusted.
& Lynch says 9 to 9] ; Dr. Robinson says 9 (I. 609)
The ancient writers, as Is bnt natural, estimated its
dimensions very Inaccurately. DMorns states the
length as 600 stadia, or about (0 miles, and breadth
60, or 6 miles. Josspbns extends the length to 689
stadia, and the breadth to 160. It Is not necessary ts
accuse him, on this account, of willful exaggeration
Nothing Is more dUSouH to estimate accurately than
the extent of a sheet of water, especially one which
varies so moon In appearance as the Dead Sea. As
regards the length, it Is not Impossible that at th«
time of Josephus the water extended over the souther*
plain, which would make the entire length over K
geographical miles.
• Nor can there be any toVsible one: the distance
of the eurmee below thai of the ocean alone renders
It Impossible; and then Is no motive ha supposing It,
because the evaporation (en note to f 4) Is amply
suOdent to carry na* the supply than without.
4 This Igum ww beamed by running levels tea
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Ik* lfaditomMan at Jafk (Rtporl of Secrttary of
Novo, etc., 8vo, p. 38), and although we cannot
absolutely rely on the accuracy of that dimension,
■till there ia reason to believe that it is not very
fur from the fact The measurements of the depth
of the lake taken by the same party are probably
mora trustworthy. The expedition consisted of
sailors, who were here in their element, and to
whom taking soundings was a matter of every day
eecumnce. In the upper portion of the lake,
north of the peninsula, seven cross sections were
obtained, six of which are exhibited on the pre-
oeding page." Tbey snow this portion to be a
perfect basin, descending rapidly till it attains, at
about one-third of its length from the north end,
a depth of 1,308 » feet Immediately west of the
upper extremity of the pt"'"*"l» l however, this
depth decreases suddenly to 836 feet, then to
Ain Trrube* up the Wadu Rat el- Qnuuvir and Wadu
tm-Nar to Jerusalem, and thenos by RanUah to Jaffa.
It seems to bavs been usually assumed as accurate,
and as settling the qoe»3on. The elements of error
in leveling scrosi such a country an very gnat, and
even practiced surveyors would be liable to mistake,
unless by the adoption of a series of checks which it
Is inconceivable that linens party can have adopted.
The very fact that no datum on the beach is men-
tioned, and that they appear to have leveled from the
then surface of the water, shows that the party was
not directed by a practiced leveler, and casts suspicion
over all the observations. Lyncb's observations with
the barometer (p. 12) gave 1,284.588 feet — 82 feet less
depression than that mentioned above. The existence
of the depression was for a long time unknown. Bven
Bestsen (I. 426) believed that it lay higher than the
ocean. Harmont (Voyage, 111. 61) calculates toe
Mount of Olives at 747 metres above the Mediterra-
nean, and then estimates the Dead Sea at 600 metres
below the Mount. The feet was first ascertained by
Moon and Beak In March, 1887, by boiling water ;
but they wen unable to arrive at a figure. It may be
well here to give a list of the various observations on
the level of the lake, made by different travellers : —
Apr. 1887
1841
1846
May, 1848
May, 1848
Nov. I860
Oct. 27. 1856
Apr. (?) 1867
Ton Schubert
Da Bertou . .
Symonds . . .
Ton WUdenbruch
lynch ....
Lynch ....
Bev.O.W. Bridges
Poole
Both
Barom.
Barom.
Trignom.
Barom.
Barom.
Level
Aneroid
Aneroid
Barom.
Eng. It.
687.
1,874.7
1,429.2
1,312.2
1,4464
1,284.6
1,816.7
1,867.
1,313.6
1,874.6
— See Petermeun, In Geogr. Journal, xvW. 80; for
Both, Petermann's Millkeilungtn, 1868, p. 8; for
Poole, Orosr. Jinan, xxvi. 68. Mr. Bridges has
kindly communicated to the writer the results of his
obse r vations. Oaptalu Symonds' operetlons are
briefly described by Mr. Hamilton In his addresses to
Jn Boyal Ocogr. Society In 1842 and 1848. He
carried levels across from Jaflh to Jerusalem by two
notes, and thence to the Dead Sea by one route :
she ultimate difference between the two observations
was less than 12 feet 'Geogr. Journal, ill. p. Ix. ; xtii.
p. lxxtr.). One of the sets, ending In 1,812.2 feet, la
given In Tan de Telde's Memoir, pp. 76-81.
Widely as the results In the table diner, there Is ret
enough agreem e n t among them, and with Lyncb's
to/vel-ebsarvetion, to warrant the statement In the text,
those of Symonds, Lynch, and Poole, are remarkably
•low, whan the great difficulties of the ease are eon-
I; butH mast be aawitttad that those of Us
SKA, THE SALT
114, and by the time the west point of lbs pa
ninsula is reached, to 18 feet. Below this the
southern portion is a mere lagoon of almost even
bottom, varying in depth from 12 feet in the
middle to 3 at the edges. It will be convenient to
use toe term " lagoon " c in speaking of the south-
ern portion.
The depression of the lake, both of It* surface
and Its bottom, below that of the ocean is at pres-
ent quite without parallel. The lake AjsaJ, on the
Somali coast of Eastern Africa opposite Aden, fur-
nishes the nearest approach to it. Its surface) is
said to be 670 feet below that of the ocean.''
4. The level of the lake I* Ualle to varieties
according to the season of the year. Since it hat
no outlet, its level is a balance struck between the
amount of water poured into it, and the amount
given off by evaporation.* If more water is sup-
Bertou, Both, and Bridges sic equally close. The
time of year must not be overlooked. Lynch's level
was taken about midway between the winter rains and
the autumnal drought, and therefore Is consistent with
that of Poole, takes 6 months later, at the very end of
the dry season.
a The map In Lynch's private Karraiitt (London,
1848), from which these sections have, for the Bret
time, been plotted. Is to a much larger scale, contains
more details, and Is a more valuable document, than
that In his Official Report, 4to (Baltimore, 1862), or
his Report, 8vo (Senate Papers, 80th Congr., 2d Ses-
sion, No. 84).
s Three other attempts hare been made to obtain
soundings, but In neither ease with any very pnctl-al
result. (1.) By Messrs. Moore and Beek. In March, 1887
Tbey reoord a maximum depth of 2,400 ft. b e tween Ain
Trrabeh and IT. ZBnbs, and a little north of the same
2^20 ft. (See Palmer's Mop, to which these observa-
tions were contributed by Mr. Beek himself: also
Geogr. Joum. vii. 466.) Lynch's soundings at nearly
the same spots give 1,170 and 1,800 ft. respectively, at
once reversing and greatly duulolshing the depths.
(2.) Captain Symonds, B, B-, Is said to have been
upon the lake and to have obtained soundings, the
deepest of which was 2400 ft. But for this the writer
can find no authority beyond the statement of Bitter
(Brdkunde, "Jordan," p. 704), who does not name the
source of his information. (8.) Ueut Molynsux, B.
N., In Sept. 1847, took three soundings. The first of
these seems to have been about opposite Ain Jidy,vad
gave 1,860 ft., though without certainly reaching the
bottom. The other two were further north, end gave
1,068 and 1,008 ft. {Geogr. Journ. xvill. pp. 127, 128V
The greatest of these appears to be about coinciaent
with Lynch's 1.104 feet ; but there is so much vague-
ness about the spots at which they were taken, that no
use can be made of ths results. Lynch and Beek agree
In representing the weet side as more gradual In elope
than the east, which hss a depth of more than 800 ft.
close to the brink.
<= Irby and Mangles always term this part "the
back-water," and reserve the name "Dead Baa" for
the northern and deeper portion.
d Murchlson In Geogr. Journal, xlv. p. cxvL A
brief description of this lake Is given lu an Interesting
paper by Dr. Butst on the principal depressions of the
globe, reprinted m toe Sdinb. N. PhU. Journal, April,
1866.
e This subject hss been ably and carefully Investi-
gated by toe late Professor Msrchand, the eminent
chemist of Halle, In his paper on the Dead Sea to the
Journal fur prait. Omit, LetpsJg, 1848, pp. 871-874
The result of his calculations, founded on the u l ce r is.
tioos of Shaw, A. von Humboldt, and Balard, Is ths,
while the average quantity supplied eancot exasas
30,000,000 cab. ft., the sraporetiea assy be askew at
SKMOjOOO eub. ft 1
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SKA, 1HB SALT
fflrd than the evaporation can carry off, the lake
will rise until the evaporating surface is so much
meroaeert aa to restore the balance. On the other
bawl, should the evaporation drive off a larger
quantity than the supply, the lake will deseend
until the surface becomes so small as again to re-
store the balance. This fluctuation is increased by
the fact that the winter is at once the time when
the clouds and streams supply most water, and
when the evaporation U least ; while in summer, on
the other hand, when the evaporation goes on most
furiously, the supply is at its minimum. The
extreme differences in level resulting from these
causes, have not yet been carefully observed. Or.
Hobinson, in May, 1838, from the lines of drift-
wood which he found beyond the then brink of the
water in the southern part of the lake, judged that
the level must be sometimes from 10 to 15 feet
higher than it then was (Bibl. Rtt. i. SIS, li. US);
bait this was only the commencement of the sum-
mer, and by the end of September the water
would probably have fallen much lower. The
writer, in the beginning of September, 1858, after
a very hot summer, estimated the line of drift-wood
along the steep beach of the north end at from
10 to 19 feet above the then level of the water.
Bobmsoo (L 608) mentions a bank of shingle at
Am J*fy, 6 or 8 feet abjve the then (May 10) level
sf the water, but which bore marks of having been
wvered. Lynch (Ifarr. p. 889) says that the
marks on the shore near the same place indicated
that the lake had already (April 22) fallen 7 feet
that season.
Possibly a more permanent rise has lately taken
place, since Mr. Poole (p. 60) saw many dead trees
standing in the lake for some distance from the
shore opposite KhaiAm Utdwn. This too was at
the end of October, when the water must have been
at it* lowest (for that year).
6. The change in level necessarily causes a
change in the dimensions of the lake. This will
chiefly affect the southern end. The shore of that
part slopes up from the water with an extremely
gradual incline. Over so flat a beach a very slight
rise in the lake would send the water a considerable
distance This was found to be actually the case.
The line of drift-wood mentioned by Dr. Hol.imon
(ft. 114) was about 8 miles from the brink of the
lagoon- Dr Anderson, the geologist of the Amer-
ican expedition, conjectured that the water occa-
sionally extended as much as 8 or 10 miles south
of its then position (Official Report, 4to, p. 182).
On the peninsula, the acclivity of which U much
greater than that of the southern shores of the la-
•Don, and in the early part of the summer (June
, Irby and Mangles found the " high-water mark
mile distant from the water's edge." At the
. -rthern end, the shore being steeper, the water -
fane probably remains tolerably constant. The va-
riation in breadth will not be so much. At the
N. W. and N. K. corners there are some flats which
most be often overflowed. Along the lower part
of the western shore, where the beach widens, as at
Btrktt ti-KkvU, it is occasionally covered in por-
tions, but they are probably not enough to make
any great variation in the width of the lake. Of
the eastern side hardly anything is known, but the
bench there appears to be only partial, and confined
p the northern end.
t. The mountains which form the walls of the
ymt flame in whose depths the lake is contained,
astasias a nearly parallel cor.'ie throughout its en-
SBA, THE SALT
2S81
tire length. Viewed from the beach at the north-
ern end of the lake — the only view within the
reach of most travellers — there is little perceptible
difference between the two ranges. Each is equally
bare and stem to the eye. On the left the eastern
mountains stretch their long, hazy, horizontal lire,
till they are lost hi the dim distance. The west-
ern mountains, on the other hand, do not offer the
same appearance of continuity, since the headland
of Rnt tt-Ftthkkak projects so far in front of the
general line as to conceal the southern portion of
the range when viewed from most points. Ths
horizon is formed by the water-line of the kuVa
itself, often lost in a thick mist which dwells on the
surface, the result of the rapid evaporation always
going on. In the centre of toe horizon, when the
haze permits it, may be discovered the mysterious
peninsula.
7. Of the eastern side but little is known. One
traveller in modern times (Seetzen ) has succeeded
in forcing bis way along its whole length. The
American party landed at the W. Mojib and other
points. A few others have rounded the southern
end of the lake, and advanced for 10 or 12 miles
along its eastern shores. But the larger portion
of those shores — the flanks of the mountains which
stretch from the peninsula to the north end of the
lake -have bean approached by travellers from
the west only on very rare occasions nearer than
the western shore.
Both Dr. Robinson from Ain JUg (i. 602), and
Lieut Molyneux (p. 127) from the surface of the
lake, record their impression that the eastern moun-
tains are much mora lofty than the western, and
much more broken by clefts and ravines than those
on the west. In color they are brown, or red — a
great oontrsst to the gray and white stones of the
western mountains. Both sides of the lake, how-
ever, are alike in the absence of vegetation — al-
most entirely barren and scorched, except where
here and there a spring, bursting up at the foot of
the mountains, covers the beach with a bright
green jungle of reeds and thorn bushes, or gives
life to a clump of stunted palms; or where, as at
Ain Jitly or the Worfy Mojii, a perennial stream
betrays its presence, and breaks the long monotony
of the precipice by filling the rift with acacias, or
nourishing a little oasis of verdure at its embouch-
ure.
8. Seetzen's journey, just mentioned, was ac-
complished in 1807. He started in January from
the ford of the Jordan through the upper country,
by Afkaur, AWirnu, and the ravine of the ll'm/j
Mojib to the peninsula; returning immediately
after by the lower level, as near the lake as it wsa
possible to go. He was on foot with but a single
guide. He represents the general structure of lh*
mountains as limestone, capped in many places by
basalt, and having at its foot a red ferruginous
sandstone, which forms the immediate margin of
the lake." The ordinary path lies high up on tha
face of the mountains, and the lower track, which
Seetzen pursued, is extremely rough, and often all
but impassable. The rocks lie hi a succession of enor
mous temtoes, apparently more vertical in fcrm than
those on the west. On the lower one of these, but
still far above the water, lies the path, if path it caa
be called, where the traveller has to scramble through
and over a chaos of enormous blocks of limestone,
sandstone, and baaait, or basalt conglomerate, the
a Termed by Antsnon (pp. 188, 180) the O'
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tftii of the dope* above, or U brought abruptly
to » stand by wild deft* in the solid rock of the
precipice. The streams of the .Vofit and Zirka
issue from portal* of dark red sandstone of roman-
tic beaut}', the overhanging side* of which no raj
of sun ever enter*." The deltas of these streams,
and that portion of the shore between them, where
several smaller rivulet* * flow L.to the lake, abound
in vegetation, and form a truly grateful relief to the
rugged desolation of the remainder. Palms in
particular are numerous (Anderson, p. 192 ; Lynch,
Sarr. p. 369), and in Seetzen's opinion bear marks
of being the relics of an ancient cultivation ; but
jxeept near the streams, there is no vegetation. It
was, says he, the greatest possible rarity to see a
pkiit The northeast comer of the lake is occupied
by a plain of some extent left by the retiring moun-
tains, probably often overflowed by the lake, mostly
SEA, THE SALT
■alt and unproductive, and caKed the OUr *i
Belka.
9. One remarkable feature of the northern por-
tion of the eastern height* is a plateau which divides
the mountains half-way up, apparently forming a
gigantic landing-place in the slope, and stretching
northwards from the Wndy Zirka Main. It is
very plainly to be seen from Jerusalem, espe-
cially at sunset, when many of the points of these
fascinating mountains come out into unexpected
relief. This plateau appears to I* on tbe same
general level with a similar plateau on the western
tide opposite it (Poole, p. 68), with the top of the
rock of Sebbeh, and perhaps with the Meditem-
10. The western shores of the lake have been
more investigated than the eastern, although they
cannot be said to have been yet more than vary
partially explored. Two travellers have passed
over their entire length : De Saulcy in January
1861, from north to south, Voyage dam la Syrie,
etc., 1863; and JV«rmn'« of a Journey, etc.,
London, 1854 ; and Poole in November 1855, from
south to north (Geogr. Journal, xxvi. 65). Others
have passed over considerable portion* of it, and
have recorded observation* both with pen and pen-
•41. Dr. Robinson on his first journey in 1838
visited Ain Jidy, and proceeded from thence to the
Jordan and Jericho : Wolcott and Tipping, in
1842. scaled the rock of Masada (probably tbe first
travellers from the western world to do so), and
from thence journeyed to Ain Jidy along the shore.
The views which illustrate this article have been,
through the kindness of Mr. Tipping, selected from
< A rude rlsw of the •mbouchum of the former at
BOSS i* fiveo by Ljdco (Narrative, ?. KB).
those which he took during this journey. Lieut.
Van de Velde, in 1862, also visited Masada, and
then went south as far as the south end of Jebel
Ctdum, after which he turned up to the right into
tbe western mountains. Lieut. Lynch's party, in
1848, landed and travelled over the greater part of
the shore from Ain Ftihkhak to Utdun. Mr.
Hohnan Hunt, in 1864, with the Mem. Beamont,
resided at Utdmn for several days, and afterward*
went over the entire length from Utdum to the
Jordan. Of. this journey one of the ultimate fruit*
was Mr. Hunt's picture of the Dead Sea at sunset,
known as " The Scapegoat." Mia* Emily Beaufort
and her sister, in December I860, accomplished tbt
ascent of Masada, and the journey from thence tc
Ain Jidy ; and the same thing, including Utdum,
• Conjectured by
to he the « springs of lit
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SEA, THE SALT
■M daw in April, 1863, by a party consisting of
Mr. 6. Clowes, Jr., Mr. Straton, and others.
11. The western range preserve* for the greater
part of its length a course hardly less regular than
the eastern. That it does not appear so regular
when viewed from the northwestern end of the
lake is owing to the projection of a mass of the
mountain eastward from the line sufficiently far to
shut out from view the range to the south of it.
It is Dr. Robinson's opinion (fiiAi Ret. i. 510, 511)
that the projection consists of the Rat tl-Fttbkhah
and its " adjacent cliffs " only, and that from that
headland the western range runs in a tolerably di-
rect course as far as Umhim, at the S. W. corner
of the lake. The Rnt eUFetlikkah stands some
six miles below the head of the lake, and forms the
northern side of the gorge by which the Wady en-
Nnr (the Kidron) debouches into the lake. Dr.
Robinson is such an accurate observer, that it is
difficult to question his opinion, but it seems prob-
able thai the projection really oommences further
south, at the Rnt M tried, north of Ain Jitly. At
any rate no traveller ■ appears to have been able to
pass along the beach between Ain Jidy and Rnt
f'ttliikak, and the great Arab road, which adheres
to the shore from the south as far as Ain Jidy,
leaves it at that point, and mounts to the summit.
It is much to be regretted that Lynch's party, who
haJ encampments of several days' duration at Ain
f'etbkkuh, Ain Teribtk, and Ain Jidy, did not
make such observations as would have decided the
configuration of the shores.
13. The accompanying wood-cut represents the
view looking southward from the spring of Ain Jidy,
a point about 700 feet above the water (Poole, p. 66).
It is taken from a drawing by the accurate pencil
of Mr. Tipping, and gives a good idea of the course
of that portion of the western heights, and of their
ordinary character, except at a few such exceptional
5pots as the headlands just mentioned, or the iso-
lated rock of SebbeJi, the ancient Masada. In their
present aspect they can hardly be termed " vertical "
or " perpendicular," or even " cliffs " • (the favorite
term for them), though from a distant point on the
surface of the lake they probably look vertical
enough (Molyneux, p. 137). Their structure was
originally in huge steps or onsets, but the horizon-
tal portion of each offset is now concealed by the
slopes of debrit, which have in the lapse of ages
rolled down from the vertical cliff above.
13. The portion actually represented in this
view is described by Dr. Anderson (p. 175) as
" varying from 1,200 to 1,500 feet in height, bold
and steep, admitting nowhere of the ascent or de-
tent of beasts of burden, and practicable only here
sad there to the most intrepid climber. ....
The marked divisions of the great escarpment,
reckoning from above, are: (1-) Horizontal layers
of fimestone from 200 to 300 feet in depth. (3.)
• Poole appears to nave tried bis utmost to kesp
aw snore, and to have accomplished more than others,
sat with only small i ocean. Da 8auley was obliged
is sake to the heights at Ain Tirabth, and keep tr
men Mil be reached Ain Jidf.
» It la a pity that travellers should so often Indulge
p the use of such terms sa " vertical, 11 n perpandlcu-
«,» "overhanging," etc., to describe acclivities which
etc** to be only moderately steep slopes. Bveo Dr.
sobt—o u — usually so moderate — on more than one
umiiihi speaks of a mountain-side as " perpeodkular,"
ami t— — aamsaly afterwards dsscrlhel the ascent or de-
test of It by his party !
SEA, THE SALT
2888
A series of tent-shaped embankments tf debrit,
brought down through the small ravines intersect
ing the upper division, and lodged on the projecting
terrace below. (8.) A sharply defined, well-marked
formation, less perfectly stratified than No. 1, and
constituting by its unbroken continuity a zone of
naked rock, probably 150 feet in depth, running
like a vast frieze along the face of the cliff, nnd so
precipitous that the detritus pushed over the edge
of this shelf-like ledge finds no lodgment anywhere
on its almost vertical face. Above this zone is an
interrupted bed of jellow limestone 40 feet thick.
(4.) A broad and boldly sloping talus of limestone—
partly bare, partly covered by debris from alove —
descends nearly to the base of the cliff. (5.) A
breastwork of fallen fragments, sometimes swept
clean away, separates the upper edge of the beach
from the ground line of the escarpment. (6.) A
beach of variable width and structure — sometimes
sandy, sometimes gravelly or shingly, sometimes
made up of loose and scattered patches of a coarse
travertine or marl — falls gradually to the border
of the Dead Sea."
14. Further south the mountain sides assume a
more abrupt and savage aspect, and in the Wady
Zmeeirah, and still more at ScbbtA — the ancient
Masada d — reach a pitch of rugged and repulsive,
though at the same time impressive desolation,
which perhaps cannot lie exceeded anywhere on the
face of the earth. Beyond Vidian the mountains
continue their general line, but the district at
their feet is occupied by a mass of lower eminences,
which, advancing inwards, gradually encroach on
the plain at the south end of the lake, and finally
shut it in completely, at about 8 miles below Jtbti
Utdum.
15. The region which lies on the top of the
western heights was probably at one time a wide
table-land, rising gradually towards the high lands
which form the central line of the country — He-
bron, Bini-naim, etc. It is now cut up by deep
and difficult ravines, separated by steep and inac-
cessible summits; but portions of the table-lands
still remain in many places to testify to the orig-
inal conformation. The material is a soft cre-
taceous limestone, bright white in color, and con-
taining a good deal of sulphur. The surface is
entirely desert, with no sigu of cultivation: hem
and there a shrub of Htttm, or some other desert-
plant, but only enough to make the monotonous
desolation of the scene more frightful. " 11 exists
au monde," says one of the most intelligent of
modern travellers, " peu de regions plus dleolera,
plus abandonnees de Dieu, plus fermees a la vie,
que la petite rocailleuse qui forme ie bord occi-
dental de la Mer Morte" (Kenan, Vie de Jesus,
eh. vii.).
16. Of the elevation of this region we hitherto
but scanty observations. Between Am Jidf
e Lynoh's view of Ain Jidf (Narr. p. 290), though
rough, Is probably not Inaccurate In general effect.
It agrees with Mr. Tlpplog's ss to the structure of toe
heights. That In D» Seuley bj M. Belly, which pur.
ports to he from the same spot as the latter, la very
poor.
d This was the fortress in which the last remnant
of the Zealots, or fanatical party of the Jaws, defended
themselves against Suva, the Banian general, In A. D
71, and at last put themselves to death to eseaps cap-
tor* The spot la described and the tragedy misted hi
a very graph)' and Impressive, manner by Dean ItU
man (iost. o/ "u Jet**, 8J «L, II. 886-839).
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2884
SEA, THE SALT
sod Ai» Tcribtk the summit ii a table-land 740
feat above the lake (Poole, p. 67).« Further north,
above Am Teritek, the toinmit of the pus U
1,805.75 feet above the lake (Lynch, Of. Rep. p.
43), within a few feet the height of the plain be-
tween the Wady en-Nay and Goumvan, whicL ii
given by Hr. Poole (p. 68) at 1,340 feet ThU
appears alao to be about the height of the rock of
Seidell, and of the table-land, already mentioned,
an the eutern mountain! north of the Wady
Brha. It it alao nearly coincident with that of
the ocean. In ascending from the lake to Nebi
Mm, Hr. Poole (p. 58) passed over what he
u thought might be the original level of the old
plain, 532} fret above the Dead Sea." That these
are the remains of ancient sea margins, chronicling
steps in the history of the lake (Allen, in Gtogr.
Journ. zziii. 163), may reasonably be conjectured,
but can only be determined by the observation of a
competent geologist on the spot
17. A beach of varying width skirts the foot
of tLe mountains on the western side. Above
Ain Jidy it consists mainly of the deltas of the
torrents — fan-shaped banks of dibrii* at all sizes,
at a steep slope, spreading from the outlet of the
torrent like those which become so familiar to
travellers, in Northern Italy for example. In one
or two places — as at the mouth of the Kidron and
at Am Terdbrh— the beach may be 1,000 to 1,400
yards wide, but usually it is much narrower, and
often is reduced to almost nothing by the advance
of the headlands. For its major part, as already
remarked, it is impassable. Below An Jidy, how-
ever, a marked change occurs in the character of
the beach. Alternating with the shingle, solid
deposits of a new material, soft friable chalk, marl,
and gypsum, with salt, begin to make their appear-
ance. These are gradually developed towards the
south, till at Bebbeh and below it they form a ter-
race 80 feet or more in height at the back, though
sloping off gradually to the lake. This new mate-
rial is a greenish white in oolor, and is ploughed
up by the cataracts from the heights behind into
very strange forms: here, hundreds of small mame-
eus, covering the plain like an eruption; there,
jmg rows of huge cones, looking like an encamp-
ment of enormous tents; or, again, rectangular
olocks and pillars, exactly resembling the streets
of a town, with rows of houses and other edifices,
all as if constructed of white marble." These
appear to be the remains of strata of late- or poet-
tertiary date, deposited at a time when the water
of the lake stood much higher, and covered a much
larger area, than it does at present The fact that
they are strongly impregnated with the salts of the
• Ds Ssuley mentions this as a small rocky table-
aux, 250 metres above (he Dead Sea. Bat this was
evidently not the actual summit, as he speaks of the
sheikh occupying a post a lew hundred yards above
the level f that position, and further wast INarr. 1.
IflB).
• Lynch remarks that at Ain el-Fukkkak there was
a "total absence of round pebbles; the shore was
corned with small angular fragment* of flint" (Narr.
f. 874). The same at Ain Jidy (p. 290).
« Ds Saucy, Nair. ibid. ; Anderson, p 176. Bee
also a striking description of the " resemblance of a
swat etty " at the foot of eVMeA, In Bsamonfa Diary,
set., It. 63.
• A specimen brought by Mr. Clowes from ths mot
«T Sttotk has been examined for the writer by Dr.
Mas, aad proves to contain no lass than 6:8 per cent
SEA, THE SALT
lake «° is itself presumptive evi fence of this, b
many places they have comp'etely disappeared,
doubtless washed into the lake by the action of
torrents from the hills behind, similar to, tbougk
more violent than those which haw played the
strange freaks Just described : but they still linger
on this part of the shore, on the peninsula oppo-
site,* at the southern and aestern outskirts of the
plain south of the lake, and probably in a few
spots at the northern and northwestern end, to
testify to the condition which once existed all round
the edge of the deep basin of the lake. The width
of the beach thus formed is considerably greater
than that above Am Jidy. From the Birket el-
Kkelil to the wady south of Stibeh, a distance of
six miles, it is from one to two miles wide, and is
passable for the whole distance. The Btrket el
Khittil just alluded to is a shallow depression oc
the shore, which is filled by the water of the lake
when at its greatest height and forms a natural
salt-pan. After the lake retires the water evap-
orates from the hollow, and the salt remains for
the use of the Arabs. They also collect it from
similar though smaller spots further south,/ and
on the peninsula (Irby, June 3). One feature of
the beach is too characteristic to escape mention —
the line of driftwood which encircles the lake, and
marks the highest or the ordinary high level of
the water. It consists of branches of brushwood,
and of the limbs of trees, some of considerable
size, brought down by the Jordan and other
streams, and in course of time cast up on the
beach. They stand up out of the sand and shingle
in curiously fantastic shapes, all signs of life gone
from them, and with a charred though blanched
look very desolate to behold. Amongst them are
said to be great numbers of palm trunks (Poole, p.
69); some doubtless floated over from the palm
groves on the eastern shore already spoken of. and
others brought down by the Jordan in the distant
days when the palm flourished along its banks.
The driftwood Is saturated with salt and much of
it is probably of a very great sge.
A remarkable feature of the western shore has
been mentioned to the writer by the members of
Hr. Clowes' party. This is a set of 3 parallel
beaches one above the other, the highest about
50 feet above the water; which, though often in-
terrupted by ravines, and by debris, etc., can be
traced during the whole distance from Wady Zm-
weivah to Ain Jidy. These terraces are possibly
alluded to by Anderson when speaking of the
" several descents " necessary to reach the floor of
Wiidy 8eyat (p. 177).
18. At the southwest comer of the lake, below
of salts soluble In water, namely, chlor. sodium, 4.669,
chlor. calcium, 2.08, ohlor. magnesium, 0341. Bromuu
was distinctly found.
• They are identified by Dr. Anderson.
/ The salt of the Dead Sea was anciently much In
request for use In the Temple service. It was pre-
ferred before all other kinds for its reputed effect In
hastening the oombostlou of the sacrifice, while II
diminished the unpleasant smell of the burning flecL.
Its deliquescent ohamctsr (due to the chlorides of alka-
line earths It contains) Is also noticed In the Talmud
{Menacoth, xxt. 1; Jalkut). It wss called "Sodom
salt,' but also want by the name of the "salt that
doss not rest" (nrO)W "|»«.B7 n^C), bseaos.
It was made on the Sabbath as on other dare like tea
" Sunday salt " of the English salt-wo; ks It Is sell
much esteemed In Jeruaalsm.
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SEA, TEE SALT
■tot the wadies ZtactiraJt and Mahauwat Meat
down through the inclosing height!, the beach is
aneraeched oo by the salt mountain or ridge of
Khatkm Utdvm. This remarkable object ia hith-
erto but imperfectly known. It ia said to be quite
Independent of the western mountains, ljing in
brant of and separated from them by a considerable
tract filled up with conical hills and snort ridges
of the soft, chalky, marly deposit just described.
It is a long, level ridge or dyke, of several miles
long.' Its northern portion runs S. 8. E-: but
after more than half its length it makes a sudden
and decided baud to the right, and then runs S.
W. It is from WO to 400 bet in height, of in-
considerable width,' consisting of a body of crys-
tallised rock-salt, more or less solid, corered with
a capping of chalky limestone and gypsum. The
lower portion, the salt rock, rises abruptly from the
glossy plain at its eastern base, sloping back at an
angle of not more than 46°, often less. It has a
strangely dislocated, shattered look, and is all fur-
rowed and worn into huge angular buttresses and
ridges, from the bee of which great fragments are
occasionally detached by the action of the rains,
and appear as » pillars of salt," advanced in front
of the general mass. At the foot the ground is
strewed with lnmpa and mseera of salt, salt streams
drafii -continually from it into the lake, and the
whole of the beach is covered with salt — soft and
sloppy, and of a pinkish hue in winter and spring,
though during the heat of summer dried up into
a shining, brilliant crust. An occasional patch of
the KaH plant (Salicornia, etc.) is the only vegeta-
tion to vary the monotony of this most monoto-
nous spot.
Between the north end of K. Utdum and the
lake is a mound covered with stones and bearing
the name of um-Zoghal.' It is about 60 feet in
diameter and 10 or 13 high, evidently artificial,
and not improbably the remains of an ancient
structure. A view of it, engraved from a photo-
graph by Mr. James Graham, is given In Isaac's
Dead Sea (p. 81). This heap M. De Saulcy main-
tained to be a portion of the remains of Sodom.
Its name is more suggestive of Zoar, but there are
gnat obstacles to either identification. [Sodom ;
ZOASV]
19. It follows from the fact that the lake occu-
pies a portion of a longitudinal depression, that
its northern and southern ends are not inclosed by
highland, as its east and west sides are. The floor
of the Ghor or Jordan Valley has been already de-
teribed. [Pales™*, iii. 2298.] As it approaches
. J* northern shore of the lake it breaks down by
two offsets or terraces, tolerably regular in figure
SEA, THE SALT
2885
M
Then fa great onoertmlntr about Us length. Dr.
no states it at 6 miles and "aeoeatdsraWs duv
farther" (U. 107, 112). Tan de Yelds makes It
(«. 118), or 8} hours (U. 1M). But when these
■oatooa are applied to the map they are much too
s, and It Is dtfjeult to believe that It ess be more
i 6 miles In all.
Dr. Anderson (p. 181) says K is about 2l miles
i But this appears to contradict Dr. Robinson's
issssos (H. 107). The latter an corroborated by
Clowes' parry- They also noticed salt to large
among the roeks In regular strata some eon
dSstanee back from the lake.
JkC«\ »l (BoMnsen, II. 107). By De Sanky
•saw ia given Bedjom olatieisisnl (the gh and it
> to represent the f Asm ^ The"PB-
and level. At the outside edge of the second of
these a range of driftwood marks the highest level
of the waters — and from this point the beach
slopes more rapidly into the clear light-green wata
of the lake.
20. A small piece of land lies off the shore about
halfway between the entrance of the Jordan and
the western side of the lake. It is nearly circular
in form. Its aides srs sloping, and therefore its
size varies with the height of the water When
the writer went to it in September, 1868, it was
about 100 yards in diameter, 10 or 12 feet out of
the water, and connected with the shore by * nar-
row neck or isthmus of about 100 yards in length.
The isthmus is concealed when the water is at its
full height, and then the little peninsula becomes SB
island. M. De Saulcy attributes to it the name
Rtdjim Lit — the cairn of Lot.* It ia covei sd
with stones, sod dead wood washed up by the
waves. The stones are large, and though much
weather-worn, appear to have been originally
rectangular. At any rate they are very diflrr-
ent from sny natural fragments on the adjacent
shores.
21. Beyond the Island the northwestern corner
of the lake ia bordered by a low plain, extending up
to the foot of the mountains of tttbf Muta, and
south as far as Rat Ftthkkah. This plain must
be considerably lower than the general level of the
land north of the lake, since its appearance implies
that it Is often covered with water. It is described
ss sloping gently upwards from the Iske; flat and
barren, except rare patches of weeds round s spring.
It is soft and slimy to the tread, or in the summer
covered with a white film of salt, formed by the
evaporation of the surface water. The upper sur-
face appears to be only a crust, covering a soft and
deep substratum, and often not strong enough to
bear the weight of the traveller.* In all these par-
ticulars it agrees with the plain at the south of the
lake, which i» undoubtedly covered when the waters
rise. It further agrees with It in exhibiting at the
back remains of the late tertiary deposits already
mentioned, cut out, like those about Stbbtk, into
fantastic shapes by the rush of the torrents from
behind.
A similar plain (the ttktr d-BtOea, or Ghtr
Seuakaa) appears to exist on the N. E. comer of
the lake between the embouchure of the Jordan and
the slopes of the mountains of Hoab. Beyond,
however, the very brief notice of Seetaen (11. 873).
establishing the fact that it is « salt and stony,"
nothing is known of it/
22. The southern end is, like the northern, a
wide plain, and like it retains among the Arabs the
grhn " In AUtaawm, Apr. 2, 1854, expressly Kates that
bis guide called It Rwdjrim n-Zcfhrir.
if This island was shown to Maundrall (March 80,
1687) as containing, or having near It, the n monument
of Lot's wlsi." It farms a prominent feature In the
view of " the Dead Sea from its northern shore," No.
420 of Filth's stereoscopic views m the Holy laud.
• This was especially mentioned to the writer by
Mr. David Bobsrts, X. A., who was nearly lost In such
a hols on his way from the Jordan to Mar Saba.
/ The statement of the ancient traveller Thleunat
(a. ». 1217), who crossed the Jordan at the ordi nary
mrd, and at a mlie from tbenee was shown the "salt
pillar" of lot's wn», seems to Imply that there are
masses of roek-ealt at this spot, of the I
as that at Gtamn, thong
(Tatssaisi.rVisT.ai 47)
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J
2886 SEA, THE SALT
same of El Gkor." It has been visited by but few
travellers. Sortzen croeeed it from E to W. in
April, 1806 (Aeuen, i. 426-429), Irbj and Mangles
in May, 1818, De Saulcy in Jan. 1851, and I'oole
in Not. 1855, all crossed it in the opposite direc-
tion at a moderate distance from the lake. Dr.
Robinson, on bis way from Hebron to Petra in
Hay, 1838, descended the Wady Zumirah, passed
between K. Utdum and the lake, and went along
she western side of the plain to the Wady tt-Jetb.
The same route was partially followed by M. Van
de Velde. The plain is bounded on the west side,
below the Khathm Utdum, by a tract thickly
studded with a confused mass of unimportant emi-
nences, "low dills and conical hills," of chalky
indurated marl (Rob. ii. 116), apparently of the
same late formation as that already mentioned fur-
ther north. These eminences intervene between
the lofty mountains of Judah and the plain, and
thus diminish the width of the GMr from what it
b at Am July. Their present forms are due to
the fierce rush of the winter torrents from the ele-
vated tracts behind them. In height they vary
from 60 to 150 feet. Iu color they are brilliant
white (Poole, p. 61). All along their base are
springs, generally of brackish, though occasionally
of fresh water, the overflow from which forms a
tract of marshland, overgrown with canes, tama-
risks, retem, ghurkud, thorn, and other shrubs.
Here and there a stunted palm is to be seen. Sev-
eral principal wadies, such as the Wndy Emm, and
the Wady Fikreh, descend into the (Jli&r through
these hills from the higher mountains behind, and
their wide beds, strewed with great stones and
deeply furrowed, show what vast bodies of water
they must discharge in the rainy season. The hills
themselves bend gradually round to the eastward,
and at but close (he valley in to the south. In plan
they form "an irregular curve, sweeping across
the Ghbr in something like the segment of a circle,
the chord of which would be 6 or 7 geographical
miles in length, extending obliquely from N. W.
to 8. E." (Kob. ii. 120). Their apparent height
remains about what it was on the west, but though
still insignificant in themselves, they occupy here
tn important position as the boundary-line between
the districts of the Ghdr and the Arabah — the
entral and southern compartments of the great
longitudinal valley mentioned in the outset of this
article. The Arubah is higher in level than the
Ghdr. The valley takes at this point a sudden rise
or step of about 100 feet in height, and from thence
continues rising gradually to a point about 36
miles north of A&nbth, where it reaches an ele-
vation of 1800 feet above the Dead Sea, or very
nearly 600 feet above the ocean.*
23. Thus the waters of two thirds of the Arabah
drain northwards into the plain at the south of the
lake, and thence into the lake itself. The Wady
H-Jeib — the principal channel by which this vast
drainage is discharged on to the plain — is very
huge, " a huee channel," " not far from half a mile
wide,'' " oearing traces of an immense volume of
water, rushing along with violence, and covering
the whole breadth of the valley." The body of de-
tritus discharged by such a river must be enormous.
■ JloAr In the spelling adopted by De Hauler.
Bse the section given by Perermann In Otogr.
to*. xvHl. 88.
e Irby, 1} hour; De Hauler, 1 hr. 18 mln.-f-800
I ; Poole, 1 hr. 6 mln. Seetaan, 8 hours (1. 428).
SEA, THE SALT
We have no measure of the elevation of the plus
at the foot of the southern line of mounds, but
there can be no Coubt that the rise from the lakt
upwards is, as the torrents are approached, consid-
erable, and it seems hardly possible to avoid thr-
conclusion that the silting up of the lagoon which
forms the southern portion of the lake itself is due
to the materials brought down by this great tor-
rent, and by those hardly inferior to it, which, as
already mentioned, discharge the waters of the ex-
tensive highlands both on the east and west.
24. Of tbe eastern boundary of the plain we
possess .hardly any information. We know that it
is formed by the mountains of Hoab, and we can
just discern that, adjacent to the lake, they consist
of sandstone, red and yellow, with conglomerate
containing porphyry and granite, fragments of
which have rolled down and seem to occupy the
position which on the western side is occupied by
the tertiary hills. We know also that the wadies
(Jhwrmdti and Tufilth, which drain a district of
the mountains N. of Petra, enter at tbe S. E. cor-
ner of the plain — but beyond this all is uncertain.
26. Of the plain itself hardly more is known
than of its boundaries Its greatest width from W.
to E. is estimated at from 6 to 6 miles, while it*
length, from tbe cave in tbe salt mountain to tbe
range of heights on the south, appears to be about 8.
Thus the breadth of the GkSr seems to be here con-
siderably less than it is anywhere north of the lake,
or across the lake itself. That part of it which
more immediately adjoins the lake consists of two
very distinct sections, divided by a line running
nearly N. and 8. Of these the western is a region
of salt and barrenness, bounded by tbe salt moun-
tain of Khathm Utdum, and fed by tbe liquefied
salt from its caverns and surface, or by the drain-
age from the salt springs beyond it — and over-
flowed periodically by the brine of tbe hike itself.
Near the lake it bears the name of n-Sabbik, i. e.
the plain of salt mud (De Saulcy, p. 262). Its
width from W. to E — from the foot of A'. Utdum
to the belt of reeds which separates it from the
Gh6r a-Sufth — n from 3 to 4 miles.'' Of its
extent to the south nothing is known, but it is
probable that the muddy district, the Sabkak
proper, does not extend more, at most, than 8
miles from the lake. It Is a naked, marshy plain,
often so boggy ss to be impassable for camels (Kob.
ii. 115), destitute of every species of vegetation,
scored at frequent intervals'' by the channels of
salt streams from the Jebel Utdum, or the salt
springs along the base of the hills to the south
thereof. As the southern boundary is approached
the plain appears to rise, and its surface is covered
with a " countless number ' ' of those conical mame-
lons (Poole, p. 61), the remains of late aqueous
deposits, which are so characteristic of the whole of
this region. At a distance from the lake a partial
vegetation is found (Rob. ii. 103), clumps of reeds
surrounding and choking the springs, and spread-
ing out as tbe water runs off.
26. To this curious and repulsive picture tbe
eastern section of the plain is an entire contrast. A
dense thicket of reeds, almost impenetrable, divides
it from the Sabkak. This past, the aspect of tin
•t Irby and Mangles report the number of mass
« drains " between Jtbel Utdum and tbe adge of tea
GMr et-SaJuh at six ; Poole at eleven ; Da Baulcj s>
three, but ha evidently names only the mast f sui li l—
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SEA, THE SALT
band completely changes. It ii » third copse of
shrubs similar to that aruund Jericho (Rob. ii. 113),
and, like that, cleared here and there in patches
where the Ghnwarineh," or Arabs of the GhAr,
cultivate their wheat and durra, and set op their
wretched Tillages. The variety of trees appears to
be remarkable. Irby and Mangles (p. 108*) speak
of "an infinity of plants that they knew not
how to name or describe." De Saulcy expresses
himself in the same terms — " une ricbe moisson
botanique." The plants which these travellers
Dame are dwarf mimosa, tamarisk, dom, osher,
Atdrpint procera, nnbk, arek, indigo. Seetzen
(i. 427) names also the Thuja apliylla. Here, as
at Jericho, the secret of this vegetation is an
abnndance of fresh water acting on a soil of ex-
treme richness (Seetzen, ii. 355). Besides the
watercourse, 6 in which the belt of reeds flourishes
(like those north of the Lake of Huleb in the
SEA, THE SALT
2887
marshes which bound the upper Jordan'), the
Wady Kurahy (or et-Ahty), a considerable stream **
from the eastern mountains, runs through it, and
Mr. Poole mentions having passed three swift
brooks, either branches of the same/ or independ-
ent streams. But this would hardly be sufficient
to account for its fertility, unless thi» portion of
the plain were too high to be overflowed by the
lake; and although no mention is made of any
such change of level, it is probably safe to assume
it. Perhaps, also, something is due to the nature
of the soil brought down by the Wady tLAkiy,
of which it is virtually the delta. This district, so
well wooded and watered, is called the Ghtr tt-
Safieh. t Its width is less than that of the SoAkiA.
No traveller has traversed it from W. to E., for
the only road through it is apparently that to
Kerak, which alone takes a N. E. direction imme-
diately after •passing the reeds. De Saulcy made
X Diss Baa. — View com the heights behind Srbbih (Masada), showing the wide beach on the western aids
of tba lake, and the tongue-shaped peninsula. From a drawing made on the spot by W. Tipping, Xsq.
for the first time from W. to £. (Ifarr. i. 283),
remarked that there was no intermission in the
wood before him, between the Gkdr a-Safith and
the foot of the hills at the extreme south of the
plain. It is possible that both are right, and
that the wood extends over the whole east of
the GAor, though it bears the name of t*-8nflih
only as far as the month of the tl-Ahty.
27. The eastern mountains, which fore: 'Jbs taak-
Um Dearest approach to such a traverse on his re-
tain from Kerak (Narrative, i. 492), and on his
detailed map (feuille 6) it appears about 2J miles
in width. Its length is still more uncertain, as we
are absolutely without record of any exploration
of it* southern portion. Seetzen (ii. 355) specifies
it (at second hand) as extending to the mouth of
the Wady el-HSua (L e. the eUAhty). On the
other hand, De Saulcy, when crossing the Sabkak
« The Ohorneys of Irby and Mangles ; the Rhaouar-
enw of De Sauley.
» Probably the Wady it-T*fUeh.
c Sss De Sauley, Kan. I. 408.
<* larger than the Wady Majib (Seetsm, i. 427).
• Seetasn (B. 866) states that the stream, which he
sails tt-HSua, Is conducted la artificial channels
{Emtatm) through the Bakta (also I. 427). Pooh
aasssa them Am Ashka.
f Mr. Tristram found even at tba foot of the salt
i of Utdmn that about 2 test below the salt
i there was a splendid alluvia! sail; aad he has
suggested to the writer that then Is an analogy be-
tween this plain and certain districts In North Africa,
which, though (fertile and cultivated In Roman times,
an now barren and covered with efflorescence of na-
tron. The cases an to a certain degree parallel, In-
asmuch as the African plains (also called Scbkha) bare
their salt mountains (like the Kluuhm Opium, " Iso-
lated from the mountain range behind," and flanked
by small mamelons bearing stunted herbage), the
streams from which supply them with salt ( lie llttn
Sahara, p. 71, Jtc). They an also, like the Sabkah of
■vita, oversewed every winter by the adjoining lake
Digitized by CjOOQIC
2888
SEA, THE SALT
pound to Uiis district of woodland, are no leas
naked and ragged than thou on the opposite tide
of the valley. Hie; consist, according to the re-
ports of Seetzen (ii. 354), Poole, and Lynch, of a
red sandstone, with limestone above it — the sand-
stone in horizontal strata with vertical cleavage
(Lynch, JVTirr. pp. 811, 313). To judge from the
fragments at their feet, they must alio contain very
One breccias and conglomerates of granite, jasper,
Eeenstone, and felspar of varied color. Irby and
angles mention also porphyry, serpentine, and
bualt; but Seetzen expressly declares that of basalt
he there (bund no trace.
Of their height nothing is known, bnt all travel
Ibis concur in estimating them as higher than those
on the west, and as preservi ng a more horizontal
line to the south.
After passing from the Ghtr ti-Snfith to the
north, a salt plain is encountered resembling the
Sabkdh, and like it overflowed by the lake when
high (Seetzen, il. 865). With this exception the
mountains come down abruptly on the water dur-
ing the whole length of the eastern side of the
lagoon. In two places only Is there a projecting
beach, apparently due to the deltas caused by the
wndies en-ffemdrai and Oheimir.
88. We have now arrived at the peninsula
which projects from the eastern shore and forms
the north inclosure of the lagoon. It is too re-
markable an object, and too characteristic of the
southern portion of the lake, to be passed over with-
out description.
It has been visited and described by three ex-
plorers — Irby and Mangles in June, 1818 ; Hr.
Poole in November, 1855 ; snd the American expe-
dition in April, 1818. Among the Arabs it appears
to bear the names Ghdr tl-Mara'ah and GhArtl-
Luin. The latter name — "the Tongue"" —
recalls the similar Hebrew word kithm, ]10?7,
which is employed three times in relation to the
lake in the specification of the boundaries of Judah
sod Benjamin, contained in the book of Joshua.
But in its three occurrences the word is applied to
two different places — one at the north (Josh. xv.
5, xviii. 18), and one at the south (xv. 8); and it
is probable that it signifies in both cases a tongue
of water — a bay — instead of a tongue' of land.
39. Its entire length from north to south is about
10 geographies! miles, sod its breadth from 5 to
6 — though these dimensions are subject to some
■> This appellation Is Justified by (he view on the
■needing page.
e From the expression being in the first two es sss
■ tongue of the sea," and In the third simply
« tanane," si. de Sauloy conjectures that In the last
case a tongue of land is Intended : but then is noth-
ing to warrant this. It Is by no means certain
whether the two Arable names Just mentioned apply
to dtnarant parts of the peninsula, or an given Indls-
orlmuiately to the whole. QUr d-Mezra'ak Is the
only name which Seetnn mentions, and he attaches
« to the whole. It Is also the only one mentioned by
Br. Anderson, but he restricts It to the depression on
the net side of the peninsula, which runs ft. snd B.
and Intervenes between the main body and the foot of
the eastern mountains (And. p. 184). M. ds Sauloy Is
apparently the earliest traveller to mention the name
IMh. He (Jan. 15) ascribes it to the whole penin-
sula, though he appears to attach it mon particu-
larly to Its southern portion, — " Le Llcan actual dee
Anbae, c'eefre-dln la points sud de la preaqu'-Oe," ( Pep.
sjs. i 890). And this Is supported by the praetsn of
SEA, THE SALT
variation according to the time of year. It appeals
to be formed entirely of recent aqueous deposite
late, or post-tertiary, very similar, if not identical,
with those which face it on the western shore, and
with the >' mounds " which skirt the plains at the
south and N. W. of the lake. It consists of a
friable carhonate of lime intermixed with sand or
sandy marls, and with frequent masses of sulphate
of lime (gypsum). The whole is impregnstod
strongly with sulphur, lumps of which are found,
as on the plain at the north end of the lake, and
also with salt, existing in the form of lumps or
packs of rock-salt (And. p. 187). Nitre is reported
by Irby (p. 139), but neither Poole nor Anderson
succeeded in meeting with it. The stratification is
almost borisontal, with a slight dip to the cast
(Poole, p. 83). At the north it is worn into a sharp
ridge or mane, with very steep sides and serrated
top. Towards the south the top widens into a
table-land, which Poole (ibid. ) reports as abort •
330 ft. above the level of the lake at its southern
end. It breaks down on the W., S., and N. E. sides
by steep declivities to the shore, furrowed by the
rains which are gradually washing it into the lake
into cones and other fantastic forms, like those ai
ready described on the western beset near Sebbth
It presents a brilliant white appearaivjewheit lit ur
by the blazing sun. and contrasted with the deep Una
of the lake (Beaufort, p. 104;. A scanty growth of
shrubs (Poole, p. 64) — so scanty as to be almost
invisible (Irby, p. 139 6) — is found over the table-
land. On the east the highland descends to a de-
pression of I) or 3 miles wide, which from the
description of Dr. Anderson (p. 184) appears to ran
across the neck from S. to N., at a level hardly
above that of the lake. It will doubtless be ulti-
mately worn down quite to the level of the water,
and then the peninsula will become an island (An-
derson, pp. 184, 189). Into this valley lead the tor-
rents from the ravines of the mountains on the
east. The principal of these is the HWy td-Ora'a
or W. JTermfc, which leads up to the city of that
name. It is here that the few inhabitants of the
peninsula reside, in a wretched village called Met-
ra'ah. The soil is of the most unbounded fertility,
and only requires wster to burst into riotous prodi-
gality of vegetation (Seetzen, ii. 351, 353).
80. There seems no reason to doubt that this
peninsula is the remnant of a bed of late aqueous
strata, which were deposited at a period when the
Tan de Talde, who on his map marks the north portion
of the peninsula as Qhor tl-Mezra'ah, and the south
Qkor tUl.i$an. M. de Saulcy also specifies with much
detail the position of the former of then two as at the
opening of the Wad* rd-Dra'm (Jan. 16). The point
la well worth the attention of future travellers, for If
the name Uata is actually restricted to the south side,
a curious confirmation of the acouraoy of the ancient
survey recorded in Josh. xv. 2 would be furnished,
as well as a remarkable proof of the tenacity of an old
c This dimension, which Hr. Poole took with his ane-
roid, Is strangely at variance with the esthnats c*
Lynch 1 * party. Lynch himself, on approaching It at
the north point (JVorr. p. 297), atatn it at from 40 to
60 feet high, with a sharp angular central ridge scene
20 feet above that. This last Aatun Is mentioned also
by Irby (June 2). Anderson Increases the dlmenstoa
of his chier to 80 or 90 0.(0^. Rtp. p. 186) • bat em
this falls short of Poole. The peninsula probably
iIopm off considerably towards the north end, at what
Lynch and Anderson saade their csthnsta.
Digitized by
Google
SEA, THE SALT
r of the lake stood very much higher then It
now doe*, but which, sinoe it attuned it* present
level, and thua exposed them to the action of the
winter torrent*, are gradually being diaintegrated
and carried down into the depth* of the lake. It
ia in nut an intrusion upon the form of the lake, as
originally determined by the rocky walla of the
great nature of the Glior. Its presence here, ao
long after the great bulk of the same formation has
been washed away, is an interesting and fortunate
eacumstance, siuee it furnishes distinct eridenoe of
a stage in the existence of the lake, which in its
absence might hare been inferred from analogy,
bat could never have been affirmed as certain. It
snay base been deposited either by the general ee-
tkss of the lake, or by the special action of a river,
possibly in the direction of Wndy Ktrah, which
ia thai ease formed this extensile deposit at its
mouth, just as thr Jordan ia now forming a similar
bank at its embouchure. If a change were to take
place which either lowered the water, or elevated
the bottom of the lake, the bank at the mouth
of the Jordan would be laid bare, as the Litdn now
is, and would immediately begin to undergo the
process of disintegration which that is undergoing.
31. The extraordinary difference between the
depth of the two portions of the lake — north and
sooth of the peninsula — has been already alluded
to, and may be seen at a glance on the section
given on page 2878. The former ia a bowl, which
at one place attains the depth of more than 1,300
(set, while the average depth along its axis may be
taken at not far short of 1,000. Chi the other hand
the southern portion is a flat plain, with the greater
part of its area nearly level, a very few feet " only
below the surface, shoaling gradually at the edges
till the brink is reached. So shsllow is this lagoon
that it is sometimes possible to ford right across
from the west to the east side (Seetcen, i. 428,* ii.
368; Bob. i. 621; Lynch, JVnrr. p. 304).
The channel connecting the two portions, on the
western side of the peninsula, is very gradual in
Ms slope from 8. to N., c increasing in depth from
3 fathoms to 13, and from 13 to 19, 32 and 36,
when it suddenly drops to 107 (642 feet), and
Join* the upper portion.
32. Thus the circular portion above the penin-
sula, and a part of the channel, form a mere la-
goon, entirely distinct and separate from the basin
of the lake proper. This portion and the plain at
the south a* far as the rise or offset at which the
Arabah commences — a district in all of some 16
aulas by 8 — would appear to have been left by
the last great change in the form of the ground
at a level not far below its present one, and
aoneeqoeuUy much higher than the bottom of the
haw itself. But surrounded as it is on three sides
ay highlands, the waters of which hare no other
i it has become the delta into which those
SEA THE SALT
2889
« When sounded by Lynch, iti depth over to*
ayaaasr part of tb* ana was 12 test.
• Bs axes the ford >t |u hour north of the M.
and of JAtt Vidwn.
c Across this, too, then is a ford, described In tome
•seetl by Irby and Mangles (June 3). Trie water must
bars been unusually low, sinoe they not only state
•sat donkeys wen able to cross, but also that the
width dkt not exceed a mils, a matter In which the
keen eye of a practical Bailor la not likely to nave
been defined Lynch could lad no trace of dour
ket, sad his map shows the ohanna, ml folly two
anwa wide at Its narrowest spot
182
waters discharge thenar Was Or it* south side an
the immense torrents at the Jao, the unwrwat/ct,
and the Fikrei. On the east the somewhat less
important ei-Ahty, Jfumeirah, JJumeir, and td-
Dra'ah. On the west the Xumirah, Mabuyhghik,"
and Satin. These streams are the drains of a dis
trict not less than 6,000 square miles in area, very
uneven in form, and composed of materials more or
leas friable. They must therefore bring down
enormous quantities of silt and shingle. Then
can be little doubt that they have already filled up
the southern part of the estuary as far as the pres-
ent brink of the water, and the silting up of the
rest is merely a work of time. It is the same pro-
oess which is going on, on a larger and more rapid
scale, in the Sea of Azov, the upper portion of which
is fast filling up with the detritus of the river Don.
Indeed the two portions of the Dead Sea present
several points of analogy to the Sea of Azov and
the Black Sea.
It ia difficult to speak with confidence on any of
the geological features of the lake, in the absence
of reports by competent observers. But the theory
that the lagoon was lowered by a recent change,
and overflowed (Robinson, BibL Rtt. ii. 189), seems
directly contrary to the natural inference from the
fact that such large torrents discharge themselves
into that spot There is nothing in the appear-
ance of the ground to suggest any violent change
in recent (t. e. historical) times, or that anything
has taken place but the gradual accumulation of
the deposits of the torrents all over the delta.
33. The water of the lake ia not less remarkable
than its other features. Its most obvious pecul-
iarity is its great weight.' Its specific gravity
has been found to be as much ss 12.28 ; that is
to say, a gallon of it would weigh over 12} lbs.
instead of 10 lbs., the weight of distilled water.
Water so heavy must not only be extremely
buoyant but must possess great inertia. Its
buoyancy is a- common theme of remark by the
travellers who have been upon it or in it. Jess.
phus (B. J. iv. 8, § 4) relate* some experiment*
made by Vespasian by throwing bound criminals
into it; and Lynch, bathing on the eastern shen
near the mouth of the Wady Zirka, says (Afarr.
p. 371), in words curiously parallel to those of the
old historian, " With great difficulty I kept my
feet down, and when I laid upon my back, and,
drawing up my knees, placed my hands upon them,
I rolled immediately over." In the bay on the
north side of the peninsula, '■ a horse could with
difficulty keep himself upright. Two fresh bens'
eggs floated up one-third of their length," t. e.
with one-third exposed ; " they would have sunk it
the water of the Mediterranean or Atlantic"
(iVorr. p. 342). " A muscular man floated nearly
breast high without the least exertion" (VM. p. 323 ).
One of the things remembered by the Maltese ser-
d Pronounced atuburrik; the ssalaima, of D*
Saulcy.
e Of the salt lakes In Northern Peseta ( Urumiyth,
etc.) nothing Is yet known. Wagner's account la very
vague. Those tn Southern Russia have been fully
Investigated by Goebel (/brim, ate., Dorpat, 1887).
The heaviest water Is that of the "led Sea," near
Psrekop In the Orhoaa (solid contents St.23 per cent ;
ep. gr. 1831). The others, Including the Isltonskoi
or Hum, contain from 24 to 28 per cans, of solid mas-
ter In solution, and range fcasp.gr ana ISjOT *"
12.68.
Digitized by
Google
2890
SEA, THE SALT
rant of Mr. Costigan — who lost hi* He from ea>
ponm on the lake — wai that the boat " floated a
palm higher than before" (Stephen*, JnddaUt,
eh. xxxii.). Dr. Robinson "could never swim be-
fore, either in fresh or salt water," yet here he
" could ait, stand, lie, or swim without difficulty "
(BibL Re*. i. 606).
84. So much for its buoyancy. Of its weight
and inertia the American expedition had also prac-
tical experience. In the gate in which the party
were caught on their first day on the lake, between
the mouth of the Jordan and Ain Fuhkhah, " it
seemed as if the bows of the boats were encounter-
ing the sledge-hammers of the Titans." When,
however, " the wind abated, the sea rapidly fell ;
the water, from its ponderous quality, settling as
aeon as the agitating cause had ceased to act"
(Narr. pp. 268, 269). At ordinary times then is
nothing remarkable in the action of the surface of
the lake. Its waves rise and fall, and surf beats
en the shore, Just like the ocean. Nor is its color
dissimilar to that of the sea. The water has a
greasy feel, owing possibly to the saponification of
the lime and other earthy salts with the perspira-
tion of the skin, and this seems to hare led some
observers to attribute to it a greasy look. But
such a look exists In imagination only. It is quite
transparent, of an opalescent green tint, and is
compared by Lynch {Narr. p. 837) to dinted
absinthe. Lynch (JVnrr. p. 296) distinctly contra-
dicts the assertion that it has any smell, noxious or
not So do the chemists ° who have analysed it
35. One or two phenomena of the surface may
be mentioned. Many of the old travellers, and
some modern ones (as Osburn, Pal. Past and
Promt, p. 443, and Churton, Land of the Morn-
ing, p. 149), mention that the turbid, yellow
stream of the Jordan is distinguishable for a long
distance in the lake. Molyneux (p. 129) speaks of
a " curious broad strip of white foam which ap-
peared to lie in a straight line nearly N. and S.
throughout the whole length of the sea . . . . some
miles W. of the mouth of the Jordan " (comp.
Lynch, Ifarr. pp. 279, 295). •> It seemed to be
constantly bubbling and in motion, like a stream
that runs rapidly through still water; while nearly
over this track during both nights we observed in
the sky a white streak like a cloud extending also
N. and S. and at far as the eye could reach."
Lines of foam on the surface are mentioned by
others: as Robinson (i. 603); Bon-ir (Journey,
etc., p. 479); Lynch (JVWrr. pp. 288, 289). From
Am Jidg a current was observed by Mr. Clowes'
party running steadily to the N. not far from the
shore (comp. Lyuch, JVnrr. p. 291). It is pos-
sibly an eddy caused by the influx of the Jordan.
Both De Sauley (Narr. January 8) and Robinson
(i. 604) speak of spots and belts of water remain-
ing smooth and calm while the rest of the surface
was rippled, and presenting a strong resemblance
to Islands (comp. Lynch, p. 288; Irby, June 6).
The haze or mist which perpetually broods over
• With the single exception of Moldenbauer, who
when he lint opened the specimen he analysed, found
tt to smell strongly of sulphur. *»
a This is chosen because the water was takan from
a considers >le depth In the centre of the lake, and
ale— ii*m probably man BJriy rapreesnta the average
lamfiasltini than the others.
e Adopting Maiehand'a analysis, It appears that the
r of lata salt In the Dead Bat Is 128 times
SEA, THE SALT
thewater has been already mentioned. Itiathei*
suit of the prodigious evaporation. Lynch continu-
ally mentions it Irby (June 1 ) saw it in broad,
transparent columns, tike water-spouts, only very
much larger. Extraordinary effects of mirage due
to the unequal refraction produced by the heat and
moisture are occasionally seen (Lynch, Narr. p. 320).
86. The remarkable weight of this water is due
to the very large quantity of mineral salts which i»
holds in solution. The details of the various anal.
yses are given on p. 2891 in a tabular form, accompa-
nied by that of sea -inter for comparison. From
that of the U. S. expedition » it appears that east
gallon of the water, weighing 12f lbs., contains
nearly 8) lbs. (3.819) of matter in solution — an
immense quantity when we recollect that sea-water,
weighing 10£ lbs. per gallon, contains leas than } a
lb. Of this 3} lbs. nearly 1 lb. is common salt
(chloride of sodium); about 2 lbs. chloride of mag-
nesium, and leas than } a lb. chloride of calcium
(or muriate of lime). The most unusual ingredi-
ent is bromide of magnesium, which exists li truly
extraordinary quantity.' To its presence is doe
the therapeutic reputation enjoyed by the lake
when its water was sent to Rome for wealthy in-
valids (Galen, in Reland, Pal p. 242), or lepers
flocked to its shores (Ant. Mart § x.). Bouaain-
gauH (Ann. de Chimie, 1856, xlrili. 168) remarks
that if ever bromine should become an article of
commerce, the Dead Sea will be the natural source
for it It is the magnesias compounds which im-
part so nauseous and bitter a flavor to the water.
The quantity of common salt in solution is very
Urge. Lynch found (Narr. p. 377) that while
distilled water would dissolve 6-17ths of Its weight
of salt, and the water of the Atlantic l-6th, the
water of the Dead Sea was to nearly saturated as
only to be able to take up 1-1 lth.
87. The sources of the components of the water
may be named generally without difficulty. The
lime and magnesia proceed from the dolomitic lime-
stone of the surrounding mountains ; from the gyp-
sum which exists on the shores, nearly pure, in
large quantities ; and from the carbonate of lime
and carbonate of magnesia found on the peninsula
and elsewhere (Anderson, p. 185). The chloride of
sodium is supplied from Khathm Utdnm, and the
copious brine springs on both shores. Balls of
nearly pure sulphur (probably the deposit of some
sulphurous stream) are found in the neighborhood
of the lake, on the peninsula (Anderson, p. 187),
on the western beach and the northwestern heights
(ibid. pp. 176, 180, 160), and on the plain 8. of
Jericho (Rev. G. W. Bridges). Mitre may exist,
but the specimens mentioned by Irby and others
are more probably pieces of rock salt, since no trace
of nitric acid has been found in the water or soil
(Marchand, p. 370 ). d Manganese, iron, and alu-
mina have been found on the peninsula (Anderson,
pp. 186, 187), and the other constituents are the
product of the numerous mineral springs which
surround the lake,* and the washings of the aqua-
gnat as tn the ocean and 74 times as gnat as in the
Knuanacb water, where Its strength Is considered re-
markable.
rf On the subject of the bitumen of the lake, the
writer has nothing to add to what Is said under Pat
asms, Hi. 2807, and Bum.
« The bromine has not yet been satisfactorily traced
The salt ot JOoMm Utdttm has been analysed tor Mr
dhwovOTT faVo *> KMl on la rate slarabaad aw
Digitized by
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SEA, THE SALT 2891
[•aeatiy* tabu or analysis or tub watkh or tub dhad bra.
L
CO.
Qmeltn,
MM.
Aa recal-
culated
bjllar-
ehand.
a.
Agohn.
a.
Mar-
abend,
180.
4
Kara.
tat
S.
Booth,
of Phila-
delphia
(IX, 8.
■as*
B.
Boutron-
Cnerlsrd
and
Henry.
7.
°53?. ry -
8.
MoMen-
hauer,
Nor. 1894.
B.
Watar a.
the
Ooeaav
ai II <Mun»am
• BodUm . .
» Fotaauura . .
• Maiifaaen .
M AmnoBtam .
» Aluminium .
" Iron ....
^ Lime . . .
" Magnesia . .
BlsaakJeof HumIib .
" Sodium . . .
ticrr*?. : : : :
artwiiiofUM . . .
11.1*9
i.m
8X88
1.(86
JU
Ml
J4S
.«■
7x70
fxs»
xvias
4U
AM
in
J01
10X43
ura
UM
Law
xia
xat
JW
in
7X83
18.10)
8.4U
La;
JOB
J008
JIM
X0B
X8B
jn
Ml
7XSB
•8.107
488
xto
7l87
1.0B6
U.0OB
xao
j«
7888
trace,
.aoo
JB8
18.891
7X88
8.788
J71
J08
X88
8X31
8.887
1.471
8X91
X88
J8S
aiat
1m
j«
xaa
XV*
.888
Loh 088
TeesleoBdeoateBte. . .
Water
84X88
7JJ8J
WJ80
ei.eo
a.77»
n.ta
MM!
71.0*9
88.4M
TSJSt
14X97
85.078
84X81
79.108
1.1.866
88.109
8X88
88.47*
IOOlOOO
loaaoo
100x00
1OD.O00
100.000
100X00
100.000
100.000
100X08
Bpaakla giaiMa • . • «
Watar rtHlail ....
uoa
1.188
Jordan,
lata
In rainy
■aaaoa.
1.1841
at«S°F.
inistr,
at the
north
end.
1.178
887.78
In March,
1M0,
J mile
Nlw.of
mouth of
Jordan.
1.Z27
•tavr.
Mar (,'41
lujfslh.
*Vt
A.Tera-
bah.
1X8*
" 8 houra
from the
Jordan."
1.310
atwrr.
Island at
N. end.
March 11,
1894.
1.11S
In June,
1884.
Lair*
Ho. 1. Ttaa figures In the table an the recalcula-
atnna of Marrhand (Journal, ate., p. 869) on the baaii of
the bxtproved chemical science ofbli tuna. The orig-
inal suatysto la hi Ndtururiu. Ahkandl., Tttblngen, I.
(18a7)8S>.
Ho. 1 Baa Tkt idauaa, Jnna 16, 1889.
He. 8. Journal fur predkt. Oumie, etc., Leiptfg, xlvtt.
(1MB), 886.
Ho. 4. Qaanerrjr Journal of Oum. Soe. B. (1860)
BB-.
Ho 6. Of. Report ofXT.B. Expedition, 4to, p. 204.
Ho. 8. Journal de Pkarmaeie el de Oumie, Mara.
1361.
Ho. 7. Oalrnilafed by the writer from the propor-
tjwiofe table of eeita given In atewort's Tens and Khan,
p. 981.
Ho 8. Uabnx end Waaler's AnnaUn der Ckemie,
iML (1868) 867; xlviiL (1866) 128-170.
Ho. B. Begnault's Conn EUm. dt Oumie, 11. 190.
The) older analyses hare not bean reprinted, the
njotnnrla employed baring been Imperfect and tbe re-
sulta uncertain aa compared with the more modern
enea qnotad. They are aa follows : (1.) Macqner, La-
vender, and Lseage (M i m. de VAead. de» Scieneei,
1778); (2.) MaroattflUl. Thou, 1807, p 298, fcc.)i (8.)
eTJapwah (.Mar. *" OeieUi. naturfor. Frntndt aa
Berlin, IB. 189) ; (4.) Oay Luaaac (Ann. de Oumir,
XL (1819)197) ; (6.) HermbebMt (Bchweigger's Journal,
xxxIt. 108V
Want of apaea eompela tbe omission of the analysis
el Burawliiss nit of water collected In aprlng, 1866 (Ann.
eV OVmut, xlrUI. (1868) 129-170), which corresponds
any iliaaly with that of Omelin (namely, sp. gr.
I.1M i aalta, 22.786 par eant.), a* well aa that of Com-
aBaaaj (qnotad in tbe aame paper) of water collected In
tana, 1868, abowhnr ap. gr. 1.198 and aalta 18.26 per
eajt. Another analyab) by Protaaor V7. Gregory, glr-
beg »J5 par eant. of aalta, b) qnotad by Kltto (F»y<.
treafr. p- 874).
Tbe writer baa been Bnond with ipedmeoi of
■ collected 18th Horamber, 1860, by tbe Bey.
a, and 7th April, 1888, bj Mr. B, D. Wllaon
taken from the north end. The
which had been carefully eealed up until examination,
exhibited ap. gr. 1.1812, aolid content*, 21486 per
cent.; the latter, ap. gr. 1.184, aolid eontenta, 22.188 1
the boiling point in both caaaa 226° 4 Pair. — a atnga
lar agreement, when It la remembered that one apeel
men wee obtained at the end, the other at the begin
nlng of rammer, for thla lnreatigatlon, and much
more ralnable aaaiatance in thla part of hia article, the
writer to Indebted to hia friend, Dr. Darld Bunpaon
Plica, r. 0. 8.
Tbe Inferiority In tbe quantity of the aalta In Hot.
2, 6, and 8 Is rery remarkable, and must be due to the
fact (acknowledged In the two flrat) that the water waa
obtained during the rainy aeaaon, or from near the
entrance of tbe Jordan or other frech water. Nob. 7
and 8 were collected within two months of each other.
The preceding winter, 1868-64, waa one of the wetteat
and coldest remembered In Syria, and yet the earlier
of the two analyses shows a hugely preponderating
quantity of salts. The«e is sufficient discrepancy in
the whole of tbe results lo render It desirable that
a fresh set of analyses should be made, of water ob-
tained from various defined spots and depths, at dif-
ferent cunea of the year, and investigated by the same'
analyst. The variable density of the water was ob-
served aa early aa by Galen (aee quotations in Belaod,
Pat. p. 248).
The best papers on this Interesting subject are those
of Omelin, Marchand, Herapatb, and Bousaingault (see
tbe references given above). The second of these oon-
taine an excellent review of former analyses, and most
Instructive observations on matters more or less con-
nected with the subject.
The absence of Iodine to remarkable. It was par.
ocularly searched for by both Herapatb and Mar-
chand, but without effect In September, 1868, the
writer obtained a huge quantity of water from the
bland at the north end of the lake, whleh he reduced
by boiling on the spot. Tbe concentrated aalta wire
afterwards tasted by Dr. D. 8. Price by his nitrate of
potash test (see Oum. Soe. Journal for 1861), with 'to*
express view of detecting iodine, but note trace ootid
beds
'*&
Aa *aiaen«Chf.»e>r.*>T > «
■ that hi water tar ' another part" of tbe lake ha found aa much as 4X per cent
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2892
SEA, THE SALT
so* deposit! on the thorn (no § 17), wfaieh in
gradually restoring to the lake the salts they re-
wired from It age* hack, when covered by its
waters. The strength of these ingredients is
heightened by the continual evaporation, which (as
already stated) is sufficient to carry off the whole
amount of the water supplied, leaving, of course,
the salts in the lake; and which in the Dead Sea,
as in every other lake which has affluents but no
outlets, is gradually concentrating the mineral con-
stituents of the water, as in the alembic of the
chemist. When the water becomes saturated with
sslt, or even before, deposition will take place, and
salt-beds be formed on the bottom of the lake.*
If, then, at a future epoch a convulsion should take
place which should upheave the bottom of the lake,
a salt mountain would be formed similar to the
Khathm Utdum ; and this is not improbably the
manner in which (hat singular mountain was formed.
It appears to have been the bed of an ancient salt
lake, which, during the convulsion which depressed
the bed of the present lake, or some other remote
change, was forced up to its present position. Thus
this spot may have been from the earliest ages tiie
tome of Dead Seat ; and the present lake but one
of a numerous series.
38. It has been long supposed that no life what-
ever existed in the lake. But recent facts show
*hst some inferior organizations can and do find a
home even in these salt and acrid waters. The
Cabinet d'Hist Natorelle at Paris contains a fine
specimen of a coral called Stylopkora pitHUatn,
which is stated to have been brought from the lake
in 1837 by the Marq. de l'Escalopier, and has every
appearance of having been a resident there, and
not an ancient or foreign specimen.* Khrenberg
discovered 11 species of Polygaster, 3 of Polytha-
kunise, and 6 of Phytolithariae, in mud and water
brought home by Lepsius (Monattb. d. Kin. Pr.
Ahrd. June, 1849). The mud was taken from the
north end of the lake, 1 hour K. W. of the Jor-
dan, and far from the shore. Some of the speci-
mens of Polygaster exhibited ovaries, and it is
worthy of remark that all the species were found
In the water of the Jordan also. The copious
phosphorescence mentioned by Lynch (Narr. p.
980) is also a token of the existence of lire in the
waters. In a warm salt stream which rose at the
foot of the Jtbel Utdum, at a few yards only from
the lake, Hr. Poole (Nov. 4) caught small fish
(Cyprmodon hnmmonit) 1J inch long. He is of
jpinion, though he did not ascertain the fact, that
they arc denizens of the lake. The melanoptu
shells found by Poole (p. 67) at the fresh springs
ainined a spearmen of soil tram a "salt-plain celled
fnph n | an boor W. of the lake, and found it to oon-
oiiu "an appreciable quantity of bromine " (Journal
fur pmkt. Ovmie, xlrll. 888, 870).
In addition to the obvious sources named in the
text, then are doubtless others less visible. The n-
narkable variation in the proportions of the eonstltu-
sntp of the water in tha specimens obtained bj dlfler-
ut travellers (tee the analyses) leads to the Inference
lbs* in the bed of the lake there are masses of min-
eral matter, or mineral springs, which may modify the
constitution of the water In their immediate nelgh-
sorhood.
• This Is already oc cur ring, for lunch's sounding-
wad several times brought up cubical crystals of salt,
sonwoniM with mud, sometimes alone (Not. pp. 281,
197 ; earns. Holyneux, p. 127). The lake of Aassl, on
law sT. eoast of Africa, which has neither sfluent nor
SEA. THE SALT
(? Am Terabeh), and which other I
brought from the shore at Ain J id*, belong to the
spring and not to the lake. Fucos and ulva are
spoken of by some of the travellers, but nothing
certain is known of them. The ducks seen diving
by Poole must surely have been in search of some
form of life, either animal or vegetable.
89. The statements of ancient travellers and
geographers to the effect that no living creature
could exist on the shores of the lake, or bird fly
across its surface, are amply disproved by later
travellers. It is one of the first things mentioned
by Haundrell (March 80); and in our own days
almost every traveller has noticed the fable to con-
tradict it The cane brakes of Am Ftthkhak . and
the other springs on the margin of the rake, har-
bor snipe, partridges, docks, nightingales, and other
birds, as well as frogs; hawks, doves, and hares
are found along the shore (Lynch, pp. 274, 277,
279, 287, 294, 371, 378); and the thickets of Am
Jidy contain " Innumerable birds," among which
were the lark, quail, and partridge, as well as birds
of prey (Bibl. Ret. i. 524). Lynch mentions the
curious fact tbat " all the birds, and most of the
insects and animals " which he saw on the western
side wen of a stone color, so as to be almost in-
visible on the rocks of the shore (Narr. pp. 279,
291, 294). Van de Velde (B. d- P. U. 119), Lynch
{Narr. pp. 279, 287, 808), and Poole (Nor. 2, 3,
and 7), even mention having seen ducks and other
birds, single and in flocks, swimming and diving in
the water.
40. Of the temperature of the water more ob-
servations are necessary before any inferences can
be drawn. Lynch (Report, May 6) states that a
stratum at 59° Fahr. is almost invariably found at
10 fathoms below the surface. Between Wad*
Ztkrlea and Ain 7>rrtoeA the temp, at surface was
76°, gradually decreasing to 62° at 1,044 ft deep,
with the exception just named (Narr. p. 874)
At other times, and in the lagoon, the temp
ranged from 8-2° to 90°. and from 6° to 10° below
that of the air (Hid. pp. 810-880. Comp. Poole.
Nor. 3). Dr. Stewart (Tent and Khan, p. 881)
on 11th March, 1854, found the Jordan 60° Fahr.
and the Dead Sea (N. end) 78°; the temperatun
of the air being 83° in the former ease, and 78° it
'the litter.
41. Nor does there appear to be anything in-
imical to life in the atmosphere of the lake or its
shores, except what naturally proceeds from the
great heat of the climate. Tha Ghme&rmeh and
Hnthmdeh Arabs, who inhabit the southern and
outlet, is said to be ooueentrated to (or nearly to) the
point of saturation (Edin. N. Phil. Journ. April, 1855,
P- 269)
s This interesting fact Is mentioned by Humboldt
(Ftticj of Nat. p. 270); but the writer Is indebted to
the kind courtesy of M. Valenciennes, keeper of tha
Cabinet, for oonnrmation of it Humboldt gives tha
coral the name of Poritr* dongata, but the writer has
the authority of Dr. P. Martin Duncan tor saying that
its true designation is Styloptura put. Unfortunately
nothing whatever is known of the place or manner of
its discovery ; and it is remarkable that after 26 yean
no second specimen should have been acquired. It is
quite possible for the coral In question to grow under
the conditions pi sse u ted by the Dead Sea, and it k
true that it abounds also In tha Bed 8ea ; but It w£
not be safe to draw any deduction from these facts
till other specimens of it have been brought from Iks
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SEA, THE SALT
Mn odea and the p* ■■"«■"», are described at a
poor stunted race; but this U easily accounted fur
by the best and relaxing nature of the climate, end
by their meagre way of life, without inferring any-
thing specially unwholesome in the exhalation* of
the lake. They do not appear to be more stunted
or meagre than the natives of Jericho, or, if more,
not more than would be doe to the fact that they
inhabit a spot 600 to 800 feet further below the
surface of the ooean and more effectually inclosed.
Considering the hard work which the American
party accomplished In the tremendous heat (the
tlia i aome t er on one occasion 106°, after sunset,
Narr. p. 814), and that the sounding and working
the boats nece ss a ri ly brought them a great deal
fasto actual contact with the water of the lake, their
g e nera l good health is a proof that there is nothing
pernicious in the proximity of the lake itself A
strong smell of sulphur pervades some parts of the
western shore, proceeding from springs or streams
impregnated with sulphuretted hydrogen (Oe Saul-
ey, Narr. i. 198; Van de Velde," ii. 109; Beaufort,
K. 113). It accompanied the north wind which
blew in the evenings (Lynch, pp. 393, 394). But
this odor, though unpleasant, is not noxious, and
it, met M. da Sauley compares it to the baths of
Bareges. The Sabkah has in summer a "strong
marshy ameU," from the partial desiccation of the
ditches which convey the drainage of the salt
springs and salt racks into the lagoon; but this
erneO can hardly be stronger or more unhealthy
than it is in the marshes above the lake td-Htdtti,
or in many other places where marshy grouud
exists under a sun of equal power; such, for exam-
ple, aa the marshes at Iskanderun, quoted by Mr.
Porter (Handbook, p. 301 a).
49. Of the botany of the Dead Sea little or
nothing can be said. Dr. Hooker, in bis portion
of the article Palsstusb, haa spoken (iit 3313,
1313) of the vegetation of the Gkdr in general, and
of that of Aim Jidy and the N. W. shore of the
lake in particular. Beyond these, the only parts
of the lake which be explored, nothing accurate is
known. A few plants are named by Seetsen as
bahabltmg the Ohor a-Safitk and the peninsula.
These, inch as they are, hare been already men-
tioned. In addition, the following are enumerated
in the lists* which accompany the Official Report
(4to) of Lynch, and the Voyage of De Sauley
(Alias dee Plancies, etc.). At Ain Jidy, Reseda
fates, Malta syhtestris, Glimu lotuidee, Bedum
reffenm, BUerttie syriiea, Eupatorium tyrincum,
and WWumia somni/era. On the southeastern
sod eastern shore of the lake, at the Gk&r et-
BaJUn, and on the peninsula, they name Zttln
myngroidts, ZygophyQa coccinea, Ruta bracteosa,
Beypkus tpina Chritti, Jndigofera, Tamarix,
Amoo* cmaritHtt, Saltadora persica, Jfloga fon-
ttmemi, Piaidiim tingitanum, Solatium villosum,
Km pmorbia ptpbjs, Eryihrottict— punctata!, Carex
slm np hylla, and ffeMotropum ulbidum. At Ain
fentUaA, Ain Ohwetkr, Ain Terabek, and other
spots on the western shore, they name, in addition
to those given by Dr. Hooker, Sida asiatiea,
SEA, THE SALT
289b
« at Tan da Telde's wetoh turned black with the
ftdphur hi the an- of the bills «dd Tailors south of
I (at Birkmt tt-Ekulil) says It
■ than that
«T the ■pctocs of Tedsur."
» l*meh* nets wars drawn up by Dr. K. afclasfleld
tfCaawb; ana Do Beater's by tt» AbM attehon, who
dee banulf eaUsoaal the bulk of the ipschneus.
Knautia arvensis, Scabiota pnpposa, Ecktum Hat-
iatm and creticum, Stratice tinuata. Anastatic*,
hierochuntina, Hetiotropum rotundijbtiwa, and
Phragmites communis. At other places not speci-
fied along the shores, KoJalt and Crambe mariH-
mo, Arenaria maritimn, Chenopodium maritiinwn,
Anabasis aphylla, Anemone coronaria, Ranunculm
atiatiau, Fumaria micranlha, Sitymbrium trio,
Cleans trineroia, Anngyritfatida, Chrysanthemum
coronaria, Rhagadiohis sleUiitm, Anagnltis aroen-
sis, Convolvulus siculus, Onotma tyriaca, Litho-
spermum tetmiflorum, Hyoscynmus aureus, Euphor-
bia helioscopa, Iris caucasica, Morea tisyrinchium,
Romulea bulbocodium and grandifiora. The mouth
of the Wady Zuweirah contains large quantities
of oleanders.
43. Of the zoology of the shores, it is hardly
too much to say that nothing is known. The birds
and animals mentioned by Lynch and Robinson
have been already named, but their accurate identi-
fication must await the visit of a traveller versed in
natural history. On the question of the existence
of life in the lake itself, the writer has already said
all that occurs to him.
44. The appearance of the lake does not fulfill
the idea conveyed by its popular name. "The
Dead Sea," says a recent traveller, 17 "did not strike
me with that sense of desolation and dreariness
which I suppose it ought. 1 thought it a pretty,
smiling lake — a nice ripple on its surface." Lord
Nugent (Lands, etc., ii. ch. 5) expresses himself in
similar terms. Schubert came to it from the Gulf
of Akabeh, and he contrasts the " desert look " of
that with the remarkable beauties of this, " the
most glorious spot be had ever seen " (Ritter, p.
657). This was the view from its northern end.
The same of the southern portion. " I expected a
scene of luiequaled horror," says Hr. Van de
Velde (ii. 117), "instead of which I found a lake
calm and glassy, blue and transparent, with an un-
clouded heaven, a smooth beach, and surrounded
by mountains whose blue tints were of rare beauty.
. . . . It bears a remarkable resemblance to
l>och Awe." •' It reminded me of the beautiful
lake of Nice " (Paxton, in Kitto, Phys. Oeogr. p
383). " Nothing of gloom and desolation," says
another traveller, " . . . . even the shore was
richly studded with bright ' yellow flowers growing
to the edge of the rippling waters." Of the view
from Hasada, Miss Beaufort (ii. 110) thus speaks:
" Some one says there is no beauty in it . . . .
but this view is beyond all others for the splendor
of its savage and yet beautiful wiklneas." Seetsen,
in a lengthened and unusually enthusiastic passage
(ii. 364, 365) extols the beauties of the view from
the delta at the mouth of the Wady Mofib, and
the advantages of that situation for a permanent
residence. These testimonies might be multiplied
at pleasure, and they contrast strangely with the
statements of some of the medieval pilgrims (on
whose accounts the ordinary conceptions of the
lake are based), and even those of some modern
travellers," of the perpetual gloom which broods
over the lake, and the thick vapors which roll
~ e Bsv. W. Lsa~0B47), -ho baa kindly allowed the
writer to* um of his MS. Journal. Bee vary nearly the
■una .wuti by Dr. Stewart ( Trnt and Ebon).
d Probably Inula triikmoidu.
• As, for jmUdoo, the Patriarch of Jeromtam,
quoted by Brooardos (A. 0. 1290), and the t»rrlBo de-
scription riven by Quarwrnltu (II. 769, *<•.;, as if frma
Broeardus, though It is not In the kVaivad Text of his
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J
3894
SKA, THE SALT
■nan iU waters like the smoke of tome infernal fur-
nace, filling the whole neighborhood with a mias-
ma which baa destroyed all life within ita reach.
4S. The truth lies, aa usual, somewhere between
then two extreme*. On the one hand the lake
certainly is not a gloomy, deadly, smoking golf.
In this respect it does not at all fulfill the promise
of its name." The name is more suggestive of the
dead solitude of the mountain tarns of Wales or
Scotland, the perpetual twilight and undisturbed
lingering decay of the Great Dismal Swamp, or the
reeking miasma of the Putrid Sea of the Crimea.
Death can never be associated with the wonderful
brightness of the sun of Syria, with the cheerful
reflection of the calm bosom of the lake at some
periods of the day, or with the regular alternation
sf the breezes which ruffle its surface at others. At
sunrise and sunset the scene must be astonishingly
beautiful. Every one who has been in the West
of Scotland knows what extraordinary pictures are
sometimes seen mirrored in the sea-water lochs
when they lie unruffled in the calm of early morn-
ing or of sunset The reflections from the bosom
of the Dead Sea are said to surpass those, aa far as
the hues of the mountains which encircle it, when
lit up by the gorgeous rising and setting suns of
Syria, surpass in brilliancy and richness those of the
hills around Loch Fyne and Loch Goyle. One
such aspect may be seen — and it is said by com-
petent judges to be no exaggerated representation
— in " The Scapegoat " of Mr. Holman Hunt, which
is a view of the Hoab mountains at sunset, painted
from the foot of Jebel Utdum, looking across the
lower part of the lagoon. 6 But on the other hand,
with all the brilliancy of ita illumination, its fre-
quent beauty of coloring, the fantastic grandeur of
its inclosing mountains, and the tranquil charm
afforded by the reflection of that unequaled sky on
the no leas unequaled mirror of the surface — with
all these there is something in the prevalent sterility
and the dry, burnt look of the shores, the over-
powering heat, the occasional smell of sulphur the
dreary salt marsh at the southern end, and the
fringe of dead driftwood round the margin, which
must go far to excuse the title which so many ages
have attached to the lake, and which we may be
sure it will never lose.
46. It does cot appear probable that the condition
or aspect of the lake in Biblical times was mate-
rially different from what it is at present. Other
parts of Syria may have deteriorated in climate and
appearance owing to the destruction of the wood
which once covered them, but there are no traces
either of the ancient existence of wood in the neigh-
borhood of the lake, or of anything which would
works (Amst. 1711); Sir B. Chiylforde (A. p. 1406);
echware (a. d. 1846). It la, howsvar, aurprlaing how
Ires the bast of the old travellers an from such fables.
The demriptlona of the Bordeaux Pilgrim, of Arcul-
rae, alaundevllle, Thktmar, Doubdan, Maundrell, bar-
ring a little exaggeration of the buoyancy of the water
end of its repulsion to list, an sober, and, as Bar ss
they go, accurate. It la to be lamented that the pop-
ular conception of the lake was not founded on these
seooUDta, Instead of the asnaatfan-deecriptlooe of othera
tt second hand.
o "It Is not gloom but desolation that la Ita prevail-
ing ebuscterieuc,'' •* the remark of Prof. Stanley, In
«]s excellent chapter oo the lake In Sinai and Palatini
feb. en.). "So mournful a landscape, for one having
pal beauty, I have never aaea " (aOae Martrocau, Mam-
tm lift, fit HI. oh. 4).
SEA, THE SALT
account for its destruction, supposing it to saw*
existed. A few spots, such ss Ain Jidg, the mouth
of the Wadg Zuadrak, and that of the WadgtA
Dra'a, were more cultivated, and consequently more
populous than they are under the discouraging in-
fluences of Mohammedanism. But such attempts
must always hare been partial, confined to toe imme-
diate neighborhood of the fresh springs and to a
certain degree of elevation, and ceasing directly irri-
gation was neglected. In fact the climate of the
shores of the lake is too sultry and trying to allow
of any considerable amount of civilised occupation
being conducted there. Nothing will grow without
irrigation, and artificial irrigation is too labcrioaja
for such a situation. The plain of Jericho, we know,
was cultivated like a garden, but the plain of Jeri-
cho is very nearly on a level with the spring d
Am Jidg, some 600 feet above the Gkdr etZueH
the Gk6r o-Safith, or other cultivable portions A
the beach of the Dead Sea. Of course, as Car a*
the capabilities of the ground an concerned, pro-
vided there is plenty of water, the hotter the
climate the better, and it is not too much to say
that, if some system of irrigation could be carried out
and maintained, the plain of Jericho, and, still more,
the shores of the lake (such as the peninsula and
the southern plain), might be the most productive
spots in the world. But this is not possible, and the
difficulty of communication with the external world
would alone be (as it must always have been) a
serious bar to any great agricultural efforts in this
district
When Maetuerus and Cellirrhoe wen inhabited
(if indeed the former was ever more than a fortress,
and the latter a bathing establishment occasionally
resorted to), and when the plain of Jericho was
occupied with the crowded population necessary
for the cultivation of its balsam-gardens, vineyards,
sugar-plantations, and palm-groves, there may have
been a little more life on the shores. But this can
never have materially affected the lake. The track
along the western shore and over Am Jidg was then,
as now, used for secret marauding expeditions, not for
peaceable or commercial traffic. What transport
there may hare been between Idumasa and Jericho
came by some other channel. A doubtful passage
in Josephus,* and a reference by Edrisi (ed. Jaa-
bert, in Ritter, Jordan, p. 700) to an occasional ven-
ture of the people of " Zara and Dara " in the 13th
century, are all the allusions known to exist to
the navigation of the lake, until Englishmen and
Americans d launched their boats on it within the
last twenty years for purposes of seientinc inves-
tigation. The temptation to the dwellers in the
environs must always have been to ascend to the
b The remarka In the text refer to the mountains
which form the background to thla remarkable painting
The title of the picture and the aeddenta of the too-
ground give the key to the sentiment which It eonvays,
which la certainly thai of looellneee and death. But tha
mountains would form an appropriate background to a
aoane of a very different description.
e Quoted by Beland ( Pat. p. 262) aa " liber v. de bell.
cap. 8." But thla — If It can be verified, which the
writer has not yet aueeeeded In doing — only shows
that the Romans on one occasion, aooner than let then
fugitives eeoapa them, got some boats over and pu
them on the lake. It does not indicate any eonttnoee
navigation.
* Oostlgan In 1885, Moore and Beak m 18*7, t
m 1841, Malynsux In 1847, Iffnrh In 1848.
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SKA, THIS BALI
nashcr ib of the heights, rather than descend to
the sultry climate of the shores.
47. The connection between this singular lake
and the Biblical history is very alight. In the topo-
graphical reeorda of the Praitateoch and the boo*
of Joshua • it forma one among the landmarks of the
boundaries of the whole country, as well as of the
inferior divisions of Judah and Benjamin ; and atten-
tion has been already drawn to the minute accuracy
with which, according to the frequent custom of
these remarkable records, one of the salient features
of the lake is singled out for mention. As a land-
mark it is once named in what appears to be a
•n ot at ion from a lost work of the prophet Jonah
(8 K. jut. 85), itself apparently a reminiscence of
the old Mosaic statement (Num. xxxiv. 8, 18).
Beeidn this the name occurs once or twice in the
imagery of the Prophet*. 4 In the New Testament
there is not even an allusion to it. There is, how-
ever, one passage in which the " Salt Sea " is men-
tioned in a different manner to any of those already
quoted, namely, as having been in the time of Abra-
ham the ValeofSiddim (Gen.xiv.3). The narrative
in which this occurs is now generally acknowledged
to be one of the most ancient of those venerable
documents from which the early part of the book of
Genesis was oompiled. But a careful examination
shows that it contains a number of explanatory
statements which cannot, from the very nature of
the ease, have come from the pen of its original
author. The sentences, '• Beta which is Zoar " •
(8 and 8); "En-Mishpat which is Kadeah" (7);
- The Valley of Shareh which is the King's Valley "
(17); and the one in question, " the Vale of Siddim
which is the Salt Sea" (3), are evidently explana-
tions added by a later hand at a time when the
ancient names had become obsolete. These remarks
(or, as they may be termed, " annotations ") stand
on a perfectly different footing to the words of the
original record which they are intended to elucidate,
and whose antiquity they enhance. It bean every
mark of being contemporary with the events it nar-
rates. They merely embody the opinion of a later
person, and must stand or fall by their omx merits.
48. Now the evidence of the spot is sufficient to
■how that no material change has taken place in the
upper and deeper portion of the lake for a period
very long anterior to the time of Abraham. In the
lower portion — the lagoon and the plain below it —
If any change has occurred, it appears to hare been
rather one of reclamation than of submersion — the
gradual silting up of the district by the torrents
which discharge their contents into it (see § 23).
We have seen that, owing to the gentle slope of the
plain, temporary fluctuations in the level of the lake
would affect this portion very materially ; and it is
anile allowable to believe that a few wet winters fol-
eVsred by cold summers, would raise the level of the
lake sufficiently to lay the whole of the district south
SEA, THB SALT
289ft
" ass the quotations at the hsed of the article.
• Oneof chess (BLXlviX)b rsmaitabla tor thsnuui-
asf m which the characteristics of the lake and Ms en-
virons— ths dry ravines of the western mountains;
a*t noxious waters; the want of nsh ; the southern
■ejnoo— are brought out. Bee Prof. Stanley's notice
aT.yP.p-lM)
« Ip^KTI Vb'p : such Is the formula adopted
h sash of the instances quoted. It Is the same which
» saaa In the precisely parallel ease, " Hasssoo-Tamar.
atawafcafc-eadi"<80hr.xx.2). In other eases, when
i to have proceeded from the original
of the lagoon under water, and convert It for. the that
into a part of the "Salt Sea." A rise of 90 feet be-
yond the ordinary high-water point would probably
do this, and it would take some years to bring things
back to their former oondition. Such an exceptional
state of things the writer of the words in Gen. xiv.
may have witnessed and placed on record.
49. This is merely stated as a possible explanation;
and it assumes the Vale of Siddim to have been the
plain at the south end of the lake, for which there
is no evidence. But it seems to the writer more
natural to believe that the author of this note on
a document which even in his time was probably
of great antiquity, believed that the present lake
covered a district which in historic times had been
permanently habitable dry land. Such was the im-
plicit belief of the whole modern world — with the
exception perhaps of Roland «" — till within leas than
half a century. Even so lately as 1830 the for-
mation of the Dead Sea was described by a divine
of our Church, remarkable alike for learning and
discernment, In the following terms : —
" The Valley of the Jordan, in which the cities
of Sodom, Gomorrah, Adma, and Tseboim, were
situated, was rich and highly cultivated. It is
most probable that the river then flowed in a deep
aud uninterrupted channel down a regular descent,
and discharged itself into the eastern gulf of the
Bed Sea. The cities stood on a soil broken and
undermined with veins of bitumen and sulphur.
These inflammable substances set on fire by light-
ning caused a terrible convulsion; the water-
courses — both the river and the canals by which the
land was extensively irrigated — burst their banks;
the cities, the walls of which were perhaps built
from the combustible materials of the soil, .were
entirely swallowed up by the fiery inundation, and
the whole valley, which had been compared to Par-
adise sad the well-watered corn-fields of the Nile,
became a dead and fetid lake" (Milmsn, Hi*t. of
the Jem, 2d ed., i. 15).
In similar language does the usually cautious Dr.
Robinson express himself, writing on the spot, before
the researches of his countrymen had revealed the
depth and nature of the chasm, and the consequent
remote date of the formation of the lake : " Shat-
tered mountains and the deep chasms of the rent
earth are here tokens of the wrath of God, and of
bis vengeance upon the guilty inhabitants of the
plain" (Bibl. Bet. i. 525). •
Now if these explanations — so entirely ground-
less, when it is recollected that the identity of the
Vale of Siddim with the Plain of Jordan, and tat
submersion of the cities, find no warrant whatever
in Scripture — are promulgated by persons of learn-
ing and experience in the 19th century after Christ,
surely it need occasion no surprise to find a similar
view put forward at the time when the contradic-
tions involved in the statement that the Salt Sea
writer, another form Is wad— "lt2?B —as in "■■•
Paran, which Is by the Wilderness » (8), " Uobah,
which Is on the left hand of Damascus " (16).
d Sea his chapter Dc tacu Ajphalliu in Pulmstimm,
lib. I. cap. xxxvtii. — truly admirable, considering the
scanty materials at his disposal, lis seams to bars
ben the first to disprove the Idea the --he slues el
•he plain ware submerged.
s Uvea Usut. I^rnch can pause between the oases ©»
the lead to apostrophise the " unhallowed »te . . . use
reoort of Sod's wrath," or to nodes the "srpulobnv
light east around by the phoaprorsnee, etc., els
(Ivoit pp. V*, 288, 280).
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2896
SEA, THE SALT
had one* been the Vile of Siddim eooM not hare
presented themselves to the ancient commentator
who added that explanatory note to the original rec-
ord of Gen. xiv. At the tame time it moat not be
overlooked that the passage in queation la the only
one in the whole Bible — Old Testament, Apocrypha,
or New Testament — to countenance the notion that
the cities of the plain were submerged ; a notion which
the present writer has endeavored elsewhere" to
show does not date earlier than the Christian era.
SO. The writer has there also attempted to prove
that the belief which prompted the statement* just
footed from modern writers, namely, that the Dead
Sea was formed by the catastrophe which over-
threw the "Cities of the Plain," is a mere as-
snmption. It is not only unsupported by Scrip-
ture, bnt is directly in the teeth of the evidence
of the ground itself. Of the situation of those
cities we only know that, being in the " Plain of
the Jordan," they must have been to the north of
the lake. Of the catastrophe which destroyed
them, we only know that it is described as a shower
of ignited sulphur descending from the skies. It*
date is uncertain, but we shall be safe in placing it
within the limit of 2,000 years before Christ.
Now, how the chasm in which the Jordan and its
lakes were contained was produced out of the lime-
stone block which forms the main body of Syria,
we are not at present sufficiently informed to know.
It may have been the effect of a sudden fissure
of dislocation,' 1 or of gradual erosion," or of a com-
bination of both. But there can be no doubt that,
however the operation was performed, it was of far
ilder date than the time of Abraham, or any other
historic event."* And not only this, but the details
of the geology, so far as we can at present discern
them, all point in a direction opposite to the popu-
lar hypothesis. That hypothesis is to the effect
that the valley was once dry, and at a certain
historic period was covered with water and con-
verted into a lake. The evidence of the spot goes
to show that the very reverse was the ease; the
plateaus and terraces traceable round its aides, the
• Under the heads of Sodom, Sroom, Zoaa.
* Bee the remarks of Sir fi. Muroblson before the
B. Association (In Atktnavm, 28 Sept. 1819)
c This is the opinion of Dr. Anderson.
d Dr Anderson is compelled to infer from the fea-
tures of the eastern shore that the GMr existed " be-
fore the tertiary age " (p. 189 ; and see his interesting
remarks on pp. 190, 192).
• This Report Is the only document which purports
to give a scientific account of the geology of the Dead
8sa. The author was formerly Professor at Columbia
College, U. 8. It forms a part of his Geological Rt-
mmmnan ee at those portions of the Holy land whieh
rare visited bj the American expedition. The writer
at not qualified to pass Judgment on its scientific merits,
but he can speak to its fullness and clearness, and to
the modesty with which the author submits his con-
clusions, and which contrasts very favorably with the
'oose bombast in which the chief of the expedition is
oo prone to indulge. Its usefulness would be greatly
nereaaed by the addition of sections, showing the order
of succession of the strata, and diagrams of some of
she more remarkable phenomena.
/ An instance of the loose manner in which these
txpresdoos an used is found in Lynch's Narrative (p.
■88), where he characterises as " scathed by fire" a
rock near the mouth of the Kldron, which in the same
ssntense he states was in rapid pro gre ss of dialntegre-
*■>, with a "sloping hill of half Its own height" at
ta base formed by the dust of Its daily decay.
* There is a slight correspondence, though probably
SEA, THE SALT
aqueous deposits of the peninsula and th* assess*
and southern shores, saturated with the salt* of
their ancient immersion, speak uf a depth at one
time far greater than it is at present, and of a
gradual subsidence, until the present level (th*
balance, as already explained, between supply ana 1
evaporation) was reached.
Beyond these and similar tokens of the action of
water, then are no marks of any geological action
nearly so recent as the date of Abraham. Inex-
perienced and enthusiastic travellers have reported
craters, lava, pumice, scoriae, aa marks of modern
volcanic action, at every step. Bat these things
are not so easily recognised by inexperienced ob-
servers, nor, if seen, is the deduction from them at
obvious. The very few competent geciogiste who
have visited the spot — both those who have pub-
lished their observations (aa Dr. Anderson, geol-
ogist to the American expedition'), and those who
have not, concur in stating that no certain indica-
tions exist in or about the lake, of volcanic action
within the historical or human period, no volcanic
craters, and no couUu of lava traceable to any
vent. The igneous rocks described as lava are mors
probably basalt of great antiquity; the bitumen of
the lake ha* nothing necessarily to do with volcanic
action. The scorched, calcined look of the rooks
in the immediate neighborhood, of which so many
travellers have spoken/ aa an evident token a.' th*
conflagration of the cities, is due to natural came*
— to the gradual action of the atmosphere on th*
constituents of the stone.
The destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah may
have been by volcanic action, but it may be safely
asserted that no traces of it have yet been discov-
ered, and that, whatever it was, it can have had
no connection with that far vaster and far mora
ancient event which opened the great valley of th*
Jordan and the Dead Sea, and at some subsequent
time cut it off from communication with the Bed
Sea by forcing up between then the tract of tin
Wady ArabahJ G.
* The theory advanced in the preceding article,
but a superficial one, between the Dead Sea at the
apex of the Oulf of Akabah and the Bitter lakes at
the apex of the Gulf of Sues. Kaon was probably at
one time a portion of the sea, and each has been cut
off by some change In the elevation of the land, and
left to concentrate Its waters at a distance from the
parent branch of the ocean. The change in the latter
case was probably lax more recent than in the former,
and may even have occurred since the Exodus.
The parallel between the Kuxine and the Dead Sea
has been already spoken of. If by some geological
change the strait of the Bcephorus should ever be
closed, and the outlet thus stopped, the parallel would
in some respects be very clone — the Danube and the
Dnieper would correspond to the Jordan and th*
ZOrka : the Sea of Asov with the Slvash would answer
to the lagoon and the Sabhak — the river Don to to*
Watty tl-Jeib. The process of adjustment between
supply and evaporation would at once commence, and
from the day the straits were closed the s al rn sss of the
water would begin to concentrate. If, further, th*
evaporation should be greater than tha present sup-
ply, th* water would sink and sink until th* gnat
eiuxlne became a little lake in a deep hollow far below
the level of the Mediterranean ; and the parallel woul*
then be complete.
The likeness between the Jordan with Its lakes an|
the river of Utah has been so often alluded to, that r
need not be more than mentioned here. See Dr. Bats*
la Rim. N. Pttit. Journal, April, 1866; Bur ton's t*|
»/«*« ostitis, p. *M.
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8JSA, THE SAL1
that Urn nilles of the plain " mut have been to the
aorta of the lake," the reader will find critically
examined in the articles Sodom and Zoab (Amer.
ad.). We propose to review here the theory advanoed
in the preceding article, and in the articlei Sodom
and SrDDtM, Thb Vals OF, respecting the mi-
mergence of lie plain. The question of the sub-
mergeoce of the rite of the oitke is distinct from
that of the submergence of a portion of the valley.
It is only on the latter point that we claim any
clear historical data; the former ie a matter of in-
ference merely.
The evidences which bear ou the question of
submergence are mainly of two classes, the his-
torical and the geologies!. The latter we pan over,
concurring with Mr. Grow in the conviction that
the data as yet ascertained would not furnish the
most scientific observer with the basis of a solid
and adequate theory. It is sufficient that no points
have thus far been established by geological ex-
ploration which conflict with the historical testi-
mony es we understand it.
The earliest historical evidence is contained in
the oldest record extant: "All these were joined
together in the Tale of Siddim, which is the Salt
Sea" (Gen. zir. 3). The writer here asserts that
what was the Vale of Siddim at the time of the
battle described, wss at the time of his writing the
Salt Sea. If we are to accept the unity of the
authorship of the book, it was so when the original
record was made. If we may regard the book as
a compilation, and the last clause of this verse as
the gloss of the compiler, it was so when the com-
pilation was made. Both theories leave us the an-
cient, indisputable, Biblical testimony to the iden-
tity, in whole or in part, of the site of the Vale
of Siddim and of that of the Salt Sea. This in-
terpretation is sustained by Gesenius, who defines
the Yale of Siddim (valley of the plains) ss the
plain "now occupied by the Dead Sea" (Lex.
B s 'Afp).
Mr. Grove adopts the second of the theories just
earned, but he places on this passage the same in-
terpretation that we do. He rejects the transla-
tion of these who would construe the latter clause
of the verse, " which is near, at, or by the Salt
Sea," and insists on the other interpretation. He
mya: " The original of the passage will not bear
even this slight accommodation, and it is evident
that in the mind of the author of the words, no
leas than of the learned and eloquent divine and
historian of our own time already alluded to, the
Salt Sea covers the actual space formerly occupied
by the Tale of Siddim " (Siddim, thb Tale of).
This is decisive : and thus understanding the Scrip-
tural testimony, which pointedly contradicts his
theory, bow does be dispose of it? His explana-
tion given above is concisely repeated in the article
just quoted, as follows: "The words which more
especially bear on the subject of this article (v. 8)
do not form part of the original document. That
s epara ble record has — with a care which shows
haw greatly it was valued st a very early date —
been annotated throughout by a later, though still
very ancient chronicler, who has added what in his
day were believed to be the equivalents for names
«/ places that had become obsolete. Bela is ex-
SEA, THE SAI/T
2891
a • "The clause is found in all the anotent atSS.
and In ths Targum of Onkelos. Its
i rests on ths very same basis ss the other
aartcswof tSMnarratlv* We have the an
plained to be Zoar; En-Hlshpat to be Kadesh; tb*
Emek-Shaveh to be the Valley of the King; the
Emek has-Slddim to be the Salt Sea, that is, In
modern phraseology, the Dead Sea. And when
we remember bow persistently the notion has been
entertained for the last eighteen centuries that the
Dead Sea oovers a district whioh before its submer-
sion was not only the Valley of Siddim but also
the Plain of the Jordan, and what an elaborate
•account of the catastrophe of its submersion has
been constructed, even very recently by one of the
most able scholars of our day, we can hardly he
surprised that a chronicler in an age for leas able
to interpret natural phenomena, and at the same
time long subsequent to the date of the actual
event, should have shared in the belief." [SrDDDa,
tux Tale or.]
This reasoning from the modem to the ancient,
from Dean Milnian to Moses, or the ancient chron-
icler who wrote these words, is very unsatisfactory
to those who believe in the integrity of the sacred
canon." Any theory which may be held respecting
the authorship of the book is of no consequence in
this matter, if we ha\-e here an unblemished copy
of the Divine revelation. Any theory which gives
us this, leaves this testimony of equal value to us.
If the authenticity of the record is conceded in
this passage, but it is alleged that the later, yet
very ancient chronicler, who compiled or annotated
the original document, and gave it to us in its
present shape, wss in point of fact mistaken, we
consider the surmise wholly unwarranted and un-
warrantable, and believe the writer to have had far
better data for his statement than any modern
critic can possibly have for correcting him. Tbe
reason assigned for the supposed error, moreover, is
Irrelevant The submergence of the Tale of Sid-
dim, the conversion of its site to the waters of the
Dead Sea, is simply a question of historic fact, the
statement of which does not require a chronicler
who is "able to interpret natural phenomena."
If, In the above extracts and in the remark in the
present article that these » annotations " " must
stand or fall by their own merits," the writer means
to impeach the inspired record, or fasten the sus-
picion of corruption upon it, it is an uncalled-for
disparagement of the Received Text.
The other glosses or annotations, ss Mr. Grove
claims them to be, be does not hesitate to accept
as valid historic testimony. He says of Zoar,
that " its original name was Bela," of Bethlehem*
that "its earliest name was Ephrath," and of
Hazezon-Tamar, that it "afterwards became En»-
gedi," on exactly the authority, and no other, which
be rejects ss inconclusive here. " Bela, which is
Zoar;" "the Tale of Siddim, which is the Salt
Sea;" "En-Misbpat, whioh is Kadesh;" "the
valley of Shareh, which is the kitg's dale; "
" Ephrath, which is Bethlehem ; " " Hasezon-Tamsr,
which is En-gedi ; " annotations or glosses like these,
if they are such (the first four occurring in the same
narrative), are equally reliable or equally worthless.
No law of interpretation will permit us to accept
one and reject another on the ground that the
writer was not a naturalist. Such a claim, if it
were conceded, would establish the fact that prior
to the composition or completion of our book of
of its Mosaic authorship as we uive of any other par
of she book" (Porter, JTttM's Mil Byt. HI SOI)
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2898
SEA, THE SALT
Genesis, the belief mi current that the cbeem now
Hied by the waters of the Deed See bed been, in
pert at least, a Telle; or plain; end then the ques-
tion would remain: Whence eould inch a belief
hare originated ? In attempting to withdraw from
the view which he opposes the support of the an-
cient record, the writer is obliged to grant it the
weight of a tradition older than the chronicler.
the sacred narrative names a single physical
feature of the Vale of Siddim, namely, that it
abounded with " slime-nits " (Gen. ziv. 10). These
pita were wells of asphaltum, or bitumen, probably
of various dimensions, "sufficient," either from
their number, or size, or both, " materially to affect
the issue of the battle." These asphsltio wells
nave disappeared ; but bitumen is still found around
the southern section of the sea, and it rises to the
surface of the water in large quantities, in that
portion of it, when dislodged by an earthquake
(BM. Sa. ii. 829); and the supply was formerly
more copious than now. We have modem testi-
mony to this enact, and we have that of three
eminent ancient historians in the century before
Christ, and the following : Diodorua Siculus, Jose-
phus, and Tacitus, who represent the ssphaltum as
rising to toe surface of the water in black and
bulky masses. The theory that the Tab of Sid-
dim is covered by the southern part of the sea
reconciles the ancient record and the late phe-
nomena. It sustains the statement that it was full
of bituminous wells; it accounts for their disap-
pearance, and it explains the occasional spectacle
since, down to the present time, of large quantities
of asphaltam on the surface of the water. Thus
for we have a consistent, confirmed, uncontradicted
testimony.
As we pass from the simple affirmation of the
sacred writer, with the confirmation, in subsequent
ages, of the only physical feature of the territory
which he names, we leave behind us, of course, all
direct testimony. The only remaining evidence,
exclusively historical, is of th.*t secondary and con-
firmatory kind which may be drawn from the in-
vestigations and impressions of later writers most
competent to form a judgment, who have exam-
ined the subject, or who, as historians, have re-
corded the prevalent tradition, or the most intelli-
gent opinion. The testimony of these writers tbe
reader will find quoted in an article by the present
writer on "The Site of Sodom," Bibl Sacra
(1868), xxv. 121-126.
Whether the flame which kindled on Sodom and
the guilty cities and consumed them, the inflam-
mable bitumen entering largely into tbe composi-
tion of their walls, devoured also the adjacent Tale
of Siddim, whose soil, abounding with asphalt-
wells, would under a storm of fire be a magazine
if quenchless fuel, and thus burned out a chasm,
which in whole or in part, now forms the lagoon ;
K whether some volcanic convulsion, an agency of
which that region has been tbe known theatre, up-
heaved the oombustible strata, exposing them to
the action of nre, and thus secured the result, each
supposition confirming the sacred narrative that as
Abraham, from his high point of observation sur-
veying the terrible destruction, "looked toward
Sodom and Gomorrah, and toward all tbe land of
the plain, and tehold, and lo, the smoke of tbe
tountry went up as the smoke of a furnace; " or
whether, in connection with the destruction of the
allies by fire, some -earthquake-throe, such ss that
tapendous crevasse has more than ones felt, soak
SEAL
a portion of the soB ont of sight, leaving the sag
nant waters above as its memorial, eannt*. now bt
known. The agency which destroyed the cities
was plainly igneous. The agency which eonvertes'
the Tale of Siddim into a sheet of water I* not
stated. Any theory is admissible which consist-
ently explains the two fact*.
The submergence of the Tale of Siddim and the
submergence of the cities of the plain, or of their
site, are distinct questions, because the cities were
not in this valley. On this point we concur with
the judicious Beland : —
" The inspired writer does not say that the fin
cities, Sodom and the rest, were situated in the
Talley of Siddim; on the contrary, the text (Geo.
xiv. 8) leads to an opposite conclusion : since tbe
kings of these five cities, after having collected their
armies, joined together towards tbe Talley of Sid-
dim. Supposing tbe translation to be m the valley,
the meaning is still tbe same. The probability is,
then, that the Talley of Siddim was quite distinct
from the country in which the five cities were sit-
uated " (PalmUma, I. 1»1).
We see not how any other opinion than this
could have obtained currency among scholars. The
vale and the territory of the cities, though distinct,
were evidently contiguous and may have shared,
and to some extent probably did share a common
catastrophe. The former may have been consumed
with the latter, or the latter may have been de-
pressed with tbe former. Neither the exact loca-
tion nor extent of the Tale of Siddim can be ascer-
tained. If it covered the whole breadth of tbe
southern part of the sea, the plain which borders
on the south, ten miles long by six broad, wss
ample enough for the cities; but in ail probability
it was confined to a part of its width, leaving the
rest for fruitful fields and walled towns, the sites
of which are entombed by the sea. The vale was
the battle-field between Chedoriaomer and his allies,
and tbe confederate kings of the cities; and as tbe
invaders apparently menaced the cities from tbe
present point of Ain July, and the kings went forth
to meet them in this vale, it must ha/e lain west
or north of the cities.
If the rich vegetation of the well-watered plain
of tbe Jordan, on whose tropical luxuriance Lot
looked down from the highlands of Judna, extended
southward skirting fresh water along the site of s
part of the present basin of tbe Salt Sea, and
embosoming the Tale of Siddim with the cities
which bordered It, the allusions in the Scripture
narrative are all adjusted and explained. This
theory encounters no historic difficulty, nor any
insuperable scientific difficulty, so far as is known.
If there be a fatal objection to it, it lies buried in
that vast, mysterious fissure, and awaits the resur-
rection of some future explorer. Should geology
ever compel tbe substitution of a different theory,
we may expect from some quarter the additional
light which will enable us to reconcile it with the
inspired record. In tbe meantime we rest on this
hypothesis. [Siddim, thi Talk of, Anier. ed\]
S. W.
SEAL.' The importance attached to seals a
»'. '
« 1- DTpn (Arab. j»j'Li>) : eteerr*,******
ywpa: mnubu (Oen. xxxviii. 2S). DQnH/,
IwnUuoc: mumhu; from DJTT1,"otose' or "axel
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SEAL
Ikt East t* to great that withoat am no document
■ regarded a* authentic (Layerd, JVi*. d 1 ita*. p.
•08; Chardin, Yog. v. 484). The u*e of eome
■nethod of sealing ii obviously, therefore, of remote
antiquity. Among inch method* and in Egypt
at a very early period were engraved atones, pierced
through their length and hung by a string or chain
from the arm or neck, or art in ring! for the finger.
The moat ancient form used for this pnrpoae wae
the aearaberat, formed of predoos or common atone,
or era of blue pottery or porcelain, on the flat aide
of which the inscription or device was engrared.
CyUnder* of atone or pottery bearing device* were
•bo need aa eignets. One in the Alnwick Museum
bean the date of Oairtaaen I., or between 8000
and 1000 B. c. Bealdea finger-rings, the Egyp-
tians, and also the Assyrians and Babylonians,
made use of cylinder* of precious (tone or terra-
cotta, which were probably set in a frame and
rolled over the document which wa* to be sealed.
The document, especially among the two latter
nations, was itself often made of baked clay, sealed
while it waa wet and burnt afterward*. But in
ny eaaea the seal consisted of a lump of clay,
1 with the seal and attached to the docu-
wbether of papyrus or other material, by
strings. These day lumps often bear the impress
of the finger, and aha the remains of the strings
by which they had been fastened. One such found
as Nimrood wa* the seal of Sabaco king of Egypt,
a. c. 711, and another is believed by Mr. Iayard
to bare been the seal of Sennacherib, of nearly
the aame date (Birch, HUt. «/ Pottery, i. 101, 118;
Wilkinson, Am. Egypt, ii. 841, 864; Layard, Nin.
f Bab. pp. 154-160). In a somewhat similar
manner door* of tomb* or other places intended to
be closed were sealed with lumps of clay. The
enatom prevalent among the Babylonians of carry-
in; seals is mentioned by Herodotus, i. 19S, who
also notices the seals on tombs, ii. 181; Wilkin-
son, L IB, II. 364; Matt, xxvii. 66; Dan. vi. IT.
The use of day in sealing is noticed in the book
at* Job (xxxviii. 14), and the signet-ring as sn
ordinary part of a man's equipment in the case of
Jndah (Geo. zxzriii. 18), who probably, like many
modern Arabs, wore it suspended by a string « from
hie neck or arm. (See Cant viii. 6 ; Ges. pp. 638,
1140; Robinson, i. 86; Niebnbr, Doer, de tAr.
p. 90 ; Chardin, I e Oleariua, Trot. p. 317 ; Knobel
an Gen. xxxviii. in Ettg. Hdb.) The ring or
the aeal aa an emblem of authority both in Egypt,
in Persia, and elsewhere, is mentioned in the cases
of Pharaoh with Joseph, Gen. ill. 43; of Ahab,
1 K. xsd. 8; of Ahasuerus, Esth. iii. 10, 12, viii.
S; of Darius, Dan. I c, also 1 Msec vi. 16;
Joseph. Au. xx. 3, §2; Herod, iii. 128; Curtius,UI.
C, 7, x. 5, 4; Sandys, Trav. p. 68; Chardin, ii.
381, v. 461, 468; and as an evidence of a covenant
in Jer. xxxii. 10, 44; Neb. ix. 38, x. 1; Hag. ii.
83. Its general importance is denoted by the
jietaphorieal use of the word (Rev. v. 1, ix. 4).
Rings with seals are men ti oned in the Hiahna
(State, vi. 8), end earth or clay » as used for seals
sf bags (viii. 8). Sou* of four sorts used in the
Temple, a* wall as (pedal guardians of them, are
1 fat Bkehd. v. 1.
SBBA
289fl
Among modern Orientals the sise and place of
the aeal vary according to the importance bott
of the sender of a letter and of the person to whom
it is sent. In sealing, the aeal itself, not the paper,
is smeared with the sealing-substance. Thus illit-
erate persons sometimes use the object nearest a
hand — their own finger, or a stick notched foi the
purpose — and, daubing it with ink, smear the
paper therewith (Chardin, v. 454, ix. 847 ; Arvioux,
Trav. p. 161; Rauwolff, Trav. in Ray, ii. 61;
Niebuhr, I c.y Robinson, I. 36). Engraved sig-
net* were in use among the Hebrews in early times,
as is evident in the description of the high-priest's
breastplate (Ex. xxviii. 11, 86, xxxix. 6), and the
work of the engraver as a distinct occupation t*
mentioned in Ecclus. xxxriii. 87. [Clat, L 471.1
H. W. P.
• SEALED FOUNTAIN. [Foubtaix.]
• SEALS' SKINS. [Badobbs' Skims.]
SB'BA (r*3? [see below]: Zafid, 2of)iw;
[Vat in 1 Chr! Sapor:] Saba: gent n. pL
□"KJP : [Is. xlr. 14,] Xafiatlu, [FA.i Xafiatu,
Alex. StjSeirui:] Sabaim: A. V. incorrectly ren-
dered Sabeans, a name there given with more
probability to the D^tf, Joel iii. 8 [Heb. text,
iv. 8] ; and to Sheba, used for the people. Job i.
15 ; but it would have been better had the original
orthography been followed in both cases by such
renderings as "people of Seba," "people of Sheba,"
where the gent nouns occur). Seba heads the list
of the son* of Cush. If Seba be of Hebrew or
cognate origin, it may be connected with the root
N^P, "he or it drank, drank to excess," which
would not be inappropriate to a nation seated, at
we shall see wsa that of Seba, in a well-watered
country; but the comparison of two other similar
names of Cushltes, Sabtah (rWJQD) and Sab-
techah (NJJ-135), doe* not favor this supposition,
as they were probably sea t ed in Arabia, like the
Cuahite Sheba (SJtp), which is not remote from
Seba (N^t?), the two letters being not unfrequently
interchanged. Geeenius has suggested the Ethiopia
FjVfltS : tibtav, "a man," as the origin of both
Seba and Sheba, but this seems unlikely. The
ancient Egyptisn name* of nationa or tribes, possi-
bly countries, of Ethiopia, probably mainly, if not
wholly, of Nigritian race, SAHABA. SABARA
(Brugaoh, Gtogr. Intchr. ii. 9, tav. xii. K. L), are
more to the point ; and it is needless to cite later
geographical names of cities, though that of one
of the upper confluents of the Mile, Astaaobaa,
compared with Astaboras, and Astapus, seems war
thy of notice, ss perhaps indicating the name of a
nation. The proper names of the first and second
kings of the Ethiopian XXVth dynasty of Egypt,
SHEBEK (HID) and SHEBETEK, may also be
compared. Geeenius wss led, by an error of the
Egyptologists, to connect Sevechus, a Greek tran
soription of SHEBETEK, with SABK or SBAK
fl. Mac » »%B*Wai, HSU©.
vwWJwx'tfPMWj ttf m
8. HpT9, Oh.: CoariOuat:
a 7YTO: truant: amffla; tT.«l
* HDTN<sise**.».8n
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2900 SEBA
the crocodile-beaded divinity of Ombos (Lex. i. t.
rTID).
The list of the sons of Cush teems to indicate
the position of the Cuahite nation or country Seba.
Nimrod, who it mentioned at the close of the list,
ruled at first in Babylonia, and apparently after-
wards in Assyria: of the names enumerated be-
tween Seba and Nimrod, it is highly probable that
some belong to Arabia. We thus may conjecture
t omre of Cushite settlements, one extremity of
which it to be placed in Babylonia, the other, if
prolonged far enough in accordance with the men-
Ik o of the African Cush, in Ethiopia. The more
ax&ct position of Seba will be later discussed.
Besides the mention of Seba in the list of the
•ant of Cush (Gen. x. 7; 1 Chr. i. 9), there are
but three, or, as some hold, four notices of the
nation. In Psalm lxzil., which has evidently a
first reference to the reign of Solomon, Seba is thus
spoken of among the distant nations which should
do honor to the king: "The kings of Tarshish
and of the isles shall bring presents : the kings of
Sheba and Seba shall oner gills" (10). This
mention of Sheba and Seba together is to be com-
pared with the occurrence of a Sheba among the
descendants of Cush (Gen. z. 7), and its fulfillment
is found in the queen of Sheba's coming to Sol-
omon. There can be little doubt that the Arabian
kingdom of Sheba was Cushite as well as Joktan-
ite ; and this occurrence of Sheba and Seba together
certainly lends some support to this view. On the
other hand, the connection of Seba with an Asiatic
kingdom is Important in reference to the race of
its people, which, or at least the ruling class was,
no doubt, not Nigritian. In Isaiah zliii., Seba
is spoken of with Egypt, and more particularly
with Cush, apparently with tome reference to the
Exodus, where we read : " I gave Egypt [for] thy
ransom, Cush and Seba for thee" (3). Here,
to render Cush by Ethiopia, as in the A. V., is
perhaps to miss the tense of the passage, which
does not allow us to infer, though it is by no
means impossible, that Cush, as a geographical
designation, includes Seba, as it would do if here
meaning Ethiopia. J.ater in the book there it a
passage parallel in its indications: "The labor of
Egypt, and merchandise of Cush, and of the people
of Seba, men of stature, shall come over unto thee,
and they shall be thine " (xlv. 14). Here there is
the tame mention together of the three nations,
and the same special association of Cush and Seba.
The great stature and beauty of the Ethiopians is
mentioned by Herodotus, who speaks of them at
by report the tallest and handsomest men in the
world (iii. 20; comp. 114); and in the present day
tome of the tribes of the dark races of a type inter-
mediate between the Nigritians and the Egyptians,
as well as the Caucasian Abyssinians, are remark-
able for their fine form, and certain of the former
for theb height. The doubtful notice is in Eee-
Ust, in a difficult passsge : " and with men of the
multitude of Adam [were] brought drunkards
'D'H^IP, but the Kcri reads CN??, 'people
<f Seta '] from the wilderness, which put bracelets
upon their hands, and beautiful crowns upon their
beads " • (xxiii. 42). The first clause would teem
to favor the idea that a nation is meant, but the
• Uh reading of the A. V. in the text \s,"with
aks ran of the common sort," and in the margin,
'with tht men of the multitude of men."
SEBA
reading of toe text is rather supported by what fol
lows the mention of the "drunkards." Nor it it
clear why people of Seba should come 60m tht
wilderness. The passages we have examined that
seem to show (if we omit the last) that Seba was a
nation of Africa, bordering on or included in Cush,
and in Solomon's time independent and of political
importance. We are thus able to conjecture the
position of Seba, No ancient Ethiopian kingdtm
of importance could have excluded the island of
Meroe, and therefore this one of Solomon's ton*
may be identified with that which must have arisen
in the period of weakness and division of Egypt
that followed the Empire, and have laid the bath)
of that power that made SHEBEK, or Sabaoo,
aide to conquer Egypt, and found the Ethiopian
dynasty which ruled that country at well as Ethi-
opia.
Josephus says that Saba (3ofii) was the ancient
name of the Ethiopian island and city of Merge
(A. J. ii. 10, $ 2), but he writes Seba, in the no-
tice of the Noachian settlements, Sabat {ibid. i. 6,
§ 2). Certainly the kingdom of Meroe succeeded
that of Seba; and the ancient city of tht same
name may have been the capital, or one of the cap-
itals, of Seba, though we do not find any of its
monuments to be even as early at the XXVth dy-
nasty. There can be no connection between the
two names. According to Josephus and others,
Meroe was named after a sister of Cambyses; but
this is extremely unlikely, and we prefer taking it
from the ancient Egyptian MEKU, an island,
which occurs in a name of a part of Ethiopia that
can only be this or a similar tract, MERU-PET,
" the island of PET [Phut?] the bow," where the
bow may hare a geographical reference to a bend
of the river, and the word island to the country
inclosed by that bend and a tributary [Phot].
As Meroe, from its fertility, must have been tbt
most important portion of any Ethiopian kingdom
in the dominions of which it was included, it may
be well here to mention the chief facta respecting
it which are known. It may be remarked that it
seems certain that, from a remote time, Ethiopia
below Meroe could never have formed a separate
powerful kingdom, and was probably always de-
pendent upon either Meroe or Egypt. The island
of Meroe lay between the Astaboras, the Atbara,
the most northern tributary of the Nile, and the
Astapua, the Bahr el-Azrak or " Blue River," the
eastern of its two great confluents; it is also de-
scribed as bounded by the Astaboras, the Astapua,
and the Astasobas, the latter two uniting to form
the Bine River (Strab. xvii. 821), but this it essen-
tially the tame thing. It was in the time of the
kingdom rich and productive. The chief city was
Meroe, where was an oracle of Jupiter Amnion.
Modern research confirms these particulars. The
country is capable of being rendered very wealthy,
though its neighborhood to Abyssinia has checked
its commerce in that direction, from the natural
dread that the Abyssinians have of their country
being absorbed like Kurdufan, Darfbor, and Fay-
aoglu, by their powerful neighbor Egypt. The re-
mains of the city Meroe have not been identified
with certainty, but between N. lat W and 17°
temples, one of them dedicated to the ram-headed
Num, confounded with Amman by the Greeks, sod
pyramids, indicate that there must have been s
great population, and at least one important city
When ancient writers speak of sovereigns of Meroi
they may either mean rulers of Meroe' alone, or, ■
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HEBAT
sMilhai of Ethiopia to the north nearly at to, ur
at for as Egypt- B. S. P.
SBT8AT. [Mouth.]
SBO'AOAH (njjt? pAidbrt, Dietr.]i Aio-
ruffa; Ate. 2«x»X o: "**«e»a, or Saehacha).
One of the six cities of Judah which were situated
in the Mldbar ("wilderness"), that is, the tract
bordering on the Deed Bet (Josh. zr. 61). It oc-
curs in the list between Hiddin and han-Nibshan.
It was not known to Eusebins and Jerome, nor has
the name been yet encountered in that direction in
more modern times. From Siig'U, among the
highlands of Ephraim, near Settun, Dr. Bobinson
saw a place called Sekakth {BibL Bes. ii. 867,
not*). 6-
BECHENI'AS CS«x«vu«j ; [V**- omits:]
SctatioM). L Shxchamiab (1 Esdr. viiL 89;
eorap. Esi. wiii. 8).
«. ([Vat Eitxoruu:] /ectasias.) Siikcha-
mah (1 Esdr. nil. 88; oomp. Ear. «UL A).
SB'OHTJ (OJ^n with the article [<*« KxtfeA-
toeer] : «V r$ 3»ff [Vat. 2<4>c<] ; Alex. «r So«-
vat: iSoe*o). A place mentioned once only (1
Bun. xix. 88), apparently at lying on the route be-
tween Saul's residence, Gibeah, and Raman (Ra-
maihaim Zopbim), that of Samuel. It was noto-
rious for " the great well " (or rather cistern, "H3)
which it contained. The name is derivable from a
root signifying elevation, thus perhaps implying
that the place was situated on an eminence-
Assuming that Saul started from Gibeah ( TuUil
eLFut), and that Neby Samiril is Ramah, then
Btr Jfebatta (the well of Neballa), alleged by a
modern traveller (Schwarz, p. 187) to contain a
large pit, would be in a suitable position for the
great well of Srchu. Schwarz would identify it
with Asknr, on the S. E. end of Mount Ebal, and
the well with Jacob's Well in the plain below; and
Van de Velde (8. d> P. li. 63, 54) hesitatingly
places it at Shik, in the mountains of Judeh N.
E. of Hebron; but this they are forced into by
their respective theories as to the position of Rama-
thaim Zophim. .
The Tat. LXX. alters the passage, and has "the
■all of the threshing-floor that is in Sephei," sub-
stituting, in the first ease, I'D for 712, or &>«
for jirydAev, and in the latter ''BIS for 13U7.
The) Alex. MS., as usual, adheres more closely to
the Hebrew. G -
• SECT. This word is used Ave timet in the
Bibb, always in the singular, and always as a trans-
attioo of ejatvif- of the Sadducess, Acta v. 17;
at* the Pharisees, xv. 6, xxvi. 8; and of the Chria-
tiana (by Jews or heathen), xxiv. 5, xxvui. 83.
AWm oeeurt once more in the singular, xxiv. 14
(A. V. "heresy"), and three times in the plural,
1 Cor. xi. 19, Gel v. 80, 8 Pet ii. 1 (A. V.
"heresies,-' but 1 Cor. xi. 19 "sects" in the mar-
gin). The word seems in the N. T. to be used ic
the twofold sense whieh it had before in classics!
and afterwards in eccletlasticsl Greek (ef. Sopho-
cles: Glossary of Later and Byzantine Greek):
denoting now a " chosen " set of doctrines or mode
st~ fife («. g. A«U xxt». 14, t*» Ubr vj» \iyov<rir
SW,,, 9 Pet H. 1, perhaps also Acts xxvili. 88,
'3iL t 80), now a parti/ adhering to the doctrines.
That aWi! denotes in the N. T. reaowwi
•ecenariUat or parties is evident from the six
SEDITIONS
2901
ic rhich it it used in the singular. Tas
presumption therefore is that in the three other
cases the alpiatts have the same characteristisi
It is evident also that the word hat (as it did not
have in classical Greek) a bad sense. The reason
for this is to be found in the N. T. conception of
the Church as a unit, a body united to Christ the
Head (1 Cor. xii. 97; Eph. i. 89), so that diver
sities of opinion which produce a schism in the
body or divide any part of it from the Head (cf.
1 Cor. xii. 85; Col. ii. 19) cannot be tolerated, as
could differences on merely philosophical or indif-
ferent matters. Especially instructive is 1 Cor. xi.
18, 19. While Paul has spoken of f piles, 1. U,
and of frj\ot «ol fait, ui- 8, as undoubtedly ex-
isting among the Corinthians, he is reluctant to
give to the report that there are exltr/tara among
them more than qualified credit (xi. 18, /i4pot ri
wiartiu), and founds even this qualified belief not
so much on the reports, at on the general principle
(ver. 19) that there is a providential necessity that
there should be even alpiatts (!« yap «al alp-
thai), that the tiiuum may be made manifest
(cf. 1 John. ii. 19). The oSoki/um «* those who
do not have Christ in them (8 Cor. xiii. 5). AipsVcit
then are divisions (distinguished from trxfc/uiTa,
as the cause from the effect) which imply or lead
to -a separation of false from true Christians. In
strict accordance with this is the use of alpiatts in
Gal. v. 80, and especially in 8 Pet ii. 1 ; at also
Paul's injunction (Tit iii. 10), to reject an alperr
■cor arSpmrov-
The term alpuru, as far as parties in the Church
are concerned, is in the N. T. confined to general
or hypothetical statements, and is not applied to
any particular heretical body, though the existence
of heretical tendencies is recognized. But the
prominent notion in the N. T. conception of
ab«rtr is that of apostasy from Christ Mere
variations in belief among those who "hold the
Head" are nowhere branded with the name of
atptait (cf. Horn. xiv. ; 1 Cor. viii.). C. M. M.
SECTJN'DUS (3«oD»8ot: Beemdus) wis
one of the party who weut with the Apostle Paul
from Corinth as far as Asia (typi T^f 'A«"lof),
probably to Troas or Miletus (all of them so far,
some further), on his return to Jerusalem from his
third missionary tour (see Acts xx. 4). He and
Aristarchus are there said to have been Thesav
lonians. He is otherwise unknown. H. B. H.
• SECURE formerly differed from "safe," as
the feeling of safety (which may be unfounded*
diners from the reality. Thus, in Judg. xviii. 7,
10, 37, the people of Laish are said to have bees
" secure " ; t. «. in their own belief, which their
speedy and utter overthrow showed to be a delu
sion. It is in the same sense that the A. V. ren-
ders bpit kptptiwovt woiV*/"' ov " we wu ^ *•"
cure you," in Matt xxviii. 14. (See Trench*
Glossary of Engluh Words, p. 147, Amer. ed.)
H.
gEDECI'AS (S.8«(a»: Btdtdas), the Greek
form of Zedekiah. 1. A man mentioned in Bar.
i. 1, as the father of Maaseiah, himself the grand-
father of Baruch, and apparently identical with the
false prophet in Jer. xxix. 31, 98.
: 2. To. "ton of Josiah, king of Judah " (Bai
1,8). [Zbdbmah.] B. F.W.
• SEDITIONS, in the current sense of the
word, appears out of place in Paul's catalogue of
the sins of the flesh (Gal. r. 19-91). It stands fat
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2902
8EEB
liXcwroWiu, oometij rendered "divisions" In
Rom. xvi. 16 and 1 Cor. iii. 8, as it ihould be in
the above {Mange. The mtrieted political same,
If Included at all in tbil instance, ia only a put of
the tense. Arehdeaoon Hare asoribea the mistake
of the A. V. to Tyndale'a following Erasmus' ver-
lion, where teStiontt means " divisions " aa one of
its Latin significations (Mimo* of the Omfnritr,
p. 296 f. Amer. ed.). It.
BEER. [Pbophit.]
SiTGUB (3*apJ Kri, SDJ [sfewrtscfj:
Xryoifi [Vat. M. Zryot>0:] Segub). 1. The
youngest son of Hiel the Bethelite, who rebuilt
Jericho (1 K, zri. 84). According to Rabbinical
tradition he died when hia father had set up the
ate* of the city. One story aaya that hia father
Mr him aa a sacrifice on the same occasion.
2. (3eos»x; Alex. Jtyou/S.) Son of Hezron,
by the daughter of Haohir the father of Gilead (1
Chr. ii. 21, 83).
• SETB C^W, rough, brMg: 2„c(p; in
1 Chr. Xnlp, Alex. 2iflipi Bar), a Horite chief,
who, perhaps, gare his name to the moantainons
region in which be dwelt (Gen. xxxri. SO, 91 ; 1
Chr. i. 88). [Sun, Moukt, 1.] A.
SE'IR, MOUNT (yyiff, rough or ruggtd:
2*efp: Bar). We have both "TOtf Y?#,
"land of Seir" (Gen. xxxii. 3, xxxvi. 80), and "in
T~SW, "Mount Seir" (Gen. xiv. 6). L The
original name of the mountain ridge extending
along the east aide of the Valley of Arabah, from the
Dead Sea to the Ebuutio Gulf. The name may
either have been derived from Seir the Horite, who
appears to have been the chief of the aboriginal
inhabitants (Gen. xxxvi. 90), or, what ia perhaps
more probable, from the rough aspect of the whole
oountry. The view from Aaron's tomb on Hot, in
the centre of Mount Seir, ia enough to show the
appropriateness of the appellation. The sharp and
serrated ridges, the jagged rocks and clink, the
straggling busbies and atunted trees, give the whole
scene a aternneaa and roggedneee almost unparal-
leled. In the Samaritan Pentateuch, instead of
T£Q7, the name nbm is need; and In the Je-
rusalem Targum, in place of " Mount Seir " we find
Nban WIIO, Mount Gabla. The word Gahla
signifies " mountain," and ia thus descriptive of the
region (Reland, Pal p. 83). The name Gebala, or
Gebalene, was applied to this province by Joaephua,
and also by Euaabiua and Jerome (Joseph. Ant. ii.
t, § 9 i OwmuuL "Idunuea"). The northern
section of Mount Seir, aa far as Petra, ia atill called
JtbiL, the Arabic form of GebaL The Mount Seir
of the Bible extended much further south than the
modern province, as is shown by the words of Deut.
ii. 1-8. In fact ita boundaries are there denned
with tolerable exactness. It had the Arabah on
he west (w. 1, 8); it extended aa far aouth aa
ana head of the Gulf of Akabah (ver. 8); Ita east-
ern border ran along the base of the mountain
• 'Am*>. Thla looks aa If the Hah. name had ones
had the arttele praAxad.
» Possibly the 2apfc which, in the Alex. MB., la
raa of tha eleven namaa Inserted by the LXX. in Joab.
xr. » Tha naighborlmj aamaa agraa. In toe Tat.
<a Itte'xWhri.
SEIB, MOUNT
range where the plateau of Arabia begiu. lb
northern border ia not ao accurately determined
The land of Israel, aa described by Joshua, ex-
tended from " the Mount Halak that goeth up te
Seir, even unto Baal Gad " (Josh. xi. 17). Aa na
part of Edom waa given to Israel, Mount Halak
must have been on ita northern border. Now there
ia a line of "naked" (halak signified "naked")
white hills or clifla which runs acrosa tha great val-
ley about eight miles aouth of the Dead Sea, form-
ing the division between the Arabah proper and
the deep (Ik&r north of it. The view of these
cliffs, from the abore of the Dead Sea, Is very
striking. They appear aa a line of hilla abutting
in the valley, and extending up to the mountains
of Seir. The impression left by them on the mini
of the writer waa that this is the very '• Mount Ha-
lak, that goeth np to Seir " (Robinson, Bibi Set. ii.
113, Ac ; aee Keil on Josh. xi. 17). The northern
border of the modem district of Jtbil ia Wadu et-
Ahty, which fails into the OkSr a few miles further
north (Burckhardt, Syr. p. 401).
In Dent xxxiii. 2, Seir appears to be connected
with Sinai and Paran ; but a careful consideration
of that difficult paaaage proves that the connection
is not a geographical one. Moaea there only auma
up the several glorious manifestations of the Divine
Majesty to the Israelites, without regard either to
time or place (oomp. Judg. v. 4, 6).
Mount Seir waa originally inhabited by the
Horitea, or " troglodytes," who were doubtless the
excavators of those singular rock -dwellings found
in auch numbers in the ravines and clifla around
Petra. They were dispossessed, and apparently
annihilated, by the posterity of Esau, who " dwelt
in their stead" (Deut. ii. 19). The history of
Seir thua early merges into that of Edom. Though
the country was afterwards called Edom, yet tha
older name, Seir, did not pass away; it ia fre-
quently mentioned in the subsequent history of the
IsraeUtes (1 Chr. iv. 49; 9 Chr. xx. 10). Mount
Seir is the subject of a terrible prophetic curse
pronounced by Ezekiel (ch. xxxv.j, which aeema
now to he literally fulfilled : « Thua aaith the
Lord God, Behold, O Mount Seir, I am against
thee, and I will make thee most desolate. I will
lay thy dtlee waste, .... when the whole earth
rejoiceth I will make thee desolate. .... I wiH
make thee perpetual desolations, and thy cities
shall not return, and ye shall know that I am the
Lord." J. L. P.
a. (yvm -in : toot >Aevd>; • Aiex. . snam:
Mom Bar.) An entirely different place from the
foregoing; one of the landmarks on the north
boundary of the territory of Judah (Josh. xv. 10
only). It lay westward of Kirjath-jearim, and
between it and Betb-ahemeah. If Kuriet d-Enab
be the former, and Ain-themi the latter of these
two, then Mount Seir cannot fail to be the ridge
which he. between the Wadg Aly and the Wad*
Ghwab (Rob. iii. 156). A village called Saris*
stands on the southern site of this ridge, which Tob>
ler (3tte Wamdenmg, p. 903) and Sehwars (p. 87.
would Identify with Seir. The obstacle to this is
that the names are radically different," TheSn'Iraa
* U m « Xm la tha orthofraphy of Brit (Uaasaa
Dr. Smith in 1st ad. of Kobmaon, tU. App. 19a) MS)
aetaiaf no Am aada duplicate a.
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H1CTB AH
.5 »»■ w) on the tooth of the Wadg Surar (Kob.
BU. Acs. 1st ad. 0. 164), fa never in orthogra-
(by, bot not to suitable in position.
How the name of Seir came to be located so far
to the north of the main teat* of the Seniles we
ban no means of knowing. Perhape, ilka other
name* ooonring in the tribe of Benjamin, it is a
nonnnwit of an incursion by the Edomites which
ha* eacaped record. [Ofhhi, etc.] But it U more
probable that it derived iti name from eome pecul-
iarity in the form or appearance of the spot. Dr.
Robb-son (iii. 15S), apparently without intending
any allusion to the name of Seir, apeaka of the
■* ragged points which composed the main ridge "
of the mountain in question. Such is the meaning
of the Hebrew word Seir. Whether there is any
connection between this mountain and Skikath
ar kat-Stirah (see the next article) is doubtful The
same is not a common one, and it is not unlikely
that it may have been attached to the more north-
ern continuation of the hills of Jodah which ran up
into Benjamin — or, as it was then called, Mount
Vparmhn. Q.
• SBITtAH. [Sdrath.]
SBI'BATH (rn">5tpn, with the definite
article [lie hairy, perh. = wood}] : X*r*ipu9i;*
Alex. Snifxsfo: Stirath). The place to which
Ehud fled after his murder of Eglon (Judg. ill. 96),
sod whither, by blasts of his eowhorn, he collected
his countrymen for the attack of the Hoabitea in
Jericho (37). It was in " Mount [mountains of]
Ephraim " (87), a continuation, perhaps, of the
same wooded, shaggy bills (sueh seems to be the
signification of Seir, and Seirath) which stretched
•ran ao for south as to enter the territory of Judah
(Josh. xr. 10). The definite article prefixed to toe
nam* in the original shows that it was a well-
known spot in its day. It has, however, hitherto
•soaped observation in modern times.* G.
BrTLA and 8BXAH (S 1 ^, or 2^?{?n :
reVpa, or ), reran), 9 K. xiv. 7; Is. xvi. 1: ren-
dered " the rock " in the A. V., in Judg. i. 36, 8
Chr. xxv. 18, Obad. 3. Probably the city later
known aa Petra, BOO Soman miles from Gaza (Pun.
vi. 32). the ruins of which are found about two days'
journey N. of the top of the Golf of Akaba,and
three or four 8. from Jericho. It was in the midst
af Mount Seir, in the neighborhood of Mount Hor
(Joseph. Ami. far. 4, $7), and therefore Edomite
territory, taken by Amastah, and called Jokthkbl
(not therefore to be confounded with Joktheel,
Josh. xv. 38, which |iertained to Judah in the time
af Joshua), but seems to have afterwards come un-
der the dominion of Moab. In the end of the
fourth century B. o. it appears ss the head-quarters
af the Sahathsnsna, who successfully resisted the
« This la the reading of the Tat Oedax aesording
J> KaL If aeeurate, tt mrnlahas an hwtanoa of the
V bains ispnonutcd by r, whioh Is of the gnatast
r, and te not mentioned by Frankal ( TorUuditn,
ehs^p.UZl). yaiida ace Mm orduiafy equivalents of 9
fctheLXX.
• • The name for us la property Saumh, and not
■main (which is only the directive local f«u|. It
■aa proarrly a district rather than a town, and was
auaanf <ha monnnilna of ■shraim (tha Hah. beluga
seBeeatve slnf ihv). fl.
SELA-HAM-MAHLEKOTH 2V08
attacks of Antlgonns (Dtod. Sic xix. 7*1, ed.
Hanov. 1604), and under them became one of tht
greatest stations for the approach of eastern com-
merce to Borne (ibid. 64; Strain, xvL p. 799 ; ApuL
Flor. i. 6). About 70 B. O. Petra appears aa the
restdenoe of tha Arab princes named Aratat
(Joseph. Ant. xiv. 1, § 4, and 8, J 1; B. J. It,
§ 9, and 99, § 8). It was by Trajan reduced to
subjection to the Roman empire (Dion Cass, lxviii.
14), and from the next emperor received the name
of Had liana," as appears from the legend of a coin.
Josephus {Ant. iv. 4, § 7) gives the name of Area
fApxn) as an earlier synonym for Pern, a here,
however, it is probable that 'Apicin or 'Apae/a*
(alleged by Euaeb. Onom., aa found in Joaephua,
should be read. Tha city Petra lay, though at a
high level,* in a hollow shut in by mountain clifih,
and approached only by a narrow ravine through
which, and across the city's sitt, the river wind*
(Plin. vi. 89; Strabo, xvi. p. 779). The principal
ruins an— (1.) eUKhufth, (2)the theatre; (8) a
tomb with three rows of columns; (4) a tomb with
a Latin inscription; (5) ruined brilgee; (6) a tri-
umphal arch; (7) Zub Fur' in ; (8) KitrFar'tn;
and are chiefly known by the illustrations of La-
borde and Lmant, who also thought that tbey
traced the outline of a naumachia or theatre Ok
sea-fights, which would be flooded from cisterns, in
which the water of the torrents in the wet season
had been reserved — a remarkable proof, if the hy-
pothesis be correct, of the copiousness of the water
supply, if properly husbanded, and a confirmation
of what we are told of the exuberant fertility of
the region, and its contrast to the barren Arabah
on its immediate west (Robinson, ii. 169). Prof.
Stanley (8. f Pp. 96) leaves little doubt that Pe-
tra was the seat of a primeval sanctuary, which ha
fixes at the spot now called the " Deir " or " Con-
rent," and with which fact the choice of the site
of Aaron's tomb may, be thinks, have been con-
nected (p. 96) As regards the question of its iden-
tity with Kadeab, see Kadbbh ; and, for the gen-
eral subject, Kitter, xiv. 69, 997 ft, and Robinson,
li. 1. H. H.
SEXA-HAM/-MAH/LEKOTH (i. c.
"tha diff of escapes" or "of divisions," S^tJ
nipbrjttn : xirpa r/ »spirts«ra, in both MSB. :
Petra divident). A rock or cliff in the wilderness
of Maon, the scene of one of those remarkable es-
capes which are so frequent in the history of Saul's
pursuit of David (1 Sam. xxiii. 98). Its name, if
interpreted aa Hebrew, signifies the "cliff of
escapes," or "of divisions." The former is the
explanation of Gesenius ( Tha. p. 486), the latter of
the Targum and the ancient Jewish interpreters
(Mldraah; Raahi). The escape fa that of David)
tha divisions are those of Saul's mind undecided
e Mmnml In qotbos AAPIAMH IIHTPA. 1IBTFO-
TJOAI2, Reland, ». «.
<t XuMbiua ((Mom.), under a later article, ManaV
flea Petra and 'Fcic^a, which appears (Num. xxxt 8)
as the name of a HkUanlnah prince (sea Stanley, S
f t. p. 94. note).
« Boblnaou (U. 124) computes the Wadf Mourn as
about 2,000 feat or mora above the Arabah.
/ One of tha few casta la which tha Hebrew article
has bean retained In our translation. Ham-moleketh
and Balkath baa-Zurlm are evimplai of the same.
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2904
8ELAH
srisathsr to remain in pursuit of hli nam; or to
go after the Philistines; but suoh capranatyais,
though appropriate to either interpretation, and
consistent with the oriental habit of playing on
words, an doubtless mere accommodations. Hie
analogy of topographical nomanelatore maket it
almost certain that this cliff must hate derived ite
name either from ite smoothness (the radical mean-
ing of p^n) or from some peculiarity of shape or
position, such as is indicated in the translations of
the LXX. and Vulgate. No identification has yet
been suggested. G.
SET/AH (nbp). This word, which is only
found in the poetical books of the Old Testament,
occurs seventy' one times in the Psalms, and three
times in Habakkuk. In sixteen psalms it is found
once, in fifteen twice, in seven three times, and in
one four times — always at the end of a Terse, ex-
cept in Ps. It. 19 [20], lvii. 8 [4], and Hab. Hi. 8,
9, where it is in the middle, though at the end of
a clause. Ail the psalms in which It occurs, except
eleven (Hi., vil., xxiv., xxxii., xlviii., 1., IxxxiL, lxxxiii.,
Ixxxvii., lxzxix., cxiiiL), have also the musical direc-
tion, « to the Chief Musician " (conrp. also Hab.
iii. 19) ; and in these exceptions we find the words
lb]Q, mizmtr (A. V. '• Psalm " ), Shiggaion, or
M aso h i l , which sufficiently indicate that they were
intended for music Besides these, in the titles of
the Psalms in which Selah occurs, we meet with
the musical terms Alamoth (xlvi), Altatchith (lvii.,
Iix.,lxxv.), Gittith (lxxxi., lxxxiv.), Hahslath Lean-
noth (lxxxviii.), Michtam (lvii., lix., lx.), Xeginah
(Ixi.), Neginoth (iv., liv., lv., Ixvii., Ixxvi. ; " comp.
Hab. iii. 19), and Shuahan-eduth (lx.); and on this
association alone might be formed a strong pre-
sumption that, like these, Selah itself is a term
which had a meaning in the musical nomenclature
of the Hebrews. What that meaning may have
been is now a matter of pure conjecture. Of the
many theories which have been framed, it is easier
to say what is not likely to be the true one than to
pronounce certainly upon what is. The Versions
an first deserving of attention.
In by far the greater number of instances the
Tatgum renders the word by V&7?7, Wabi0%,
"for ever; " four times (Ps. nodi. 4, 7j zxzb. 11
[18] i 4 [6]) K^*?; 1 ?, IPalmi ; ones (Ps. xlir. 8
[9]) TVty ^f*}' U ' aM ' 0, " ,,n '" • nd ( p »-
xhiU. 8 [9]) YQji ^5 *TS, 'ad 'aim* 'at-
Mtin, with the same' meaning, " for ever and ever."
In Ps. xllx. 18 [14] it has V^TT WJ 1 ?? 1 ?' U-
'almi diiUU, " for the world to comet " in Ps.
xxxix. 5 [6] H^y ^D^, Uckayyl 'oW, « for
the life everlasting ; " and in Pa. cxl. 5 [8] Kn v V-l,
tidtr4, "continually." This interpretation, which
■ the one adopted by the majority of Rabbinical
writers, is purely traditional, and based upon no
etymology whatever. It is followed by Aquila, who
widen "Selah" lei; by the Editio qmnta and
Editio uxta, which give respectively Sumrrit
sod tit TJXoti* by Symmschue (Wt rbr atS -a)
sod Theodotion (s/t WAot), in Habakkuk; by the
cSLAH
reading of the Alex. MS. («1» WAor) in Bab. ill
13; by the Peshito-Syriac in Ps. UL 8 [9], i>. I
[3], xxiv. 10, and Hab. iU. 13; and by Jerome,
who has semper. In Ps. lv. 19 [80] PtbD tTTjT,
kedem kWi, is rendered in the Peshito " from be-
fore the world." That this rendering is manifestly
inappropriate in some passages, as for instance Pa
xxl. 3 [3], xxxii. 4, lxxxi. 7 [8], and Hab. iii. 3,
and superfluous in others, as Ps. xlir. 8 [9], lxxxiv.
4 [B], lixxix. 4 [5], was pointed out long since by
Aben Ezra. In the Psalms the uniform rendering
of the LXX. is tityaXpn. Symmachus anil Then
dotion give the same, except in Ps. ix. 18 [17].
where Theodotion has i»(, and Ps. Iii. 6 [7], when
Symmachus has sit &ti. In Hab. iii. 18, the Alex.
MS. gives sit T<A.ot- In Ps. xxxviii. (in LXX.)
7, lxxx. 7 [8], SifyeApa is added in the LXX.,
and in Hab. iii. 7 in the Alex. MS. In Ps. lvii. it is
put at the end of ver. 8; and in Ps. iii. 8 [9], xxiv.
10, lxxxviii. 10 [11], it fa) omitted altogether. In
all passages except those already referred to, in
which it follows the Targum, the Peahito-Syr.ac has
'ffll 't, an abbreviation for SiatyaAjw This ab-
breviation is added in Pa. xlviii. 18 [14], L 16 [W],
hviii. 13 [14], lvii. 2, lxxx. 7 [8], at the end
or the verse; and in Ps. Hi. 3 in the middle of
the Terse after ZTQlp ; js Ps. xlix. it is put
after ]t4S3 in ver. 14 [18], and m Ps. lxvui, af-
ter rriryn in m. 8 [»], and after cnbub
in ver. 83 [S3]. The Vulgate omits it entirely,
while in Hab. iii. 3 the Editio tezta and others
give jirro/Jo\r/ 8uttyA\)utTos.
The rendering SiotyaApn of the LXX. and other
translators is in every way as traditional as that of
the Targum " for ever," and has no foundation in
any known etymology. With regard to the mean-
ing of SutyoApa itself then are many opinions.
Both Origan (Comm. ad. P$., Opp. ed. Delarue,
ii. 616) and Atbanaatus (Synopt. Script. Sacr. xlii.)
are silent upon this point. Eusebius of Cseeana
(Prof, m Pt.) says it marked those passages in
which the Holy Spirit ceased for a time to work
upon the choir. Gregory of Nyssa ( 7Vocfc 8 in
Ps. cap. x.) interprets it as a sudden lull in the
midst of the psalmody, in order to receive anew
the Divine inspiration. Chrysostom (.Opp. ed.
Montfaucon, r. 640) takes it to indicate the por-
tion of the psalm which was given to another choir.
Augustine (on Ps. iv.) regards it as an interval of
silence in the psalmody. Jerome (Ep ad Aftreti-
lam) enumerates the various opinions wlncS have
been held upon the subject; that diaptalma de-
notes a change of metre, a cessation of the Spirit's
influence, or the beginning of another sense. Others
he says, regard it as indicating a difference of
rhythm, and the silence of some kind of music in
the choir; but for himself he falls back upon the
version of Aquila, and renders Selah by teapcr,
with a reference to the custom of the Jews to put
at the end of their writings Amen, Selah, or Sha>
lorn. In his commentary on Ps. iii. he is doubtful
whether to regard it as simply a musical sign, at
as indicating the perpetuity of the truth contained
in the passage after which it is placed; n that, he
a Knwpt in Ps. ix. 18 [17], tar. 8 [4], IxxtL 8, 9
4. 10], when Ed. tut has atf, Ps. xxt 2 [8], when It
las fcanxM, and in Hab. Hi. 8, 18, when It npro-
dneai the Uetoaw nU. In Ps. ix 16 [17] Editic 8M
has in, In Ps. Ixxr. 8 [41 fcawasret and in Ps. bin*
8[41tift«TtMt.
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SKLAH
ays, "wheresoever Stiak, that U diaptalma at
temper, is put, there ire ma; know that what fol-
lows, aa wall u what precedes, belongs not only to
the present time, but to eternity." Tbeodoret
(Prof, in Pt.) explains diaptalma by ue\ovt /irr-
o3oA*} or inXKirrti (at Suidaa), " a ehanga of the
melody." On the whole, the rendering Sufa^aA/ia
rather increases the difficulty, for it doee not ap-
pear to be the true meaning of Selah, and ita own
signification is obscure.
Leaving the Veniona and the Fathen, we come
to the Kabbinical writers, the majority of whom
fellow the Targum and the dictum of R. Eliezer
(Talm. BabL Krubin, t. 64) in rendering Selah
" for aver." But Aben Ezra (on Pa. iii. 3) showed
that in tome passages this rendering was inap-
propriate, and expressed his own opinion that Sehih
»•■ a word of emphasis, used to give weight and
Importance to what was said, and to indicate its
truth: "But the right explanation it that the
meaning of Selah is like 'so it is ' or ' thus,' and
' tha matter is true and right.' " Kimchi (Lex.
a. v.) doubted whether it had soy special meaning
at all in connection with the sense of the passage
in which it was found, and explained it as a musi-
cal term. He derives it from '7p> to raise,
elevate, with H paragogie, and interprets it as sig-
nifying a raising or derating the voice, aa much
aa to aay, in this place there was an elevation of the
raise in song.
Among modern writers there is the same diver-
sity of opinion. C (senilis (The*, a. v.) derives
Selah from >^f^t tilth, to suspend, of which he
thinks it is the imperative Kal, with H paragogie,
"*7?> m P*™*" tPP" But tti * form h * U P~
ported by no parallel instance. In accordance with
act derivation, which is harsh, be interprets Selah
to mean either " suspend the voice," that is, " be
silent," a hint to the singers; or " raise, elevate
the stringed instruments.' In either case he re-
gards it aa denoting a pause in tha song, which
tms filled up by an interlude played by the choir
of Levitee. Ewald (Die Dkkter det A. B. i. 17»)
arrives at substantially the same result by a differ-
ent process. He derives Selah from V?? , iMaL
to rise, whence the substantive 71J, which with SI
paragogie becomes in pause H^^ (oomp. < i T 'n,
from "in, root THH, Gen. xiv. 10). So far as
the form of the word is concerned, this derivation
is more tenable than the former. Ewald regards
tha phrase <• lliggaion, Selah," in Pa. ix. 16 [17],
as the full form, signifying " music, strike up! " —
an indication that the voices of the choir were to
cease while the instruments alone came in. Heng-
■ten berg follows Gesenius, De Wette, and others,
Is the rendering saute .' but refers it to the eon-
tents of the psalm, snd understands it of the silence
of the music in order to give room for quiet reflec-
tion. If this were the esse, Selah at the end
of a psalm would be superfluous. The same
meaning of pause or end is arrived at by Fiirtt
(Bamic^r.) who derives Selah from a root itbD,
mtHh, to cut off (a meaning which la perfectly ar-
bitrary), whence the substantive ^70, til, which
with H paragogie becomes in pause iT^; a
183
SBLAH
2905
form which is without parallel. While etymolo-
gists have recourse to such shifts ss these, it can
scarcely be expected that the true meaning of tbf
word will be evolved by their investigations. In-
deed the question ia as far from solution as ever
Beyond the fact that Selah ia a musical term, vn
know absolutely nothing about it, and are entirelv
in the dark as to its meaning. Sommer (Bit*
AbhandL i. 1-84) has devoted an elaborate dis-
course to its explanation.* After observing thai
Selah everywhere appears to mark critical
moments in the religious consciousness of tht
Israelites, and that tie music wss employed tt
give expression to the energy of the poet's sen.
timents on these occasions, he (p. 40) arrives at
the conclusion that the word is used "in thoat
passages where, in the Temple Song, the ahoir of
priests, who stood opposite to the stage occupied b]
the Levites, were to raise their trumpets ( vTD),
and with the strong tones of this instrument mark
the words just spoken, and bear them upwards ta
the hearing of Jehovah. Probably the LeviU
minstrels supported this priestly intercessory music
by vigorously striking their harps and psalteries;
whence the Greek expression StiifraXfia. To this
points, moreover, the fuller direction, ' Higgaiou
Selah' (Ps. ix. 16); the first word of which de-
notee the whirr of the stringed instruments (Pi
xcii. 8), the other the raising of the trumpets, lioth
which were here to sound together. The leu im
portant Biyoaion fell away, when the expression
was abbreviated, and Selah alone remained." Dr.
Davidson (Inirod. to the 0. T. ii. S48) with go jil
reason rejects this explanation as labored and a/i-
ficial, though it is adopted by Keil in HavenuVk'a
Eirdeitimy (iii. 120-129). He shows that in sjma
passages (aa Ps. xxxii. 4, 6, Iii 3, lr. 7, 8) the
playing of the priests on the trumpets would be
unsuitable, and proposes the following as his own
solution of the difficulty: " The word denotes U-
txilion or ascent, i. e. bud, dear. The music
which commonly accompanied the singing was soft
and feeble. In cases where it waa to buret in mora
strongly during the silence of the song, Stlah was
the sign. At the end of a verse or strophe, where
it commonly stands, the music may have readily
been strongest and loudest." It may be remarked
of this, as of all the other explanations which hav»
been given, that it ia mere conjecture, baaed on an
etymology which, in any other language than He-
brew, would at once be rejected aa unsound. A
few other opinions may be noticed as belonging to
the history of the subject. Michaelia, in despair at
being unable to assign any meaning to the word,
regarded it as an abbreviation, formed by taking
the first or other letters of three other words
(SuppL ad Lex. IJebr.), though he declines to
conjecture what these may have been, and i eject),
at onoe the guess of tleibomius, who extracts the
meaning da capo from the three words which he
suggests. For other conjectures of this kind, see
Eichhorn's Bibliothtk, v. &45. Hattheson was of
opinion that the passages where Selah occurred
were repeated either by the instruments or by
another choir: henoe he took it at equal to rilor-
tflh. Herder regarded it as marking a change of
<ey; while Paulus Burgentis and Scuindler as-
signed to it no meaning, but looked upon it as an
« • for a translation of this trsatlae bv Prof. B. B
■awards, sst AM. Sacra, v. <«V<> H
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J
2906
SELES)
enclitic word used to fiD np the vera*. Buxtorf
(Lex. llehr.) derired it from Jt^, tilth, to
■oread, lay low: hence need at a sign to lower the
nice, like piano. In Eichhorn's Bibliothek (». 650)
it is suggested that Selah may perhaps signify a
■eale in music, or indicate a rising or falling in the
tone. Kuster (Stud, md KriU 1881) saw in it
only a mark to indicate toe •trophieal division! of
the Psalms, but iU position in the middle of
verses ia against this theory. August! (Prod.
Einl in d. Pi. p. 136) thought it was an exclama-
tion, like hallelujah I and the tame \iew was taken
lrr the late Prof. Lee (Beb. Gr. % 843, 8), who
chases it among the interjections, and renders
\kpram! "For my own part," he says, " I be-
Here H to be descended from the root iS JUO, 'he
blessed,' etc., and used not unlike the word amen,
or the doxology among ourselves." If any further
Information be sought on this hopeless subject,
It may be found in the treatises contained in
Ugolini, vol. uii., in Noldius (Concord. Part.
Am. tt Vtnd. No. 1877), in Saalachiiti (llebr.
Pott. p. 846) and in the essay of Sommer quoted
above. W. A. W.
SEIZED ("T^P [ezutottim] : SoActt; [T*t.
ones AAcraAoJ] Sated). One of the sons of Na-
dab, a descendant of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 30).
SELEMI'A (Balemia). One of the five men
" ready to write swiftly," whom Esdna was com-
manded to take (8 Esdr. xiv. 34).
SELKMI'AS CitXt/Au: om. in Vulg.).
SincucMtAH of the sons of Ban! (1 Esdr. ix. 34 ;
eomp. Ear. x. 39).
SELEU'CIA QteXeintta: Seleucia) was
practically the seaport of Amtioch, as Ostia was
of Rome, Neapolis of Philippi, Cenchrese of Cor-
inth, and the Piraeus of Athens. The river Oron-
tes, after flowing past Antioch, entered the sea not
far from Seleucia. The distance between the two
towns was about 16 miles. We are expressly
told that St. Paul, in company with Barnabas,
■ailed from Seleucia at the beginning of his first
missionary circuit (Acta. xiii. 4) ; and it ia almost
certain that he landed there on his return from it
(xiv. 36). The name of the place shows at once
that its history was connected with that line of
Seleucidae who reigned at Antioch from the death
of Alexander the Great to the close of the Roman
Republic, and whose dynasty had so close a con-
nection with Jewish annals. This strong fortress
and convenient seaport was in fact constructed by
the first Seleucua, and here be was buried. It re-
tained its importance in Roman timet, and in St.
Paul's day it had the privileges of ■ free city (Plin.
H. N. v. 18). The remains are numerous, the
most considerable being an immense excavation
extending from the higher part of the city to the
sea: but to us the moat interesting are the two
piers of the old harbor, which still bear the names
of Paul and Barnabas. The masonry continues so
good, that the idea of clearing out and repairing
the harbor has recently been entertained. Ac-
counts of Seleucia will be found in the narrative
of the Euphrates Expedition by General Chesney,
and in his papers in the Journal of the Royal Geo-
• • lor a dsserlptton of Seleucia, sua Thomson's
ia Northern Bgrln, an article is the BM.
SEMIS
graphical Socktg, and also in a paper by D* Yates
in the Jft uemn of Clamcal Antiquidet."
J.8.H.
SELEU'CTJS (SfAcvitof.' SeUuaa) IT
Philopator, " king of Asia " (3 Mace, ia 8), that
is, of the provinces included in the Syrian mon-
archy, according to the title claimed by the Seleu-
cidse, even when they had lost their footing in Asia
Minor (comp. 1 Mace. viii. 6, xl. 18, xii. 89, xiii.
33), was the son and successor of Antiochus the
Great He took part in the disastrous battle of
Magnesia (B. c. 190), and three years afterwards,
on the death of his father, ascended the throne.
He seems to have devoted himself to strengtbeni&g
the Syrian power, which had been broken down at
Magnesia, seeking to keep on good terms with Rom*
and Egypt till he could find a favorable opportu-
nity for war. He was, however, murdered, after a
reign of twelve years (b. c. 175), by Heuodorns,
one of hit own courtiers [Heliouohbs], "neither
in [sudden] anger nor in battle " (Dan. xi. SO, and
Jerome, ad lue.), but by ambitious treachery,
without having effected anything of importance.
His son Demetrius I. Soter [Demetrius], whom
he had sent, while still a boy, as a hostage to Rome,
after a series of romantic adventures gained the
crown in 163 B. c. (1 Mace. vii. 1 ; 3 Mace. xiv. 1).
The general policy of Seleueus towards the Jews,
like that of his father*(8 Maoe. iii. 3, 3, cal
itKevKor), was conciliatory, as the possession of
Palestine was of the highest importance in the
prospect of an Egyptian war; and he undertook a
large share of the expenses of the Temple-service
(2 Mace. iii. 8, 6). On one occasion, by the falsa
representations of Simon, a Jewish officer [Simok,
8], he was induced to make an attempt to carry
away the treasures deposited in the Temple, by
means of the same Heliodorus who murdered him.
The attempt signally failed, but it does not appear
that he afterwards showed any resentment against
the Jews (2 Mace. iv. 5, 6); though his want of
money to pay the enormous tribute due to the Ro-
mant [AirriocHUS HI., voL 1 p. 118] may hare
compelled him to raise extraordinary revenues, for
which cause he ia described in Daniel as " a raiser
of taxes " (Dan. xi. Lc; lit. xli. 19).
B.F. W.
8EM (Hi/i: Sen). Shkm the patriarch (Luke
iii. 86).
SEMACHI'AHQlTppp: 3afia X ia; [Vat
Xnfiax'tai] Alex. Sapaymr: Samachias). Om
of the sons of Shemaian, the son of Obad-edem
(1 Chr. xxvi. 7).
BEM'fil (Xquti [Tat Xt/uni] Bemei)
1. Bhiuei of the sons of Hasbtuu (1 lisdr. ix. Ms
comp. Ezr. x. 83).
». (Ztfutas; [Tat Zeucfuu; FA. 2«p«»]>.
Shimki, the ancestor or Mordeoti (Est* xi. 3).
8. (Ssprf: [Tisch. Treg. 2<M<(>]). I*"
father of Mattathias in the genealogy of Jeans
Christ (Luke iii. 26).
8EMEI/LIUS (Seut&Aiot ; [Alex, also Xe-
fttAAiot, ZfSeAXiot :] Babeltiut). Shimshai tba
scribe (1 Esdr. U. 16, 17, 36, 80; eomp. Ear. Iv.)
SE'MIS (Itfuts; [Tat. Ssnrnt; Aid. **>{>:]
Bemeit). Shimki the Levite in the time of Ears
(1 Esdr. ix. 33; comp. Ear. x. 23).
Sacra, v. 461 ft He mentions the Incidents of • site
of tvs hours from Beleuoia to AoUoett U.
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SEMITIC LANGUAGES
SEMITIC LANGUAGES. [SRutmo
Laxocagxs.]
SENA AH (n«9 [thorny]: {Xtpai, 3o»-
tad, 'Afmli Vat] Xaar*, Xartum; [in Neh.
'ji. 3, Vat Aran, FA Aroma ; Alex, in Ear.
Imn:] Senaa). The "cbildrrn of Senaah"
an enumerated amongst the " people of Israel "
who returned from the Captivity with Zerubbabel
(Ear. ii. 86; Neh. vii. 88). In Neh. iii. 8, the
name is given with the article haa-Senaah.
The names in these lists are mostly those of
towns; but Senaah don not oocur elsewhere in the
Bible as attached to a town."
The Magdal-Senaa, or " great Senna " of Eu-
•aliins and Jerome, seven miles N. of Jericho
(Om. "Senna"), however, is not inappropriate
in position. There is a variation in the numbers
given by Em and Nehemiah ; but even adopting
the smaller figure, it is difficult to understand
bow the people of Senaah should have been so
much more numerous than those of the other places
in the catalogue. Bertbeau (tjug. Hondo.) sug-
gests that Senaah represents not a single place but
a district; but there is nothing to corroborate
this.
In the parallel passages of 1 Esdras (iv. 83) the
name is given Ahmaas, and the number 3,330,
t G.
* BEN ATE ooeurs in the N. T. only iu Acts
v. 31, the translation of ytpovaia, also peculiar to
that place. As e-wsopis* accompanies the term, it
cannot be equivalent to Sanhedrim, but must denote
a branch of that body, and no doubt, as the affinity
of meaning itself indicates, is interchangeable with
Tptw&vriftor, " eldership," one of the three classes
(p ri e sts , eiders, scribes) collectively designated as
Use Sanhedrim (see Acts iv. 6). We find ytpowrla
in 1 Mace. xii. 6; 8 Mace. i. 10, iv. 44, xl. 87;
8 Mace. i. 8, where it designates the highest Jewish
Council of that earlier period, but whether the Conn-
ell was then organized precisely like the Sanhedrim
m the tune of the Saviour is not easily determined.
(Sec Fritssche, Handb. su den Apokrypken, iii.
184 f.) The Latin Vulgate renders ytpovaia. by
aerates and semores. On the general topic, an in
the Dictionary, Elders; Sanhedrim. H.
SE1TEH (PT59 [torn]: Xtwri, [Vat f>-
>oop;] Alex, omits: Stne). The name of one of the
two isolated rocks which stood in the " passage of
Mich mash," at the time of the adventure of Jona-
than and his armor-bearer (1 Sam. xiv. 4). It was
the southern one of the two (ver. 6), and the near-
est to Geba. The name in Hebrew means a " thorn,"
or thorn-bush, and is applied elsewhere only to the
memorable thorn of Horeb ; but whether it refers
in this instance to the shape of the rock, or to the
growth of tenth upon it, we cannot ascertain. The
sitter is more consistent with analogy. It is re-
markable that Josephus (B. J. v. 3, § 1), in de-
scribing the route of Titus from the north to Jeru-
salem, mentions that the last encampment of his
army was at a spot " which in the Jews' tongue is
jelled the valley " or perhaps the plain " of thorns
.acortaV oiAatr), now a certain village called Ga-
tathsaoule," i. t. Glbeath of Saul. The ravine of
Mishmash la about four miles from the bill which
a, with tolerable certainty, identified with Gibeah.
SENNACHERIB
2907
• thsraekof Sana of 1 Sam. xiv. 4 is hardly ap-
Thie distance is perhaps too great to suit Josephus'
expression ; still ths point is worth notice. G.
SETNIR D H 2t? [con* oj mad]: [Xartp, Se
nip , Alex.] iartip, [and so Vat in 1 Chr. :] Stmir).
This name occurs twice in the A. V., namely, 1 Chr.
▼. 83, and Ex. xxvii. 6; but it should be found iu
two other passages, in each of which the Hebrew
word is exactly similar to the above, namely, Deut
iii. 9, and Cant iv. 8. In these it appears in ths
A. V. as Shekir. Even this slight change is un-
fortunate, since, as one of the few Amorite words pre-
served, the name possesses an interest which should
have protected it from the addition of a single letter.
It is the Amorite name for the mountain in the north
of Palestine which the Hebrews called Hkemon, and
the Phoenicians Simon; or perhaps it was rather
the name for a portion of the mountain than the
whole. In 1 Chr. v. 33, and Cant iv. 8, Hermoo
and it are mentioned as distinct Abulfeda (ed.
Kohler, p. 184, quoted by Gesenius) reports that
the part of Anti-Lebanon north of Damascus — thai
usually denominated Jebtl eth-Shurky, " the East
Mountain " — was in his day called Senir. The use
of the word in Etekiel is singular. In describing
Tyre we should naturally expect to find the Phoe-
nician name (Sirion) of the mountain employed,
if the ordinary Israelite name (Hermon) were dis-
carded. That it is not so may show that in the
time of Esekiel the name of Senir had lost its orig-
inal significance as an Amorite name, and was em-
ployed without that restriction.
The Targum of Joseph on 1 Chr. v. 33 (ed. Beck)
renders Senir by "T^S ^.tf^ "fltt, of which
the most probable translation is " the mountain ol
the plains of the Perirxites." In the edition ol
Wilkins the text is altered to "•VT'S ^PC &»
" the mountain that corrupteth fruits," in agree-
ment with the Targums on Deut iii. 9, though it
is there given as ths equivalent of Sirion. Which
of these is the original it is perhaps impossible now
to decide. The former has the slight consideration
in its favor, that the Hivitee are specially mentioned
as " under Mount Hermon," and thus may hate
been connected or confounded with the Periszites;
or the reading may have arisen from mere caprice,
as that of the Sam. version of Deut iii. 9 appears
to have done. [Sn 8a ma kit an Pkntatkuch,
p. 28134.] G.
SENNACHTSRIB or BENNA^HE RIB
(3nn35 [see below]: [Kom. in 2 K. and x
Chr.] Xtmxnptii, [in Is.] XnmawUH [Vat,
Alex, and Sin. ltrv*xvp'm throughout, exc. 8 K.
xviii. 13, Alex. Scrag., * nd '*• "*''"• 21. Sin.
-Xqpuii] itraxtpifioi, Joseph.; 3avaxifii0os,
Herod. : Senwiaietib) was the son and successor o
Sargon. [Sarqoh.] Hia name in the original is
read as Tun-aklcMrw, which is understood to mean
"Sin (or the Moon) increases brothers: " an indica-
tion that he was not the first-born of his father. The
LXX. have thus approached much more nearly to
the native articulation than the Jews of Palestine,
having kept the vowel-sounds almost exactly, and
merely obanged the labial at the close from J8 to n>
Josephus has been even more entirely correct, hav-
ing only added the Greek nominatival ending.
We know little or nothing of Sennacherib during
his father's lifetime. From his name, and from a
cireumstanoe related by Poljhistor, we may gather
that he was not the eldest son, and not ths heir to
the orswi till the year before his father's death
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2908
SENNACHERIB
Polyhistor (following Berosus) related that the trib-
utary kingdom of Babylon waa held by a brother
— who would doubtless be an elder brother — of
Sennacherib'*, not long before that prince oame to
the throne (Beroa. fr. 12). Sennacherib's brother
waa succeeded by a certain Hagisa, who reigned
anly a month, being murdered by Merodach-Bala-
dan, who then took the throne and held it six
mouths. Tbeee events belong to the year b. c. 703,
which seems to have been the but year of Sargou.
Sennacherib mounted the throne B. c. 702. Hia
first efforts were directed to crushing the revolt of
Babylonia, which he invaded with a large army.
Merodach-Baladan ventured ou a battle, but was
defeated and driven from the country. Sennacherib
then made lielibua, an officer of hia court, viceroy,
and, quitting Babylonia, ravaged the lauds of the
Aiamiean tribes on the Tigris and Euphrates,
whence he carried off 200,000 captives. In the
ensuing year (B. c. 701) he made war upon the
independent tribes in Mount Zagros, and peuetrated
theuce to Media, where he reduced a portion of the
nation which had been previously independent. In
hia third year (b. o. 700) he turned hia anus towards
the west, chastised Sidon, took tribute from Tyre,
Aradus, and the other Phoenician cities, as well as
from Edom and Aahdod, besieged and captured
Aacalon, made war on Egypt, which was still de-
pendent on Ethiopia, took Libnah and Lachish on
the Egyptian frontier, and, having probably con-
cluded a convention with his chief enemy," finally
marched against Heeekiah, king of Judah. Ueze-
kiah, apparently, had not only revolted and with-
held hia tribute, but had intermeddled with the
affairs of the Philiatian cities, and given his support
to the party opposed to the influence of Assyria.
It was at this time that " Sennacherib came up
against all the fenced cities of Judah, and took
them " (2 K. xviii. 13). There can be no doubt
that the record which he has left of his campaign
against " Hiskiah " in his third year, is the war
with Hezekiah so briefly touched in the four verses
of this chapter (rv. 18-16). The Jewish monarch
was compelled to make a most humble submission.
He agreed to bear whatever the Great King laid
upon him; and that monarch, besides carrying off
a rich booty and more than 200,000 captives, ap-
pointed him a fixed tribute of 300 talents of silver,
and 30 talents of gold. He also deprived him of a
considerable portion of hia territory, which he be-
stowed on the petty kings of Aahdod, Ekron, and
Gaza. Having made these arrangements, he left
Palestine and returned into bis own country.
In the following year (B.C. 899), Sennacherib
invaded Babylonia for the second time- Merodach-
Baladan continued to have a party in that country,
where his brothers still resided; and it may be
suspected that the viceroy, Belibus, either secretly
favored his cause, or at any rate was remiss in
opposing it. The Assyrian monarch, therefore,
took the field in person, defeated a Chaldean chief
who had taken up arms on behalf of the banished
king, expelled the king's brothers, and displacing
Belibus, put one of his own sons on the throne in
his stead.
It was perhaps in this same year that 8en-
aacberib made his second expedition into Palestine.
Hezekiah had again revolted, and claimed the pro-
• Tfb* impression on clay of the seal of Sabaeo, found
to Sennacherib's palace at Kcyunjik, bad probably
seas appsadsd to this treaty.
SENNACHERIB
teetion of Egypt, which seems to have been regarded
by Sennacherib as the true cause of the SyrSi
troubles. Instead, therefore, of besieging Ji j-
salem, the Assyrian king marched past it to the
Egyptian frontier, attacked once more Lachish and
Libnah, but apparently railed to take them, sent
messengers from the former to Hezekiah (2 K.
xviii. 17), and on their return without hia submis-
sion wrote him a threatening letter (2 K. six. 14),
while be still continued to press the war against
Egypt, which had called in the assistance of Tir-
hakah, king of Ethiopia (foioL rer. 9). Tirhakab
was hastening to the aid of the Egyptians, but prob-
ably had not yet united his troops with theirs,
when an event occurred which relieved both Egypt
and Judaea from their danger. In one night the
Assyrians lost either by a pestilence or by some
more awful manifestation of Divine power, 185,000
men ! The camp immediately broke up — the king
fled — the Egyptians, naturally enough, as the de-
struction happened upon their borders, ascribed it to
their own gods, and made a boast of it centuries after
(Herod, ii. Ml). Sennacherib reached his capital
in safety, and was not deterred, by the terrible dis-
aster which had befallen his arms, from engaging
in other wars, though he seems thenceforward vi
have carefully avoided Palestine. In his fifth yeai
he led an expedition into Armenia and Media; after
which, from his sixth to hia eighth year, he waa
engaged in wars with Suaiana and Babylonia. From
this point his annals fail us.
Sennacherib reigned twenty-two years. The date
of his accession is fixed by the Canon of Ptolemy to
b. c. 702, the first year of Belibus or Elibus. The
date of his death is marked in the same document
by the accession of Asaridanus (Esar-Haddoo) to
the throne of Babylon in b. c 680. The monuments
ire in exact conformity with these dates, for the
22d year of Sennacherib has been found upon
them, while they have not furnished any notice of
a later year.
It is impossible to reconcile these dates with the
chronology of Hezekiah'a reign, according to the
numbers of the present Hebrew text. Those num-
bers assign to Hezekiah the space between b. c. 726
and b. c. 697. Consequently the first Invasion of
Sennacherib falls into Hezekiah'a twtnly-tecenth
year instead of his fourteenth, as stated in 2 K.
xviii. 13, and Is. xxxvi. 1. Various solutions have
been proposed of this difficulty. According to some,
there has been a dislocation as well as an alteration
of the text. Originally the words ran, " Now it
came to pass In the fourteenth year of king Heze-
kiah, that the king of Assyria [Sargon] came up
against the fenced cities of Judah." Then followed
ch. xx. (Is. xxxviii.) — " In those days was Hezekiah
sick unto death," etc.; after which came the nar-
rative of Sennacherib's two invasions. [See Hrzb-
kiah.] Another suggestion is, that the year hat
keen altered in 2 K. xviii. 13 and la. xxxvi. 1, by a
scribe, who, referring the narrative in ch. xx. (la
xxxviii.) to the period of Sennacherib's first invs
sion, concluded (from xx. 6) that the whole hap
pened in Hezekiah'a fourteenth year (Rawlliison'i
Herodotut, voL 1. p. 479, note 2), and therefore
boldly changed "twenty-seventh" into "four-
teenth."
Sennacherib was one of the most magnificent of
the Assyrian kings. He seems to have been tha
first who fixed the seat of government permanently
at Nineveh, which he carefully repaired and adorned
with splendid buildings. His greatest wi rk j the
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SKNTJAH
grand palace at Koynnjik, which oorered a space of
sbove eight acres, and waa adorned throughout with
iculpture of finished execation. He built ahn, or
repaired, a second palace U Nineveh on the mound
of Nebbi Yunua, confined the Tigris to its channel
by an embankment of brick, restored the ancient
aanedncts which had gone to decay, and gave to
Nineveh that splendor which ahe thenceforth re-
tained till the ruin of the empire. He also erected
monument* in distant countries. It is his memorial
which still remains" at the mouth of the Nakr-tl-
< eft on the coast of Syria, aide by aide with an
iscriptioa of Rameses the Great, recording his eon-
lOesta six centuries earlier.
Of the death of Sennacherib nothing is known
beyond the brief statement of Scripture, that "as
he was worshipping in the house of Nisroch ( ?), his
god, Adrammeleeh and Sharezer his eons smote him
with the sword, and escaped into the land of Ar-
menia " (2 K. xjx. 37 ; Is. xxxrii. 38). It is curious
that Hoses ef Chorene and Alexander Polyhiator
should both call the elder of these two sons by a
different name (Ardumaxanes or Argamosanus);
tod it la still more curious that Abydenue, who
generally drew from Berosus, should interpose a king
Nergilus between Sennacherib and Adrammeleeh,
and make the latter be slain by Esarhaddon (Euseb.
Ckr. Can. i. 9 ; eomp. i. 6, and see also Moa. Chor.
Arm. ffitt. i. 23). Moses, on the contrary, confirms
the escape of both brothers, and mentions the parts
of Armenia where they settled, and which were
afterwards peopled by their descendants. G. B.
SBNU'AH (H^WD [ftn»wne,Ges.] :'A<re-
rd: Senna). Properly Hastenuah, with the def.
article. A Benjamite, the father of Judah, who
waa second orer the city after the return from Baby-
lon (Neh. xi. 9). In 1 Chr. ix. 7, " Judah the son
af Senuah " is " Hodaviah the son of Hasenuah."
[Hasesuah.]
8KOTUM (Sn^ [barley, atmplp; [Vat.
Swtpfip;] Alex. Itmpty- Btorbn). The chief of
he north of tbe twenty-four courses of priests m-
sUtuted by David (1 Chr. xxir. 8).
SETHAR ("IpP [iooi] : lufmpd; Alex. 2»-
•nfoa: Stphar). It is written, after the enumera-
tion of the sons of Joktan, u and their dwelling was
from Hatha as thou goest unto Sephar, a mount of
the east " (Gen. x. 30). The immigration of tbe
loktsnitet wis probably from west to east, as we
bete shown in Arabia, Hksha, etc, and they oe-
apied the southwestern portion of the peninsula,
foe undoubted identifications of Arabian places
and tribes with their Joktaoite originals are in-
tbided within these limits and point to Sephar as
the e a stern boundary. There appears to be little
doubt that the ancient sea-port town called Oha-
ftri or .Znfari, and Dhefdr or Zafdr, without
the ronexkmal termination, represents the Biblical
site or district: thus the etymology is sufficiently
near, sod tbe situation exactly agrees with the re-
auircments of the esse. Accordingly, it hss been
teneraOy accepted as the Sephar of Genesis. But
he etymological fitness of this site opens out an-
BEPMAR 21)09
other question, inssmuch ss then we no lass than
four places bearing the same name, betides several
others bearing names that are merely variation
from the same root The frequent recurrence at
these variations is curious; but we need only bare
concern ourselves with the four first named places,
and of these two only are important to the subject
of thia article. They are of twofold importance, as
bearing on the site of Sephar, and as being closely
connected with the ancient history of the Joktanite
kingdom of Southern Arabia, the kingdom founded
by the tribes sprung from the sons of Joktan. Tbe
following extracts will put in a clear light what tot
best Arabian writers themselves say on the subject.
The first is from tbe most important of the Arabia
"Dhafdri UUJfe) is a town of the Ti
one says, 'He who enters Dhnfdri learns the Him-
yeritic' . . . . Es Saghanee says, ' In tbe Yemen
are four places, every one of which is called Dha-
fdri j two cities and two fortresses. The two
cities are Dhnfdri-t-fJakl, near Sun'i, two days'
journey from it on the south; and the Tubbau
used to abide there, and it is said that it is San'i
[itself]. In relation to it is called the onyx of
Dhnfdri. (Ihn-es-Sikkeet says that the onyx oi
Dhnfdri is so culled in relation to Dhnfdri- AtaJ,
a city in the Yemen.) Another is in the Yemen,
near ifirbdt, in the extremity of the Yemen, and
is known by the name of Dhafdri-t-Sdhib [that is,
of the tea-coast], and in relation to it is called tbe
Kmt-Ohafdii [either ccstus or aloes-wood], that
is, the wood with which one fumigates, because it
is brought thither from India, and from it to [the
rest of] the Yemen.' .... And it Yakoot meant,
for he said, ' Dhnfdri .... is a city in tbe «-
tremity of the Yemen, near to Eih-Uhlhr.' As to
the two fortresses, one of them is a fortress on the
south of San'i, two days' journey from it, in the
country of [the tribe of] Benoo-Murdtl, and it u
called DhafirU- Wndiytyn [that is, of the Trn
Valleys]. It is also called Dhnfdri-Zeyd ; and
another is on the north thereof, also two days' jour-
ney from it, in the country of Bimddn, and is
called Dhnfdri dh-Dhdkir" (.Tdj-ei-' Aroot, MS,
Yakoot, in his Homonymous Dictionary (El-
Miuhtnrak, a. r.) says: " Dhnfdri is a celebrated
city in the extremity of tbe country of the Yemr
between ' Omdn and Hit-bat, on the shore 'f the
tea of India: I have been informed of this l»j >
who has seen it prosperous, abounding in good
things. It is near Eth-Shihr. Dhnfdri-Ztyd is a
fortress in the Yemen, in the territory of Babb,
and Dhafdri is s city near to San'i, and in relation
to it is called the Dhafdri onyx; in it was tfct
abode of the kings of Himyer, and of it waa said
' He who eaten Dhnfdri learns the Himyeritic : ' -
and it it laid that San' a itself is Dhnfdri."
Lastly, in the Geographical Dictionary called thf
Maraud, which is ascribed to Yakoot, we read,
t.v.s » Bkefdri: two cities in the Yemen, one ol
• It hss beta stated that In 1861 tht French oeeu-
pan* of Syria aestroyad this tablet, endreplaesd It by
an 1st lists in In lhatr own honor ; hut such an act
tf bar%»i<«m stems tetretly pttabU In the ntnttttnth
« Aaal l Mt has alien brio aa assart km la us
Geography, noticed by H. Promtl (/■> Isttn, p. 8171.
He •ndaarora to prove that tht two Z^brit wart only
one, by supposing that tht Inland town, whfch hr
pit ess only twtnty-lbar iMfUss from Awn's, wis ot%
meDy on the I
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2910 SBPHAB
than new to Son'*, In relation to which b called
the Dh/ifiri onjx: in it was tin dwelling of the
Ungi of Himytr ; ud it is said that Dhafari ii the
tity of flaw'*, itself. And Dhifari of toil day ia *
dty on the shore of the sea of India, between it and
Mii-bat are five pannaugs of the territories of Eth-
8hihr, [and it is] near to Suhar, and Mirbat is the
other anchorage besides Dhafari. Frankincense is
inly found on the mountain of Dhafari of Etk-
Bhihr."
These extracts show that the city of Dhafari
near Snn'a was very little known to the writers,
and that little only by tradition : it was even sup-
posed to be the same as, or another name for
8a*' A, and its site had evidently fallen into obliv-
ion st their day. But the seaport of this name
was a celebrated city, still nourishing, and identified
so the authority of an eye-witness. M. Fresnel has
endeavored to prove that this city, and not the
western one, was the Himyerite capital; and cer-
tainly his opinion appears to be borne out by most
of the facts that have been brought to light.
Kiebuhr, however, mentions the ruins of Dhafiri
near i'ertem, which would be those of the western
city (Deter, p. 206). While Dhafari is often
mentioned as the capital iu the history of the Him-
yerite kingdom (Caussin, Ettai, i. pnuim), it was
also in the later times of the kingdom the seat of a
Christian Church (Philestorgius, Hitt. Ecdtt. til. 4).
But, learhig this curious point, it remains to
give what is known respecting Dhafari the sea-
port, or as it will be more convenient to rail it,
after the usual pronunciation, Zafar. All the evi-
dence is clearly in favor of this site being that of
the Sephar of the Bible, and the identification has
accordingly been generally accepted by critics.
More accurately, it appears to preserve the name
mentioned in Gen. x. 30, and to be in the district
snciently so named. It is situate on tbe coast, in
the province of Hadramdiot, and near to the district
which adjoins that province on the east, called Eth-
Bhihr (or, as M. Fresnel says it is pronounced in
the modem Himyeritic, Sillier). WeUsted says of
It, " Dofar is situated beneath a lofty mountain ''
(ii. 453). In the MaraM it is said, as we have
seen, that frankincense (in the author's time) was
found only in tbe "mountain of Dhafari; " and
Niebuhr (Deter, p. 248) says that it exports the
best frankincense. M. Fresnel gives almost all that
is known of tbe present state of this old site in his
Lettret tur C Hut. det Arabet atani tltlnmitme
(V* Lettre, Journ. Anat Hi' serie, tome v.). JCtt-
far, be tells us, pronounced by the modern inhab-
itants " IsfSr," is now the name of a series of vil-
lages situate some of them on tbe shore, and some
dose to tbe shore, of tbe Indian Ocean, between
Mirbat and Rat-Bijir, extending a distance of two
days' journey, or 17 or 18 hours, from east to west.
Proceeding in this direction, those near the shore
are named Tikah, Ed-Dakaitet, EUBtktd, EL
fldfeh, Saldhah, and Awkad, The first four are on
the sea-shore, and the last two at a small distance
from It ELBtktd, otherwise called Harkdm, is,
ui M. Fraud's opinion, the ancient Zafar. It is
In ruins, but ruins that attest its former prosperity.
The inhabitants were celebrated for their hospital -
"ty. Than are now only three or four inhabited
• Obtained by taking the prenxsd preposition as
fart of the nans— TI&Da. and at toe same tune
ssjsoMsf tbe nasi ».
8BPHARAD
houses In ELBtktd. It is on a small pmkssuls
lying between the ocean and a bay, and the port is
on the land side of the town. In the present day
during nearly the whole of the year, at least at toil
tide, the bay is a lake, and the peninsula an isth-
mus, but the lake is of sweet water. In the rainy
season, which is in the spring, it is a gulf, of sweet
water at low tide and of salt water at high tide.
The classical writers mention Sapphar metrop-
olis (laripdp* Mirrpds-oA.it) or Saphar (in Am*.
PeripL p. 274), in long. 88°, 1st. 14° 3C, according
to Ptol., the capital of the Sappbaritss (Sairqtop nut ),
placed by PtoL (vi. 6, § 26) near the Honerita;
but their accounts are obscure, and probably from
hearsay. In later times, as we have already said,
it was the seat of a Christian Church : one of threa
which were founded a. d. 343, by permission of the
reigning Tubbaa, in Dhafari (written Tafjhartm,
Tifapor, by Philostorgius, Hitt. Eoclet. iii. 4), in
'Aden, and on the shores of the Persian Gulf
Tbeophilus, who was sent with an embassy by or-
der of tbe emperor Constantine to effect this pur-
pose, was the first bishop (Caussin, i. Ill ff.). In
the raigh of Abrahah (A. D. 537-670), S. Gregen-
tius was bishop of these churches, having been sent
by the Patriarch of Alexandria (ef. authorities cited
by Caussin, 1. 148-146). E. 8. P.
SEPH'ABAD (T1$>P [see below] : Tsrg.
t^PSPW, •'-«-" bpania": (•» 'Ecyoftt, in both
MS8.:"tn Boeporo). A name which occurs in
Obad. ver. 20 only, as that of a place in which tbe
Jews of Jerusalem were then held in captivity, and
whence they were to return to possess the cities ol
the south.
Its situation has always been a matter of un-
certainty, and cannot even now be said to be
settled.
1. The reading of tbe LXX. given above, and
followed by tbe Arabic Version, h probably a mere
conjecture, though it may point to a modified form
of the name in the then original, namely, Sepbe-
rath. In Jerome's copy of the LXX. it appears to
have been E&o^pdrwc, since (Comm. in Abd.) he
renders their version of the verse trantmigrario lt~
rusfllem iisone Eupkrathem. This is certainly ex-
tremely ingenious, but will hardly hold water when
we turn it back into Hebrew.
2. The reading of tie Vulgate, Bmponu« waa
adopted by Jerome from his Jewish instructor,
who considered it to be " the place to which Ha-
drian had transported the captives from Jerusalem "
( Comm, in Abdiam). This interpretation Jerome
did not accept, but preferred rather to treat Seph
arad as connected with a similar Assyrian word
signifying a " boundary," and to consider the pas-
sage as denoting the dispersion of the Jews into a!
regions.
We have no means of knowing to which Bospo-
rus Jerome's teacher alluded — tbe Cimmerian or
tbe Tbracian. If the former (Strait of Veni-kak).
which was in Iberia, it is not impossible that this
Rabbi, as ignorant of geography outside the Holy
Land as most of his brethren, confounded it with
Iberia in Spain, aqd thus agreed with the rest of
the Jews whose opinions have come down tout. II
the latter (Strait of Constantinople), then he may
be taken as confirming the most modern opinion
(noticed below), that Sepharan was Sardis in Lydla.
The Targum Jonathan (see above) and tot
PeshHo-Syriac, and from them tbe modern Jews
interpret Sepharad as Spain (Ispamia and Ispeahv
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8EPHA&AD
MM eonunon variation of which name, Hesperia
{DieL «/ Gtogr. L 1074 4), does certainly bear eon-
tiderable raeemblanos to Sepharad ; and to deeply
haa thU taken root that at the present day the
Spanish Jews, who form the chief of the two
peat sections into which the Jewish nation is
divided, are called by the Jews themselves the
BtpknnHm, German Jews being known as the
Atkktnnzim.
It is difficult to suppose thai either cf these can
be the true explanation of Sepharad. The proph-
ecy of Obadiah has every appearance of referring to
the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar,
and there is no reason to believe that any Jews had
been at that early date transported to Spain.
i. Others have suggested the identity of Seph-
arad with Sipphara in Mesopotamia, but that is
more probably Sepharvaim.
4. The name haa perhaps been discovered in
the cuneiform Persian inscriptions of Nakth-i-Rui-
tmm and Bekittun ; and also in a list of Asiatic na-
tions given by Niebuhr (Raub. ii. pi. 31). In the
latter it occurs between Ka Ta Fa TUK (Ceppa-
doda) and Ta UNA (Ionia). De Sacy was the
first to propose the identification of this with Seph
ana, and subsequently it was suggested by Lassen
that S Pa Ra D was identical with Sardis, the an-
cient capital of Lydie. This identification is ap-
proved of by Winer, and adopted by Dr. Pussy
(Imtnd. to Obad. p. 232, note, also p. 345). In
support of this, Fiirst (Handtd. ii. 95 a) points
jot that Antigonus (cir. B. o. 320) may very prob-
ably have taken some of his Jewish captives to Sar-
dis; but it is more consistent with the apparent
data of Obadiah'a prophecy to believe that be is
referring to the event mentioned by Joel (iii. 0),
when " children of Judah and Jerusalem " were
sold to the " sons of the Javanim " (Ionians),
which — as the first captivity that had befallen
the kingdom of Judah, and a transportation to a
strange land, and that beyond the tea — could
hardly fail to make an wduring impression upon
the nation.
6. Ewald iPropketm, I 404) considers that
Sepharad has a connection with Zarephath in the
preceding verse; and while deprecating the "pen-
etration " of those who have discovered the name
in a cuneiform inscription, suggests that the true
reading is Sepharam, and that it ia to be found
in a place three hours from Akin, i. e. doubtless
the modern She/a ' Omar, a place of much an-
cient repute and veneration among the Jews of
Palestine (see Zmu, note to " Parchi," p. 428);
hot it ia not obvious how a residence within the
Holy Land can have been spoken of as a captivity,
and there are considerable dinereners in the form
af the two names.
6. Hwbaelis {Suppl No. 1778) has devoted
tome space to this name; and, among other eon-
lectures, ingeniously suggests that the ■• Spartans "
it 1 Mace xii. 6 are accurately " Sepharadites."
This suggestion, however, does not appear to have
stood the test of later investigation. [See Sfab-
■.] G.
8EPHELA
2911
a When Pliny places Hlppara or EHppara on the
Jhrragam (JVaAr Agam), mtteed of on the Euphrates,
kfj nanoH Is to the artificial channel which branched
af from the Baphratas at Sippara, and led to the
szaat tab (Chald. rTOaW) excavated by Hebncbadnes-
Mt. Abrdenus called this braosh
Til' rf. -*> Afam (Jr. 10).
SEPHARVAIM (D'JT'ISP [sea below] i
SrroVapoua^t, 'Erctapovafyi : Sepnttreaim) b metH
tioned by Sennacherib in his letter to Hezeklah v
a city whose king had been unable to resist the
Assyrians (2 K. xix. 13; Is. xxxvii. 18; eomp.
2 K. xviil. 34). It to coupled with Hena and
Ava, or Irah, which were towns on the Euphrates
above Babylon. Again, it is mentioned, in 2 K.
xvii. 24, as one of the places from which colonists
were transported to people the desolate Samaria,
after the Israelites had been carried into captivity,
where it wss again joined with Ava, and also with
Cuthah and Babylon. These indications are enough
to justify us in identifying the place with the
famous town of Sippara, on the Euphrates above
Babylon (Ptol. r. 18), which was near the site of
the modern Mosaib. Sippara was mentioned by
Berosus as the place where, according to him,
Xithrus (or Noah) buried the records of the ante-
diluvian world at the time of the Deluge, and fronr
which his posterity recovered them afterward!.
{Fragm. Bill. Gr. it. 601, Iv. 280.) Abydenot
calls It r ix,y SunropnvaV (fr. 9), and says that
Nebuchadnezzar excavated a vast lake in its vicin-
ity for the purposes of irrigation. Puny seems to
intend the same place by his " oppida Hippareno-
rum"" — where, according to him, was a great
seat of the Chaldaic learning (Ff. If. vi. 30). The
plural form here used by 1'Kny may be compared
with the dual form in use among the Jews ; and
the explanation of both is to be found in the fact
that there were two Slpparas, one on either side
of the v river. Berosus called Sippara, " a city of
the sun" ('HXfov r6\tv); and In the inscriptions
it bears the same title, being called Tnpnr thn
Shim/it, or " Sippara of the sun " — the sun bring
the chief object of worship there. Hence the Se-
pharvites are said, in 2 K. xvii. 31, to have " burnt
their children in the fire to Adrammelecb and
Anammelech, the gods of Sepharvaim" — these
two distinct deities representing respectively the
male and female powers of the sun, as I.unus and
Lnna represented the male and female powers of
the moon among the Romans. G. K.
• SETPHARVITES (D , 1")5P: Seinpae-
mat/ii Vat Sia^mpow; Alex. 2t<t>tpapovam<
hi qui erant dt Stpkarvaim), 2 K. xvii. 31. The
people of Skfharvaim. H.
SEPHWLA Hi 2«<p>;\<£> Stphtla). The
Greek form of the ancient word kat-Shfft'M
(n|55^f n), the native name for the southern di-
vision of the low-lying flat district which intervenes
between the central highlands of the Holy Land
and the Mediterranean, the other and northern por-
tion of which was known as Sharon. The name
occurs throughout the topographical records of
Joshua, the historical works, and the topographical
passages in the Prophets; always with the article
prefixed, and always denoting the same region'
(Deut. i. 7; Josh. ix. 1, x. 40, xi. 2, 16 a, xii. 8,
xv. 83; Judg. i. 9; 1 K. x. 27; 1 Cbr. xxvii. 28;
2 Chr. i. 16. ix. 27, xxvi. 10, xxviii. 18; Jer. xvii.
26, xxxil. H, sxxiii. 13; Obad. 19; Zeeh. vii. 7).
In each of these passages, however, the word ii
b Bo a«so<nte Is this usage, that on the smgie oesa
akin where II Is used without tha srttsla (Josh. xl. VI
It evidently does not denote tht regln referred a
above, but tha plains surrounding the mointaui ef
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2912
aiSPHELA
In the A. V. not u a proper name, analo-
gous to rte Campagna, tlie Woldi, tht Cant, but
u » mere appellative, and rendered "the vile,"
'the valley," "the plain," "the low plaint,"
and " the low country." How destructive thia ia
to the fbroe of the narrative may be realised by im-
agining what condition would be caused in the
translation of an English historical work into a
foreign tongue, if such a name as " The Downs "
were rendered by some general term applicable to
any other district in the country of similar forma-
tion. Fortunately the book of Maccabees has re-
deemed our Version from the charge of having
entirely suppressed this interesting name. In
1 Mace zii. 38 the name Sephela is found, though
even here stripped of the article, which was at-
tached to it in Hebrew, and still aeoompauiea
It in the Greek of the passage.
Whether the name it given in the Hebrew
Scriptures in the shape in which the Israelites en-
countered it on entering the country, or modified
so as to conform it to the Hebrew root thafal, and
thus (according to the constant tendency of lan-
guage) bring it to a form intelligent to Hebrews —
we shall probably never know. The root to which
it is related ia in common use both in Hebrew and
Arabic. In the Utter it has originated more than
one proper name — as Mttpiln, now known as
KoyunjUc ; tLMesfale, one of the quarters of the
city of Mecca (Burckhardt, Arabia, i. 203, 204) ; and
Seville, originally Hi-tpalit, probably so called from
its wide plain (Arias Montano, in Ford, Handbook
of Spain).
The name Shtftlah is retained in the old ver-
sions, even those of the Samaritans, and Rabbi
Joseph on Chronicles (probably as late as the 11th
century A. d.). It was actually in use down to
the Mb century. Euaebius, and after him Jerome,
(Onom. "Sephela," and Comm. on Obad.),
distinctly state that "the region round Eleuthe-
ropolis on the north and west was so called." °
And a careful investigation might not improbably
discover the name still lingering about it* ancient
home even at the present day.
No definite limits are mentioned to the Shtftlah,
nor ia it probable that there were any. In the list
of Joshua (xv. 38-47) it contains 43 "cities" as
well as the hamlets and temporary villages depend-
ent upon them. Of these, as far as our knowl-
edge avails us, the most northern was Ekron, the
most southern Gasa, and the most western Neiib
(about 7 miles N. N. W. of Hebron). A large
number of these towns, however, were situated not
in the plain, nor even on the western slopes of the
central mountains, but in the mountains themselves.
[Jarmuth; Keilah; Nkzib, etc.] This seems
to show, either that on the ancient principle of
dividing territory one district might intrude into
the limits of another, or, which is more probable,
that, as already suggested, the name Shtftlah did
not originally mean a lowland, as it came to do in
its accommodated Hebrew form.
The Shtftlah was, and is, one of the most pro-
ductive regions in the Holy Land. Sloping as it
joes gently to the sea, It receives every year a fresh
Jressing from the materials washed down from the
mountains behind it by the furious rains of winter.
This natural manure, aided by the great heat of
la climate, ia sufficient to enable it to reward the
■ Is ha oommeat on Obadlah, St. Jerome appears
4) •stand It to Ljdda and Bnuaaua-Cflcopolhi ; and at
8EFTTJAGINT
rude husbandry of its Inhabitants year after yaw
with crops of corn which are described by the tre*>
ellers as prodigious.
Thus It was in ancient times the corn-field ot
Syria, and u such the constant subject of warfare
between Philistines and Israelites, and the refngs
of the latter when the harvests in the central conn-
try were ruined by drought (9 K. viii. 1-3). But
it was also, from its evenness, and from its situa-
tion on the road between Egypt and Assyria, ex-
posed to oontinaal visits from foreign armies, visits
which at last led to the destruction of the Israel-
ite kingdom. In the earlier history of the country
the Israelites do not appear to have ventured into
the Shtftlah, but to have awaited the approach of
their enemies from thence. Under the Maccabees,
however, their tactics were changed, and it became
the field where some of the most hardly contested
and successful of their battles were fought.
These conditions have hardly altered in modern
times. Any invasion of Palestine must take place
through the maritime plain, the natural and only
road to the highlands. It did so in Napoleon's
case, as has already been notioed under Palkstuib
[iil 2291 a]. The Shtftlah is still one vast corn-
field, but the contests which take place on it are
now reduced to those between the oppressed peas-
ants and the insolent and rapacious officials of the
Turkish government, who are gradually putting
a stop by their extortions to all the industry of
this district, and driving active and willing hands
to better governed regions. [See Judah, voL li.
p. 1490; Palestixe, voL iii. pp. 2990 f., 2196 f. ;
Plaids, 2647.] G.
SEPTUAGINT. The Greek version of the
Old Testament known by this name, is like the
Nile, fontivm aid ctlat origin**. The causes
which produoed it, the number and names of the
translators, the times at which different portions
were translated, are all uncertain.
it will therefore be beat to launch our skiff on
known waters, and try to track the stream upwards
towards its source.
This Version appears at the present day in four
principal editions.
1. Blblia Polyglott* Complutensit, A. D. 1514-
1817. [The publication of the work was not au-
thorized till 1690, and it did not get Into general
circulation before 1522. — A.]
2. The Aldine Edition, Venice, A. D. 1618.
8. The Roman Edition, edited under Pope
Sixtus V., A. D. 1687. [Some copies have the
date 1586. These want the " Corrigenda in Not*-
tionibus Psalterii," etc., and the Prixnkghtm of
Sixtus V., dated May 9, 1687. The copies of thia
later issue have the date 1589 changed to 1687
with a pen. Before the work was published it
was carefully revised, and many MS. corrections
were made in all the copies. — A.]
4. Fac-simile Edition of the Codex Alexsndri-
nus, by H. H. Baber, A. D. 1818 [-1828].
1, 2. The texts of (1) and (2) were probably
formed by collation of several MSS.
8. The Roman edition (3) is printed from the
venerable Codtx Valicamu, but not without many
errors. The text has been followed in moat of the
modern editions.
A transcript of the Codex Vatioanua, prepared
by Cardinal Mai, was lately published at Boms, b;
the same dm* to extend Sharon so far Booth as to h»
dads th. PhUisHa* cittas.
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SBPTTJAGHTT
ver.alkn*. [Published in 185', a 6 rah. fol.,
■Maiding the N. '?.] It u to be regretted that
■tie edition U not eo accurate as to preclude the
aecessity ofoonniting the MS. The text of the
Codes, end the parte added by a later hand, to com-
plete the Codex (among them nearly all Genesis),
are printed in the eame Greek type, with diatin-
gsrisUng notes. [See addition below.]
4. The Fae-simile Edition, by Mr. Baber, U
printed with typee made after the form of the let-
ter! in the Codex AUxandrimu (Brit Museum
Library) for tin Fao-simile Edition of the New
Testament, by Woide, in 1788. Greet care wee
beetowed on the aheeU aa they pawed through the
SBITUAG1NT
2918
Some further aeoonnt of the firet three edt-
tione here mentioned aeeme deniable. The Com-
pjntensiin text baa been luppoeed by many critic*
(e. g. Walton) to hare been arbitrarily formed by
the editora, partly from the Septuagint and partly
from the other Greek vereiom and even the Greek
commentators, in order to make it more conforma-
ble to the Hebrew or the Vulgate. The fact, how-
ever, ia now well established, that it represent* a cer-
tain claM of manuscript*, agreeing particularly with
thoae numbered by Holmes and Parsons 19, 61, 79
(in part), 83, 108, 119, and 248. Uf these we
know that Not. 108 and 348 were borrowed from
the Vatican Library for the use of the editor*.
(See VerceUone's Preface to Cardinal Mai'a Vet.
tt Not. Tot. e Cod. Vat, Bom. 1857, vol. i. p. v.)
The Complutenaian text waa reprinted in the Ant-
werp Polyglot* (1569-72), that of Vatable or rather
C. B. Bertram (tx offuina Htmcttindreana [Heidel-
berg], 1686 or 1687; ex off. Cumnuliniann [ibid.],
1598, 1618), Wolder'a (Hamb. 15S6), and the Paria
Polyglott (1628-45). It doe* not contain the
ant ( Vtdg. third) book of Esdrsa.
In the dedication of the Aldine edition the text
ia eaid to have been formed from the eoUation of
many very ancient manuscript*, " multia vetustissi-
mis exemplaribua coUatia; " but inch expressions
moat be taken with large allowance. Its text in
the Pentateuch accords with the MS. numbered by
Holmes 89, of the 10th or 11th century, belonging
to the Library of St. Mark in Venice, with which
the other Venice MSS. numbered by Holmes 68,
ISO, 121, 123 agree, being all apparently tran-
scripts of the same original. Copies of this edition,
the firet of the whole Bible in Greek, are now ex-
ceedingly rare. There ia one, however, in the Li-
brary of Harvard College, deposited by the late
George Livermore of Cambridge The variations
sf the Aldine text from that of the Roman edition
are given, though very imperfectly, in Walton's
Polyglott, from which they have been copied by
toe in his edition of the Septuagint. Aa we have
. ad frequent occasion to observe in this Dictionary,
the forms of the proper names in the common
English version of the Apocrypha generally agree
with this edition, where it differs from the Roman
teat. Among the editions of the whole Bible in
Greek derived mainly from the Aldine, may be
mentioned thoae printed Argentoiati, np. Wolph.
Ceptalaum, 1528 (son-* copies dated 1529);
rHisilrtr. per J. Hervagium, 1545; ibid., per If.
Brylinytrum, 1550; and Franoof., ap. A. W'cheti
Weoca, 1697. The variations of the last from
its Aldine text are considerable.
The Roman edition of the Se|tuagint ha* been
generally supposed to represent the text of the
Ssmrm Vatican MS No. 1909, and its reading!
are continually quoted in the English edition ei
this Dictionary as those of that MS. But this it
a grave error. It is safe to say that in the forms
of proper names alone it differs from the Vatican
MS. in more than 1,000 places. The Vat MS
was indeed used aa the basis of the Roman edition
and was understood by the editor* to be of the
highest value; but many other ancient MSS. were
collated for it, particularly one belonging to Cardi-
nal liesaarion, an uncial of the 8th or 9th century,
numbered 28 in the edition of Holmes and Par-
sons, another in the possession of Cardinal Carafa,
and several from the Medicean Libiary at Florence.
The language of the Preface to the Roman edition
(written by P. Morinus) might indeed lead ths
reader to suppose the text of the Vat. MS. to have
been more closely followed than it really waa,
though be admits that the editors have changed
the old orthography, and have corrected evident
mistakes of the copyist. The Preface of Cardinal
Carafa to the Latin translation published the next
year (1588) as a complement to the edition gives a
more correct account of the matter. (See on this
subject Vercellone's Preface to Card. Mai's edition
of the Vat MS., vol 1. p. vi., note, and comp.
Tisehendorf 's Prokgon. to his 4th ed. of the Sept.,
p. lxxxix.) It should further be observed that the
Vat. MS. want* the larger part of the book of
Genesis (it commences with the word rri\u>, Gen.
xlri. 28), Pa. cv. 27-cxxxviiL 6, and the books of
Maccabees. The poetical and prophetical books of
the O. T. (with the exception of Job), and the
apocryphal books of Baruch, Wisdom, and Eccleai-
aaticus, were not collated for the edition of Holmes
and Parsons. The edition of Cardinal Mai men-
tioned above is unsatisfactory (comp. Tiacbendorf,
ur supra, p. lxxxix. ft), though we may generally
place confidence in it* readings where it* text dif-
fers from that of the Roman edition. It will be
wholly superseded by the magnificent edition now
publishing at Rome under the direction of Vereel
lone, Coaxa, and Sergio, to be completed in six vols.,
of which two at least (one containing the N. T.)
have already (Feb. 1870) appeared. Comp. the
art New Tbotambxt, vol. iii. p. 2121 a. A
Otlitr Edition*.
The Septuagint in Walton's Polyglott (1667) ■
the Roman text, with the various readings of the
Codex Alexandriuua.
• The readings of other MSS. and of the Com.
plutenaian and Aldine editions are alac given, and
Walton reprint* (voL vi.) the valuable critical ,iotea
to the Roman edition, and to the Latin transla-
tion by Flaminius Nobilius which accompanied it.
The text of the Roman edition is not very faith-
fully reproduced; see the Prolegomena to Boa's
edition of the Septuagint (1709). A.
The Cambridge edition (1665), (Roman text,) is
only valuable for the Preface by Pearaou.
An edition of the Cod. Alex, was published by
Grnbe (Oxford, 1707-1720), but it* critical value
is far below that of Baber'a. It is printed ill com-
mon type, and the editor has exercised his judg-
ir.<sit on the text, putting some words of the tlodex
in the margin, and replacing them by what he
thought better readings, distinguished by a snis'le)
type. This edition was reproduced by Breitin-.tr
(Zurich, 1730 [-32]), 4 vols. 4to, with the various
readings of the Vatican text [the Roman edition].
The edition of Bos (Franeq. 1709) follows in*
Roman text, with its Scholia and the vatic u itsrt-
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2914
BBPTUAGHJT
logs given in Walton's Polyglots, especially those
of the Cod. Alex.
The valuable Critical Edition of Holmes, con-
tinued by Parsons, is aimilar in plan to the He-
brew Bible of Kennioott; it hai the Roman text,
with a large body of various readings from numer-
ous MSS. and editions, Oxford, 1788-1827 [in 5
Tola. foLJ.
* For a full list of the MSS. need, eee the end
of vol. r.i they are deeoribed in the introduction!
to the different book*. The unciala are numbered
I. to XIII., IX. alao being numbered by mistake
894, and XIII., 18. No*. IV. and V. are really
only pails of the same MS. To theee are to be
added Noa. 23, 37, 43, 858, and 962, making 17
nociali in all. The whole number of cursives, after
making allowance for theee which are designated
by two different numbers, appears to be 285; but
several of tlieee are either mere transcripts of others
on the list, or oopied from the same archetype.
Vary few, if any, of these MSS. contain the whole
of the Septnagint A.
The Oxford Edition, by Gaisford, 1848, has the
Boman text, with the various readings of the Codex
Alexandrinus below.
Tischendorf's Editions (the 2d, 1866, [3d, 1860,
4th, 1869,]) are on the same plan; he has added
readings from some other MSS. discovered by him-
self, with very useful Prolegomena.
* Besides the readings of the Cod. Alex., he
has given those of the Codex Frultrico-Aut/tit-
lanus, and of the Kphrem MS. (See note b be-
low.) The 2d and subsequent editions contain the
Beptnagint version of the book of Daniel in addition
to that of Tbeodotion. The first edition (1850)
having been stereotyped, the important materials
■ Then are some singular variations in 1 Kings
(aw the article on Kotos, vol. U p. 1549 f.).
6 An uncial MS., brought bj Tlschendorf from St.
Catherine's Monaster;, and named Oodex Slnaitlcus, Is
supposed by him to be as ancient as Cod. Vaticanuadl.).
* This Important manuscript was published by
Tlachandorf at St. Petersburg in 1882 In 4 vols, folio,
the last containing the N. T. (For • description of
the edition, see art. Nxw Tmtmcskt, 111. 2120 4.) Of
the Old Testament, it contains 1 Chr. ix 27-xl. 22 ;
ToUt H. 2 to the end ; Judith, except xi. 14-xUI. 8 ;
1st and 4th Mace. ; Isaiah ; Jer. 1. 1-x. 25 ; the Minor
Prophets from Joel to Malachl locloslre (wanting
Hoses, Amos, Mtoah) ; and all the remaining poetical
books (Psalms, Prov., Becles., Cans., Wisdom of Sol.,
Heclns., Job). The Codex FUderico-Auguuasuu, dls>
oovered by Tlschendorf in 1544, and published in Buy
simile at Leipzig In 1846, oonsists of 48 leaves of the
em manuscript, containing 1 Chr. xt. 22-xlx. 17 ;
ear. Ix. 9 to the end; Neh.; Ksther; Toblt 1. 1-U. 2;
Jer. x. 25 to the end ; bun 1. 1-U. 20. A few more
fragments, most of which had been used by the monks
ef St. Catherine for binding MSS., contain small por-
Uone of Gen. xxlil., xxiv., and Num. v., vt , vii., and
wens published by Tlschendorf in his Mo*. Satr. ned.
Nov. Coll. vol. 11. p. 821 (1857), and Appendix Codd.
Bin. Vat Altx. pp. 8-6 (1887). The books of Toblt
and Judith in the Sinaitic MS. present a recension of
she text differing very widely from that In the Codex
Bespecting the uncial MSS. mentioned in the text
above, it should be stated that the fragments of the
Codex Cottonianut (1.), containing part of Genesis,
leave been published by Tlschendorf In his Man. Saer.
bud. Nova CoU. vol. II. pp. 85-176 (1867). The new
i of the Codex Tattoanue (II.) by Tercellooe end
i has already been referred to. The Qxlex Am-
mu 0m.), containing portions of the Pent, and
8EFTUAGINT
gathered by Teschendorf since its publication hast
not been used (except to a small extent in ha
4th edition) in the apparatus of various readings
which accompanies the text. For a translation at
the Prolegomena to Tiechendorf 't first edition, hj
Mr. Charles Short, see the BM. 8aera for Oct
1862 and Jan. 1868. A.
Some convenient editions have been published
by Mr. Bagster, one in 8vo, and others of smaller
size forming part of his Polyglot* series of Bibles.
His text is the Roman.
The latest edition, by Mr. Field (1859) differs
from any of the preceding. He takes aa his basis
the Codex Alexandrinus, but corrects all the mani-
fest errors of transcription, by the help of other
MSS.; and brings the dislocated portions of the
Septuagint into agreement with the order of the
Hebrew Bible."
ifamucripU.
The various readings given by Holmes and
Parsons, enable us to judge, in some measure, of
the character of the several MSS. and of the degree
of their accordance with the Hebrew text.
They are distinguished thus by Holmes: the
uncial by Rouian numerals [see the exceptions
above], the cursive by Arabic figures.
Among them may be specially noted, with their
probable dates and estimates of value as given by
Holmes in his Preface to the Pentateuch : —
IT FroesMo
Uncial.* das*.
Castor/.
I. OorroKuiros. Brit. Mus. (fragments) . 4
TJ. Vaticakos. Vat. library, Borne ... 4
m. Aurxuaianros. Brit Mus. .... 6
VII. Ambbosuitos. Ambrcs. lib., Milan . . 7
X. Onsimunos. BlbL Imp., Paris ... 7
Joshua, Is in course of publication by Oerianl In vol.
Hi. of his JbTowvmewta sacra et pro/ana ex OodicUms
pntsertim Kbtioth. Ambrosiatim, Milan, 1864 3. Tesch-
endorf assigns It to the 6th century instead of the
7th; and he (with Montfhuoon) regards the Codex
Oolslinisnus (X.) ss probably belonging to the 6th
century. The latter MS. has toe Hexaplar text.
The fragments of the 0. T. contained in the Epkrem
manuscript, a pallmpaeet of the 6th century belonging
to the Imperial library at Paris, — namely, parts of
Job, Proverbs, Eccleelsstee, Canticles, the Wisdom of
Solomon, and Bcclesissticus, — were published by Tlseh
endorf In 1846. On his edition of the N. T. portion
of the same M8. (designated by the letter C), see the
art Maw Txsuanrr, vol. ill. p. 2121.
Among the uncial MSS. collated for the edition of
Holmes and Pattens, we may mention further the
Codex Sarravianus (numbered by Holmes IV. and V.),
of which 130 leaves are preserved at Levden, 22 at
Paris, and 1 at St. Petersburg. It has bean published
in part by Tlschendorf in his Men. Sacr. intd. Soto
ChB. vol. ill. (I860),— the 22 Paris haves an referred
tor vol. virl., — and is referred by him to the 4th cen-
tury or the beginning of the 6th. This MS. Is of
great importance for the Hoxsplsr text of Origen. It
~— tains parte ot the Pentateuch, Joshua, and J udgb
The Codex ManJiaUttnv (XII. Uolmee) of the 7th cen-
tury, now in the Vatican library, is also an Important
Hexaplar MS., containing the Prophets. The part
containing Daniel has been published by Tiscbendorf
In vol. Iv. of bis Monum. (1889). Another nodal
oodex of the 8th or 9th century which has the Hex-
aplar text Is Holmes's No. 28, balanites: to the library
of St Mark In Venice, containing Proverbs and all tab.
following books of the 0. T., with part of the book ef
Job. Next to the Vatican, tola teems to have bean
the most Important MS. need for the Koman •eaten
DftbeBsTt (16871 See above, p. 2818 e. No 26a ■
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SKPTUAOINT
CuRSIVK
SBPTUAOINT
29.15
M
■a.
x.
68.
68.
Bi-
ol.
<T
75.
84.
108. I
107. I
108.)
118.1
Mailrnna Mad. Lcnrenfian Lib., Flor-
rrohable
date.
Centurr.
73 dUfen from the Bonuui
Text . . .
In 40 places, wtiA Habeas.
( In 40
I In 4
11
1 66 ditto
ditto
Witt
In 40
In t « af abut
Similar to 3omplot. Text
and 108, 118 .
Monachlensls Honloh
Vaoeanua (nam. x.). Tat lib., similar
to 73
Qlasgueusb)
Bodkfonus. laud 86, nota optima
Parlsiensis (11). Imperial library .
Yenetus. Maximl focleudua .... 18
OxoMeueis. DnlT. Coll 12
Yanouus (1601), optima nota> ... 11
a. Tb«n two agna . . j , .
Vatioanus (830) I Similar to Conjp. ( 14
Parlataoala. Imp. lib. I Text and (lfl) ( 18
10
10
18
, 12
, 12
10 or 11
man}
The iota of these MSS. difler considerably from
each otber, and consequently differ in various de-
grees from the Hebrew original.
The following are the remit* of a comparison
of the reading* In the first eight chapter* of Ex-
odus: —
1. Several of the MSS. agree well with the He-
brew; others difler very much.
8. The chief rariance from the Hebrew it in
the addition, or omission, of words and clause*.
3. Taking the Roman text as the basis, there
are found 80 places (a) where some of the MSS.
■infer from the Roman text, either by addition or
Acaiaawn, *» agreement with tit Hebrew ; 26 place*
<jS; where difference* of the mme kind are nut m
agreement with the Hebrew. There is therefore a
large balance against the Koraan text, in point of
accordance with the Hebrew.
4. Those MSS. which hare the largest number
rf d Mcreno te ol class (a) hare the smallest num-
ber of class (0). There is evidently some strong
i lor this close accordance with the Hebrew in
i MSS.
5. The divergence between the extreme point*
H the aerie* of MSS. may be estimated from the
blowing statement: —
llomMB and Paraons'a edition also represents an uncial
MS., bang lbs celebrated Zurich Psalter, to be noticed
Between these and the Roman text lie
shades of variety.
The Alexandrine text nils about halfway between
the two extremes: —
_,__, . „ _ . I In 26 places, with Hebrew.
Differing from Soman Testj m , 6 F T^ ^^ „
The diagram below, drawn on a scale represent
ing the comparison thus instituted (by the test of
agreement with the Hebrew in respect of additions
or omissions ), may help to bring then result* mart
clearly into view.
The base-line R. T. represent* tht Hunan tot.
For an account of 21 other very ancient MSS. of the
Sept. not used by Holmes, see TtaehendorTs Prott-
rovu to his 4th edition, p. lvU. tt. Many of these
have been published by Tlschendorf In vols, i.-lv. and
vl. of Us Man. Scut. intd. Nova CoU. (1866-1889),
and others are destined lor vol. vilL of the same oollec-
tkm. The most re m a rk a b le of them are the (1) Verona
MS. of the Psalms, of the 6th or 6th century, In
which the Greek tut le written In Latin letters, with
the Old Latin version In a parallel column. This was
pabbabed by Banehiuus (Banchinl) at Borne In 1740,
as an appendix to his Vindiciax Canon. Stripturarum.
%) Flagmen Is of the Paalms on oapyrw, In the Brit-
ish Museum, ascribed by Tlschendorf to the 4th cen-
tury, and formerly, at least, regarded by him ss the old-
er! known Biblical Mrf. They are published In his
Hen. Sox,, inrd. Novo CoU. vol. I. pp. 217-278 (1866).
(J.) Palimpsest fragments of the book of Numbers (now
*1 8*. Petersburg), of the 8th century, published by
xaeeaodorf In ha JuVm. Soar. intd. Nora Colt. vol. I. pp.
n-18S (1866). (4.) Coda Tbtktndorfiannt II. (Lalp-
■W, a psilnpsest, containing fragments of Num., Dent.,
M*h_ end Judges, of the 7th osutury. Published
by Tanhendorf In the vol. Just mentioned, pp. Mi-
lt. A.) The (Mat Oxomitnmt (Bodl. Ubr.) of the
The above can only be taken a* an approxima-
tion, the range of comparison being limited. A
8th century, discovered by Tlsohendorf in 1858, and
published In his. Man. Sou. intd. Nora Coll. vol. IL
pp. 170-808 (1867). It oontalus the larger part of
Genesis. (8) Cor/ex Cryptofmaitntu, a paumpaest
of the 7th century, containing fragments of most of
the prophetical books, belonging to the monastery of
Qrotta Ferrets near Borne, and published by Qlusepps
Coaaa in his fine ro i an Bibiiorum veUutiu. Fragmentm
Grata tt Lat'ma tx patimpttslis Codd. Btbhoth. Cryp-
tofrrratentit trula. etc., Roma 1887. The Zurich
Psalter (No. 232, Holmes), a beautiful MS. In r<lv*t
letters with the titles In gold, on purple vallum, baa
also Just been published by Tlschendorf in hie **<*»
Satr. intd. Nova CM. vol. Iv. (1869).
For further Information respecting the MSB. of
the Beptuagtnt one may consult, In addition to the
Proltgomena of Holmes end Parsons and Tuebeciorf,
F. A. Stroth'a Virtue* tin— Vmoitknit* do Hand-
Khrifltn dot LXX , In Behhorn's Rfptrtorinm, »
94 ff., viii. 177 If., xl. 46 If. (1779, 1780, 1782); the
Preface to Ingarde's OtnaU Grext, Upa 1868; and
the review of that work by Kamphaussn In the Vuot.
Stud. «. Kril. 1888. p. 721 If Taloabla contributions
t o wa r d s a classification of these M86-, with l efc i o u oc
to the eharaoter of their text, have been mane ay O
F. FrltxBBbs in the works referred to at the end nf tea
article. A.
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2916 BBPTUAGINT
■mm attended comparison might enable us to
jaurimmate the several MSS. more accurately, but
the result would, perhaps, hardly repay the labor.
But whence theee varieties of text? Was the
Version at ftr-it more In accordance with the He
brew, as in 78 and 59, and did it afterwards de-
generate Into the less accurate state of the Codex
Vatieanus?
Or was the Version at first lass Accurate, like the
Vatican text, and afterwards brought, by critical
labors, into the more accurate form of the MSS.
which stand highest in the scale?
History supplies the answer.
Hieronynius (Ep. ad Suniam et Frettlam, torn.
!i. p. 887) speaks of two oopies, one older and less
■emirate, xoiWj, fragments of which are believed to
be TRDrawnted by the still extant remains of the
eld Latin Version; the other more faithful to the
Hebrew, which he took as the basis of his own new
Latin Version.
" In quo illud breriter admoneo, ut sciatis, aliam
ease editionem, quam Origenes, et Cesariensia Eu-
sebius, oninesque Gnosis trsotatores noiriiv, id
est, communem, appellant, atque vulgatam, et a
plerisque nunc AovKiavoi dicitur; aliam LXX. iu-
terpretum, quae et in j{oir\o?i codicibus reperitur,
et a nobis in Latinum sermoneni fideliter versa est,
et Hierosolymse atque in Orientis Kcclesiis decan-
tatur .... coirh autem ista, hoc est, com-
munis editio, Ipsa est qua; et LXX. aed hoc interest
inter utramque, quod koh^i pro locis et temporibus,
et pro volnntate scriptorum, retus corrupta editio
eat; ea autem qua babetur in {(owAois, et quam
nos rertimns, ipsa est que in eruditorum libris in-
eorrapta et immaculate LXX. interpretum traus-
latio reserratur. Quicquid ergo ab hoc discrepat,
nulli dubium est, quin ita et ab Hebreeorutu euo
toritate discordet."
In another place (PrafaL in Paralip. torn. i.
eoL 1022) he speaks of the corruption of the an-
cient translation, and the great variety of copies
used in different countries: —
"Cum germana ilia antiquaque translatlo cor-
rupta sit." . . . . " Alexandria et .fgyptus
in LXX. mis Hesychlum laudant auctoreiti: Con-
stautinopolis usque Antiochiam Lucianl Martyris
exemplaria probat ; media) inter has provincial
Palaestinos codices legunt: quos ab Origene elab-
orfitat Eusehius et Pamphilus vulgaverunt: to-
tusque orbis hio inter ee contrarUX varietata eom-
pugnat."
The labors of Origan, designed to remedy the
conflict of discordant copies, are best described In
his own words (Comment, in Matt. torn. 1. p. 881,
ed. Hurt.).
" Now then is plainly great difference in the
oopies, either from the carelessness of scribes, or
the rash and mischievous correction of the text by
others, or from the additions or omissions made by
Stben at their own discretion. The discrepance
m the oopies of the Old Covenant, we hare found
means to remedy, by the help of God, ruing at our
trittrion the otlirr veriiont. In all passages of the
LXX rendered doubtful by the discordance of the
copies, formula a judgment from the other cer-
stow, we have preserved what agreed with tbem;
and some words we have marked with an obelot as
not found In the Hebrew, not venturing to omit
Jtem entirely; and some we have added with aster-
jkx affixed, to show that they are not found in the
LXX., but added by us from the other versions, in
i with the Hebrew."
8EPTUAGLNT
The other itebiaea, or versions, aiu tfcaa at
Aquila, Theodotion, and Synimachus.
Origan, Comm. in Joan*, (torn. a. p. 131, eel
Hues.). " The same errors in names may be ot>
served frequently in the Law and the Cropheta, a*
we have learnt by diligent inquiry of the Hebrew*,
and by comparing our copies with their oopies, aw
represented In the still uncorrupted versions of
Aquila, Theodotion. sod Symmachus."
It appears, bom these snd other passages, that
Origen, finding great discordance in the several
copies of the LXX., laid this version side by aide
with the other three translations, snd, taking their
accordance uiith each other at the tett of their
agreement with the Hebrew, marked the copy of
the LXX. with an obelot, -+, where he found su-
perfluous words, and supplied the deficiencies of the
LXX. by words taken from the other versions, with
an asterisk, *, prefixed.
The additions to the LXX. wen chiefly
from Theodotion (Hieronymus, Prolog, in (it
torn. 1).
" Quod nt audarem, Origenis me studinm pro-
vocarit, qui Editioni antique transistionem Thao-
dotionis miscuit, sater i sco * et obelo -k, id eat,
Stella et veru, opus omne distingueus: dum ant
illucescere fecit quss minus ante fuerant, aut super-
flua qiueque jugulat et confodit" (see also Prtef.
in Job, p. 795).
From Euaebius, as quoted below, we learn that
this work of Origeu was called TtrpaTka, the four-
fold Bible. The specimen which follows is given
by Montfaucon.
Gen. LI.
A.KYAA2.
hmaxv b
ovpavbp Kai
vbv tV yrjr.
SYM-
MAX02.
i- ifiXt
{■TWO* b
ovsaveraal
OtO.
hniqtrtr
itHbt
rimwpaa^r
*>*nt«
«cn#vr h
But this was only the earlier and the smaller
portion of Origen's labors; be rested not till he
hsd acquired the knowledge of Hebrew, and com-
pared the Septusgint directly with the Hebrev
copies. Eusebius (//iff. £cd vi. 18, p. 917, ed.
Vales ) thus describes the labors which led to the
greater work, the Hexapia t the last clause of the
passage refers to the Tetrnplai —
"So careful was Origen's investigation of the
sacred oracles, that he learnt the Hebrew tongue,
and made himself master of the original Scriptures
received among the Jews, in the Hebrew letters:
and renewed the versions of the other interpreters
of the Sacred Scriptures, besides the LXX.; and
discovered some translations varying from the well-
known versions of Aquila, Symmachus, and Theo-
dotion, which he searched out, and brought to light
from their long concealment in neglected comers
. . . . and in his Hexapla, after the fuu:
principal versions of the Psalms, added a fifth, yea.
a sixth and seventh translation, stating that out
of these was found In a cask at Jericho, in the tiin»
of Antoninus, son of Severus : and bringing tnese
all into one view, and dividing them in columns,
over against one another, together with the Hebrew
text, he left to us the work called Hexapla ; having
arranged separately, in the 7>trn/Vo, the version)
of Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotijn, togeAha)
with the version of the Seventy."
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SEPTUAGINT
80 Jerome (In CataL Script. EecL torn. It. P. 9,
I. 116): "Quii ignorat, quod tantnm in Serlp-
.uris divinis habuerit etudii, at etiam Hebraom
Bnguam oontra cutis gentiaque iu» naturani
edisceret; et scceptis LXX. interpretibus, aliaa
quoque editiones in unam volumes congregaret:
Aquilas scilicet Pontic! proselyti, et TheodotionU
Ebionai, et Symmachi ejnadem dogmatis. . . .
P iaa t ei e a Quintan) et Sextain et Septimam Edi-
tionem, qoaa etiam nos de ejoa Bibliotbeea habe-
mus, miro labors reperit, et sum ceteris editionibus
eompararit."
8B1TUAOINT
2917
From another passage of Jerome (in Kput. at
Titum, torn. iv. P. 1, p. 437) we learn that in the
Hexapla the Hebrew text was placed in one column
in Hebrew letters, in the next oohiron in Greek
letters: —
" Unde et nobis enrsj hit omnes veteris leg>
libros, quoe vir doctus Adamantius (Origenes; in
Hexapla dignsser&t, de Cassariensi Bibliotbeea da-
scriptos, ex ipsia autbenticis emendare, in quibus et
ipsa Hebnea propriis sunt characteribus verba ue-
acripta, et Gnecis Uteris tramite ex pres a a vicino. '
Hxxiru (Boa. xL 1).
To BBPAIKON.
T.EBP.
BAAHNIKOI2 TT.
AKYAAX
SYMMAXOS.
Oi 0.
•lOAOTHIr).
"ironHi
ov*aj3nev
ori mi
Ie-oonA,
koi rrytarnaa
eri waif
lcrparjK
cat
ori nrriet
Itroar/A «u
ryw iryairifo-a
ori nrriar
itai iryarnew
onsoai
"sab >ns-ip
ovutptapatp
KapaSi
AfjSan.
avrov, «u
aro Aryvirrov
rrfomtiurcj
«{ Aryvtrrov
MKAwrai
avrov KOi
•{ Aryiflrrev
KiaAnrat
avrov xai
traAcra
mn> juov
tot vior turn.
mot pov.
viot pov.
«{ Aryvwro*.
It should here be mentioned that some take the
Tetmpla as denoting, not a separate work, but
only that portion of the Hexapla which contains the
four columns filled by the four principal Greek rer-
sotts. Valerius (Notet on Eutebnu, p. 106) thinks
that the Tetrapla was formed by taking those four
ulumns oat of the Hexapla, and making them into
a separate book.
Bat the testimony of Origen himself (1. 381,
ii. 131), abore cited, Is clear that he formed one
suaiselul text of the Septuagint, by com p nr ii on of
Ike three ctiter Greek ttrrioiu (A, 2, 0), wing
than at kit criterion. If he had known Hebrew
at this time, would be have confined himself to the
Greek versions ? Would be hare appealed to the
Hebrew, as r ep r esented by Aquila, eta ? It seems
rery evident that he must hare learnt Hebrew at a
fester time, and ' therefore that the Hexapla, which
rests on a comparison with the Hebrew, must hare
followed the Tetrapla, which was formed by the
help of Greek version* only.
The words of Eusebius also (H. E. vi. 16) ap-
pear to distinguish rery dearly between the Hex-
apla and Tetrapla as separate works, and to imply
that the Tetrapla preceded the Hexapla.
The order of precedence is not • mere literary
question ; the riew abore stated, which is supported
by Mootaracon, Dsaher, etc., strengthens the force
of Origen's example as a diligent student of Scrip-
tan, showing his increasing desire mleoros acce-
dertftmUs.
The labors of Origen, punned through a long
eoorse of years, first in procuring by personal travel
the materials for his great work, and then in com-
paring and arranging them, made him worthy of
the naine Adamnnliw.
Bat what was the result of all this toil? Where
is now his great work, the Hexapla, prepared with
10 much eare, and written by so many skillful
■ands? Too large for transcription, too early by
notaries for printing (which alone could hare saved
it), it was destined to a short existence. It was
■magnt from Tyre and bud up in the library at
, sod there orobabty perished by the names,
One copy, bowerer, had been made, by Panv-
philus and Eusebius, of the column containing the
corrected text of the Septuagint, with Origen's
atteritks and obeli, and the letters denoting from
which of the other translators each addition was
taken. This copy is probably the ancestor of those
Codices which now approach most nearly to the
Hebrew, and are entitled Hexaplir ,- but in the
course of transcription the distinguishing marks
have disappeared or become confused ; and we have
thus a text composed partly of the old Septuagint
text, partly of insertions from the three other ebiel
Greek versions, especially that of Theodotion.
The facts above related agree well with the phe-
nomena of the MSS. before stated. As we bars
Codices derived from the Hexaplar text, e. 0. 79,
59, 68; and at the other extreme the Codex Vati-
canus (II.), probably representing nearly the an-
cient uncorrected text, koiW); so between these we
find texts of intermediate character in the Codex
Alexandruitis (HI.), and others, which may per
haps be derived from the text of the Tetrapla.
To these main sources of our existing MSS. must
be added the recensions of the Septuagint mentioned
by Jerome and others, namely, those of Lncian of
Antioch and Heayohlua of Egypt, not long after the
time of Origen. We hare seen above that each of
these had a wide range; that of Lncian (supposed
to be corrected by the Hebrew) in the churches
from Constantinople to Antioch; that of Hesychius
in Alexandria and Egypt; while the churches ly-
ing between these two regions used the Hexaplar
text copied by Eusebius and Pamphilna (Hieron.
torn. 1. 00L 1092).
The great variety of text in the existing MSS. Is
thai accounted for by the variety of sources from
which they hare descended.
I. History or Tint >■»«">.
We hare now to pursue our course upwards, bj
such guidance as we can find. The ancient text
called Kmrfi, which was current before the time a
Origen, whence came it?
We find It quoted by the early Christian Fathers
in Greek by Clemens Romanoa, Jarthi Martyr
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2918
SEPTUAODTT
Irenans; la Latin versions by Tettuluan tnd
Cyprian; we find it questioned as inaccurate by
the Jewt (Just. Martyr, ApoL), and provoking
them to obtain a better version (benoe the veniona
of Aquila, etc.); we find it quoted by Joaephui
end Philo: and thin we are brought to the time
of the Apostles and Evangelist*, whose writings are
full of citations and references, and imbued with
the phraseology of the Septuagint.
But when we attempt to trace it to its origin,
our path is beset with difficulties. Before we enter
on this doubtful ground we may pause awhile to
mark the wide circulation which the Version had
obtained at the Christian era, and the Important
services it rendered, first, in preparing the way of
Christ, secondly; in promoting the spread of the
Gospel.
1. This version wss highly esteemed by the Hel-
lenistic Jews before the coming of Christ. An an-
nual festival was held at Alexandria in remem-
brance of the completion of the work (Philo, De
Vita Mont, lib. ii.). The manner in which it is
quoted by the writers of the New Testament proves
that it had been long in general use. Wherever,
by the conquests of Alexander, or by colonization,
the Greek language prevailed: wherever Jews were
settled, and the attention of the neighboring Gen-
tiles wss drawn to their wondrous history and law,
there was found the Septuagint, which thus be-
came, by Divine Providence, the means nf spread-
ing widely the knowledge of the one true God, and
bis promises of a Saviour to come, throughout the
nations ; it was indeed ostium gentibut ad Chris-
tum. To the wide dispersion of this version we
may ascribe in great measure that general persua-
sion which prevailed over the whole East (perart-
buerat orient* tola) of the near approach of the
Redeemer, and led the Magi to recognize the star
which proclaimed the birth of the King of the Jews.
8. Not less wide was the influence of the Sep-
tuagint in the spread of the Gospel. Many of
those Jews who were assembled at Jerusalem on
the day of Pentecost, from Asia Minor, from Africa,
from Crete and Kome, used the Greek language;
the testimonies to Christ from the Law and the
Prophets came to them in the words of the Septua-
gint; St. Stephen probably quoted from it In bis
address to the Jews; the Ethiopian eunuch wss
reading the Septuagint version of Isaiah in his char-
iot (. ... &j rpi$aror M apcrrh* fa**! ••••)(
they who were scattered abroad went forth into
many lands speaking of Christ in Greek, and point-
ing to the things written of Him in the Greek ver-
sion of Moses and the Prophets; from Antioch and
Alexandria in the East to Borne and Massilia in the
West the voice of the Gospel sounded forth in
Greek; Clemens of Borne, Ignatius at Antioch,
Justin Martyr in Palestine, Irenajus at Lyons, and
many more, taught and wrote in the words of
the Greek Scriptures ; and a still wider range
was given to them by the Latin version (or ver-
sions) made from the LXX. for the use of the Latin
Churches in Italy and Africa; and in later times
by the numerous other versions into the tongues of
(Egypt, Ethiopia, Armenia, Arabia, and Georgia.
Sot a long period the Septuagint was the Old
Testament of the far larger part of the Christian
Church.'
a On this put of the subject see an Hulssan Prlsa
•■ay i by W. R. Chorion, On the hjtamtt tf tht
UtX as Vm Fntjem ef dUv
8EPTUAGIUT
Let us now try to ascend towards the sent
Can 1 we find sny clear, united, consistent tettimooy
to the origin of the Septuagint? (1) Where and
(2) when was it made? and (8) by whom? and
(4) whence the title? The testimonies of ancient
writers, or (to speak more properly) their tradi-
tions, have been weighed and examined by many
learned men, and the result is well described by
Pearson (Praf. ad LXX., 1665):
11 Neque vero de ejus antiquitato dignitateqnt
quiequam impresentisruni dicemus, de quibus viri
docti multa, hoc prsenertini saxulo, scripsere; qui
cum maxime inter se dissentiant, nihil adhnc talit
eerti et explornti videittur tradidisse."
1. The only point in which all agree Is thit
Alexandria was the birthplace of the Version: the
Septuagint begins where the Nile ends his course.
8. On one other point there is a near agree-
ment, namely, as to time, that the Version was
made, or at least commenced, In the time of the
earlier Ptolemies, in the first half of the third cen-
tury B. O.
8. By whom was it made t The following
are some of the traditions current among tht
Fathers: —
Ireneus (lib. iii. c 24) relates that Ptolemy
Lagi, wishing to adorn his Alexandrian Library
with the writings of all nations, requested from the
Jews of Jerusalem a Greek version of their Scrip-
tares; that they sent seventy elders well skilled in
the Scriptures and in later languages; that the
king separated them from one another, and bade
them all translate the several books. When they
came together before Ptolemy and showed their
versions, God was glorified, for they all agreed
exactly, from beginning to end, in every phrase
and word, so that all men may know that the
Beriptures are translated by the inspiration of
God.
Justin Martyr (Cohort, ad Grmeos, p. 84) gives
the same account, and adds that be was taken to
see the cells in which the interpreters worked.
Epiphanius says that the translators were divided
into pairs, in 36 cells, each pair being provided
with two scribes; and that 36 versions, agreeing
in every point, were produced, by the gift of lie
Holy Spirit (De Pond, et Mens. cap. iii.-vi.).
Among the Latin Fathers Augustine adheres to
the inspiration of the translators : " Non autem
secundum LXX. interpret**, qui etiam ipsi divino
Spiritu interpretati, ob hoc aliter videntur nounulla
dixisse, ut ad spiritualem sensuiu scrutandum nia-
gis admoneretur kctoris intentio . . . ." (De
Doctr. Christ, iv. 16).
But Jerome boldly throws aside the whole story
of the cells and the inspiration : " Et neacio quia
primus auctor Septuaginta ceUuha Alexandrite
mendacio suo extruxerit, quibus divisi eadem scrip-
titarent, cum Aristauis ejusdem Ptolemei tmtptur-
wt&rht, et multo post tempore Josepbus, nihil ts>
rettuerint: sed in una basilica congregates, eontu
liase scribant, non prophetasse. Aliud est eniu>
vatem, aliud esse interpretem. Ibi spiritus ventura
pnedicit; hie eruditio et verborum copia ea quss
Intelligit transfert " (Praf. ad Pent.).
The decision between these conflicting reports si
to the inspiration may be best made by earera.
study of the Version itself.
It will be observed that Jerome, while rejecting
the stories of others, refers to the relation of Aria
tams, or Aristess, and to Josepbus, the) fermsr b>
iug followed by the latter.
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HOTCAGIXT
Tats (to-ealled) latter of Aristess tc hli brother
PMberates is (till extant ; it may be found at the
beginning of the folio volume of Hody (Dt Bibli-
srwas Ttxtibai Originatibui, etc, Oxon. mdccy.),
and separately in a amall volume published at Ox-
ford (1693). It givee a splendid account of the
origin of the Septuagint; of the embany and pres-
ents sent by King Ptolemy to the high-priest at
Jerusalem, by the advice of Demelriut PhaUreut,
kit librarian, SO talents of gold and 70 talents of
aflver, etc.; the Jewish slaves whom he set free,
Eying their ransom himself; the letter of the
»g; the answer of the high-priest; the choosing
of six interpreters from each of the twelve tribes,
and their names; the copy of toe Law, in letters
of gold; their arrival at Alexandria on Jm anni-
versary of the king's victory over Antigonus ; the
hast prepared for the seventy-two, which continued
for eel in days; the questions proposed to each of
the interpreters in turn, with the answers of each ;
their lodging by the sea-shore; and the accom-
phshmmt of their work in seventy-two days, by
conference and companion.
Ot M> htriXovr ixaara o-upipara woiowrru
Wfin lavTobt to!* lurriftoAoit, to Si «Vt rvji
■ssttpsrriat ymiiunov wotwaWcps araypatpTif 08-
ts»s Mryx*¥* wasa rev Aquirralev* ....
The king rejoiced greatly, and commanded the
books to be carefully kept; gave to each three robes,
two talents of gold, etc. ; to Eleaxar the high-priest
be sent ten silver-footed tables, a cup of thirty
talents, etc., and begged him to let any of the
interpreters who wished come and see him again,
for he loved to have such men and to spend his
wealth upon them.
This is the story which probably gave to this
version the title of the Septunyint. It differs from
the later accounts above cited, being more embel-
ashed, but leas marvelous. It speaks mucb of
royal pomp and munificence, but says nothing of
mtpiration. The translators met together and con-
ferred, and produced the best version they could.
A simpler account, and probably more genuine,
le that given by ArUtobulus (3d century a. c.) in
i fragment preserved by Clemens Alexandrinu*
{Siromatn, lib. v. p. 595) and by Eusebius (Prop.
Evang. bk. xiii. c 12): —
" It is manifest that Plato has followed our Law,
and studied diligently all its particulars. For be-
fore Demetrius I'halereus a translation had been
aoade, by others, of the history of the Hebrews'
going forth out of Egypt, and of all that happened
to them, and of the conquest of the land, and of
the exposition of the whole Law. Hence it is
manifest that the aforesaid philosopher borrowed
many things ; for he was very learned, as was Py-
thagoras, who also transferred many of our doc-
trines into his system. But the entire translation
•f our whole Law (A, Hi g\n .puv/rt ia r«r 3<a to5
wjpov warrmr) was made in the time of the king
earned Philadelphia, a man of greater seal, under
the direction of Demetrius Phalereus." •
This probably expre ss e s the belief which pre-
vailed in the 3d century a. c., namely, that some
portipos of the Jewish history had been published
in Greek before Demetrius, but that In his time
sod ander his direction the whole Law was trans-
and this agrees with the story of Arietta*.
I hew been latest of the asami
«T nth) nasjasaat, bat it is wsu astasia! ey
Oitfitt as inisMi Aalew).
8EFTUAGIHT 2919
The Prologue of the Wisdom of Jesus the Boa
of Siracb (ascribed to the time of Ptolemy rhys-
con, about 133 B. c.) makes mention of " the Las
itself, the Prophets, and the rest of the bocks ••
having been translated from the Hebrew iuta
another tongue.
The letter of Aristesa was leorived as genuine
snd true for many centuries; by Josephus and Je-
rome, and by learned men in modern timet. The
firrt who expressed doubts were Lud. de Vivet
(Note on Augustin. De CiviL Dei, xviii. 43) an'
Julius Scaliger, who boldly declared bis belief the
it was a forgery: " a Judao quodum Arittea una)
ine con/ectam esse : " snd the general belief oi
scholars now is, that it wss the work of some Al
exandrian Jew, whether with the object of tnhan.
oing the dignity of his Law, or the credit of lbs
Greek version, or for the meaner purpose of gain.
The age in which the letter of Aristesa makes its
appearance was fertile in such fictitious writings
(sse Bentley on Phalarit, p. 85, ed. Dyce).
" The passage in Galen that I refer to is this.
' When the Attali and the Ptolemies were in emu-
lation about their libraries, the knavery of forging
books and titles began. For there were those
that, to enhance the price of their books, put the
names of great authors before them, and so sold
them to those princes.' "
It is worth while to look through the letter of
Aristesa, that the reader may see for himself how
exactly the characters of the writing correspond tt>
those of the fictitious writings of the Sophisls, so
ably exposed by Bentley.
Here are the same kind of errors and anachro-
nisms bi history, the same embellishments, eminent
characters and great evunts, splendid gifts of gold
and silver and purple, of which the writers of fic-
tion were so lavish. These are well exposed by
Hody ; and we of later times, with our inherited
wisdom, wonder bow suoh a story could have ob-
tained credit with scholars of former days.
" What clumsie cheats, those Sibylline oracles
now extant, and Aristess' story of the Septuagint,
pass e d without contest, even among miny learned
men " (bentley on Plialarit, lutrod p. 83).
But the Pseudo-Aristeas Lad a basis of fact for
his fiction ; on three points of his story there is ua
material difference of opinion, sud they are con-
Armed by the study of the Version itself: —
1. The Version was made at Alexandria.
3. It was begun in the time of the earlier Ptole-
mies, about 380 a. c
3. The Law (i. e. the Pentateuch) alone was
translated at first.
It is also very possible that there is some tnrtk
in the statement of a copy being placed in the royal
library. (The emperor Akbar caused the New
Testament to be translated into Persian.)
But by whom was the Version made? As Hod)
justly remarks, " It h of little moment whether Si
was made at the command of the king or sponta-
neously by the Jews; but it is a question of great
importance whether the Hebrew copy of the Law,
and the interpreters (ss Pseudo-Aristeas and hit
followers relate), were summoned from Jerusalem,
and tent by the high-priest to Alexandria."
On this question no testimony can be so conclu-
sive at the evidence of the Version itself, which
bean upon Its (ace the marks of Imperfect knowl-
edge of Hebrew, and exhibits the forms and phrasal
I of the Macedonia Greek prevalent in Alexandria,
i with a plentiful sprinkling of Egyptian words. TV
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2920 8EPTUAUIKT
forms ffAeWar, mpwiBikomw, bewray the
fcOow-citixens of Lycophron, the Alexandrian poet,
who closes hii iambic line with icarb yfjs V<rv«lfo-
rav. Hod; (ii. e. it.) gives several examples of
Egyptian renderings of names, and coins, and
meaiures ; among them the hippodrome of Alexan-
dria, for the Hebrew Cibrath (Gen. xlviii. 7), and
the papyrus of the Nile for the rush of Job (vill.
11). The reader of the LXX. will readily agree
with his conclusion, " Sive regis juasu, sire sponte
a Jndaus, a Judieis AlexandrinU fuisae factam."
The question as to the moving cause which gave
birth to the Version is one which cannot be so de-
eiaively answered either by internal evidence or by
historical testimony. The balance of probability
most be struck between the tradition, so widely
and permanently prevalent, of the king's interven-
tion, and the simpler account suggested by the
bets of history, and the phenomena of the Version
itself.
It is well known that, after the Jews returned
from the Captivity of Babylon, having lost in great
measure the familiar knowledge of the ancient He-
brew, the readings from the Books of Hoses in the
synagogues of Palestine were explained to them in
the Chaldaic tongue, in Targums or Paraphrases;
and the same was done with the Books of the
Prophets when, at a later time, they also were read
in the synagogues.
The Jews of Alexandria had probably still less
knowledge of Hebrew; their familiar language was
Alexandrian Greek. They had settled in Alexan-
dria in large numbers soon after the time of Alex-
ander, and under the earlier Ptolemies. They
would naturally follow the same practice as their
brethren in Palestine; the Law first and afterwards
the Prophets would be explained in Greek, and
from this practice would arise in time an entire
Greek Version.
All the phenomena of the Version seem to con-
firm this view ; the Pentateuch is the best part of
the Version; the other books are more defective,
betraying probably the increasing degeneracy of
the Hebrew MSS., and the decay of Hebrew learn-
ing with the lapse of time. '
«. Whence die title f It seems unnecessary to
suppose, with Eichhorn, that the title SeptwigirU
arose from the approval given to the Version by
an Alexandrian Sanhedrim of 70 or 73; that title
appears sufficiently accounted for above by the prev-
alence of the letter of Aristess, describing the
mission of 73 interpreters from Jerusalem. [For a
different view of the origin of this name, founded
an a curious Latin scholion, see art. Vkrmoks,
Akciskt (Greek). — A.]
Dt. Character op the Seftoaqiht.
We come now to consider the character of the
Version, and the help which it affords in the crit-
icism and interpretation of the Scriptures.
The Character of the Version. — Is it faithful
In substance? Is it minutely accurate in details?
Does it bear witness for or against the tradition of
Us having been made by special inspiration ?
These are some of the chief questions : there are
ethers which relate to particulars, and it will be
well to discuss these latter first, ss they throw some
Bght on the more general questions.
M. Was the Version made from Hebrew MSS.
with the vowel -points now used?
▲ few examples will indicate the answer.
BEPTUAGINT
•xrv*.
SeptnafuU.
•hrfonwrtu
OS?).
1.
nobrtWe
■x. vi. 17. ^JQ 1 ?, IiboL
*H1. 30. CUTM, Stham.
Dent III. 10. PObp, Salchea. 'EAjti.
IV. «. "V»;jl, Beset.
xxxlv. 1. ri|D9, Plajah.
3. Otbbb Woase.
Htottw.
0e..i.»,Dp9,j*». ««»-»« (njJTO).
xr. 11. Onfc 3**1, "** ew««e*ewr aires
and hi drat* lUm away. (DDH 3ttf*1).
b. zu. 17. rn-rarrny, tv'"^™**'
mUaetnrd bread.
Num. art. 6. TjJB, «• tea
morning.
Deut. xv. 18. rrat&Q, <«Ni. Mrtim (rt3WB).
Is. Ix. 7. "iyj, « ford. U*m. (133).
Examples of these two kinds are innumerable
Plainly the Greek translators had not Hebrew
HSS. pointed as at present.
In many cases (e. g. Ex. ii. 35 ; Nahunt ill. 8;
the LXX. have probably preserved the true pro-
nunciation and sense where the Maaoretic pointing
has gone wrong.
2. Were the Hebrew words divided from one
another, and were the final letters, Y, f\, ), D, "7,
in use when the Septuagint was made?
Take a few out of many examples : —
Httmw. LXX
(1.) Deut. xxrr. 6. 13r* , St)S, *»»<** ar^fkAvr
atmiMnf Barton (~&&< OTH).
(3.) 3 K. II. 14. MPirP^jl,
•sake.
(8.) 3 K. xxH. 30. }dh, ovx «
ik^or,. Oanib).
(4.) 1 Our. XTll. 10. V? "raWJ, ml «*«« ow
omdlwUltellth,,. (vT^JJfcp).
(S.) Hos vl. 6. "VIM Tpp^B?OT ««1 rt «pWo.
,.>., m*4m «f«A€V-
H^£, arm.
ami lay jwtgmmf (art" Th. LXX. ratf
<«.) Zeeh. xl. 7. )r5Sn s »37 Jp^, «« **» *«»■■"-
rrcn yim, Opoor of Ou [they Join the tws
Jlock. first wordsf.
Here we find three eases (9, 4, 6) where the
LXX. read as one word what makes two in the
present Hebrew text: one case (3) where one He-
brew word is made Into two by the LXX.; twe
cases (1. 5) where the LXX. transfer a letter rroaj
the end of one word U the beginning of the nest
[thsjr Join the twe
words in one].
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SKPTUAGINT
By inspection of the Hebrew in then cues it will
be easily Men that the Hebrew MSS. miut have
been written without intern!* between the words,
end that the preeent final forma wen not then in
In three of the above example! (4, S, 6), the
Septaagint has probably prawned the true division
and cense.
In the study of these minute particulars, which
enable us to examine closely the work of the trans-
istors, great help is afforded by CappelU Crilica
Sacra, and hy the VorttmSen of Frankel, who has
oust diligently anatomised the text of the LXX.
His mojected work on the whole of the Torsion has
cot been completed, but he has pubusbed a part of
It in bis treatise Oebtr dm Emjhut der Paldt-
enakaea Kxtgete anfdU Aiex tm drinitcke Her-
menem t i h , in which be reviews minutely the Septu-
agint Version of the Pentateuch.
We now proceed to the larger questions.
A. /* tee Ssptuagvu faithful in tubttaneet
Hera we cannot answer by citing a few fitamplna ;
the question refers to the general texture, and any
opinion we express must be verified by continuous
trading.
L And first it has been clearly shown by Hody,
Frankel, and others, that the several books were
translated by different persons, without any com-
pnoaosive revision to harmonise the several parts.
Draws and words are rendered differently in dif-
ferait books; e. g. nQ^i thepaawver, in the Pen-
tateneh is rendered rturxo, In 3 Chr. xxxv. 6,
BryU Crwi.Ex.xxviii.30(LXX. aB),^*-
m, Deut xxxili. 8, 8i)A«, Est. U. 63, emrl(or-
t»-, Neh. vii. 86, Qenlo-ur.
Sntn, Thtmmim, in Ex. xxviil. 30 (LXX. 26),
s tovftftm; in Est. il. 68, r«A«or.
The Philistinee In the Pentateuch and Joshua
ere *vAtffTi«(p, In the other books, a\\6e)v\oi.
The books of 'Judges, Ruth, Samuel, and Kings,
are di s t ing uish e d by the nee of iy4 tl/u, instead of
These an a few out of many like variations.
3. Thus the character of the Version
orach in the several books; those of the Pentateuch
are the best, as Jerome says ( Cmfitemur phu quam
eaterit ewm Hebraids contonare), and this agrees
well with the external evidence that the Law was
translated first, when Hebrew MSS. were more cor-
rect and Hebrew better known. Perhaps the sim-
plicity of the style in these early books facilitated
the fidelity of the Version.
3. The poetical parts are, generally speaking, In-
ferior to the histo ri cal, the original abounding with
■ words and expressions. In these parts the
of the LXX. must be continually on the
lest an Imperfect rendering of a difficult
word mar the whole sentence. The Psalms and
Pro v erb s ere perhaps the best
4. In the Major Prophets (probably translated
ansil) 100 years after the Pentateuch) some of the
most important prophecies an sadly obscured: e. g.
Is. it. 1, revro woarror We rax* wo(«i, X<fy a
Za0**Afer, «. r. A., sod in Is. 6, Eunat nactvt
eat inUrprtUm out imSgnmm (Zulngl!) ; Jer. xxili.
6, awl rawre rh input oorov 8 KoAtVn oo-Jr
Kspiet 'Iaw«3«c h roil wtoeyf/raa
Boahirl and the Minor Prophets (sneaking jen-
eraftr)es«» to be better rendered. ThcLXXvar*
IM
8EPTUAGINT
2921
lion of Daniel was not used, that of Theodotkaj
being substituted for it.
6. Supposing the numerous glosses and dupli-
cate renderings, which have evidently crept from
the margin into the text, to be removed (e. g. ie.
vii. 16; Hab. ill. 3; Joel 1. 8), — for these an
blemishes, not of the Version itself, but of the
copies, — and forming a rough estimate of what toe
Septuagint was in its earliest state, we may per-
haps say of it, in the words of the well-known sim-
ile, that it was, in many parts, the wrong tide of
the Hebrew tapeMry, exhibiting the general out-
lines of the pattern, but confused in the mora deli-
cate lines, and with many ends of threads visible;
or, to use a mora dignified illustration, the Sep-
tuagint is the image of the original seen through
a glass not adjusted to the proper focus; the larger
features an shown, but the sharpness of definition
is lost.
B. We have anticipated the answer to the sn-
ood question — It the Vernon minutely accurate
indetaiUI — but will give a few examples:
1. The tame word in the same chapter is
often rendered by differing words, — Ex. xii. 18,
^n?9» •< I will pass over," LXX. ntrirw,
but S3, npijS, " will pass over," LXX. mpektb-
amu.
% Differing words by the tame word, — Ex.
xii. 33, ~)3y, " pais through," and 1*1?^, "pass
over," both by rapcAeoVmu; Num. xv. 4, 5,
nn^fi!, "offering," and njT, « sacrifice," both
by Ovata.
3. The divine names an frequently inter-
changed; Kopioi Is put for D^rTv^J, God, and
e«<$» for rfjrP, Jbhovah ; and the two an often
wrongly combined or wrongly separated.
4. Proper names an sometimes translated,
sometimes not In Gen. xxiii. by translating the
name Machpetah (to Sia-Aovr), the Version is
made to speak first of the cave being In the field
(ver. 9), and then of the field being in the care
(ver. 17), o 4>vp»r Mr, or 4* «V re} 8mA*7
(mjXoiy, the net word not warranted by the He-
brew. Zech. vi. 14 is a curious example of four
names of persons being translated, e. g. njyWS 7»
"to Tobljah," LXX. roir x/")«V>ir oirijrS P&v
gah in Deut xxxlv. 1 is Qcuryi, but in Deut UL
37, tow AeAafeu/ieVov.
5. The translators an often misled by the sim-
ilarity of Hebrew words: e. g. Num. ill. 36,
V"J^9, "the cord* of It," LXX. ra merer
Aoiiro, and iv. 96, r« weounri. In other places,
ol nd\ot, and Is. Hv. 3, rk oxetyfeuara, both
rightiy. Ex. Iv. 31, WQ0?, "they heard,"
LXX. i x ipn (VTtptP); Num. xrl. 16, «I have
not taken one ass" O'lOrp, LXX. ofct frivs-
/.iiMaOronjrfXir^a; Deut xxxii. 10, VHfrjjp";,
"be found him," LXX. aJbrioKno-tr atroV; 1
Sam. xii. 3, YJSfr, "I am greyheaded," LXX.
KotVouoi 0n?r)i Gen. u«. it. TTisyj,
« for tty sake," LXX. h roa try* n< O •»
1).
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8BPTUAGINT
In very many mm tin error may be thai traced
le the similarity of tome of the Hebrew letters,
*T and "T, H and fi, * and 1, etc.; in tome it i»
diffioult to eee any oonneotion between the original
and the Venion : e. g. Dent xxxii. 8, ^tf^tP^ * , 3?»
"the aoni of Israel," LXX. ayylXar BraS.
Aqaila and Symmachus, v iS>v 'I<rpa-fjA.
I*, nt 11,14. LXX.
Watchman, what of the nlghtT •vAArovn friAf.«.
Watchman, what of the night! evAion vowpat «j
The watehmau said, dlrmrra
Iha morning eometh, and alaa "Sir $trgf fifm-
the night: blm^'cbMlahn.
If ys will inquire, inquire 70.
Batorn, oame.
6. Besidea the above deviation*, and many Hke
them, which are probably due to accidental cansea,
the change of a letter, or doubtful writing in the
Hebrew, there are some paaaagea which aeem to ex-
hibit a studied variation in the LXX. from the He-
brew: e. 0. Gen. ii. 9, on the seventh ('VStPn)
day God ended hit work, LXX. owaraWav i
<9«o» <V rg 4tt*pa rf turn ro> Ip-jva cuVrev. The
addition in Ex. xii. 40, awl Ir r$ y$ XorooV,
appears to be of this kind, inserted to solve a diffi-
culty.
Frequently the strong expressions of the Hebrew
are softened down; where human parts are ascribed
to God, for hand the LXX. substitute power ; for
mouth — word, etc. Ex. iv. 18, " Thou shalt be to
him instead of God" (GPIjbtf?), LXX. <re tt
•era? Ira tA arpor roe *}«oV; see Ex. iv. 16.
These and many more savor of design, rather than
of accident or error.
The Version is, therefore, not minutely accurate
in details ; and it may be laid down as a principle,
never to buitd any argument on word* or phraset
of the Septuagint, without comparing them with
the Hebrew. The Greek may be right; but very
often its variations are wrong.
T. We shall now be prepared to weigh the tra-
dition of the Fathers, that the Version was made
by inspiration: *ot' Mvroutr rou ©«o0, Ire-
nasua; "divino Spiritu lnterpretati," Augustine.
Even Jerome himself seems to think that the LXX.
may hare sometimes added words to the original,
" (JO iipirtivi Sancti auetoritnttm, licet in Hebrau
voUmmbut non legator" (PrafaU sit Paralip.uaa.
I eoL 1419).
Let us try to form some conception of what is
meant by the inspiration of trantlatort. It cannot
mean what Jerome here seera* to allow, that the
translators were divinely moved to add to the orig-
inal, for this would be the inspiration of Praphett;
aa he himself says in another passage (Prolog, in
6'eneam, torn, i.) "auud ett rna vertert, alivd
esse interpretem." Every such addition would be,
in foot, a new revelation.
Nor can it be, as some have thought, that the
deviations of the Septuagint from the original were
divinely directed, whether in order to adapt the
Scriptures to the mind of the heathen, or for other
purposes. This would be, pro (ante, a new revela-
tion, and it is difficult to conceive of such a revela-
tion; for, be it observed, the discrepance between
the Hebrew and Greek Scriptures would tend to
asperate the Jews of Palestine from those of Alex-
andria, and of other places where the Greek Scrip-
tuas wen used; there would be two different eop-
8HFTUAGINT
lea of the same books dispersed throughout He-
world, each claiming Divine authority; the ef pas*
to Hoses and the Propheta woold lose much of its
force; the standard of Divine truth wculd be ren-
dered doubtful; the trumpet would give an nneer-
taiu sound.
Nol If there be such a thing as an maBsVonoa
of trantlatort, it must be an effect of the Holy
Spirit on their minds, enabling them to do their
work of tratwlation more perfectly than by their
own abilities and acquirements; to overcome the
difficulties arising from defective knowledge, from
imperfect MSS., from similarity of letters, from
human infirmity and weariness; and so to produce
a oopy of the Scriptures, setting forth the Word of
God, and the history of his people, in its original
truth and purity. This is the kind of inspiration
claimed for the translators by Philo ( VU. if-mt,
lib. ii.): " We look upon the persons who made this
Version, not merely ss translators, bnt as persona
chosen and set apart by Divine appointment, to
whom it was given to comprehend and express the
sense and meaning of Hoses in the fullest and
clearest manner."
The reader will be able to judge, from the fore-
going examples, whether the Septuagint Version
satisfies this test. If it does, it will be found not
only substantially faithful, but minutely accurate
in details; it will enable us to correct the Hebrew
in every place where an error has crept in; it wiD
give evidence of that faculty of intuition in its
highest form, which enables our great critics to
divine from the faulty text the true reading; it will
be, in abort, a republication of the original text,
purified from the errors of human hands and eyes,
stamped with fresh authority from Heaven.
This is a question to be decided by facts, by the
phenomena of the Version itself. We will simply
declare our own conviction that, instead of such a
Divine republication of the original, we find a
marked distinction between the original and the
Septuagint ; a distinction which is well expressed in
the words of Jerome (Prolog, in Gene tin): " ibi
Spiritus venture predicit ; hie eruditio at verborum
copia ea quae inteiligit transfert."
And it will be remembered that this agrees with
the ancient narrative of the Version, known by the
name of Ariateas, which represent* the interpreters
u meeting in one house, forming one council, con-
ferring together, and agreeing on the sense (sse
Hody, lib. ii. c. vi.).
There are some, perhaps, who will deem this
estimate of the LXX. too low; who think that the
use of this version in the N. T. stamps it with an
authority above that of a mere translation. But
as the Apostles and Evangelista do not invariably
cite the 0. T. according to this version, we an left
to judge by the light of facts and evidence. Stu-
dents of Holy Scripture, as well ss students of the
natural world, should bear in mind the maxim of
Bacon : " Sola spes est in vert induction*."
III. What, thbk, abb the b bjujiw to be
DERIVED FBOM THE STUDT Or THE gjCP-
TUAOIirr?
After all the notices of imperfection above given,
it may seem strange to say, but we believe it to be
the truth, that the student of Scripture can scarcely
read a chapter without some benefit, especially If ha
be a student of Hebrew, and able, even in a vary
humble way, to compare toe Version with aW
Original.
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SHPTTJAGINT
1. For the OH Testament We hate seen
•bow, that the Septuagint gives evidence of the
•haiaater and oonditkn of the Htbrew MSS. from
arhich it waa made, with raapeot to t a wc l - p otnta
and Um mods of writing.
Thht evidence often renders very material help in
the correction and establishment of the Hebrew text.
Being made from MSS. far older than the Maso-
ratje recension, the Septoagint often indioaua read-
sags mora ancient and more eorreet than those of
ear present Hebrew MSS. and aditione; and often
•peaks decisively between the conflicting readings
St* the present MSS.
K. $. Pa. xdi. 17 (In LXX. xxL 18), the printed
Hebrew text u "HNS; but several MSS. hare •
verb m 8d pert, plural, TtO: the LXX. steps in
to decide the doubt, sputa* X"l>4* l"x> ««1 wdosw
fiau t confirmed by Aquila, pV%urar.
P*. xvi. 10. The printed text is "PTDTl, in
the) plural; bat near WO MS8. have the singular,
*7TOn, which is dearly oonnrmed by the evi-
dence of the LXX., oM Zictis rhr oVisV oev
ttttr tiafHopdr.
In paasages like these, which touch on the cardi-
nal truths of the Gospel, it is of great importance
to hare the testimony of an unsuspected witness,
in the LXX., long before the controversy between
Christians and Jews.
In Hoaea vi. 0, the context clearly requires that
the first person should be maintained throughout
the Terse; the LXX. corrects the present Hebrew
text, without s change except in the position of one
fetter, re ay/no, /too In 4ms i^tKtivneu, render-
ing unnecessary the addition of words in Italics, in
oar English Version.
More examples might be given, but we must
eoutent ourselves with one signal instance, of a
phase omitted in the Hebrew (probably by what
Is called •usuit&svtsj'), and preserved in the
LXX. In Genesis iv. 8, is a passage which in the
v, and in our English Version, is evidently
SBPTUAOINT
2928
"And Csin talked (iprf*!) with Abel his
brother; and it came to pass when they were in
the field,'' etc.
Here the Hebrew wort"Tptl*J la the word con-
stantly used ss the Introduction to words spoken,
•» Cain iud unto Abel "...., but, as the text
stands, there sre no words spoken ; and the follow-
ing words " . . . . when titty wen m the Jield,"
some in abruptly. The LXX. fills up the lacuna
Ifctmtorum cancan* (Pearson), *ai «fct Kilr
•rah: 'AfiJx ray kttXqkv airoS, eWAfayter sit re
niter l=TT$fV np^J). The Sam. Penta-
tsneh and the Syriac Version agree with the I JCX.,
sad the passage is thus cited by Clemens Romsnus
<Ep. L e. iv.). The Hebrew transcriber's eye was
probably misled by the word JTjjtt, terminating
bsth the cJaosss. (For a different view, see p.
J809 a, 9d par. (1) — A.]
In all the foregoing eases, we do not attribute
ear paramount authority to the LXX. on account
sf its superior sntiquity to the extant Hebrew
MSS.; bat we take it u an evidence of a more
ancient Hebrew text, as an eye-witness of the texts,
380 or 180 years B. c. The decision as to any
particular reading most be made by weighing this
evidence, together with that of other ancient Ver-
sions, with the arguments from toe context, the
rules of grammar, the genius of the language, and
the comparison of parallel passages. And thus
the Hebrew will sometimes correct the Greek, and
sometimes the Greek the Hebrew ; both liable to
err through the infirmity of human eyes and hands,
bat each cheeking the other's errors.
2. The close connection between tht Old and
New Testament makes the study of the Septuagint
extremely valuable, and almost indispenstble to the
theological student Pearson quotes from Ire-
nsras and Jerome, as to the citation of the words
of prophecy from the Septuagint The former, as
Pearson observes, speaks too universally, when he
says that the Apostles, " prophetica omnia ita ennn-
eJaverunt quemadmodum Seniorum interpretatte
oontinet" But it was manifestly the chief store-
house from which they drew their proofs and pre-
cepts. Mr. Grinfield " says that '• the number of
direct quotations from the Old Testament in the
Gospels, Acts, and Epistles, msy be estimated at
360, of which not more than 50 materially diner
from the LXX. But the indirect verbal allusions
would swell the number to a for greater amount '"
(ApoLfor LXX.,$. XI). The comparison of the
citations with the Septuagint is much facilitated
by Mr. GrinfieM'i "Editio Hdlenistica" of the
New Testament, and by Mr. Gougb's New TaL
Q/tci a ticmt, in which the Hebrew and Greek pas-
sagas of the Old Test are placed aide by aide with
the citations in the New. (On this subject see
Hody, pp. 248, 381; Kennieott, Dittert Gen. § 84;
Cappeili, Critica Sacra, vol. ii.) [See also Turpie's
The OU Tat. m the Nets (Lond. 1868), which
gives various readings of the Hebrew and Greek;
Kantsach, D» Vet. Test Loot a Paulo ApotL ai-
legatis. Lips. 1869; and the works referred to at
the end of the art Old Testament, vol. Hi. pp.
2239 *, 2240 o. — A]
8. Further, the language of the LXX. is the
mould in which the thoughts and expressions of the
Apostles and Evangelists are east In this version
Divine Truth has taken the Greek language as ita
shrine, and adapted it to the things of God. Hera
the peculiar idioms of the Hebrew are grafted upon
the stock of the Greek tongue; words and phrases
take a new sense. The terms of the Mosaic ritual
in the Greek Version are employed by the Apostle*
to express the great truths of the Gospel, e. g. ae-
Xirpset, eWfa, ecu!) sfastfar. Hence the LXX. is
a treasury of illustration for the Greek Testament
Many examples are given by Pearson (Prajf. ad
LXX.), s. g. <rdp(, wrcOua, luuuict, a^xfiT/ua Trjt
ouficii. u Frastra spud veteres Gnecos quaeres
quid ait tnerteW t«7 Seal, vet s(r rev «J«oV,
quid ait els rbrKvptoy, vel rpbt rorOeor wloru,.
qua totiea in Novo Kcedere inculcantur, at ex lee-
tione Seniorum facile intelliguntur."
Valcvenaer also (on Luke i. 61) speaks strongly,
on this subject : " Gnecum Novi Testament! con-
textum rite intellecturo nihil est utilius. quam dili-
genter rersasse Alexsndrinam antiqui Foederis In-
terpretationem, e qui una plus pati potent auxilit,
quam ex veteribus scriptoribus Grstcis siruul suratis.
Centena reperientur in N. T. nusquam obvia in
■ One of the most diligent students of the LXX.,
s%e las aroM ah life to lbs proooooa of this
branch of Borlptare study, and has lately foontal a
Lur/ors on the LXX. la the Uniwrsnr oTOxani
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8KPTUAGINT
seriptisGrsraorum veteran, ted fraquenteta In Afox*-
Vendoue."
E. g. the now of r» nlna in Drat xvi. S,
Including the sacrifices of the Paschal week, throws
light on the question m to the day on which our Lord
kept his last Passover, arising out of the words in
John xriii. 28, oAA' lya <*<ry»<ri re riffya.
4. The frequent citations of the LXX. by the
Greek Fathers, and of the Latin Version of the
LXX. by the Fathers who wrote in Latin, form
another strong reason for the study of the Septna-
gint. Pearson cites the appellation of Searatcnu
bimut, applied to Christ by Ambrose and Augus-
tine, as explained by reference to the LXX. in
Habak. ii. 11, nirOaoot itJi\ov-
6. On the value of the LXX. as a monument of
the Greek language in one of Ma most carious
phases, this is not the place to dwelL Our busi-
ness is with the use of this Version, as it bears on
the criticism and Interpretation of the Bible. And
we may safely urge the theological student who
wishes to be " thoroughly furnished " to have al-
ways at his side the Septnagint. Let the Hebrew,
if possible, be placed before him; and at bis right,
in the next place of honor, the Alexandrian Version ;
the close and careful study of this Version will be
more profitable than the most learned inquiry into
It* origin ; it will help him to a better knowledge
both of the Old Testament and the New.
Objects to be attawzd bt the Cbricai.
Scholar.
1. A question of much interest still waits for a
solution. In many of the passsges which show a
studied variation from the Hebrew (some of which
am shore noted), the Septnagint and the Samar-
itan Pentateuch agree together: e. o. Gen. ii. 2;
Ex. xli. 40.
They also agree in many of the ages of the
post-diluvian Patriarchs, adding 100 years to the
sge at which the first son of each was born, ac-
cording to the Hebrew. (See CeppeUi CWfc Sncr.
Hi., xx., vii.)
They agree in the addition of the words SilAeV-
utr «it to ircSfor, Gen. It. 8, which we hare seen
reason to think rightly added.
Various reasons base been conjectured for this
agreement; translation Into Greek from a Samar-
itan text, interpolation from the Samaritan into
the Greek, or vice vtrtA ; but the question does not
seem to have found a satisfactory answer. [Samar-
itan Pkktateuch, p. 2811a; Versions, Ajt-
ciemt (Greek).]
5. For the critical scholar it would be a worthy
object of pursuit to ascertain, as nearly as possible,
the original text of the Septuagint as it stood in
the time of the Apostles and Pbilo. If this could
be accomplished with any tolerable completeness, it
would possess s strong interest, as being the first
translation of any writing into another tongue, and
the first repository of Divine truth to the great
jolony of Hellenistic Jews at Alexandria.
The critic would probably take as bit bash the
Roman edition, from the Codex Vatieanue, at rep-
resenting most nearly the ancient (koiW|) texts.
The collection of fragments of Origen's Httcapln,
by Montauicon and others, would help him to
sHmlnate the additions which hare been made to
the LXX. from other sources, and to purge oat
the glosses and double renderings; the citations in
the New Testament and in Phllo, in the early
fAristtsa Fathers, both Greek and Latin, would
SKPTTJAGINT
render sadstsnee of the tame kind; and
the most effective aid of all would be found in I
fragment* of the Old Latin Version eoDeend by
Sahstisr In 8 role, folio (Bhetms, 1748).
8. Another work, of more practical and general
interest, still remains to be done, namely, to proride
a Greek Terekm, accurate and faithful to the He-
brew original, for the use of the Greek Church, and
of students reading the Scriptures In that language
for purposes of devotion or month improvement
Mr. Field's edition is ss yet the best edition of
this kind ; it originated in the desire to supply the
Greek Church with such a faithful copy of tht
Scriptures; but as the editor has followed the text
of the Alexandrian MS., only correcting, by the
help of other MSS., the evident errors of transcrip-
tion (a. g. in Gen. XT. 15, correcting rpoeWt in
the Alex. MS. to rooWs, the reading of the Com-
plut, text), and ss we have seen above that the
Alexandrian text is far from being the nearest ts
the Hebrew, It is evident that a more faithful and
complete copy of the Old Testament in Greek
might yet be provided.
We may here remark, in conclusion, that such
an edition might prepare the way for the eorrectioo
of the blemishes which remain in our Authorises'
English Version. Embracing the results of tht
criticism of the last 250 years, it might exhibit
several passsges in their original purity; and tht
corrections thus made, being approved by the judg-
ment of the best scholars, woisld probably, after a
time, find their way into the margin, at least, of our
English Bibles.
One example only can be here given, in a psssags
which has caused no small perplexity and loads of
commentary. Is. ix. 8 is thus rendered in the
LXX.: to s-AetoTor rov AaoS, t t m rtfl ttyn b
tlxppoviry arou- «ol tlxpparHttrorrat ittiwiir rev,
it oi tlxpf>air6ptvot cV eViA/rs;, ko! or rearer ol
taupoifuroi awuAa.
It la easy to see bow the faulty rendering of the
first part of this bat arisen from the similarity of
Hebrew letters, fl and if, *T and "I, and from
an ancient error in the Hebrew text The follow-
ing translation restores toe whole passage to its
original clearness and fores: —
trAevms rip iyUuatn* (V_n),
iasysAiiuM th* sod swrrfr s r '
ftypa&mru MnSV nit it oi rfdesu s s p Mrei
aw vjoeo eVysAAiA r wt el fhisee Vs yt g«6A«.
Thou hast multiplied the gladness,
Thou hast Inewssed the Joy ;
Thejr rejoice before the* ss with the joy of harvest ,
As awn are glad when they drride the spoil.
Hera eVyaAAtcuru and iyaWiArrtu, in the first
sod fourth lines, correspond to ■ *J and 1 7 , 2J :
ettpoo-nrn and ilfpeuWro* in the s eco nd and
third, to nrTptP and YTTpjp.
The fourfold mtroeeried parallelism is complete,
and the connection with the context of the prophecy
perfect.
It is scarcely necessary to remark that In such
an edition the apocryphal additions to the book
of Esther, and those to the book of Daniel, which
are not recognized by the Hebrew Canon, would
he either omitted, or (perhaps more properly, sine*
they appear to have been incorporated with tht
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SBFfTJAOIXT
Bspfciaglnt at to early data) would ua placed sepa-
rately, a* hi Mr. Field's edition and our English
Version. [Sea Apocbttha; Cakom; Damzx,
Afoc. ADDimoiu; Kstbkb; Sajluuta* Psst.]
LmtRATURK.
GappeHi CrwV» Sacra, 1661. Wsltoni Prc&o.
•d BibL Pahglott. 1667. Peeraoni Prof. Parov
letteaadLXX., 1666. Vow, I., <fe iZX /uteiy.
Bag. 1661; App. 1663. Mootfiuieoo, Bexnpiurum
Ongtnit qua tupertunt, Paris, 1710; ed. Bahrdt
Up*. 1740. Hod;, dt BibL Text. Original Vert.
Groteit, et Latind Vulgata, 1706. Hottinger,
Tketaurm. Owen, Dr. H., Enquiry into the LXX,
1768; Brief Account, ate. 1787. Kennioott's Z>is-
Mrtaom. Holmes, ProUgg. ad LXX., 1798.
Taiekanaar, Diatribe dt Arittobulo Judao, 1806.
Sehleuaner, OpmcCriL ad Vera. Gr. V. T. 1812.
Dihne, Jidisck-AUxandrmuche Pkilotophie, 1864.
Tbpkr, dt PtntnU inttrp. Alex, indole ariL et
ktrmm. 1830. Plueehke, Ltetionet Alex, et Heir.
1837. Thiersch, dt Pentateuch* Vert. Altxan-
irima, 1841." Frankel, Vorttudien an der Septua-
amta.1841; UebtrdenEmfluuderPalattinitcken
Extgtteauf die Alex. Bermentutik, 1861. Grin-
field, E. W., JV. r. &ttu> HdlenuUai, 1843, and
Apology for Ike Septmgint Selwyn, W., JVota
CVioteoi ia £*. L-xxiv., jvwseros, Deuitronomium,
1866-68 (comparing LXX. with Hebrew, etc.).
Bar. Heir, on la. iz. Churton, Huliean Ettag,
1861. Jomtim< o/ &wred Lit , Paper* (by U.
franco) on LXX.; Vols, i., iv., vii., 3d series.
Introduction to Old TttL, Carpzov, Eichhorn, H«r
vernldk, Daridaoa [De Wette, Kail, Week].
Concordance*, Kireher, 1607; Trommius, 1718.
Ltxica, Bid, 1780; Sohleuaner, 1830.
On the Language of the LXX. — Wilier, Gram-
mar; Stan, de Dialecto Macedonica; Msltby, Ed.,
Two Sermon* before Unuertitg of Durham, 1843.
W. S.
• We hare at yet no critical edition of the
taptoagint, — none in which the existing materials
far nettling the text have bun applied for that pur-
pose. The available materials are indeed inade-
quate. It is to be hoped, however, that through
the labors of Bianchini, Baber, Tiscbendorf, Ver-
edlone and Cone, Ceriani, and others, we shall
soon base the text of all the known uncial MSS.
af this Tersion published in a trustworthy form.
When this is accomplished, Tiechendorf promises,
if hie Ufa is spared, to undertake a new edition,
« talem qualem littene sacne poscunt et per Instru-
ment* critic* perfiei licebit " (Pref. to his 4th ed.,
1369, p. «t). ' Bat before a thoroughly satisfac-
tory edition can be prepared a great amount of
labor must still be spent on the cursive manuscripts,
has ancient versions made from the Greek (the Old
Latin, Egyptian in difierent dialects, jEthtapic,
■ nnsnlsii, and Hexsptar Syriao), and on the qua-
si • A special valns of this tre a ti es by Dr. Thiersch
Sj qm testimony which it famishes to the secuxaey
af oar present Hebrew text. His decision alter sa
Shis nste collation of the two works la, that la the
■eat bout of the passage the Greek eeptuagint of
he Peatsteoeh sad toe tiadtOonary Masoretle ant
ssieepiaiil to sash other as nearly as the aHU.wot
—Im of the two IsngiMMMi will permit. Variations
■jss. It Is troe, bat we can refer these for the most
asrt to principles of translation on the pert of the
leve u ty, rhetorical or dogmatic, which w*Jl account
me litem wltbont assuming the existence of different
nrudlngs. The conclusion of Br. Tblsrsuh
SEPTUAGIKT 2926
tstions from the Sept in the writings of tx»
Fathers. The edition of Holmes and Parson*
leaves very niaoh to be desired in all these respects.
A formidable programme of the work required, and
a small but thankworthy contribution towards it,
are given by P. A. de Lag-aide in his Genait Grot-
os, e Fide Ed. Sixtina uddita Bcriptura Ditcrt-
pantia e Librit Afanu teriptit a te ipeo conlatit et
Edd. CompL et Aid. adcuratitnme tnotata (Lips.
1868); oomp. the review by Ksmphausen in the
TheoL Stud. u. KriL, 1869, pp. 721-768. Useful
preliminary labor hat also been performed by O. F.
Fritzache, especially in regard to the classification
of the MSS., in his editions of several books, namely,
E2t)HP< DupUcem Libri Textmn ad optima Cod-
ieee edidit, Turici, 1848; *Pobf koto roht </,
ibid. 1864; Liber ludicum itcundum LXX. Jnter-
prete*. Tripiicem Textut Conformationem reetn-
tuit, eta. tout 1867, first published as two Univer-
sity programmes with the title. Specimen nova Ed.
eriL LXX. Interpretum. Hr has also paid partic-
ular attention to the text in the Kuttgef. eases.
Bandb. t*> d. Apob-gphen d. A. T., edited by him
and C. L. W. Grimm (1861-69); and the valuable
articles AUxandrinitehe Ueberttt.-mg and Vul
gala in Henog's RtaUEncgkl. are from his pen.
On the MSS. of the Sept. see before, p. 8914 t
end note b; see also Amereieordt, De variit Lte-
tionibut Bobnetianit Looorum qnorundam Penta-
teuchi, Lugd. Bat 1816. Respecting the Hexaplai
text there are a number of important articles by
Uoederlein. Matthni, Eichhorn, Brans, and De
Koesi in Elehhorn's iJeperlorttun ; see also Vbr-
aioHB, AMCiKjrr (Sthiao), I, B, and the editions
of Jeremiah (by Spohn) and Eiekiel mentioned
below. The more Important MSS. containing this
text have already been referred to (p. 2914 f. note A).
For the quotations of the Christian Fathers, see
F. A. Struth, Beth-age tur Kritik a*. A 70 Doll-
mettcher, in Kichhorn's Rtptrt. ii. 66 If, Hi. 218 ff.
vi. 124 tf., xiii. 168 ff.; oomp. Credner's Beiirige
tur EM. in d. WW. SchrtfUn (1838), Bd. ii. A
new edition of the Hexapla has been begun by F
Field, Tom. ii. fiuc. 1, 2, IjmA. 1867-68, 4to.
Among the monographs relating to the Septus-
gint version of particular books, we may also men-
tion the following; G. Biekell, De Indole et BuL
Vert. Alex, tn tnterpretondo Libro Join, Marb
1863. J. G. Jager, Obu. in Prtm. SaUmonit
Vert. Alex. 1788. P. A. de Lagarde, Anmerkun-
gen tur grieeh. overs, d. Proverbitn, Ldpz. 1863.
G. L. Spohn, Jeremiat Valet e Vert. Jud. Alex,
ae reliq. Inttrp. Graeorum emend. Notitque eriL
ilhutr. 2 vote. Lipe. 1794-1824. F. C. Movers,
De utriutqut Recent. Vaticin. Jeretn. Indole et
Origin*, Hamb. 1837. J. Wiehelhaus, Dt Jerem.
Vert. Alex. Indole et Auetoritate, HaL 1846. Je-
teciel tecundum LXX. ex TetrapUt Origenit t
tingutari Qhitiano Codice. ...op. A. VincentU de
under this head la : "Use diasertsuoue videmar de-
monstmass cam ssss versionis Pentateuohi Alex,
sadrlna) Indolem, at ad explleandum qnidem textual
Masorethfenm oon parom eonlsret, ad muundum
rero nut magna com temeritate adhibsri neqnsat."
The other two parts of metreatissreiats to the char-
aster of the Qreek disleot repreesnted in this veralon,
and to the unconsciously transferred Hebreisms which
are mixed with it. The author's view as to ths basis
of the Greek dialect in distinction from its Hebrew
coloring h iubstantiallj that 'f Stun, nnttounn, Wt
nor, and others. H
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SEPULCHRE
BegOta, Bom. 1840, fbL Daniel me. LXX. ex
Tetraptte Origenu nunc primum ed. e mg. Chi-
tiano Codice, Rom. 1772, foL, reprinted in mnl
editions, the bett by Hahn, Lipi. 1845. J. G. C.
Hoepfher, Curarum crit et exeg. in LXX. viralem
Vert. Vaticm. Jona Spedm. i.-iii. lips. 1787-88.
The Septuagint version of the books of Samuel
and Kings ia particularly discussed by Theniua
(Kurxgef. exeg. Handb. awn A. T. vols. It., ix.).
He regards it aa a very important help in the correc-
tion of the Hebrew text.
Other dissertations worth naming are by L. T.
Spittler, De Urn Ver: Aloe. ap. Joeepkum, Oott
1779; J. G. Scharfenberg, De Jotephi et Vers.
Alt*. Consensu, Lips. 1780; and T. Studer, De
Vers. Alex. Origint, Hist, et Aims* eritico, Bern.
1883. See also Geiger, Urschrift u. Uebersetam-
oe»aVr.8»«J,BreaL1857; Ewald,Cese*,oVj Voltes
Israel, 8* Auag. (1863), iv. 328 ft; and the art.
Versions, Ancikkt (Gkkek), in this Dictionary.
A good Lexicon to the Sept. is still a desidera-
tum. The Novus Thesaurus pkiloL tree Lex. in
LXX. etc. of .1. C. BieL 3 vols. Hagn-Com. 1779
-80, and the .Vomit Thee. phiL-criticus of J. F.
Schleuaner, 5 pts. Lips. 1880-81, reprinted at Glas-
gow in 1822 in 3 voli. 8to, are but little more than
collections of valuable material* for a dictionary,
rudely arranged. Much better (for the Apocrypha,)
ia C. A. Wahl'a Clavit Librorum Vet Test. Apocr.
PhMogica, Lips. 1863. A.
SEPULCHRE. [Bubial.]
SE'RAH (rntp [abundance] : %ipa in Gen.,
lopi in 1 Chr.; Alex., loop in "Gen., lapal in
1 Chr.: Sara). The daughter of Aaher (Gen.
xlvi. 17; 1 Chr. vii. 30); called in Num. xxvi. 46,
Saba it.
8ERA1AH [3syL] (!"Tltp [warrior ofJe-
soeaA]: 3aa-a\; [Vat. Atra;] Alex, iapaiaM Sara-
itu). 1. Seraiah, the king's acribe or secretary in
the reign of David (2 Sam. viii. 17). In the Vat-
ican MS. [Roman ed.] of the LXX. iaai appears
to be the result of a confusion between Seraiah and
Shisha, whose sons were secretaries to Solomon
(1 K. iv. 3).
a. (iapatas, [Zapata;] Alex. [Sapala,] Xapar
toj: Baraius.) The high-priest in the reign of
Zedekiah. He was taken captive to Babylon by
Mebuzandan, the captain of the guard, and slain
with others at Kiblah (9 K. xxv. 18; IChr. vi. 14;
Jer. Mi. 24).
3. ([iapaiasi Vat. in Jer., Zapata-] Barata,
Sarea.) The son of Tanhumeth the Netophathite,
Booording to 3 K. xiv. 83, who came with IsbmaeL
Johanon, and Jaazaniah to tiedalish, and was per-
suaded by him to submit quietly to the Chakueana
wid settle in the land (Jer. xl. 8).
*• Otapata; [Alex, in ver. 14, Soma:] Sarala.)
rhe son of Kenaz, brother of Othniel, and father
of Joab, the father or founder of the valley of Cha-
raabim (1 Chr. iv. 18, 14).
6. (iapai; [Vat 3apaau\] Alex. Xapaut-)
Aneastor of Jehu, a chief of one of the Simeonite
bmllies (1 Chr. iv. 35).
9. Utapatas; [Vat. Apoioj.]) On* of the
thildreii of the province who returned with Zerub-
babd (Ear. U. 8,. In Neh. vii. 7 he is called Axa-
klAR, and in 1 Esdr. v. 8, Zachakia*.
7. [iapalat J One of the anesstors of Ears the
■albe (Ezr. vii. 1), but whether or not the same as
Bersiih the high-priest ereme uncertain. Called
■In Saraias (1 Esdr. viii. I; 9 Esiir. i. 1).
SERAPHIM
S. («At Apafas Alex. [FA.] wot Ssnsi
[Baraias.]) A priest, or priestly family, who signed
the covenant with Nebemiah (Neh. x. 9).
9. (lapatat [Manila.]) A priest, the son of
Hilkiah (Neh. xi. 11), who was ruler of the houst
of God after the return from Babylon. In 1 Chr.
ix. 11 ha Is called Azabiar.
10. (Zapata.) The head of a priestly boost
which went np from Babylon with ZerubbabsL
His representative in the days of Joiikim the high-
priest was Heraiah (Neh. xfi. 1, 19).
U. {Zapaias; [FA. in ver. 59, laptas.]) Vhe>
son of Neriah, and brother of Beroch (Jer. & 59,
61). He went with Zedekiah to Babylon in the
4th year of his reign, or, as the Targnm has H,
" in the mission of Zedekiah," and is described M
rtl^Op ~ltr\ jar menuchik (lit. "prince of
rest;" A. V. " a quiet prime; " marg. " or, prices
of Menucha, or, chief chamberlain " ), a title which
is interpreted by Klmchi sa that of the office of
chamberlain, "for he was a friend of the king, sod
was with the king at the time of his rest, to talk
and to delight himself with him." The LXX.
and Targura read nriJB, minchah, " an offering,"
and so Rashi, who says, "under his hand were
those who saw the king's face, who brought him a
present" The Peshito-Syriac renders " chief of
the camp," apparently reading njJTJg, m ac h ine*,
unless the translator understood 'menuchik of the
halting-place of an army, in which sense it occurs
in Num. x. S3. Gesenius adopts the latter view,
and makes Seraiah bold an office similar to that of
" quartermaster- general " in the Babylonian army.
It is perfectly clear, however, that he was in attend-
ance upon Zedekiah, and an officer of the Jewish
court The suggestion of Manrer, adopted by Hit-
rig, has more to oommend it, that he was an offieer
who took charge of the royal caravan on its march,
and fixed tbe place where it should halt Hitler
(0mm.) says Seraiah waa prince of Menncnab,
a place on the borders of Judah and Dan, elsewh er e
called Hanahath. The rendering of the Vulgate ia
unaccountable, princeps praphetia.
Seraiah was commissioned by tbe prophet Jere-
miah to take with him on his journey the roll in
which he had written the doom of Babylon, and
sink it in the midst of the Euphrates, aa a token
that Babylon should sink, never to rise again (Jer.
li. 60-«4). W. A. W.
SERAPHIM (D^Sntp [see below]: *»*-
<fnlu: Seraphim). An order of celestial beings,
whom Isaiah beheld in vision standing above Jeho-
vah (not as in A. V., "above it," i. e. the throne)
aa He sat upon his throne (Is. vi. 8). They an
described as having each of them three pairs of
wings, with one of which they covered their facta
(a token of humility; eomp. Ex. iii. 6; IK. xix»
13; Plutarch, Quart. Rom. 10); with the second
they covered their feet (a token of respect; tea
Lowth on Is. vi. who quotes Chardin in illustra-
tion); while with tbe third they flew. They seem
to have borne a general resemblance to the human
figure, for they are represented as having a face, a
voice, feet, and hands (ver. 6). Their occupation
was twofold — to celebrate the praises of Jehovah's
holiness and power (ver. 8), and to act at the me-
dium of communication between heaven and earth
(ver. 6). From their antipbonal chant ("one
cried unto another") we may conceive them Is
have been ranged in opposite rows on each aids sf
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B fflffl D
fie throne. Ai the Seraphim ax« nowhere else
mentioned In the Bibb, oar oouceptiooi of their ep-
»<nni» mast be reetrictad to the ebon particulars.
Aided by mob uncertain Ight a* etymology and
analogy will supply. We may observe that the
idea of a winged human Agon was not peooUar to
the Uebrewe : among the sculptures found at
Momrgkaub in Persia, we meat with a representa-
tion uf a man with two pain of wings, ipringing
bom the sbeulders, and extending, the one pair up-
wards, the other downwards, so as to admit of
snaring the bead and the feet (Vanz's JVrn. and
Ptntp. p. 383). The wings in this instance imply
aVirlntinn ; for speed and ease of motion stand, In
man's imagination, among the most prominent to-
kens of Dirinity. The meaning of the word " ser-
aph " is extremely doubtful; the only word which
resembles it in the current Hebrew is tiraph," " to
bum," whence the Idea of brilliancy has been ex-
raeted. Such a sense would harmonize with other
descriptions of celestial beings («. g. Ex. 1. 18;
Matt. xxriiL 3); but it is objected that the Hebrew
term never bean this secondary sense. Geseuins
(Tkt*. p. 1341) connects it with an Arabic term
signifying higk or txalted; and this may be re-
garded as the geuerally received etymology ; but
the absence of any cognate Hebrew term is certainly
worthy of remark. The similarity between the
names Seraphim and Sarapis, led Hitzig (in It. ri.
I) to identify the two, and to give to the former
the figure of a winged serpent But Sarapis was
unknown in the Egyptian Pantheon until the time
of Ptolemy Soter (Wilkinson's Anc. Eg. It. 360
It); and, en had it been otherwise, we can hardly
eoneeive that the Hebrews would have borrowed
their imagery from such a source. Knobel's eon-
iecture that Seraphim is merely a raise reading for
ssinttWm, 6 « ministers," is ingenious, but the lat-
ter word I* not Hebrew. The relation subsisting
between the Cherubim and Seraphim presents an-
other difficulty: the "living creatures " described
m Rev. iv. 8 resemble the Seraphim in their occu-
pation and the number of the wings ; and tbe
Cherubim in their general appearance and number,
aa described in Ex. L » ft"., x. 12. Tbe difibrenee
between tbe two may not, therefore, be great, but
we cannot believe them to be identical so long as
Dm distinction of name holds good. W. L- B.
8E-KBU (T79 [/«<ir]: a«^» In Gen., *t-
fft in Num.: Sand). The firstborn of Zebulon,
and ancestor of the family of the Sabdftes (Gen.
xM. 14; Horn, xxvt 98).
• SERGEANTS occurs only in Acts xvi. 86,
88, answering to fiaBtovroi, properly " rod-bearers "
On latin. Haores). They were the official attend-
ants of the higher Roman magistrates, and exe-
asfted their orders, especially for the arrest and pun-
ishment of criminals. Their duties were civil
lather than military, and » sergeants," in its older
Khguah sense, was leas inappropriate than it Is at
present. In tbe colonies the licton carried staves,
not /«*«*, aa at Borne. It was to them that tbe
takers at Philrppt gave the eonrmand to beat Pan!
and Silas (tVe'Afvov la0H(ttr)- Luke speaks of
lam presence of "rod-bearers" onlv in his
sf what took place at Philippi; and it is almost
Mm easy piase in his narrative where he could
a%aay mtrodoe* them. Philippi being a Raman
TOP-
» nvrw
SBRPXNT 2921
ealony, unlike other Grecian eities, was g ov mu ad
after the Soman mode; its chief officers, though
properly called according to their number [raw lasers
or quatuorviri, assumed the more honorary title ot
jrmtart (erparv/vof, five times here in Acts), and
in token of the Roman sovereignty, bad rod-bear-
ers or licton as at Rome [Colohy, Amer. ad.]
The h eto r i exa ra ised their highest functions during
the time of the republic, but still existed under the
emperors. (Sea Panly'a A*aL Encgkl iv. 1088 f.)
Paul was at Philippi In the time of Claudius, shout
A. D. 68. H.
SBR'GIUS PATJ"LTJ8 (3«>ywr noSXor:
Sergitu Pauku) wss tbe name of the proconsul of
Cyprus when tbe Apostle Paul visited that island
with Barnabas on his first misskinary tour (Acts
xHL 7 at). He is described as an intelligent man
(crvrrros), truth-seeking, eager for information
from all sources within his reach. It was this trait
of his character which led him in the first Instance
to admit to his society FJymaa tbe Hagian, and
afterwards to seek out tbe missionary strangers and
learn from them the nature of tbe Christian doe-
trine. The strongest minds at that period were
drawn with a singular fascination to the occult
studies of the East; and tbe ascendancy which
I Jike represents the " sorcerer " as having gamed
over Sergius illustrates a characteristic: feature of
the times. For other examples of a similar char-
acter, see Howson's lift and Epitttet of Paul, vol.
i. p. 177 f. But Sergius was not effectually or long
deceived by tbe arts of the impostor; for on becom-
ing acquainted with the apostle he examined at
once the claims of the Gospel, and yielded his mini
to the evidence of its truth.
It is unfortunate that this officer Is styled " dep-
uty " in tbe Common Version, and not » procon-
sul," according to tbe import of tbe Greek term
(.arthmros). Though Cyprus was originally an
imperial province (Dion Cassius, liii. 18), and aa
such governed by proprietors or legates (aVrioYpaV
nryoi, rptfffitvrai), it was afterwards transferred
to tbe Roman senate, and henceforth governed by
proconsuls (<tal otrots artbmroi *a) is iictira rk
tdrri vjpwtoitai tjpfatro, Dion Cassius, lir. 4).
For the value of this attestation of Luke's accuracy,
see Lardner*s CredHititg of the Gospel History, voL
i. p. 33 ff. Coins too are still extant, on which
this very title, ascribed in the Acts to Sergius
Panlus, occurs ss the title of the Roman governors
of Cyprus. (See Akerman'a Numismatic JUuitra-
tiunt, p. 41; and Howson's lift and EpMtt of
Paid, voL L pp. 176, 187.) H. R H.
SE'BON CHipav: In Syr. and one Gk. MS.
*Hs*»r: Stron), a general of Antioohus Epiph., In
chief command of the Syrian army (1 Mace. iii. 18,
i ipx"" *• eW. X), who was defeated at Beth-
boron by Judas Maccabeus (B. o. 166), as in the
day when Joshua pursued the five kings "In tbe
going down of Beth-boron " (1 Haoo. iii. 84; Josh.
x. 11). Aeeording to Josephus, be was tbe gov-
ernor of CoOe-Syria and fail in the battle (Josh.
Ant. xii 7, § 1), nor is there any reason to suppose
that his statement* are mere deductions from the
jmguage of 1 Mace. B. F. W.
8BRPENT. The following Hebrew words
denote serpents of some kind or other. 'Acikib,
pttkm, totpMa' or taph'M, tkepklpht*, nickmtk,
and epk'ek. There la great uncertainty with re-
spect to the identifloation of some of these terms,
the first four of which are noticed under the arhV
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SBBPBNT
slat Adueb and Ajp: the two remaining names
*e proceed to discuss.
..NdcMA (tCrD: Mu, 8<hW: snyew,
oobier), the generic mm of any serpent, oooura
frequently in the 0. T. Ilia following an tfa*
principal Biblical allusions to thia animal: ita eub-
tilty ia mentioned in Gen. iii. 1 ; ita wiadom ia
alluded to by oar Lord In Matt. i. 16; the poieon-
oua properties of aome speciea are often mentioned
(aee Pa. Iviii. 4; Prov. xxiii. 32); the aharp tongue
of the serpent, which it would appear soma of the
ancient Hebrews believed to be the instrument of
poison, is mentioned in Pa. czL S; Job xx. 16,
" the viper's tongue shall slay him ; " although in
other places, aa in Prov. xxiii. 88; EcoL x. 8, 11;
Num. xxi. 9, the venom is correctly ascribed to the
bite, while in Job xx. 11 the gall ia said to be the
poison ; the habit serpents have of lying concealed
in hedges ia alluded to in EccL x. 8, and in holes
of walla, in Am. v. 19; their dwelling in dry sandy
places, in Deut. viii. 15; their wonderful mode of
progression did not escape the observation of the
author of Prov. xxx. who expressly mentions it aa
" one of the three things which were too wonder-
ful for him" (ver. 19); the oviparous nature of
most of the order is alluded to in Is. lix. 6, where
the A. V., however, has the unfortunate rendering
of " oockatrice." The art of taming and charming
serpents is of great antiquity, and is alluded to in
Pa. Iviii. 6; EccL x. 11; Jer. viu. 17, and doubt-
less intimated by St James (iii. 7), who particu-
larizes serpent! among all other animals that
" have been tamed by man." [Sbsj-kht-chakm-
1»G.]
It was under the form of a serpent that the devil
seduced Eve; hence in Scripture Satan is called
" the old serpent " (Eev. xiL 9, and comp. a Cor.
xi. 8).
The part which the serpent played in the bans-
action of the Fall must not be passed over without
some brief comment, being full of deep and curious
interest. First of all, then, we have to note the
subtilty ascribed to this reptile, which was the
reason for its having been selected as the instru-
ment of Satan 'a wiles, and to compare with It the
quality of wisdom mentioned by our Lord as be-
longing to it, « Be ye wise as serpent*," Matt, x.
16. It was an ancient belief, both amongst Orien-
tals and the people of the western world, that the
serjient was endued with a large share of sagacity.
The Hebrew word translated " subtle," though fre-
quently used in a good sense, implies, it is proba-
ble, in this passage, '• mischievous and malignant
vaftiness," and is well rendered by Aquila and
fheodotion by rarovpyot, and thus commented
upon by Jerome, " magis itaque hoc verbo calliditas
st versutia quara sspientia demonstratur " (aee
Roeenmiiller, SctoL L c). The ancients give va-
rious reasons for regarding serpents as being endued
with wisdom, as that one species, the Cerastes,
aides itself in the sand, and bites the heels of ani-
mals as they pass, or that, as the head was consid-
«ed the only vulnerable part, the serpent takes care
vO oooceal it under the folds of the body. Serpents
have in all ages been regarded as emblems of can-
ting craftiness. The particular wisdom alluded to
»y our Lord refers, it is probable, to the sagacity
Usplayed by serpents in avoiding danger. The
Ueciptea were warned to be as prudent in not in-
wiring unnecessary persecution.
Ii has been supposed by many commnitatora
BBRPEHT
that the serpent, prior to the Fall, moved aieag fcj
an erect attitude, aa Hilton {Par. Lott, ix. 488
says,—
"Hat with indented wave
Prone on the ground, as slues, bat an his rear,
Ouvniar ban of rising folds that towarM
Void above fold, a Barging mass."
Compare also Joeephus, Anliq, L 1, § 4, who be
lieved that God now for the first time inserted pot
son under the serpent's tongue, and deprived him
of the use of feet, causing him to crawl low on the
ground by the undulating inflexions of the body
((terra riji yrjt t\wnc&iuvo»). Patrick ( Comment.
L c) entertained the extraordinary notion that the
serpent of the Fall was a winged kind (Sarapk).
It is quite clear that an erect mode of progres-
sion is utterly incompatible with the structure of a
serpent, whose motion on the ground is so beauti-
fully effected by the mechanism of the vertebral
column and the multitudinous ribs which, forming
as it were so many pairs of levers, enable the ani-
mal to move its body from place to place; conse-
quently, bad the snakes before the Fall moved in
an erect attitude, they must have been formed on a
different plan altogether. It is true that there are
saurian reptiles, such aa the Saurcpkit trtrntho-
tyhu and the Chamataura anguina of S. Africa,
which in external form are very like serpents, but
with quasi-feet; indeed, even in the boa-oonstrie-
tor, underneath the skin near the extremity, there
exist rudimentary legs; some have been disposed to
believe that the snakes before the Fall were similar
to the Saunphii. Such an hypothesis, however,
is untenable, for all the fossil ophidia that have
hitherto been found differ in no essential respects
from modern representatives of that order: it is,
moreover, beside the mark, for the words of the
curse, " upon thy belly shalt thou go," are as char-
acteristic of the progression of a saurophoid serpent
before the Fall as of a true ophidian after it.
There is no reason whatever to conclude from the
language of Scripture that the serpent underwent
any change of form on account of the part it played
in the history of the FalL The sun and the moon
were in the heavens long before they were appointed
"for signs and for seasons, and for days sad for
yean." The typical form of the serpent and ita
mode of progression were in all probability the
same before the Fall xe after it; but subsequent to
the Fall its form and progression were to be re-
garded with hatred and disgust by all mankind,
and thus the animal was cursed " above all cattle,"
and a mark of condemnation was forever stamped
upon it. There can be no necessity to show how
that part of the curse is literally fulfilled which
speaks of the " enmity " that was henceforth to
exist between the serpent and mankind ; aud
though, of course, this has more especial allusion
to the devil, whose instrument the serpent was in
his deoeit, yet it is perfectly true of the serpent.
Few will be inclined to differ with Theocritus Ud.
xv. 68):-
T*» rw&» lew rosWUum fctofc*
'Exwtutet.
Serpents are said in Scripture to "eat dust " (see
Gen. ill. 14; Is. Lev. 86; Mio. vii. 17); these ani-
mals, which for the most part take their food oa
the ground, do consequently swallow with it large
portions of sand and dust.
" Almost throughout the East," writes Dr. Kal
isch (HiH. and OriL CommmL Gen. iii. t), "the
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SERPENT
serpent wa> used u an emblem of the evil princi-
ple, of the spirit of disobedience and contumacy.
A tow exceptions only can be discovered. The
Phoenicians adored that animal as a beneficent
genius; and the Chinese consider it as a symbol of
sssssriar wisdom and power, and ascribe to the
kings of heareo (tSen-hoangt) bodies of serpents.
O siia fc Aflsihodaunon. denoting Immortality (see
Hormpollo, I. 1).
Same other nations fluctuated in their conceptions
regarding the serpent. The Egyptians represented
the eternal spirit Knepb, the author of all good,
under the mythic form of that reptile; they under-
stood the art of taming it, and embalmed it after
death; but they applied the same symbol for the
god of revenge and punishment (Tithrambo), and
for Typhon, the author of all moral and physical
evil; and in the Egyptian symbolical alphabet the
serpent represents subtlety and ounning, lust and
sensual pleasure. In Greek mythology it is cer-
tainly, on the one hand, the attribute of Ceres, of
Mercury, and of iEsculapius, in their most benefi-
cent qualities; but it forms, on the other hand, a
part of the terrible Furies or Eumenides: it appears
in the form of a Python as a fearful monster,
which the arrows of a god only were able to destroy;
and it is the most hideous and most formidable
part of the impious giants who despise and blas-
pheme the power of Heaven. The Indians, like
agathodaunon. From IgvpBan Horn
«. Sacred symbol of the winged globe and — ,—.
». Head of hawk surmounted by globe and serpent.
she savage tribes of Africa and America, sutler and
sourish, indeed, serpents in their temples, and even
■ their booses; they believe that they bring hap-
fsstasj to the places which they inhabit; they
worship them as the symbols of eternity; bnt they
m«l *>«n also as evil genii, or as the inimical
tDSBsrs of ■store which is gradually depraved by
SERPENT 2929
them, and as the enemies of the gods, who either
tear them in pieces or tread their venomous head
under their all-conquering feet. 80 contradictory
is all animal worship. Its principle is, in some
instances, gratitude, and in others fear; but if a
noxious animal is very dangerous the fear may
manifest itself in two ways, either by the resolute
desire of extirpating the beast, or by the wish of
averting the conflict with its superior power; thus
the same fear may, on the one hand, cause fierce
enmity, and on the other submission and worship."
(See on the subject of serpent worship, Vosaius, de
Orig. JdnL i. 5; Bryant's Mythology, i. 420-490?
it is well illustrated in the apocryphal story of '• Bel
and the Dragon ; " comp. Steindorff, de 'OcfuoAa-
rpWa; Winer's Bib. Realatrt. it 488.) The sub-
joined wood-cut represents the horned eertatet, as
vary frequently depicted on the Egyptian monu
mats.
Horned Cerastes. From Egyptian Monuments
The evil spirit in the form of a serpent appears
in the Ahriman, or lord of evil, who, according to
the doctrine of Zoroaster, first taught men to sin
under the guise of this reptile (frndavuta, ed
Kleuk. i. 25, iii. 84; see J. Retnh. Rus de ser
pente tethtct'irt nan naturali ted diabolo, Jen. 1712,
and Z. Grapius, de tentatione Eva et Chritti a
diabolo in nuumpto corpore facta, Rostoch. 1712).
But compare the opinion of Dr. Kalisch, who
(Comment, on Gen. iii. 14, 15) says "the serpent
is the reptile, not an evil demon that had assumed
its shape . . . . If the serpent represented
Satan, it would be extremely surprising that the
former only was cursed ; and that the latter la not
even mentioned .... it would be entirely
at variance with the Divine justice forever to curse
the animal whose shape it had pleased the evil one
to assume." According to the Talmudists, the
name of the evil spirit that beguiled Eve was
Sammael PNJpD); "R. Hoses ben Mojemon
scribit in More lib. 2, cap. 30, Sammaelem inoqui-
tasse serpenti antiquo et seduxisse Evam. Licit
etiam uomen hoc absolute usurper! de Satana, et
Sammaelem nihil aliud esse quam ipsum Satanam "
(Buxtorf, Lex. Tnlm. 1495).
Much has been written on the question of the
"fiery serpents" (D^tprt D^nsn) of
Num. xxi. 6, 8, with which it is usual erroneously
to identify the " fiery flying serpent " of Is. xxx. 8,
and xiv. 29. In the transaction recorded (Num.
I e. ; Deui. viii. 15) as having occurred at the
time of the Exodus, when the rebellious Israelites
were visited with a plague of serpents, there is not
a word about their having been " flying " creatures;
there is therefore no occasion to refer the venomous
snakes in question to the kind of which Niebuhr
(Deteript. de tArab. p. 166) speaks, and which
the Arabs at Basra denominate ffeie twrturie, at
lieu 'AiaVe, "flying serpents," whioh obtained that
name from their habit of " springing " from branch
to brar-.Ii of the date-trees they inhabit Besides
these an tr ee-serp ents (Dendrophida), a harmle ss
family of the Colubrine snakes, and therefore quite
oat of the question. The Heb. term rendered
" fiery " by the A. V. is by the Alexandrine edi
tion of the LXX. repre s en ted by tvrarravrr—
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SERPENT
'deadly; " Onkelos, the Arabic version of Saadiaa,
and the Vulg. translate the word "burning," hi
allusion to the sensation produced bj the bite;
other authorities understand a reference to the
bright color of the serpents. It is impossible to
point out the species of poisonous snake which de-
stroyed the people in the Arabian desert. Niebuhr
says that the only truly formidable kind is that
called Baton, a small slender creature spotted black
and white, whose bite is instant death, and whose
poison causes the dead body to swell in an extraor-
dinary manner (see Forskal, Dttcripi, Animal, p.
16). What the modern name of this serpent is we
have been unable to ascertain ; it is obvious, how-
ever, that either the Cerastes, or the Jfaia hoje, or
any other venomous species frequenting Arabia,
may denote the "serpent of the burning bite"
which destroyed the children of Israel. The " fiery
flying serpent " of Isaiah (A c.) can have no exis-
tence in nature, though it is curious to no'Jce that
Herodotus (ii. 76, iii. 108) speaks of serpents with
wings whose bone* be imagined he had himself
seen near Bute In Arabia. Monstrous forms of
snakes with birds' wings occur on the Egyptian
sculptures ; it is probable that some kind of flying
lizard (Draco, Dracoceila, or Draamcvhu) may
have been the " flying serpent " of which Herodo-
tus speaks ; and perhaps, as this animal, though
harmless, is yet calculated to inspire horror by its
appearance, it may denote the flying serpent of the
prophet, and have been regarded by the ancient
Hebrews as an animal as terrible as a venomous
2. £ph'eh (ny?S: »>„, oxrrit, $atrt\uritosi
vipera, reguhu) occurs in Job xx. 16, Is. xxx. 6,
and lix. 6, in all of which passages the A. V. has
" viper." There is no Scriptural allusion by means
of which it is possible to determine the species of
serpent indicated by the Heb. term, which is de-
rived from a root which signifies " to hiss." Shaw
Common Viper. ( Vipera benu.)
(Trav. p. 251) speaks of some poisonous snake
which the Arabs call Lefiah (Kt-effak): " it is the
moat malignvnt of the tribe, and rarely above a
loot long." Jackson also (Morocco, p. 110) men-
tions this serpent; from his description it would
«eem to be the Algerine adder (Echidna ariclant
w. Mauritanica). The snake (fxiBra) that fast-
o The theory which ascribes the healing to myste-
rious powers known to the astrologers or alchemists of
Vpjpt may be mentioned, but hardly calls for exam-
natkm (Marsham, Clin. Cftrsit. pp. 148, 149; R. Tlrsa,
la Ssyling, Burnt Soar. ii. 210).
* Out of in* Jewish Interlocutors In the dialogue of
SERPENT, BRAZEN
ened on St Paul's hand when be was si RtaVi
(Acts xxviii. 3) was probably the common viper of
this oountry (Peliai berue), which, is widely dis-
tributed throughout Europe and the islands of tht
Mediterranean, or else the Vipera atpit, a not un
common species on the coasts of the same sea.
W. H.
SERPENT, BRAZEN. The familiar his-
tory of the brazen serpent need not be repeated
here. The nature of the fiery snakes by which the
Israelites were attacked has been discussed under
Subtest. The scene of the history, determined
by a comparison of Num. xzi. 8 and xxxiii. 42,
must have been either Zalinonah or Punon. The
names of both places probably connect themselves
with it, Zalmonah as meaning " the place of the
image," Punon as probably identical with the
Qcuyol mentioned by Greek writers as famous for
its copper-mines, and therefore possibly supplying
the materials (Bochart, Hieroz. ii. 3, 13). [Prosox ;
Zalmonah.] The chief interest of the narrative
lies in the thoughts which have at diffeient timet
gathered round it. We meet with these in three
distinct stages. We hare to ask by what associa-
tions each was connected with tLe others,
I. The truth of the history will, in this place, be
taken for granted. Those who prefer it may choose
among the hypotheses by which men halting be-
tween two opinions have endeavored to retain the
historical and to eliminate the supernatural ele-
ment." They may look on the cures as having
been effected by the force of imagination, which
the risible symbol served to heighten, or by the
rapid rushing of the serpent-bitten from all parte
of the camp to the standard thus erected, curing
them, as men are said to be cured by dancing of
the bite of the tarantula (Bauer, Heb. (Jetch. ii.
320; l'auius, Coram. IV. i. 198, in Winer,
lieatwb.). They may see in the serpent the em-
blematic signpost, as it were, of the camp hospital
to which the sufferers were brought for special treat-
ment, the form in this instance, as in that of tie rod
of jEsculapiur, being a symbol of the art of healing
(Hoffmann, in Scherer's Schriflfonrh. i. 676;
Winer, Realtcb.). Leaving these conjectures on
one side, It remains for us to inquire into the fit-
ness of the symbol thus employed as the instrument
of healing. To most of the Israelites it must ban
seemed as strange then as it did afterwards to the
later Rabbis,* that any such symbol should be em-
ployed. The Second Commandment appeared tc
forbid the likeness of any living thing. The golden
calf had been destroyed as an abomination. Now
the colossal serpent (the narrative implies that it
was visible from all parts of the encampment),
made, we may conjecture, by the hands of Bezaleel
or Aholiab, was exposed to their gaze, and thej
were told to look to it as gifted with a aupematura.
power. What reason was there for the difference */
In part, of course, the answer may be, that the Sec-
ond Commandment forbade, not all symbolic forma
as such, but those that men made for themselves to
worship; but the question still remains, why was
thti form chosen ? It is hardly enough to say, with
Jewish commentators, that any outward
Justin Martyr with Trypho (p. 822) declares that he
bad often asksd his teachers to solve the dmVultjr
and had never found one who explained it seusfcet4>
rily. Justin himself, of course, explains it as a tya*
of Christ
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SERPBNT, BRAZEN
aright have been chosen, like the lump of figs in
Hecekiah'a sickness, the salt which healed the
bitter waters, and that the brazen serpent made the
miracle jet mora miraculous, inasmuch as the giare
of bumiahed brass, the gaze upon the serpent form,
were, of all things, most likely to be fatal to those
who had been bitten (Gem. Bab. Joma ; Aben Ezra
and others in Buztorf, Hist. jBn. Serp. c. 6). The
fact is doubtful, the reason inadequate. It is hardly
enough again to say, with most Christian interpret-
ers, that it was intended to be a type of Christ.
Some meaning it must hare had for those to whom
it was actually presented, and we have no grounds
for assuming, even in Hoses himself, still less in the
multitude of Israelites slowly rising out of sensual-
ity, unbelief, rebellion, a knowledge of the far-off
mystery of redemption. If the words of our Lord
in John Hi. 14, 15 point to the fulfillment of the
type, there must yet have been another meaning
for the symbol. Taking its part in the education
of the Israelites, it must hare had its starting-point
in the associations previously connected with It
Two views, very different from each other, have
been bald is to the nature of those associations.
On the one side it has been maintained that, either
from its simply physical effects or from the mys-
terious history of the temptation in Gen. iii., the
serpent was the representative of evil. To present
the serpent-form as deprived of its power to hurt,
.^m pale d as the trophy of a conqueror, was to as-
sert that evil, physical and spiritual, had been over-
come, and thus help to strengthen the weak faith
of the Israelites in a victor? over both. The ser-
pent, on this view, expressed the same Idea as the
dragon in the popular representations of the Arch-
angel Michael and St. George (Ewald, Gttchichtt,
ii. 328). a To some writers, as to Ewald, this has
commended itself as the simplest and most obvious
view. It has been adopted by some orthodox divines
who have been unable to convinoe themselves that
the same form could ever really have been at once
a type of Satan and of Christ (Jackson, Humili-
ation of Ike Son of God, c. 31 ; Patrick, Comm. in
be. ; Espagnssus, Burmann, Vitringa, in Deyling,
ObtrvaU. Sac ii. IS). Others, again, have started
from a different ground. They raise the question
whether Gen. iii. was then written, or if written,
known to the great body of the Israelites. They
look to Egypt as the storting-point for all the
thoughts which the serpent could suggest, and they
And there that it was worshipped ss an agnthoilit-
aaow, the symbol of health and life. 6 This, for
them, explains the mystery. It was ss the known
mbiem of a power to heal that it served ss the
sign and sacrament on which the faith of the people
night fasten and sustain itself.
Contrasted as these views appear, they have, it
la believed, a point of contact The idea primarily
connected with the serpent in the history of the
Fall, as throughout the proverbial language of
(Scripture, is that of wisdom (Gen. iii. 1; Matt z.
. 6; S Cor. zL 3). Wisdom, apart from obedience
a Another view, verglog almost on the ludicrous,
fees bean maintained by some Jewish writers. The
at was set up fa U n orem, ss a man who has
1 his son hangs up the rod against th> wall ss
a warning (Otho, Ltzii. Rattrin. s. v. Strptnt,.
s Oomp. Ssmrr, and. in addition to ths author)-
as* then niwsnj lo, Wilkinson's Ant. Bcypfuuu. II.
BSB.hr- MB, v. 84, 238 ; Kant, History if Uu Old Coo- i the sernent may have remained at Zalmonah, the c ►
i Jset oi occasional plUrdmagce, Is probable enough
SERPBNT, BRAZEN 2981
to a divine order, allying itself to man's lower Da
ture, passes into cunning. Man's nature is enveo
onied and degraded by it. But wisdom, the self,
same power of understanding, yielding to the di-
vine law, is the source of all healing and restoring
influences, and the serpent-form thus becomes a
symbol of deliverance and health. The Israelites
were taught that it would be so to them in pro-
portion as they ceased to be sensual and rebellious.
There were facts in the life of Moses himself which
must have connected themselves with this twofold
symbolism. When he was to be taught that ths
Divine Wisdom could work with any instruments,
his rod became a serpent (Ex. iv. 1-6). (Comp.
Cyril. Alex. Sckol. 15. Glaphyra in Ex. ii.)*
When be and Aaron were called to their great
conflict with the perverted wisdom of Egypt, the
many serpents of the magicians were overcome by
the one serpent of the future high-priest. The
conqueror and the conquered were alike in outward
form (Ex. vii. 10-12).
II. The next stage in the history of the brazen
serpent shows bow easily even a legitimate symbol,
retained beyond its time, after it had done it»
work, might become the occasion of idolatry. It
appears in the reign of Hezekiah as having been
for some undefined period, an object of worship
The zeal of that king leads him to destroy it It
receives from him, or had borne before, the name
Nehushtan. [Comp. Nkhushtan.] We are left
to conjecture when the worship began, or what was
its locality. It is hardly likely that it should have
been tolerated by the reforming zeal of kings like
Asa and Jehoshaphat It must, we may believe,
have received a fresh character and become more
conspicuous in the period which preceded its de-
struction. All that we know of the reign of Ahas
makes it probable that it was under his auspices
that it received a new development,'' that it thus
became the object of a marked aversion to the
iconoclastic party who were prominent among the
counsellors of Hezekiah. Intercourse with countries
in which Ophiolatry prevailed — Syria, Assyria,
possibly Egypt also — acting on the feeling which
led him to bring together the idolatries of all
neighboring nations, might easily bring about this
perversion of the reverence felt for the time
honored relic.
Here we might expect the history of the mate-
rial object would cease, but the passion for relics
has prevailed even against the hiatcry of the Bible.
The Church of St Ambrose, at Milan, has boasted,
for centuries, of possessing the brazen serpent
which Moses set up in the wilderness. The earlier,
history of the relic, so called, is matter fur conjec-
ture. Our knowledge of it begins in the year a. o.
971, when an envoy was sent by the Milanese tc
the court of the Emperor John Zimisces, at Con-
stantinople. He was token thrcugh the imperial
cabinet of treasures and invited to make his
choice, and he chose this, which, the Greeks, as-
sured him, was made of the same metal as the
mmu, iii. 848, JSng. transl. ; WIMus, Jlgyptiiua, lu
Ugollni, I. 862.
c Ths explanation given by Cyril Is, ss might be
expected, mors mystical than that in the text The
rod transformed lute a serpent represents the Divine
Word taking on Himself ths oxenm of sinful flash.
d Bwaltf's conjecture (Ottch. Iv. 622) that, Ull thee,
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2932 SERPENT, BRAZEN
original serpent (Sigonius, HuL Rtgn. Hat. b. vti.).
Oa his return it wu placed in the Church of St
Ambrose, and popularly identified with that which
it professed to represent. It is, at least, a possible
hypothesis that the Western Church has in this
way been led to venerate what was originally the
object of the worship of some Ophite sect.
III. When the material symbol had perished, its
history began to suggest deeper thoughts to the
minds of men. The writer of the Book of Wis-
dom, in the elaborate contrast which he draws
between true and false religions in their use of
an'.ward signs, sees in it a o-u/i&okoy trcmjplas,
fir lum/uniaui ivroKfjs yiuov <rov: "he that
turned himself was not saved by the thing that he
aw (Jii to Bntpoifuvor), but by Thee that art
the Saviour of ail" (Wisd. xvi. 6, 7). The Tar-
gi"n of Jonathan paraphrases Num. xxi. 8, "He
shall be healed if he direct his heart unto the
Maine of the Word of the Lord." Philo, with his
characteristic taste for an ethical, mystical interpre-
tation, represents the history as a parable of man's
victor: over his lower sensuous nature. The
metal, the symbol of permanence and strength, has
changed the meaning of the symbol, and that
which had before been the emblem of the will,
yielding to and poisoned by the serpent pleasure,
now represents anHppoo-ivn, the airrvwaSts a*o-
Aao-Iat ipipfuucar {Ot Agricalt.). The facts just
stated may help us to enter into the bearing of
the words of John ill. 14, 15. If the paraphrase
of Jonathan represents, as it does, the current in-
terpretation of the schools of Jerusalem, the devout
Rabbi to whom the words were spoken could not
have been ignorant of it The new teacher car-
ried the lesson • step further. He led him to
identify the "Name of the Word of the Lord"
with that of the Son of Man. He prepared him
to see in the lifting-up of the Crucifixion that
which should answer, in its power to heal and save,
to the serpent in the wilderness.
IV. A full discussion of the typical meaning
here unfolded belongs to Exegesis rather than to
a Dictionary. It will be enough to note here that
which connects itself with facts or theories already
mentioned. On the one side the typical interpre-
tation has been extended to all the details. The
pole on which the serpent was placed was not only
a type of the cross, but was itself crucial in form
(Just Hart Dial. c. Trgph. p. 322). The serpent
vas nailed to it as Christ was nailed. As the
symbol of sin it represented his being mode sin for
us. The very metal, like the fine brass of Rev. i.
15, was an emblem of the might and glory of the
Son of Han (comp. Lampe, in foe.). On the
jther it has been maintained (Patrick and Jack-
ion, ui nprn) that the serpent was from the begin-
ning, and remains still, exclusively the symbol of
evil, that the lifting-up of the Son of Han answered
to that of the serpent because on the cross the vic-
tory over the serpent was accomplished. The point
of romparison lay not between the serpent and
Inst, but between the look of the Israelite to the
wtward sign, the look of a justifying faith to the
, ross of Christ It will not surprise us to find
-hat, in the spiritual, as In the historical interpre-
tation, both theories have an element of truth.
The serpent here also is primarily the emblem of
Mat " knowledge of good and evil" To man, as
baring obtained that knowledge by doing evil, it
Has been as a venomous serpent, poisoning and
mrupting. In the nature of the Son of Han it
SERPENT-CHARMING
Is once mora in harmony with the Divine will, sad
leaves the humanity pare and untainted. The
Crucifixion is the witness that the evil has beet
overcome by the good. Those who are bitten by
the serpent find their deliverance in looking to
Him who knew evil only by subduing it, and who
is therefore mighty to save. Well would it have
been for the Church of Christ if it had beau eon-
tent to rest in this truth. Its history shows how
easy it was for the old perversion to reproduce
itself. The highest of all symbols might share the
fate of the lower. It was possible even lor the
cross of Christ to pass into a Nehushtan. (Ocmp.
Slier, Wordi of the Lord Jetut, on John iii., and
Kurtz, Hit. of the Old Covenant, Iii. 844-458
Eng. transl.) E. H. P.
SERPENT-CHARMING. Some few re-
marks on this subject are made under Asp (voL
i. p. 180 »), where it is shown that the pethen
0O5?) probably denotes the Egyptian cobra.
There can be no question at all of the remarkable
power which, from time immemorial, has been ex-
ercised by certain people in the East over poison-
ous serpents. The art is most distinctly mentioned
in the Bible, and probably alluded to by St James
(iii. 7). The usual species operated upon both in
Africa and India, are the hooded snakes (train
tripudiant, and Ifaia knje) and the homed Cerat-
In. The skill of the Italian Hani and the Libyan
Psylli in taming serpents was celebrated through-
out the world ; and to this day, as we are told by
Sir 0. Wilkinson (Rawlinson's Herodatnt, iii. 124,
note, ed. 1862), the snake-players of the coast of
Barbery are worthy successors of the Psylli (sea
Pliny, viii. 25, xi. 25, and especially Lucan's ac-
count of the Psylli, Phonal ix. 892). See nu-
merous references cited by Bochart (Hitroz. iii,
184, Ac.) on the subject of serpent-taming.
That the charmers frequently, and perhaps
generally, take the precaution of extracting the
poison fangs before the snakes are subjected to
their skill, there is much probability for believing,
but that this operation ia not always attended to
is clear from the testimony of Bruce and numerous
other writers. " Some people," says the traveller
Just mentioned, " have doubted that it was a trick,
and that the animals so handled had been first
trained and then disarmed of their power of hurt-
ing, and, fond of the discovery, they have rested
themselves upon it without experiment, in the fee*
of all antiquity. But I will not hesitate tr aver
that I have seen at Cairo a man . . . who has
taken a ctrattee with his naked hand from a num-
ber of others lying at the bottom of the tub, has pot
it upon his bare head, covered it with the common
red cap be wears, then taken it out, put it in his
breast and tied it about his neck like a necklace,
after which it has been applied to a hen and bit it,
which has died in a few minutes." Dr. Davy, in
his Interior of Ceylon, speaking of the snake-
charmers, says on this sutject: "The ignorant
vulgar belie\e that these men really possess a
charm by which they thus play without dread, and
with impunity from danger. The more enlight-
ened, laughing at this idea, consider the men im-
postors, and that in playing their tricks there is no
danger to be avoided, it being removed by the ab-
straction of the poison fangs. The enlightened ia
this instance are mistaken, and the vulgar an
nearer the truth in their opinion. I ha/e examined
the snakes I have seen exhibited, an i have fooni
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SERUG
their poison fangs in and uninjured. These mail
is poteen a charm, though not a supernatural
km — namely, that of coufiden » and courage. . . .
Thcj will play their tricks with an; hooded snakes
(ffaja bipudians), whether just taken or long in
wnfinement, but with no other kind of poisonous
snake." See also Tennent, Ceylon, i. 199, 3d ed.
Some have supposed that the practice of taking
out or breaking off the poison fangs is alluded to
in Pa. Iviii. 6, <• Break their teeth, God, in their
SERVITOR
2938
Serpent-charming. *
The serpent-charmer's usual instrument la a
Ante. Shrill sounds, it would appear, are those
which serpents, with their imperfect sense of bear-
ing:, are able most easily to discern ; hence it is that
the Chinese summon their tame fish by whistling
or by ringing a bell.
TTie reader will find much interesting matter on
the art of serpent-charming, as practiced by the
ancients, in Hochart (llitroz. iii. 161) in the dis-
sertation bj Biihmer entitled De J'lyllurum, Mar-
torum, ei Ophiogenum advtrsus Seipenles virtute,
lips. 1745; and in Kcmpfer's Amamitnttt Exot-
ica, iii. iz. 565; see also Broderip's Note Book
of a Naturalist, and Anecdotes of Serpentt, pub-
lished bj Chambers; Lane's Modern Egyptians,
ii. 106. Those who professed the art of taming
s erpen ts were called by the Hebrews men&chaslilm
(trtr'ngt;), while the art itself was called lachash
(Bfn 1 ?), Jer. viii. 17; Ecd. x. 11; but these terms
vera not always used in this restricted sense.
[Divuiatioh; Ehchantmekt.] W. H.
SE'RUG (3-Tltp [sAoo*, tendril]: Sspofo:
Bang, [Strug]). [Gen. xi. 90-83; 1 Chr. 1. 98;
m Luke iii. 36, Saruch.] Son of Reu, and great-
grandfather of Abraham. His sge Is given in the
Hebrew Bible as 230 years — 30 years before he
begat Nabor, and 200 years afterwards. But in
the LXX. 130 years are assigned to him before be
begat Nabor (making his total age 330), being cne
af those systematic variations in the ages of the
patriarchs between Shem and Terah, as given by
the LXX., by which the interval between the Flood
and Abraham is lengthened from 292 (as in the
Heb. B.) to 1172 (or Alex. 1072) years. [Chro-
nology, voL I. p 440.] Bocbart (Phal ii. cxiv.)
conjectures that the town of Seruj, a day's journey
from Charrsa in Mesopotamia, was named from this
patriarch. Suidas and others ascribe to him the
deification of dead benefactors of mankind. Epi-
phanius (Adv. Rare*, i. 6, 8), who says that his
name signifies " provocation," states that, though
in his time idolatry took its rise, yet it was con-
fined to pictures ; and that the deification of dead]
men, as well as the making of idols, was subse-
quent He characterizes the religion of m-uikiad
up to Serug's days as Scythic; after Serug and
the building of the Tower of Babel, the Heuesio
or Greek form of religion was introduced, and con-
tinued to the writer's time (see Petarius, Anim.
ad*. Kpiph. Oper. ii. 18). The account given by
John of Antiocb, is as follows: Serug, of the raes
of Japbet, taught the duty of honoring eminent
deceased men, either by images or statues," of wor-
shipping them on certain anniversaries as if still
living, of preserving a record of their actions in
the sacred books of the priests, and of calling them
gods, as being benefactors of mankind. Hence
arose Polytheism and idolatry (see Fragm. Historic
Grose, iv. 345, and the note. It is in accordance
with his being called of the race of Japbet that
Epiphanius sends Phaleg and Reu to Thrace (Epist.
ad Deter. Paul. § ii.). There is, of course, little
or no historical value in any of these statements.
A. C. H.
SERVANT ("l?3; rPKTCJ). The Hebrew
terms na'ar and mesh&rith, which alone answer to
our " servant," in as far as this implies the notions
of liberty and voluntariness, are of comparatively
rare occurrence. On tbe other hand, 'ebed, which
is common and is equally rendered " servant " in
tbe A. V., properly means a tlivefi Slavery was
in point of fact the normal condition of tbe under-
ling in the Hebrew commonwealth [Slave], while
the terms above given refer to the exceptional cases
of young or confidential attendants. Joshua, for
instance, is described as at once the na'ar and me-
thareOi of Moses (Ex. zzziii. 11 ) ; Elisha's servant
sometimes as the former (2 K. iv. 12, v. 20), some-
times as the latter (2 K. iv. 13, vi. 15). Amnon's
servant was a meshareth (2 Sam. ziii. 17, 18),
while young Joseph was a na'ar to the sons of
Bilhah (Gen. zzxvii. 2, where instead of "the lad
was with," we should read, " he was the iervant-
boy to" the sons of Bilhah). The confidential
designation meshArith is applied to the priests and
Levites, in their relation to Jehovah (Ezr. viii. 17;
Is. lzi. 6; Es. zliv. 11), and the cognate verb u>
Joseph after be found favor with Potiphar (Gen.
mix. 4), and to the nephews of Ahaziah (2 Chr
xxii. 8). In 1 K. xx. 14, 15, we should substitute
" servants " (na'ar" for " young men."
W. L. B.
• SERVITOR only in 2 K. iv. 43, used of
Elisha's personal attendant or servant. Tbe H*
■ But perhaps >Wm and trlp&u-m may hers be
a*** of pictures.
• In many passages the correct reading would add
seoatdanbla fores to the meaning, i. g. In Gen. Iz. 25.
'Coned be Canaan; a slave of sls-es shall he be
' In Dent, v 15, " ■emembsr that
thoa wast a slave Id the land of Egypt;" In Job HI.
19, "The slave is free from his master;" and par
Ocularly In passages when the speaker uses the asm
of himself, as In Gen. xrai. 8, " Psss not away, I prat
thee, from thy slave."
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2984
8E8I8
bnw term, which is /"TltSt?, the A. V. commonly
renden " servant " or " minister." H.
SE'SIS CXtclf, [Vat Scccit ;] Alex. Seevsir:
md. in Vulg.). Shashai (1 Eedr. ix. 84; eomp.
Err. x. 40).
SESTHEL ttt<rM)\ : Baeel). Bezalxkl
of the sons of Pahath-Moab (1 Eedr. ix. 31; Err.
x. 80).
SKTH (HW, i. e. Sheth [tee below] : Hfi:
Beth), Gen. jr. 26, t. 8; 1 Chr. i. 1. The third
ton of Adam, and father of Enos. The significa-
tion of his name (giren in Gen. ir. 29) U '• ap-
pointed" or "put" in the place of the murdered
Abel, and Delitzsch apeak* of him a* the second
Abel; but Ewald (Gttck. i. 8S8) thinks that
another signification, which be prefers, is indicated
In the text, namely, " seedling," or " germ." The
phrase, "children of Sheth" (Num. xxiv. 17) has
been understood as equivalent to all mankind, or
aa denoting the tribe of some unknown Hoabitiah
chieftain -, but later critics, among whom are Rosen-
niiiller and Gesenlus ( Thtt. i. 346), bearing in mind
the parallel passage (Jer. xlviii. 45), render the
phrase, " children of noise, tumultuous ones," »'. e.
hostile armies. [Sheth.]
In the 4th century there existed in Egypt a sect
calling themselves Sethians, who are classed by
Neander ( Ch. I/ist. ii. 115, ed. Bohn) among those
Gnostic sects which, in opposing Judaism, approxi
mated to paganism. (See also Tillemont, Mi
moires, ii. 818.) Ireneus (i. 80; comp. Massuet,
Diuerl. i. 8, § 14) and Theodoret (Hotel. Fab.
xiv. 306), without distinguishing between them
and the Ophites, o'r worshippers of the serpent, say
that in their system Seth was regarded aa a divine
effluence or virtue. Epiphanius, who devotes a
chapter to them (Adv. liar. i. 8, § 39), says that
they identified Seth with our Lord. W. T. B.
SETHTJBCITKp [hidden]: taioip. Sthvr).
The Asherite spy, son of Michael (Num. xiil. 18).
SEVEN. The frequent recurrence of certain
numbers in the sacred literature of the Hebrews is
obvious to the most superficial reader; and it is
almost equally obvious that these numbers are as-
sociated with certain ideas, so as in some instances
to lose their numerical force, and to pass over into
the province of symbolic signs. This is more or
less true of the numbers three, four, seven, twelve,
and forty; but seven so far surpasses the rest, both
in the frequency with which it recurs, and in the
importance of the objects with which it is asso-
ciated, that it may fairly be termed the representa-
tive symbolic number. It has hence attracted
considerable attention, and may be said to be the
keystone on which the symbolism of numbers de-
pends. The origin of this symbolism is a question
that meets us at the threshold of any discussion as
to the number seven. Our limits will not permit
as to follow out this question to its legitimate ex-
tent, but we may briefly state that the views of
Biblical critics may be ranged under two beads,
iccording as the symbolism is attributed to theo-
retical speculations ss to the internal properties of
the number itself, or to external associations of a
physical or historical character. According to the
former of these views, the symbolism of the num-
eer seven would be traced back to the symbolism
of Its component elements three and four, the first
af which = Divinity, and the second = Humanity,
SEVEN
whence seven = Divinity -f- Humanity, or, la i
words, the union between God and Han, as <
by the manifestations of the Divinity in
and revelation. So again the symbolism of twelve
is explained as the symbolism of 3 X 4, s. e. or
a second combination of the same two element*
though in different proportions, the representative
number of Humanity, as a multiplier, assuming a
more prominent position (Buhr'i Symboiik, i. 187,
201, 224). This theory is seductive from ha in-
genuity, and its appeal to the imagination, but
there appears to be little foundation for it. For
(1) we do not find any indication, in early times at
all events, that the number seven was resolved into
three and four, rather than into any other arith-
metical elements, such as two and five. Bengal
notes such a division as running through the hep-
tads of the Apocalypse (Gnomon, in Iter, xri 1),
and the remark undoubtedly holds good in certain
instances, e. g. the trumpets, the three latter being
distinguished from the four former by the tripss
" woe " (Rev. viii. 13), but in other instances, e. g
in reference to the promises (6'nomon, in Km. ii.7),
the distinction is not so well established, and even
if it were, an explanation might be found in the)
adaptation of such a division to the subject in
hand. The attempt to discover such a distinction
in the Mosaic writings — as, for instance, where an
act is to be done on the third day out of seven
(Num. xlx. 12) — appears to be a failure. (2.) It
would be difficult to show that any associations
of -a sacred nature were assigned to three and four
previously to the sanctity of seven. This latter
number is so far the sacred number car' Hoxfl'
that we should be less surprised if, by a process
the reverse of the one assumed, sanctity had been
subsequently attached to three and four as the
supposed elements of seven. But (3) all such
speculations on mere numbers are alien to the
spirit of Hebrew thought; they belong to a dif-
ferent stage of society, in which speculation in rife,
and is systematized by the existence of schools of
philosophy.
We turn to the second class of opinions which
attribute the symbolism of the number seven to
external associations. This class may be again
subdivided into two, according as the symbolism
is supposed to have originated in the observation of
purely physical phenomena, or, on the other hand,
in the peculiar religious enactments of Mosaism.
The influence of the number seven was not re-
stricted to the Hebrews; it prevailed among the
Persians (Esth. i. 10, 14), among the ancient
Indians (Von Bohlen's Alt. Indie*, ii. 224 ft*.),
among the Greeks and Romans to a certain extent,
and probably among all nations where the week of
seven days was established, as in China, Egypt,
Arabia, etc. (Ideler'a ChronoL i, 88, 178, ii. 473).
The wide range of the word seven is in this respect
an interesting and significant fact: with the ex-
ception of "six," it is the only numeral which the
Semitio languages have in common with the Indo-
European ; for the Hebrew thiba « is essentially the
same as iirri, uptem, seven, and the Sanskrit,
Persian, and Gothic names for this number (Pott's
Etym. Fortch. i. 129). In the countries above
enumerated, the institution of seven as a cyclical
number is attributed to tin observation of tfas
changes of the moon, or to the supposed number of
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SEVEN
The Habram an held by some writers
to have bocrowed their notion! of the sanctity of
wui bom their heathen neighbor*, either wholly
or partially (Von Bohlen'a Jntrod. to Gen. i. SIR
fit; Hengstenberg's Balaam, p. 898, Clark'i ed.);
bat the peculiarity of the Hebrew view consist* in
the special dignity of the leventk, and not limply
In tint of seven. Wbaterer influence, therefore,
may be aeaigned to attronomical observation or to
prescriptive usage, in regard to the original instl-
tutiou of the week, we cannot trace back the pe-
culiar aanciationa of the Hebrews farther than to
the point when the seventh day was consecrated to
the purposes of religious rest
Assuming this, therefore, as oar starting-paint,
the first idea sasonistnri with seven would be that
af religious periodicity. The Sabbath, being the
eerenth day, suggested the adoption of seven as the
coefficient, so to say, for the appointment of all
■tend periods ; and we thus find the 7th month
ushered in by the Feast of Trumpets, and signal-
ized by the cefebranon of the Feast of Tabernacles
and the great Day of Atonement ; 7 weeks as the
interval between the Passover and the Pentecost;
the 7th year as the Sabbatical year; and the year
succeeding 7x7 years as the Jubilee year. From
the idea of periodicity, it passed by an easy transi-
tion to the duration or repetition of religious pro-
ceedings; and thus 7 days were appointed as the
length of the Feasts of Passover and Tabernacles;
7 days for the ceremonies of the consecration of
priests; 7 days for the interval to elapse between
the occasion and the removal of various kinds of
legal uucleannees, es after childbirth, after contact
with a corpse, etc. ; 7 times appointed for aspersion
either of the blood of the victim (e. g. Lev. iv. 6,
nri. 14), or of the water of purification (Lev. xiv.
51; ootup. 9 K. v. 10, 14); 7 things to be offered
in sacrifice (oxen, sheep, goata, pigeons, wheat, oil,
wine) ; 7 victims to be offered on any special occa-
sion, as in Balaam's sacrifice (Num. xxiii. 1), and
especially at the ratification of a treaty, the notion
of seven being embodied in the very term ■ signify-
ing to swear, literally meaning to do seven timet
(Gen. xri. 28; comp. Herod, iii. 8, for a similar
eastern among the Arabians). The same idea is
further carried out in the vessels and arrangements
of the Tabernacle — in the 7 arms of the golden
randiest irk, and the 7 chief utensils (altar of burnt-
offerings, laver, shewbread table, altar of incense,
candlestick, ark, mercy-seat).
The number seven, having thus been impressed
with the seal of sanctity as the symbol of all con
nectod with the Divinity, was adopted generally as
a cyclical number, with the subordinate notions of
perfection or completeness. It hence appears in
rases whan the notion of satisfaction is required,
a* in reference to punishment for wrongs (Gen. iv.
I»; Lev. xxvi. 18, 38; Ps. lxxix. 12: Prov. vi. 81),
or to forgiveness of them (Matt, xvili. 21). It is
•gain mentioned in a variety of passages too nu-
merous for quotation (e. g. Job v. 19; Jer. XT. 9;
Matt. xii. 46) in a sense analogous to that of a
•* round number," bat wito the additional idea of
anffieiency and completeness. To the same head
we may refer the numerous instances in which per-
yjos or things an mentioned by sevens in the his-
lutieW portions of tos Bible — *. g. the 7 kine and
the 7 san of ocru in Pharaoh's dream, the 7
?}&•
SEVENTY DISCIPLES 2986
daughters of the priest of HIdian, the 7 ami of
Jesse, the 7 deacons, the 7 sons of Sceva, the twice
7 generations in the pedigree of Jesus (Matt 1. 17),
and again the still more numerous Instances la
which periods of seven days or seven years, occa-
sionally combined with the repetition of an act
seven times; as, in the taking of Jericho, the town
was surrounded for 7 days, and on the 7th day it
fell at the blast of 7 trumpets borne round the
town 7 times by 7 priests ; or again at the Flood,
an interval of 7 days elapsed between the notice to
enter the ark and the coming of the Flood, the
beasts entered by sevens, 7 days elapsed between
the two missions of the dove, etc. So again la
private life, 7 years appear to hare been the usual
period of a hiring (Gen. xxix. 18), 7 days far ■
marriage-festival (Gen. xxix. 27; Judg. xiv. 18),
and the same, or in some eases 70 dajs, for
mourning for the dead (Gen. L 8, 10; 1 Sam.
xxxi. 13).
The foregoing applications of the number seven
become of great practical importance In connection
with the interpretation of some of the prophetical
portions of the Bible, and particularly of the Apoc-
alypse. For in this latter book the ever-recurring
number seven both serves as the mould which has
decided the external form of the work, and also to
a certain degree penetrates into the essence of it
We have but to run over the chief subjects of that
book — the 7 churches, the 7 seals, the 7 trumpets,
the 7 vials, the 7 angels, the 7 spirits before the
throne, the 7 horns and 7 eyes of the Lamb, eto. —
in order to see the necessity of deciding whether
the number is to be accepted in a literal or a met-
aphorical sense — in other words, whether it repre-
sents a number or • quality. The decision of this
question affects not only the number seven, bat also
the number which stands in a relation of antagonism
to seven, namely, the half of seven, which appears
under the form of forty-two months, = SJ years
(Rev. xiii. 5), twelve hundred and sixty days, also
= 3) years (xl. 8, xii. 8), and again a time, times,
and half a time = 8) yean (xii. 14). We find this
number frequently recurring in the Old Testament,
as in the forty-two stations of the wilderness
(Num. xxxiii.), the three and a half years of the
famine in Elijah's time (Luke iv. 25), the "time,
times, and the dividing of time," during which the
persecution of Antiochus Epiphanea wss to last
(Dan. vii. 26), the same period being again de-
scribed as " the midst of the week," i. e. the half
of seven years (Dan. ix. 27), "a time, times, and a
half" (Dan. xii. 7), and again probably in the
number of days specified in Dan. viii. 14, xii. 11,
12. If the number seven express the notion of
completeness, then the number half-seven = incom-
pleteness and the secondary ideas of suffering and
disaster: if the one represent Divine agency, the
other we may expect to represent human agency.
Mere numerical calculations would thus, in regard
to unfulfilled prophecy, be either wholly superseded,
or at all events take a subordinate position to the
general idea conveyed. W. L. B.
• SEVENTY DISCIPLES. A body of
disciples whom Christ appointed for the immediate
purpose of going " two and two before his face into
every city and place, whitner He himself would
come" (Luke x. 1). They an only mentioned by
St Luke, and nothing further is said of them by
him than is contained in the first half of the tent*
chanter of his Gospel Neither the whole body not
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2986 SEVENTY DISCIPLES
any member* of it ore ever mentioned, a* inch, in
the Acta of the Apostles, nor in any of the Epistles.
The time of their appointment appears to hare
been near the dote of our Lord'e ministry, Just aa
lie wai taking hie final departure from Galilee
(Luke ix. 61-x. 1). Different chronological ar-
rangement* of the lift of our Lord would, of course,
lead to a difference of opinion here alto ; but the
moat probable supposition teems to be that Jeaua
himself, on finally leaving Galilee, made a rapid and
somewhat private journey to Jerusalem to attend the
Feast of Tabernacle* (John vii. 2-10), sending forth
the seventy just as He set out, probably into Perea,
where they were to prepare the way for his owu com-
ing to teach during the greater part of the interval
before his last Passover.
However this may be, after the fulfillment of this
their immediate mission the seventy returned again
rejoicing in their possession of miraculous powers
(Luke x. 17). From our Lord's answer, ■' Behold
I give unto you power to tread on serpents and
scorpions, and over all the power of the enemy:
and nothing shall by any means hurt you " (ver.
19), it is manifest that their office did not cease
with the fulfillment of their immediate and tem-
irary mission, but was to continue, as indeed
was already probable from the use of the technical
avitti^tr in ver. 1. Yet we bear nothing further
of them in the book* of the N. T.
In the writing* of Christian antiquity there Is
frequent mention of them, sometimes as seventy,
sometimes as seventy-two in number (Recog.
Clem. i. 10), and comparison is very naturally
made to the seventy elders of Israel (Num. xi. 16)
appointed to assist Hoses (e. g. Euseb. Dt Evang.
iii. c. 2); but there i* very little to throw light
upon their history or their names. The earliest
notice of this kind is by Clement of Alexandria, who
incidentally mentions that Barnabas was one of
them (Slrom. ii. c. 20), and is also quoted by Euse-
bius (//. E. 1. c. 12) as saying the same thing of
Sosthenes, and also of a certain Cephas whom Paul
" withstood to bis face," whom he, curiously enough,
supposes to have been not the Apostle, but one of
the seventy of the same name. Eusebius gives a
variety of reports without himself apparently at
taching any weight to them. In addition to those
already mentioned, he say* (H. E. i. c. 12) : " And
that Matthias, wbo was numbered with the Apos-
tles in place of Judas, and he who had been hon-
ored to be a candidate with him, is also said to
have been deemed worthy of the same calling with
the seventy. They also say that Thaddeus was one
of them." In the following chapter he speaks of
Thaddeus positively as one of then- number. Half
a century later Epiphaniu* (flora. 11.) speaks of
their number as seventy-two, and of Hark and Luke
as among them. Also (Haru. u,J, be says that
our Lord "sent forth also seventy-two others to
preach, of whose number were the seven appointed
SHAAI3IM
over the widows, Stephen, Philip, Prochoraa, Bias,
nor, Tlmon, Parmenaa, and Nieolaus: before then
also Matthias, who was numbered among the Apos-
tle* in the place of Judas; but after these seven and
Matthias before them, Mark, Luke, Justus, Barna
baa and Apellea, Bufua, Niger, and the remaindet
of the seventy-two."
It does not appear what authority Epiphauius
had for these statement*. He seem* to be quite
alone in this supposition as to the seven deacon*.
The name* of the seven indicate that they were
Hellenist*, and as such were not likely to have been
of the seventy. In regard to some of the others,
Matthias and Justus, it is certain that they wen
personal companions of our Lord during his n "mis-
try (Act* i. 81-23), and therefore probable thai
they were selected from among the seventy. Bar-
nabas also rests on the much earlier authority of
Clement of Alexandria, and according to Eusebius,
Sosthenes also, bnt the original work of Clement in
this case is lost. In regard to the others Epipha-
niu* mutt be considered to have simply gathered
up the current tradition* of his time; these am
not quite the same with those mentioned earlier by
Eusebius, but even those he does not appear to
have considered as of much authority. F. G.
SHAAXABTBLN (rsbjtp, but in many
HSS. Wd!y9W [aty of facet or jackaU): [Bom.
2oAau<lV; Vat] SaXa/Ssiy; Alex. SaAsuteir:"
SeUbm). A town in the allotment of Dan, named
between Ie-Shemebh and Ajalon (Joih. xix.
42). There is some uncertainty about the form of
the name. The MSS. preponderate in favor of
Shaalbim , in which form it is found in two other
passages. But there is also some ground for sus-
pecting that it was Shaalbon. [See Shaauhx
and Skaalbonitb.]
8HAAL3IM (D'a^yttJ Lyfac* of foxa
or jackal*]: 0aAa0«u>,* Alex, at oAenrea-ei; in
1 K. [Rom. SaAadiV, Vat.] BwfoAcutti, Alex
2oAa0«i/i: Salabim, BaUbim). The commoner
form of the name of a town of Dan which in one
passage is found as Shasiabbin. It occur* in an
ancient fragment of history inserted in Judg. i.
enumerating the town* of which the original inhab-
itants of Canaan succeeded in keeping possession
after the general conquest. Mount Here*," Aija-
lon, and Shaalbim were held against the Danitea
by the Amorites (ver. 35) tilLthe help of the great
tribe of Epbraim being called in, they were at last
compelled to succumb. It is mentioned with Ai-
jalon again in Josh. xix. 48 (Shasiabbin) and with
Beth-shemesh both there and in 1 K. iv. 9, in the
last passage as making up one of Solomon's com-
missariat districts. By Eusebius and Jerome it is
mentioned in the Onomnttieon ("Selab") ah *
large village in the district of Sebaste (». e. Sati*-
ria), and a* then called Selaba. But this !* not
a A city called laXaiur, or SaAaptc, formerly lay
at the east end of the island of Cyprus, between which
at-d Phoenicia, or Canaan, there was a constant lnter-
-wurse and close connection. Perhaps this also was
ttaalabbln.
» This passage in the Vatican Codex (Mai's ed.) con-
tains a onrloua specimen of a doable reading, each of
the two being a translation of the Hebrew proper
■jams* : iv ry Son ry oorpoxwbt ir ^ eu £pxo* xaX eV
1 al AAttwvKft iv rtf Mupotrwri, xoi iv BaXafitiy. [So
loss., exe. w*Aa0u>.] Here hrrpam&ri and atupvuwv
are both attempts to render D^n, reading it tCnri
and D7D respectively. The aAmrun Is due to the
bVW In Shaelbin ; ai iprai, « the she-bears," Is lot
Ajalon, though that signifies due or gasaues.
« • The A. V. represents Hens aa situated at Act-
ion, whereas a comma should separate Hems (men
correctly Hax-htrti) from AJjalon aa well as from the
other names which follow. Thk conmrkn is as el*
at least as the Bishop's Bible. H.
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SHAALBONITE, THE
prj Intelligible, for except In the statement of Jo-
sepb.ua (Ant. ». 1, § 22), that the allotment of the
Daaitea extended u far north aa Dor ( Tanturu),
there ii nothing to lead to the belief that an; of
their towns ware at all near Samaria, while the per-
tUtent enumeration of Shaalbim with Aijalon and
Beth-ebemeak, the sites of both which are known
with tolerable certainty a* within a radius of 15
miles weat of Jerusalem, is strongly against it. It
is also at variance with another notice of Jerome,
in hi* commentary on Ex. ilviii. 22, where he men-
tions the " towers of Ailou and Selebi and Emina-
u*-Ni jopolia," in connection with Joppa, as three
huidmarka of the tribe of Dan. No trace appears
to hare been yet discovered of any name resembling
Shaalbim, in the neighborhood of Yttlo or Am-
stems, or Indeed anywhere else, unless it be a place
tailed 'Ktalin, \ » 1 vr*. mentioned in the lists
of Eli Smith and Robinson (Bibl Ru. 1st ed. iii.
App. 120 A) as lying next to Surah, the ancient
Zorah, a position which is very suitable.
The SAala'bun, discovered by M. Kenan's expe-
dition about 4 mile* N. W. of BuU-Jebtil, in the
Bttnd Buharmk (see the Carte dresses par la
brigade tapogmphique, etc., 1862), may be an an-
cient Shaalbim, possibly so named by the northern
colony of Danitea after the town of their original
dwelling-place. But it is obvious from the fore-
going description that it cannot be identical with
it. G.
8HAAI/BON1TE, THE C>3h^?»n [see
below] : [hi 2 Sam., Rom.] i 3a\a0ai/lr>is [Vat.
Alex, -rtr; in 1 Chr., Rom. Alex. 6 SaAajW,
Tat, « O/ui, FA. o 3a>uf i] : d» Salbrmi, [Salabo-
wttes]). Eliahba the Shaalbonite was one of Da-
vid'* thirty-seven heroes (2 Sam. xxiii. 32; 1 Chr.
xi- 33). He was the native of a place named Sha-
aJbon, which is unmentioned elsewhere, unless it is
identical with Shaalbim or Shaalabblx of the
tribe of Dan. In this cm* it becomes difficult to
decide which of the three i* the original form of the
G.
SHACHIA
2987
SHA'AFH (1?B7 [rtivuim] : Xayai; Alex,
t Vr ys V , [Comp. XaJup:] Saaph). 1. The son of
lahdai (1 Chr. ii. 47).
3. Toe son of Caleb the brother of Jerahmeel by
J* concubine Maachah. He is called the father,
Jtat is, the founder, of the town Hadmannah (1
Car. ii. 4»).
8HAAJRATM (U^VW [two gala]: [in 1
Sam-] raw riiAaw in both MSS-; [in Chr., Vat.
Ales. ] ifttfi/j.; [Rom., joined with preceding
word, Bapoucenplu; Comp. lapel/*:] Saraim, 8a-
arim). A city in the territory allotted to Judah
(Joan. xv. 36; in A. V. incorrectly Sharaim). It
■t ooo of the first group of the towns of the Shefe-
Ink, or lowland district, which contains also Zoreah,
Jannutb, Socoh, besides other* not yet recognized.
It is mentioned again in the account of the rout
which followed the fail of Goliath, where the
wounded Cell down on the road to Shaaraim and as
tar as Gath and Ekron (1 Sam. xvii. 62). These
<■ The word tkamhn sMaos « two gateways " ; and
tvt tor the mention of the town In Joshua, and the
souatstaoey of its position with 1 8am. ivll, 52, It
would be perhaps mora natural lo that passes* to take
Us*
two notices are consistent with each other. Goli-
ath probably fell in the Wady et-Smnt, on oppo-
site side* of which stand the representatives of
Socoh and Jannutb ; Gath was at or near Tell es-
Sa/ieli, a few miles west of Socoh at the mouth of
the same Wady ; whilst Ekron (if 'Akir be Ekron)
lies farther north. Shaaraim is therefore probably
to be looked for somewhere weat of SliuiceikeJi, on
the lower slopes of the hills, where they subside
into the great plain.
We find the name mentioned once more in a list
of the towns of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 31),* occupying
the same place with Sharuchen and Sansannab, in
the corresponding lists of Joshua. Lying as the
allotment of Simeon did in the lowest part of Ju-
dah, many miles south of the region indicated
above, it is impossible that the same Shaaraim can
be intended, and indeed it is quite doubtful whether
it be not a mere corruption of one of the other two
names.
Taken as Htbrew, the word is a dual, and mean*
"two gateways," as the LXX. have rendered it in
1 Sam. xvii. It is remarkable that the group in
which Shaaraim is included in Josh. iv. should con-
tain more names in dual form than all the rest of the
list put together; namely, besides itself, Adithaim,
and Gederothaim, and probably also Enam and
Adulkm. For the possible mention of Shaaraim
in 1 Mace. v. 66, see Samaria, p. 2798. G.
SHAASH'GAZ (Wip^D? [Pen. term* of
the beautiful, ties.] : not found in the LXX., who
substitute I at, Hegai, as in TV. 8, 16: Sutaynzut)
The eunuch in the palace of Xerxes who had the
custody of the women in the second bouse, >'. e. of
those who had been in to the king (Esth. ii. 14).
[Hegai.] A. a H.
SHABHETHAI [3 syl.] Cn^BJ [mbbatk-
o»r«] : [in Exr.J 3aft8aflut; Alex. KaASariai; (T«t
FA. SafiaSat; in Neh., Rom. Vat. Alex. FA. omit;
Comp. ia0a60cuos, Aid. 3afiaBatts-i Sebeihal in
Ezr., Septhnt in Neh.). L A Levite in the time
of Ezra, who assisted him in investigating the mar-
riage* with foreigners which had taken place among
the people (Ezr. x. 16). It is apparently the same
who with Jeshua and others instructed the people
in the knowledge of the Law (Neh. viii. 7). Ho
is called Sabbathkus (1 Esdr. ix. 14) and Saba
tkab (1 Esdr. ix. 48).
2. (Om. in LXX. [i. e. Rom. Tat. FA.i Ales.;
but Comp. 2o£a00aiot, Aid. 3a$aBatos, FA.*
io00aSaSau>s\ ■ SaboAknU) Shabbethai and Jo-
zabad, of the chief of the Levites, were over the
outward business of the house of God alter the re-
turn from Babylon (Neh. xi. 16). Possibly 1
and 2 are identical, although Burrington (Oenenl
i. 167) regards Shabbethai, who is mentioned ir
Neh. viii. 7, as a priest.
• SHABI'AH. [Shachia.]
SHACHI'A 0"Ppjf? [famtofjak, Fiirstj.
Zo/3io; [Vat. 2o/3ta; Alex. 2<0ia:] SecAii).
Properly " Shabiah," a son of Shabaraim by hit
wife Hodeth (1 Chr. viii. 10). This form of the
name is retained from the Geneva Version. The
translators have followed the Vulgate in reading
LXX. have don*. In that case, however, It ought to
have the article, which it has not.
& Here there la a slight dtflrrenos In the vowels, due
to the pause — D^TJ?B7 — which la reflected la Data
ilng the gates of Oath and sferot,, as the! LZX. and Vulgate' see above, at head of artiste)
186
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2988
SHADDAI
3 for 3. Seven of KennicoUs MSS. read 1033?,
tnd fifteen 7TDU7 [= announcement, Furst].
SHADT>AI [8 ijL] (VJJTJ, in pua, S TO).
An ancient name of God, rendered >' Almighty "
everywhere in the A. V. In all passages of Gen-
esis, except one (zliz. 86 «), in Ex. vi. 8, and in Ex.
x. 6, it it found in connection with 7S, 11, " God,"
El Shaddai being there rendered " God Almighty,"
or '■ the Almighty God." It occur* six time* in
Genesis, onre in Exodus (vi. 3), twice in Numbers
(txiv. 4, 10), twice in Ruth (i. 20, 81), thirty-one
times in Job, twice in the Psalms (lxriii. 14 [IS],
xci. 1), once in Isaiah (xili. 6), twice in Ezekiel
(i. 24, x. 5), and once in Joel (i. 16). In Genesis
and Exodus it is found in what are called the
Bohistic portions of those books, in Numbers in
the Jebovistic portion, and throughout Job the
name Shaddai stands in parallelism with Elohim,
and never with Jehovah. By the name or in the
character of El Shaddai, God was known to the
patriarchs — to Abraham (Gen. xrii. 1 ), to Isaac
(Gen. xxviii. 3), and to Jacob (Gen. xliii. 14, xlviii.
3, xlix. 25), before the name Jehovah, in its full
significance, was revealed (Ex. vi. 3). By this
title He was known to the Midianite Balaam
(Num. niv. 4, 10), as God (he Giver of Visions,
the Most High (comp. Ps. xci. 1); and the iden-
tity of Jehovah and Shaddai, who dealt bitterly
with her, was recognized by Naomi in her sorrow
(Ruth i. 20, 21). Shaddai, the Almighty, is the
'jod who chastens men (Job r. 17, vi. 4, xxiii. 10,
xxvii. 8); the just God (Job viii. 3, xxxhr. 10)
who hears prayer (Job viii. 6, xxii. 20, xxvii.
10); the God of power who cannot lie resisted (Job
xr. 26), who punishes the wicked (Job xxi. 20,
ixtU. 13), and rewards and protects those who
trust in Him (Job xxii. 23, 26, xxix. 6); the God
of providence (Job xxii. 17, 23, xxvii. 11) and of
fore-knowledge (Job xxiv. 1), who gives to men
understanding (Job xxxii. 8) and lift- (.lob xxxiii.
4): "excellent in power, and in judgment, and in
plenty of justice," whom none can perfectly know
(Job xi. 7, xxxvii. 23). The prevalent idea at-
taching to the name in all these passages is that
of strength and power, and our translators have
probably given to " Shaddai " its true meaning
when they rendered it " Almighty."
In the Targum throughout, the Hebrew word is
retained, as in the Peahito-Syriae of Genesis and
Exodus and of Ruth i. 20. The LXX. gives
•murit, iaxvpis, $tis, xipios, TrayroKp&Tap,
tvptot xayroKpitttp, o tA wdWa loifoas (Jot)
riil. 3), Iwovp&vtot (Ps. lxriii. 14 [15]), e 0<o* rov
>lipavav (Ps. xci. i.), oaSSat (Kx. x. 6), and to-
\MTupla (Joel i. 15). In Job xxix. 5, we find the
strange rendering iiKMitt- In Gen. and Ex. " El
Bhaddai "is translated i 9 f it uov, or trov, or alrruv,
as the case may be. The Vulgate has omniputtnt
In all cases, except Domiuut (Job v. 17, vi. 4, 14;
If. xii'.. 0), Dau (Job xxii. 3, xl. 2), Dtutacli (Ps.
xd. 1 ; , sublimit Dcut (Ex. i. 24), calttt'u (Ps. lxriii.
14 [15]), potent (Joel i. 15), and efione (Job xxxvii.
88). TbeVeneto-Grcekbas K aaTa«(f ThePeshlto-
Byriac, in many passages, renders " Shaddai "simply
••God," in others I » » ffl «», cAasbx), "strong,
• atren hen ioom 1188. and Uw Samaritan Text
saaib&M.iwntt.trt.
8HADKACH
powerful" (Job t. 17, vi. 4, *©.), sad ones
»* \\ 'tUui, « Most High " (Job vi 14). Tan
Samaritan Version of Gen. xvii. 1 has fut "El Shad-
dai," "powerful, sufficient," though in the other
passages of Genesis and Exodus it simply retains
the Hebrew word; while in Num. xxir. 4, 16, the
translator mutt hare read rTTtp, sdrfea, " a field,"
for he renders " the vision of Shaddai," the «• Tiaion
of the field," i. e. the vision seen in the open
plain. Aben Ezra and Kimchi render it ' power-
ful."
The derivations assigned to Shsdilai are ratio at.
We may mention, only to reject, the JRabbhoicaJ
etymology which connects it with , 3, dai, *• swffi
ciency," given by Rashi (on Gen. xvii. 1), > Iu
He in whose Godhead there is sufficiency for the
whole creation ; '* and in the Talmud ( Ckagiga
fol. 12, col. 1), " I am He who said to the world,
Enough!" Aecc«tUngtotbis,' , ^W=^~)Br>i
" He who is sufficient," "the all-sufficient One; ; -
and so " He who is sufficient hi himself," and
therefore self-existent This is the origin of the
inavii of the LXX., Theodoret, and Heayehiaa,
and of the Arabic aUOI, ottd/t, of Saadiaa,
which has the same meaning. Geeeniua (Grow*.
§ 86, and Jetaia, xiii. 6) regards "HO?, tioddni,
as the plural of majesty, from a singular noun,
"TO?, tliad, root TTO, tliidad, of which the pri-
mary notion seems to be, " to be strong " (Funs,
fluneUob.). It is evident that this derivation w/aa
present to the mind of the prophet from the play
of words in Is. xiii. 6. Ewald (Lehrb. § 166 e.
aU Autg.) takes it from a root TY1W =TTV?,
and compares it with "'•H, aVirvdi, from HY^,
dAvih, the older termination *^~ being retained
He also refers to the proper names % K?, YUbai
(Jesse), and *??, Batvai (Neh. iii. 18). Roediger
(Ges. Thtt. a. v.) disputes Ewald's explanation,
and proposes, as one less open to objection, that
Shaddai originally signified "my powerful onea,"
and afterwards became the name of God Almighty,
like the analogous form Advnai. In favor of this
is the fact that it is never found with the definite
article, but such would be equally ?he case if Shad-
dai were regarded as a proper name. On the
whole there seems no reasonable objection to the
view taken by Geeeniua, which Lee a so adopts
(Cram. 139, 6).
Shaddai is found as an element in the piupas
names Ammishaddai, Zurishaddai, and poaribh;
also in Bbtdeur there may be a trace of it.
W. A W.
HHADKACH OnTTtT [circuit of Ike tarn
tun-god, or royal one (?) Furst]: [LXX.] StSpdv!
[in Dan. iii. (Theodot.) Alex. Stood*:] Bit/rag .
of uncertain etymology). ■ The Cnaldee name of
Hananiah [Hanamar 7| Shkshbazzar], the
chief of the " three children," whose song, as given
in the apocryphal Daniel, fotms part of the service
of the Church of England, under the name of
" Benedicite, omnia opera." A long prayer in the
furnace it also ascribed to h'ni in the LXX. and
Vulgate, but this is thought to be by a dnxerenl
hand from that which added the song The hi*
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SHADRACH
SHALEM
2988
HtT of Shadrach, or Hananiah, u briefly ttj. He
eras taken captive »nth Daniel, Mishael, and Aza-
riah, at the first invasion of Judah by Nebuchad-
teazar, in the fourth, or. as Daniel (i. 1) reckons,
in the third <■ year of Jehoiakim, at thi time when
the Jewish king himself was hound in fetters to be
tarried off to Babylon. [Jehoiakim.] Being,
with his three companions, apparently of royal
birth (Dan. i. 3), of superior understanding, and of
goodly person, he was selected, with them, for the
king's immediate service, and was for this end in-
structed in the language and in all the learning and
wisdom of the Chaldseant, as taught in the college
of the magicians, like Daniel, he avoided the
pollution of the meat and wine which formed their
daily provision at the king's cost, and obtained per-
uiasion to live on pulse and water. When the
time of his probation was over, he and his three
companions, being found superior to all the other
magicians, were advanced to stand before the king.
When the decree lor the slaughter of all the mar
gicians went forth from Nebuchadnezzar, we find
Shadrach uniting with his companions in prayer to
God to reveal the dream to Daniel; and when, in
tnswer to that prayer, Daniel had successfully in-
terpreted the dream, and been made ruler of the
province of Babylon, and head of the college of
magicians, Sbadrach was promoted to a high civil
office. But the penalty of oriental greatness,
especially when combined with honesty and up-
rightness, soon had to he paid by him, on the ac-
cusation of certain envious ChaldasHia. For refus-
ing to worship the golden image he was cast with
Meshach and AUsd-nego, into the burning fur-
nace. But his faith stood firm ; and his victory
was complete when he came out of the furnace,
srith his two companions, unhurt, heard the king's
testimony to the glory of God, and was « promoted
in the province of Babylon." We hear no more
of Shadrach, Meabaeh, and Abed-nego in the 0. T.
after this; neither are they spoken of in the N. T.,
except in the pointed allusion to them in the
Epistle to the Hebrews, as having " through frith
quenched the violence of fire " (Heb. xi. 33, 84).
But there an repeated allusions to them in the
later apocryphal books, and the martyr* of the
Uaccabcan period seem to have been much en-
couraged by their example. See 1 Mace. ii. 69,
60; 8 Mace. vi. 6; 4 Mace. xiii. 8, xvi. 3, 21,
xviii. 19. Ewald (Geeehiekte, iv. 657) observes,
indeed, that neat to the Pentateuch no book is so
often referred to in these times, in proportion, as
Ibe book of Daniel. The apocryphal additions to
Daniel contain, as usual, many supplementary par-
tsenhu-s about the furnace, the angel, and Nebu-
chadnezzar, besides the introduction of the prayer
of Shadrach, and the hymn. Theodore Parker
observes with truth, in opposition to Bertholdt,
that these additions of the Alexandrine prove that
the Hebrew was the original text, because they ore
cbffcoaly inserted to introduce a better connection
Xto the narrative (Joseph. Ant. x. ID; Prideaux,
Cbsnert. i. 59, 60; Parker's De Wette, Inirod. ii.
183-610; Grimm, on 1 Maco. ii. 60; Hiurig (who
Mkm a thoroughly skeptical view), on Dor., iii.;
awald, W. 106, 107, 657-689; Keil. EhUaU
Ooaset). A C. H.
SHA'GE (HJttf [trrhtg\: ia\d; Alex. Irfyf.
Sage). Father of Jonathan the Hararite, one of
David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 34). In the parallel
list of 2 Sam. xxiii. 33, he is called Sharoniah:
unless, as seems probable, there is a confusion be-
tween Jonathan the sou of "Shage the Hararite,"
Jonathan the son of Shammah, David's brother,
and •'Shammah, the son of Agee the Hararite."
[See Shammah, 5.]
SHAHAKA1M (D^qW [too oWw]
iaapty, [Vat. SaapnKi] Alex. Soopriu: Saha
raim). A Benjamite whose history and descenl
are alike obscure in the present text (1 Chr.
viii. 8). It is more intelligible if we remove thi
full stop from the end of ver. 7, and read on thus:
" and begat Uzza and Ahihud, and Shaharaim he
begat in the field of Moab," etc. This would
make Shaharaim the son of Gera. He had three
wive* and nine children.
a Kail explains the ataerepeoey by anpp~1ng that
(tjiulm) may have set off worn Baoyrao to-
■nts tot end of the third year, but not have reach**
tUJ the fourth {EmUit. p. 887).
SHAHAZ'IMAH (nrfSqB? [height,
Ge«.]; but in tho orig. text (.Cethib) rralSPTCtf,
i. e. Shahatsumah: 2oa(u [Vat. SoAeija] «rra»
ei\aaaa»\ Alex. 3a<rfuia0; [Comp. Aid. Sacriui:]
Sthetima). One of the towns of the allotment of
Issachar, apparently between Tabor and the Jordan
(Josh. xix. 22 only). The name is accurately Sha-
hatsini, the termination ah being the particle of
motion — " to Sbahataim." U-
SHATiEM (D^tO [enfe, whole]: Samar
DV?t£7: (is SoM/i: m Salem), Gen. xxxiil. 18.
It seems more than probable that this word should
not here be taken as a proper name, but that thi
sentence should be rendered, "Jacob came safe to
the city of Shechem." Our translators have fol-
lowed the LXX., Peshito-Syriao, and Vulgate,
among ancient, and Luther's among modem ver
■ions, in all of whieh Shalem is treated as a props
name, and considered as a town dependent on or
related to Shechem. And it is certainly remark
able that there should be a modern village bearing
the name of Siifiro in a position to a certain degree
consistent with the requirement* of the narrative
when so interpreted: namely, three miles east of
NSbltu (the ancient Shechem), and therefore be-
tween it and the Jordan Valley, where the preced-
ing verse (ver. 17) leaves Jacob settled (Kob. BibL
Ret ii. 279; Wilson, Lamlt, ii. 72; Van de Veld*
Syr. and Pal. ii. 302, 834).
But there are several considerations which weigh
very much against this being more than a fortuitou*
coincidence.
1. If Shalem waa the city in front of whieh
Jacob pitched his tent, then it certainly was th*
scene of the events of chap, xxxiv. ; and the well
of Jacob and the tomb of Joseph must be removed
from the situation in which tradition has so appro
priatelj placed them to some spot further eastward
and nearer to SuRm. Eusebius and Jerome felt
this, and they accordingly make Sychem and Salem
one and the same (Onoia., under both thaw
heads).
2. Though east of Nablnt, 8*Km does not ap-
pear to li« near any actual line of communication
between it and the Jordan Valley. The road from
SaJiil to iVoofao would be either by Wady Maleh,
< Beading the una! syllabVs as TO^, "»• *•
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2940 SHALIM, THE LAND OF
through Teyaur, Tubal, and the Wady Bidiu, or
by Keravxu, Yan&n, and Beit-Furtk. The former
panel tiro milt* to the north, the latter two mile*
to the south of SaUiu, but neither approach it in
the direct way which the narrative of Gen. xxxiii.
18 seems to denote that Jacob's route did.
3. With the exceptions already named, the unan-
imous voice of translators and scholars is in favor
of treating thakm as a mere appellative. Among
the ancients, Josephua (by his silence, Ant. i. SI,
§ IX the Targums of Onkdos and Fseudojonathan,
the Samaritan Codex, the Arabic Version Among
the modems, the VenetoGreek Version, Rashi,"
Junius, and Tremellius, Meyer (AnnoL on Seder
Ohm), Ainaworth, Reland (Pal and Oiuert.
MitcA, Schumann, Rosenmuller, J. D. Michaelis
(Bibd fur DngtUhrt), and the great Hebrew
scholars of our own day, Gesenius ( Thtt. p. 1422),
Zunz (24 Bicker, and flandwb.), De Wette, Luz-
zatto, Knobel, and Kaliach — all these take thalem
to mean *• safe and sound," and the city before
which Jacob pitched to be the city of Sbechem.
BaBm does not appear to have been visited by
any traveller. 6 It could be done without difficulty
from SaUut, and the investigation might be of
importance. The springs which are reported to be
there should not be overlooked, for their bearing on
its possible identity with the Sajuuj of St John
the Baptist. G.
SHAXIM, THE LAND OF ("VTfc?
O^Jtt?, i. e. Sbaalim {land of fans]: [Vat]
tjmt 7»J EmroJcfju [Rom. XtyaKlfi] ; ' Alex. t. y.
2cuxA<ip; [Comp. t. y. Jaa-yf^-] terra SnSm).
A district through which Saul passed on his Jour-
ney in quest of his father's asses (1 Sam. ix. 4 only).
It appears to have lain between the " land of Sha-
lisha' and the "land of Yemini" (probably, but
by no means certainly, that of Benjamin).
In the complete uncertainty which attends the
route — its starting-point and termination, no less
than its whole course — It is very difficult to hazard
any conjecture on the position of Shalim. The
spelling of the name in the original shows that it
had no connection with Shalem, or with the modern
Snllm east of Niblut (though between these two
there is probably nothing in common except the
name). It is more possibly identical with the
" land of Shual," <* the situation of which appears,
from some circumstances attending its mention, to
be almost necessarily fixed in the neighborhood of
Taiyibeh, i. e. nearly six miles north of Michmash,
and about nine from Gibeah of Saul. But this can
only be taken as a conjecture. [Ramah.] G-
SHAL1SHA, THE LAND OF (T?§
TUgS 1 ;^, {. «. Shalishah [MraVand, Fflrst] : t)
ft it\vi; Alex, n y. ZoAio-o-a; [Comp. 2aXurd:]
terra SalUn). One of the districts traversed by
a The traditional explanation of the word among;
Che Jews, as stated by Buhl, is that Jacob arrived
before Sbechem sound from his lameness (Incurred at
Penlel), and with his wealth and his frith alike nn-
njurei.
» • TrUtnun visited this village, which he repre-
sents as " modern and insignificant," but, as he says,
" took only a hasty glance at it." He thinks that
laeob may have creased (he Jabbok at one point
wbenne his route would have brought htm to the Tt-
jtc'.ty or Satim (Land of Israel, p. 146). This possi-
bility, however, Is not sufficient to outweigh the op-
sestng coaai-ienlioas staled is the text show. H.
BHALLUM
Saul when in search of the asses of hash (1 Been
ix. 4, only). It apparently lay between " Mourn
Ephraim " and the " land of Sbaalim," a apeeifi
cation which with all it* evident preciaeueas is ir
recognizable, because the extent of Mount Ephraiix
is so uncertain; and Shaalim, though probably
near Tniyibeh, is not yet definitely fixed there
The difficulty is increased by locating Shalisha at
Sdrit or Khirbet Sdrti, a village a few miles west
of Jerusalem, south of Abu Goth (Tobler, We
Wand. p. 178), which some have proposed. If the
land of Shalisha contained, as it not impossibly
did, the place called Baai^Shalisha (2 K. hr.
42), which, according to the testimony of Eusebiua
and Jerome ( Onom. " Beth Salisha " ), lay fifteen
Roman (or twelve English) miles north of Lydd,
then the whole disposition of Saul's route would bt
changed.
The words Eylntk Shalithiyah in Jer. xlviii. 84
(A. V. " a heifer of three years old " ) are by some
translators rendered as if denoting a place named
Shalisha. But even if this be correct, it is obvious
that the Shalisha of the prophet was on the coast
of the Dead Sea, and therefore by no means appro-
priate for that of Saul. G.
SHALLE'CHETH, THE GATE (">?«
fl?:^ [see below] : $ riKit Taarofopiw. porta
qua dual). One of the gates of the "house of
Jehovah," whether by that expression be intended
the sacred tent of David or the Temple of Solomon.
It is mentioned only in 1 Cbr. xxvi. 16, in what
purports to be a list of the staff of the sacred
establishment as settled by David (xxiii. 6, 2$,
xxiv. 81, xxr. 1, xxvi. 81, 32). It was the gat*
" to the causeway of the ascent," that is, to the
long embankment which led up from the central
valley of the town to the sacred inclosure- Aa the
causeway is actually in existence, though very much
concealed under the mass of houses which fill the
valley, the gate Shallecheth can hardly fail to be
identical with the Bub Silsileh, or Sintleh, which
enters the west wall of the Haram area opposite
the south end of the platform of the Dome of the
Rock, about 600 feet from the southwest comer
of the Haram wall. For the bearing of this posi-
tion on the topography of the Temple, see that
article.
The signification of ihnOeeelh is "falling or
easting down." The LXX., however, appear tc
have read HStT /, the word which they usually
render by rcurT04>op(or. Thia would point tn the
" chambers " of the Temple. G.
SHALXUM (Dlv># [retribution]: J«A-
\ovft: Sellum).
1. The fifteenth king of Israel, eon of Jabeah,
conspired against Zechariah, son of Jeroboam II.,
killed him, and brought the dynasty of Jehu to a
close. B. a 770, according to the prophecy in 2 K.
e Many MBS. hare XryoAip or ZryaXtiii (see Holmes
and Parsons), the reading followed by Tiachendorf la
his text (1866). The reading of the Alex, is remark-
able for its suppression of the presence of the 7 w
the Hebrew word, usually rendered In Greek by y.
J It will be seen that Shalim contains the Ain 1 ' "
is absent Dram Shalem. It is, however, 1 resent u
Shoal.
• At the same time omitting n^Dlp, " toe eaaaw
way," or eootoondlng it with the word befar. hV.
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SHALLUM
s. 90, where H is promised that Jehu's ehiMicn
should occupy the throne of Israel to the fourth
generation. In the English version of 2 K. xv.
10, we read, "And Shallum the son of Jabesh
conspired against him, and smote him before the
people, and slew him, and reigned in his stead."
And so the Vnlg. pereuuitque earn pnlam el inttr-
frdL But in the LXX. we find K<0Aod> in-
stead of before u< ptople, i. e. Shallum and
Keblaam killed Zeoliariah. The common editions
read «V Ks/SAodV, meaning that Shallum killed
Zeehariah in Keblaam; but no place of such a
name is known, and there is nothing in the Hebrew
to answer to ir. Hie words translated before
m* people, pnlam, KtjSAod>, are Df b^J7.
Ewald (GaehichU, iii. 598) maintains that V^Q
never oeeura in prose,' and that 09 would be
Qyn if the Latin and English translations were
correct. He also observes that in tt. 14, 38, 80,
where almost the same expression is used of the
deaths of Shallum, Pekahiah, and Pekah, the words
before the people sre omitted. Hence he accepts
the translation in the Vatican MS. of the LXX.,
and considers that Qobolam » or Ktf}\aAfi was a
fellow-conspirator or rival of Shallum, of whose
subsequent fate we have no information. On the
death of Zeehariah, Shallum was made king, but,
after reigning in Samaria for a month only, was in
his turn dethroned and killed by Menahem. To
these events Ewald refers the obscure passage in
Zeeh. zi. 8: Three thepherdt alio 1 cut off in one
month, and my tout abhorred them — the three shep-
herds being Zeehariah, Qobolam, and Shallum.
This is very ineenious: we must remember, how-
ever, that Ewald, like certain English divines
(Mede, Hammond, Neweome, Seeker, Pye Smith),
thinks that the latter chapters of the prophecies
of Zeehariah belong to an earlier date than the
rest of the book. G. E. L. C.
3. (2«AA«>; Alex. SsAAovp in 8 K.) The
hnaband (or son, according to the IJCX. in 2 K.)
af Holdsh the prophetess (2 K. xxii. 14; 2 Cbr.
zzsiv. 92) in the reign of Josiah. He appears to
bare been keeper of the priestly vestments in the
Temple, though in the LXX. of 2 Chr. this office
is wrongly assigned to his wife.
3. (SaAotVi Alex. SoAAovu.) A descendant
of Sheshan (1 Cbr. ii. 40, 41).
4. ([Koro. SoAotV,] Alex. SoAAov*. In 1 Chr.,
[both] 3«AAn«i in Jer.) The third son of Josiah
Bug of Jodah, known in the books of Kings and
Chronicles as Jehoahas (1 Chr. iii. 15: Jer. xxii.
11). Hengstenberg (Christology of the 0. T. ii.
tOO, Eng. trans!. ) regards the name ss symbolical,
'the recompensed one," and given to Jehoahas in
token of his fate, ss one whom God recompensed
according to his deserts. This would be plausible
anowgh if it were only found in the prophecy; but
a genealogical table is the last place where we
should expect to find a symbolical name, and Shal»
axe la more probably the original name of the
king, which was changed to Jehoahas when he
to the crown. Upon a comparison of the
a Is net the objection rather that the word Is Cnal-
|a*T It occurs npsatedly In DuW (11. 81 ; ffl 8 ; rr
I, a, W), and also In the Chaldes portions of lam •».
»;Ytl*>
i Q kith, bast
of the Hebrew p.
8HALMAI 2941
ages of Jehoiakim, Jehoahas or Shallum, and Zode-
kiah, it is evident that of the two last Zedekiab
must have lean the younger, and therefore that
Shallum was the uWnf, not the fourth, son of
Josiah, as stated in 1 Chr. iii. 15.
5- (2oA<>t.) Son of Shaul the son of Simeon
(1 Chr. iv. 25).
6. (2oAi£u in Chr., ZfAoo/t [Vat XoAo«/»] it
Ear.; Alex. 2fAAoup.) A high-priest, son of
Zadok and ancestor of Ezra (1 Cbr. ri. 12, 18
Ezr. vU. 2). Called also Salum (1 Esdr. riiL 1).
siid Sadamias (2 Esdr. i. 1).
7. CEcAAov/t; [Vat. 3oAa>uo#i>.]) A son of
Naphthali (1 Chr. riL 13). He and his urethra,
are called •' sons of Bilhah," but in the Vat. MS.
of the LXX., Shallum and the rest are the sons
of Naphthali, and Balam (not Bilhah) is the son of
Shallum. Called also Shiixkm.
8. (JoAw u, Alex. SoAAwu in 1 Chr. ix. 17
2«AAo4m [Vst SoAovu] in Ear. ii. 42) SaAotfa,
Alex. SsAAoup in Neh. vii. 45.) The chief of a
family of porters or gatekeepers of the east gat*
of the Tentple, for the camps of the sons of Leri.
His descendants were among those who returned
with ZerubbabeL In 1 Esdr. t. 28 he is called
Sauim, and in Neh. xii. 25 Mishullam.
8. (S«AAov> [Vat. aaAayiav], 2aAi6/i; Alex.
3a\t»fi.) Son of Kore, a Korahite, who with hie
brethren was keeper of the thresholds of the Taber-
nacle (1 Chr. ix. 19, 81), "and their fathers (were)
over the camp of Jehovah, keepers of the entry."
On comparing this with the expression in rer. 18,
it would appear that Shallum the son of Kore and
his brethren were gatekeepers of a higher rank
than Shallum, Akkub, Talmon, and Ahiman, who
were only "for the camp of the sons of LeTi."
With this Shallum we may identify Mesheletuiah
and Shelemiah (1 Chr. xxvi. 1, 2, 9, 14), but he
seems to be different from the last-mentioned Shal-
lum.
10. (SsAAr/u.) Father of Jehizkiah, one of
the heads of the children of Ephraim (2 Chr.
xxviil. 12).
11. (3oA M #>; [Vat. r«AAv;/i: FA. ra.AA«u*;]
Alex. XoAAtm*.) One of the porters of the Tem-
ple who bad married a foreign wife (Ear. x. 24).
12. (3«AAou>; [Vat FA. 2a\ovp.]) Son of
Bani, who put away his foreign wife at the com
mand of Ezra (Ezr. x. 42).
13. (iaXAoiu; [Vat] FA. SoAoust.) The eon
of Halohesh and ruler of a district of Jerusalem.
With his daughters he assisted Nehemiah in re-
building the wall of the city (Neh. iii. 12).
14. (SoAaVi [PA. SaAsusr.]) The undo of
Jeremiah (Jer. xxxii. 7); perhaps the same as
Shallum the huslnnd of Huldah the prophetras.
[Jkbkmiah, vol. ii. p. 1254 a.]
18. (2sA<e>; [FA.i AiAwu, FA.« JaiAsMt.])
Father or ancestor of Maaseiah, "keeper of the
threshold " of the Temple in the time of Jeremiah
(Jer. xxxt. 4) ; perhaps the same as 9.
SHA1/LUN (VftHfr [perh. retrSmtim] :
[Bom.] SaAwaiSfr; [Vat. Alex. FA. omit:] Bet-
turn. The son of Cd-hozeh, and ruler of a dis-
trict of the Mlxpsb. He assisted Nehemiah in
repairing the spring gate, and "the wall of the
pool of Hasshshch" (A. V. "Siloah") belonging
to th* king's garden, " even up to the stairs that
go down Mm the city of David " (Neh. Iii. 15).
8HAI/MAI [« syL] 0l?I?tt>, Ktri, "t^tf
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2942
8HALMAN
In Ear., > K) X (fp In Neh. [my thank*]: 3,x»uf,
StA/ttf i [Vat. Sajuaav, SaAauwi ;] Alex. 2«A.a^<i,
3<Au«i [FA. 2apa«]: Bemlal, Selmai). Tht
children of Shalmai (or Shamlai, as in the margin
of Ear. a. 46) were among the Nethinlm who re-
turned with Zmibbabel (Ear. H. 46; Neh. vii. 48).
In Neh. the name is properly Salmai. In 1 Esdr.
T. 30 It is written Subai.
SHALTOAN ()9^0 [at below]: aoAn^iV:
Satmana). Shalmaneser, king of Assyria (Hos.
». 14). The versions differ in a remarkable man-
ner in their rendering of this verse. The LXX.
read ")fr, gar (a»x«w). for 1&, tkdd (in which
they are followed by the Arabic of the Polyglot),
and "Jeroboam" (Alex. " Jerubbaal")fbr "Arbel."
The Vulgate, reading " Jerubbaal," appears to have
confounded Sbalman with Zaliuunna, and renders
the clause, ticut vaHaUa e*l Snlmann a dorno tjui
luijwKcatHt Baal in die pralii. The Targum of
Jonathan and Peshito-Syriao both give "Shalma;"
the former for bHS"jrj JT2, reading 3?t*S|,
"by an ambush," the latter, ?J< rPJ, "Beth-ei."
The Chaldee translator seems to have caught only
the first letters of the word •' ArbeL" white the
Syrian only saw the last two. Tbe Targum pos-
sibly regards " Sbalman " as an appellative, " the
peaceable," following in this the traditional inter-
pretation of tbe verse recorded by Hash!, whose
note is as follows: " As spoilers that come upon a
people dwelling in peace, suddenly by mewis of an
ambush, who have not been warned against them
to flee before them, and destroy all."
SHALMANE'SER P T ?*99 , ?£ [perh./re-
ioorM/iippa-i see Ges. s. v.] : i&afulracro-ip; [Vat.
8 K. xvii., luiurrcurra?; Alex. 3a\anaraoap,
ia/uwaoaap;] Joseph. ZaXfiaratrcrAprit ■ Satma-
natttr) was the Assyrian king who reigned imme-
diately before Sargon, and probably immediately
after Tiglath-pileaer. Very little is known of him,
since Sargou, his successor, who was of a different
family, and most likely a rebel against his authority
[Sargoh], seems to have destroyed his monu-
ments. He can scarcely have ascended the throne
earlier than b. c. 730, and may possibly not have
done so till a few years later. [Tiolath pileskk.]
It must have been soon after his accession that be
led the forces of Assyria into Palestine, where Ho-
shea, the last king of Israel, had revolted against
his authority (3 K. xvii. 8). No sooner was he
come than Hoshea submitted, acknowledged him-
self a "servant " of the Great King, and consented
to pay him a fixed tribute annually. Shalmaneser
upon this returned home; but soon afterwards he
•■ found conspiracy in Hoshea," who had concluded
an alliance with the king of Egypt, and withheld
his tribute in consequence. In B. c 723 Shalmane-
ser invaded Palestine for the second time, and, as
Hoshea refused to submit, laid siege to Samaria.
The siege lasted to the third year (b. c. 731),
when the Assyrian arms prevailed; Samaria fell;
Hnahea was taken captive and shut up in prison,
ana the bulk of the Samaritans were transported
bum their own country to Upper Mesopotamia (2 K.
rvii. 4-6 , xviii. 9-11 ) . It is uncertain whether Shai-
<• In 3 K. xrti. 6, the expression Is simply " the
Stat of Assyria took It." In 2 K. xvili. 9. 10, we
1*4. Mil nor* remarkably, " gethnansssr, kmg of As-
SHAMEK
maneser ocndncted the siege to its close, or wfaetha
he did not lose his crown to Sargon before the city
was taken. Sargon claims the capture as hi* own
exploit in hi* first year; and (Scripture, it will Kt
found, avoids saying that Shalmaneser took the
place. Perhaps Shalmaneser died before Samaria,
or perhaps, bearing of Sargon's revolt, be left his
troops, or a part of them, to continue the siege,
and returned to Assyria, where he was defeated
and deposed (or murdered) by bis enemy.
According to Josephus, who professes to follow
the Phoenician history of Menandrr of Epheans
Shalmaneser engaged in an important war wilt
Phoenicia In defense of Cyprus (AnL is. 14, § 2)
It is possible that he may have done so, though w»
have no other evidence of the fact: but it is perhaps
more probable that Josephus, or Menander, made
some confusion between him and Sargon, who cer-
tainly warred with Phoenicia, and set up a memo-
rial in Cyprus. [Sabgom.] G. R.
SHATMA (BOB? [aenrnso, obtdie n(] : Sa/mtd;
Alex, ta ft f ia : Samoa). One of David's gumrd, sob
of Hothan of Aroer (1 Chr. xi. 44). and brother of
JebieL Probably a Beubenite (see 1 Chr. v. 8).
8HAMARIAH (rP-}DD? [oka* Jthocah
prottctt]: Jo^opfo; [Vat.] Alex. Sa^apia.: So-
moria). Son of Reboboam by Abihail the daugh-
ter or Eliab (3 Chr. xl. 19).
• SHAMBLES, 1 Cor. x. 25 (>u(ir«AA<»- from
tbe Latin mnctlhun = xptnraKtov as explained by
Plutarch), Jleth-markct. Meat which had been
offered in sacrifice to idols was often brought to
such places for sale. Some of tbe first Christians
doubted whether they could lawfully eat such meat.
Paul decides that the scruple was unnecessary ; but
if any one entertained it he was bound by it, and
even if free from it should forego his own liberty
out of regard to the weak consciences of others.
" Shambles" is from the Anglo-Saxon scrauj,
lainuil, which meant a bench or stool. II.
8H AIMED (IDE/ [perh. walak, keeper]:
2t)tfvtlP< [V**- Sl/"l»: Comp. Sdsiifl:] Samoa").
Properly Shamek, or Shemer; one of the sons of
Elpaal the Benjamite, who built Ono and Lod, with
the towns thereof (1 Chr. viii. 12). Tbe A V has
followed the Vulg., as in tbe case of Shachia, and
retains the reading of the Geneva Version. Thir-
teen of Kennicott's MSS. hare TDK?.
* SHAMEFACEDNES8 is a current mh>-
print or corruption in 1 11m. ii. 9, for « Shameast-
uess," in tbe tense of being fast or established in
modesty and decorum. 'ITie old English version*
(Wickliffe, Tyndala, Cranmer, Geneva), as well a*
the original ed. of 1611, have " shaiuefaatnesa."
The word is formed from shaniefest, like ateadmat-
ness from steadfast, rootfastness from rootfaat, etc-
(See Trench On the Authorized Vernon, p. C6.)
The Greek word is alfcm, which the A. V. renders
" reverence " in Heb. xii. 28.
• SHAMEFA8TNESS. [SRAJtmrACsn-
MKM.]
SHATtfEB (-1CW? [keeper, at lea, of
«eV]: 2tu4p; [V**.] -*-lex. ]i/<< v : °
syrla, earn* ap against Samaria, and birlagsj It; ai
at the and of three years (Aey took It."
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SHAMOAB
l> A Mararite Levite, ancestor of Ethan (1 Chr.
tL4C).
*• (Z«w4e; A * a ~ **W-) Siiomeb the son
af Hebw an Aaherita (1 Car. vii. 34). His fsur
naa an mentioned by name. \V. A. W.
SHAM'GAK ("latptt? [possibly, cupbearer] ;
Joairyap; [Vat In Judg. iii. 31, 2ap<ryap:] So/n-
ow .• of uncertain etymology; compare Samgar-
oebo). Son of Anath, judge of Israel after Ehud,
and before Barak, though possibly contemporary
with the latter, since he seems to be spoken of in
Judg. v. 6 as a contemporary of Jael, if the reading
is correct. It is not improbable from hia patronymic
that Shamgar may hare been of the tribe of Naph-
tali, since Beth-anath is in that tribe (Judg. i. 33).
> wald conjectures that he was of Dan — an opinion
in which Bertheau ( On Judg. iii. 31) does not coin-
cide. And since the tribe of NaphUli bore a chief
part in the war against Jitbin and Siaera (Judg. ir.
6, 10, t. 18), we seem to have a point of contact
between Shamgar and Bank. Anyhow, in the
days of Shamgar, Israel was in a most depressed
condition; the tributary Canaanites (Judg. i. 33),
in league apparently w ith their independent kins-
men, the Philistines, rose against their Israelite
masters, and the country became so unsafe, that
the highways were deserted, and Hebrew travellers
were obliged to creep unobserved by cross-roads and
by-ways. The open villages were deserted, the
wells were inaccessible, and the people hid them-
selves in the mountains. Their arms were ap-
parently taken from them, by the same policy as
was adopted later by the same people (Judg. iii. 31,
». 8; comp. with 1 Sam. xiii. 18-22), and tbe
whole nation was cowed. At this conjuncture
Shamgar was raised up to be a deliverer. With no
anna in his hand but an ox-goad (Judg. iii. 31 ;
eomp. 1 Sam. xiii. 21), he made a desperate assault
upon the Philistines, and slew 600 of them ; an act
of valor by which be procured a temporary respite
lor his people, and struck terror into the hearts of
the Canaanites and their Philistine allies. But it
was reserved for Delmrah and Barak to complete
the deliverance; and whether Shamgar lived to wit-
ness or participate in it we have no certain informa-
tion. From the position of " the Philistines " in
1 Sam. lit. 9, between " Moab " and " Hazor,"
the allusion seems to be to tbe time of Shamgar.
Ewald observes with truth that the way in which
Shamgar is mentioned in Deborah's song indicates
that his career was very recent. The resemblance
to Samson, pointed out by him, does not seem to
bad to anything. A. C. H.
* It may have been as leader and not by his own
single hand that Shamgar slew the 600 Philistines.
The subjugated Hebrews being disarmed (comp.
Judg. v. 8), he may have put himself at the head
of a band of peasants armed with ox-goads, tbe only
weapons left to them, and with such warriors may
have achieved the victory. In common speech we
ascribe to the leader what is done under hia leader-
ship. [Sitkchem.] One of Homer's heroes put to
flight Dionysius and the Bacchantes with bis
?o-jt\I>1 (H vi. 135). Mr. Porter states (Kitto's
Daily bible lOuttr. 11. 340) that he '• once saw a
goad of a Druse ploughman, on the mountains of
peahen — of which the shaft was ten feet long
and made of an oak sapling; the goad appeared to
a Ins motion of Jael sesus seemly natural. T *
to the witter » sinjiiitoss tot *C«3
SHAMMA 2948
be an old spear-head, very sharp and firmly fast
ened. The Druse remarked that it was for the)
Arabs as well as the oxen." Thomson describes
this formidable weapon in his Land and Book, L
600. [See also Ox-ooad.] H.
SHABTHUTH (rfinjptf [perh. daokthm,
mule]: 2a/uu6<>; [Vat. SaXawO :] Samaoth). The
fifth captain for the fifth month in David's arrange-
ment of hia army (V Chr. xxvii. 8). His designa-
tion rPJ'n, Anyyisrdcft, 1. e. the Yizrach, M
probably for ^rnjn, Anasarca!, the Zarhite, or
descendant of Zefah the son of Judah. From a
comparison of the list* in 1 Chr. xi., xxvii., it
would seem that Shambuth is the same as Sham-
moth the Harorite. W. A. W.
SHAMIR f^Blg? [Ihorn-htdgt]: [Rom.
Sayiio; Vat.] Sapcip; Alex, in Josh. 2a£eip, in
Judg. tapapftai Snmir). The name of two places
in the Holy Land.
1. A town in the mountain district of Judah
(Josh, xv. 48, only). It is the first in this division
of the catalogue, and occurs in company with .Iat-
tir in the group containing Socho and Esiitk-
moh. It therefore probably lay some eight or ten
miles south of Hebron, in the neighborhood of the
three places just named, all of which have been
identified with tolerable certainty. But it has
not itself been yet discovered.
3. A place in Mount Kpbraitn, tbe residence
and burial-place of Tola the Judge (Judg. x. 1, 2).
It is singular that this Judge, a man of Issacbar,
should have taken up bis official residence out of
Iiia own tribe. We may account for it by sup-
posing that tbe plain of Esdraelon, which formed
the greater part of the territory of Issacbar, was
overrun, as in Gideon's time, by the Canaanites or
other marauders, of whose incursions nothing what-
ever is told us — though their existence is certain
— driving Tola to the more secure mountains of
Ephraim. Or, as Hanaaseh had certain cities out
of Issacbar allotted to him, so Issacbar on the
other hand may hare possessed some towns in the
mountains of Ephraim. Both these suppositions,
however, are but conjecture, and have no corrobora-
tion in any statement of the records.
Shamir is not mentioned by the ancient topog
raphers. Schwarx (p. 151) proposes to identify it
with Sanur, a place of great natural strength (which
has some claims to be Betbulia), situated in the
mountains, half-way between Samaria and Jentn,
about eight miles from each. Van de Velde ( Mem. p.
348) proposes Klrirbtt Summer, a ruined site in the
mountains overlooking the Jordan valley, ten miles
E. S. E. of Nibliu. There is no connection be-
tween the names Shamir and Samaria, as proposed
in the Alex. LXX. (see above), beyond the acci-
dental one which arises from the inaccurate form
of the latter in that Version, and in our own, it
being correctly Shomron. Q.
SHA'MIB (TII3^ [Iritd, proved, Furs*];
Keri, "VBH0 : Scutfip: Snmir). A Kohathlte,
son of Micah, or Michah, the firstborn of Uzxiel (1
Chr. xxlv. 241.
SHAM'MA {ttqtr [c&sofaaoa]:*^; [Vat
bV%bN~ltS' , a,asmvar.7. Dr. Donal Ison (AuAsr,
pp. 871, 273) eosdsstoass n^Q], R and n
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2944
SHAMMAli
»/»«;] Alex, iafifta: Snnma). One of the soni
gf Zophar, an Asherite (1 Cbr. vii. 37).
SHAM'MAH (H^tt? [daolation]: X« M ^
Alex. Jafffif in 1 Chr. 1. 87: Snmnw). 1. The
■on of Reuel tie son of Emu, and one of the chief-
tain* of Ma tribe (Gen. xxxvl. 18, 17; 1 Chr. i. 37).
2- (Sa/uct; Alex. laufia: Samma.) The third
•on of Jesse, and brother of David (1 Sam. xri. 9,
xrii. 13). Called also Shimea, Shimeah, and
Shimma. He was present when Samuel anointed
David, and with his two elder brothers joined the
Hebrew army in the valley of Elah to fight with
the Philistines.
3. (Sapota; Alex, iaftutas'- Semma.) One of
the three greatest of David's mighty men. He was
with him during his outlaw life in the cave of
Adullam, and signalized himself by defending a
piece of ground full of lentiles against the Philis-
tines on one of their marauding incursions. This
achievement gave him a place among the first three
heroes, who on another occasion cut their way
through the Philistine garrison, and brought
David water from the well of Bethlehem (2 Sam.
xxiii. 11-17). The text of Chronicles at this part
is clearly very fragmentary, and what is there at-
tributed to Eieazar the son of Dodo properly be-
longs to Sbammah. There is still, however, a
discrepancy in the two narratives. The scene of
Shammah's exploit is said in Samuel to be a field
of lentiles (D^E^S), and in 1 Chr. a field of bar-
ley (C^TOtP). Kennicott proposes In both cases
to read " barley," the words being in Hebrew so
similar that one la produced from the other by a
very slight change and transposition of the letters
(Diu. p. 141). It is more likely, too, that the
Philistines should attack and the Israelites defend
a field of barley than a field of lentiles. In the
Peahito-Syriac, instead of being called " the Ha-
rarite," he is said to be " from the king's mountain "
Q">Vi> »QL^ *-*>), and the same is repeated
at ver. 25. The Vat MS. of the LXX. makes
him toe son of Asa (vibs 'Aaa 6 'Apovx<uor,
where 'ApovSeuot was perhaps the original read-
ing). Josephus (Ant. vii. 12, § 4) calls him Ceaa-
banis the son of Ilus ('Uov per vlbs KrioaBcuos
W tvOfiOi-
4. (iai/ii; Alex, ia/xfuu' Semma.) The Ha-
rodite, one of David's migbties (8 Sam. xxiii. 25).
He is called " Shajimotii the Harorite " in 1
Chr. xi. 27, and in 1 Chr. xxvii. 8 " Shamhutr
the Izrahite." Kennicott maintained the true
reading in both to be "Shamhoth the Harodite"
(Diu. p. 181).
5. (lapyiirj Alex. Ja/wat, [and so Tat.*;
Comp. Aid. XoftA •■ Semma.] ) In the list of David's
mbthty men in 2 Sam. xxiii. 32, 33, we find " Jone-
tnan. Shnmmali the Hararite; " while in the cor-
respomiing verse of 1 Chr. xi. 84, it is " Jonathan,
the son of Shage the Hararite." Combining the
two, Kennicott proposes to read " Jonathan, the
ton of Shamha, the Hararite," David's nephew
who slew the giant in Oath (2 Sam. xxi. 21). In-
stead of " ths Hararite," the Peahito-Syriac has
« of the mount of Olives " (J^J )0^ fJOJ),
to 3 Sam. xxiii. 33, and In 1 Chr. xi. 34, "of
tfannt Carmel" (lUW-3 »0^ ,J0>). but the
wigtn of both these interpretations is obscure.
W.A.W.
BHAPHAK
SHAMTtfAI [2 syl.] (^B? [dewfatad]
Ha/uiti Alex. iapiiaX: Semet). L The son of
Onam, and brother of Jada (1 Chr. ii. 28, 33)
In the last-quoted verse the LXX. give 'Axurafids
for " the brother of Shammai."
S. (Snmmal.) Son of Rekem, and rather of
founder of Maon (1 Cbr. ii. 44, 45).
3. (Xtutt; [Tat. 2tfuy:] Alex. 3au/iaJ: [Sam-
mai.]) The brother of Miriam and Ishbah ths
founder of Kshtemoa, in an obscure genealogy of
the descendants of Judaa (1 Chr. iv. 17). Rabbi D
Kimcbi conjectures that these were the children
of Mered by his Egyptian wife Bitbiah, the daugh-
ter of Pharaoh. [Mured.] The LXX. makes
Jether the father of all three. The tradition in
the Qucat. in JJbr. Parol, identifies Shammai
with Moses, and Ishbah with Aaron.
SHAM'MOTH (!TiBtO [d t $olatiatu, Get.] :
lafuuii; Alex. Jta/utS; [Comp. Scyuutt:] Sam-
moth). The Haronte, one of David's guard (1
Chr. xi. 87). He is apparently the tame with
" Sbammah the Harodite " (3 Sam. xxiii. 35),
and with " Shamhuth " (1 Chr. xxvii. 8).
SHAMMTJ'A (yiStt? [renowned] : ia/t-
oirf)k; Alex. iapaXiiiK: Sammun). L The son
of Zaccur (Num. xiii. 4) and the spy selected from
the tribe of Reuben.
2. faa/tadi Alex. Zcyipoov: [FA. 3amttMU ; ]
Samua.) Son of David by his wife Bathsbeba,
born to him in Jerusalem (1 Chr. xiv. 4). In the
A. T. of 2 Sam. v. 14 be is called Shammoah,
and iu 1 Chr. iii. 5 Shimea.
3. (iaiiavl: [Vat.] FA. Ja/xovti: [Samua,])
A Levite, the father of Abda (Neh. xi. 17). He Ii
the tame as Shkmaiah the father of Obadiah (]
Chr. ix. 16).
4. ( lafiovt; [Tat. Alex. FA." omit:] Sammua.)
The representative of the priestly family of Bilgah,
or Bilgai, in the days of the high-priest Jciakim
(Xeh. xU. 18).
SHAMMU'AH (pnStt? [mourned] : lap-
fio&s; Alex, iofi/iovt •' Samua). Son of David
(2 Sam. v. 14); elsewhere called Shammua, and
Shimea.
SHAMS-HERAI [3eyl.] C^t<tJ [Aeroie,
FUrat]: tafurapl; [Tat. Itruaaapta;] Alex. 2oft-
capiat Banuari). One of the sons of Jeroham, a
Benjamite, whose family lived in Jerusalem (1 CI r.
viii. 26).
SHATHAM (CEU7 [peril, bald, ban]: a«-
Oop; [Tat So/tor:] Baphan). A Gadite who
dwelt In Bashan (1 Chr. v. 12). He was second
In authority in hit tribe.
SHATHAN G|f£ [coney]: 2aw<p4»; [Tat.]
Alex, ia^xpay in 3 K. xxil. [exo. ver. 8, Alex.
2ftp4>ay, and 14, Vat XttptpaBa, Alex. 3a<pat>]. but
elsewhere both MSS. have lupir [exc 3 Chr.
xxxiv. 15, Alex. Aooa>] : Saphan). The scribe or
secretary of king Josiah. He was the son of Asa
liah (2 K. xxii. 3; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 8), father of Ahl-
kam (2 K. xxii. 12; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 20), Hasah
(Jer. xxix. 3), and Gemariah (Jer. xxxvi. 10, 11,
12), and grandfather of Gedaliah (Jer. mil. 14,
xl. 6, 9, 11, xli. 2, xliii. 6), Michaiah (Jer. xxxrl
11), and probably of Jaazaniah (Ea. viii. 11)
There seems to be no sufficient reason for suppoa.
ing that Shaphan the father of Ahikam and Sh»
phan the scribe, were different persona. The hi*
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SHAFHAT
mrj of Smyrna bring! out noe pouiti with regard
to Ih* office of scribe which he held. He appears
Tn an equality with the governor of the city and
the royal records-, with whom he mi seat by the
king to Hilkiah to take an account of the money
whieh had been collected by the Levitea for the
repair of the Temple and to pay the workmen (2
K. iiii. 4; 3 Chr. xxxiv. 9; eomp. 2 K. xii. 10).
Ewald call* him Minuter of Finance ((lack. iii.
697). It waa on this occaaiou that Hilkiah com-
municated bis discovery of a copy of the Law,
which he bad probaMy found while making prep-
arations for the repair of the Temple. [Hilkiah,
voL ii. p. 1075 t] Shaphan was entrusted to de-
liver it to the king. Whatever may have been
the portion of the Pentateuch thus discovered, the
manner of ita discovery, and the conduct of the
king upon hearing it read by Shaphan, prove that
fur many years it must have been lost and its con-
teuta forgotten. The part read waa apparently
from Deuteronomy, and when Shaphan ended, the
king sent him with the high-priest Hilkiah, and
other men of high rank, to consult Huldah the
prophetess. Her answer moved Joeiah deeply, and
the work which began with the restoration of the
decayed boric of the Temple, quickly took the form
of a thorough reformation of religion and revival of
the Levitical services, while all traces of idolatry
were far a time swept away. Shaphan was then
probably an old man, for his son Abikam must
have been in a position of importance, and his
grandson Gedaliah was already born, as we may
infer from the bet that thirty-live years afterwards
he is made governor of the country by the Chaldm-
ana, an office which would hardly be given to a very
young man. Be this as it may, Shaphan disap-
pears from the scene, and probably died before
the fifth year of Jehoiakim, eighteen yean later,
when we find Kliahama was scribe (Jer. xxxvi. 12).
There is just one point in the narrative of the burn-
ing of the roll of Jeremiah's prophecies by the
order of the king, which seems to identify Shaphan
the father of Ahikam with Shaphan the scribe. It
ss wril known that Ahikam was Jeremiah's great
friend and protector at court, and it was therefore
consistent with this friendship of his brother for
the prophet that Gemariah the son of Shaphan
should warn Jeremiah and Baruch to hide them-
selves, and should intercede with the king fur the
preservation of the roll (Jer. xxxvi. 12, 19, 25).
r W. A. W.
8HATHAT (B?^ LHr*]* *««>ot : 8a-
naW). L The son of Hori, selected from the tribe
of Simeon to spy out the laud of Canaan (Num.
xiii. 5).
3. [Tat. 1 K. xix. 16, IwpttB; 2 K. iii. 11, I<#-
wafaB, see Errata in Mai.] The father of the
ptuphrt Elisha (1 K. xix. 16, 19; 2 K. iii. 11,
vi-31).
3. (lafxiB; Alex, 2oa)ar.) One of the six tons
of Shemaiah in the royal line of Judah (1 Chr.
EL 22).
4. (A TpoiuioTfOi; [Comp. 2<upa>.]) On» of
she chiefs of the Gadites in Bashan (1 Chr. v. 12).
■ Codex A here retains she y as the equivalent to-
As V, watch has disappeared from the name In Codex
I. The first r however, Is unuaoal (Camp. Tmu..]
» Two singular variations of this are found In the
fas. MS. (Mai's ed.), namely, 1 Car. v. 16, r.pu«» ; and
enf . », ' inb (Bom. Zrowl, where the A ■ a rem-
8HABON
2946
5. (*»s>oV;[Vai.a«^oi>.]) The son of Adla,
who waa over David's oxen in the valleys (1 Chr.
xxvii. 29).
SHA'PHER, MOUNT P^y—in [^ be-
low]: SoActo; [Alex. ApaaQap, XaMrwpap: mom
Sepher,] Num. xxxiii. 23, 24). The name of a
desert station where the Israelites encamped, of
which no other mention occurs. The name prob-
ably means " mount of pleasantness," but no site
has been suggested for it. H. H.
SHA11AI [2 syl.] CTOJ fttgimmg, or re-
lease?]: iapwi: [Alex. ApoV,] FA. lapovi- 8a-
rai). One of the sons of Bani who put away hit
foreign wife at the command of Erra (Ear. x. 40».
He ia called Eukil in 1 Eadr. ix. 84.
SHARA'IM (E?"?2?tP, i. e. Shaaraim [two
gatet] : [Rom. laxapiy ; Vat.] Sax-aoriu; Alex.
<" Xapyaptini [Aid. 3apa«<M : ] Sarim and Saraim).
An imperfect version (Josh. xv. 36 only) of the
name which is elsewhere more accurately given
Shaaraim. The discrepancy does not exist in
the original, and doubtless arose in the A. V. from
adherence to the Vulgate. O.
SHATtAR ("Tip [cord, Ges.]: 'Apef; Alex.
Spat: Surar). The father of Ahiam the Ilarar-
ite, one of David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 38). In 1
Chr. xi. 35 he is called Sacak, which Kennioott
(Diu. p. 203) thinks the true reading.
SHARE'ZER OWW [Per*. J"*"* °J
firt\ : Ituwtrip i [in Is xxxvii. 38, Sin. Alex. Xa-
pao-a:] Sivrnmr) was a son of Sennacherib, whom,
in conjunction with his brother Adrammelech, he
murdered (2 K. xix. 87). Moses of Chorene calls
bim Sanasar, and says that be was favorably re-
ceived by the Armenian king to whom he Jed, and
given a tract of country on the Assyrian frontier,
where bis descendants became very numerous
(Hilt. Armen. i. 22). He is not mentioned aa
engaged in the murder, either by Polyhistor or
Abydenus, who both sneak of Adrammelech.
G.B-
SHA'RON (TTItJrTJ, with the def. article
[Me plain]: t Saseiy; b i opuuoti to wtSlov:
Saran, camptttria, cnmpvt). A district of the
Holy Land occasionally referred to in the' Bible*
(1 Chr. v. 16, xxvii. 29; Is. xxxiii. 9, xxxv. 2, lxv.
10; Cant. ii. 1; Acta Ix. 35, A V. Sarou). The
name has on each occurrence, with one exception
only, the definite article — ka*-Shtrt» — as is the
ease also with other districts — the Arabah, the
Shefelah, the Ciccar; and on that single occasion
(1 Chr. v. 16), it is obvious that n different spot
must be intended to that referred to in the other
passages. This will be noticed further on. It
would therefore appear that " the Sharon " waa
some well-defined region familiar to the Israelites,
though its omission in the formal topographical
documents of the nation abows that it was uot a
recognized division of the country, as the Shefelah
for example. [Sbphbla.] From the passages above
nant of the Hebrew def. article. It Is worthy nf rt-anrs.
that a more dw'ded trace of the Heb. article appeant
fn Acts ix. 85, where some M89. have awaprnm.
c The Uabarao of Josh. xU. 18, which acme soBOl
are consider to be Sharon with a preposition preaxed,
appeal* to the writer more probably ecnvctlr (tva to
the A. Y. t Uas4M».]
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2946
SHARON
cited we gather that it ni a place of pashm for
cattle, where the royal horde of David grazed (1
Chr xxvii. 29); the beauty of which was u gener-
ally recognised ae that of Carmet iteelf (Is. xxxv.
2); and the delation of which would be indeed a
calamity (xxxiii. 9), and it* reeatablishment a «ym-
liol of the highest prosperity (lxv. 10). The rose
of Sharon (possibly the tall, graceful, and striking
•quill) was a simile for all that a lover would ex-
press (Cant. ii. 1). [Roes, note, Auier. ed.] Add
to these slight trait* the indications contained hi
the renderings of the LXX. to «•«!(•», '' the plain,"
and i Sprfi6t, " the wood," and we have exhausted
all that we can gather from the Bible of the char-
acteristic* of Sharon.
The only guide to its locality furnished by
Scripture is it* mention with Lydda in Act* ix.
86. There is, however, no doubt of the identifica-
tion of Sharon. It is that broad rich tract of land
which lies between the mountain* of the central
part of toe Holy Land and the Mediterranean —
the northern continuation of the Siiefklah. Jo-
•epbu* but rarely allude* to it, and then so ob-
scurely that it is impossible to pronounce with
certainty, from his word* alone, that he doe* refer
to it. He employs the same term as the LXX.,
" woodland." Apvpol to xaplov koAmtw, says
he {Ant. xiv. 13, § 3; and coinp. B. J. i. 13, § 2),
but beyond it* connection with Gunnel there is no
clew to be gained from either passage. The same
may be said of Strain (xvi. 28), who applies the
jaine name, and at the same time mention* Car-
tel.
Sharon is derived by Geaenius ( Thtt. p. 642) from
""^t* to *" ■ tn '8 ot <* e*en— the root also of
ifuhor, the name of a district east of Jordan.
The application to it, however, by the LXX., by
Josephua, and by Straho, of the name Apvfiit or
Apvfiol — " s-oodland," is singular. It does not
seem certain that that term implies the existence of
wood on the plain of Sharon. Heland has pointed
out (Pat. p. 190 ) that the Saronicu* binu*, or Bay of
Saron, in Greece, was so called (Hliny, H. N. It. S)
because of it* woods, aipvvit meaning an oak.
Thus it is not impossible that Apvfi6s was used as
an equivalent of the name Sharon, and was not
intended to denote the presence of oaks or woods on
the spot. May it not be a token that the original
meaning of Saron, or Sharon, is not that which it*
received Hebrew root would imply, and that it ha*
perished except in this one instance ? The Alex-
andrine Jews who translated the LXX. are not
likely to have known much either of the Saronic
gulf, or of it* connection with a rare Greek word.
Eusebius and Jerome (Oiumatl. " Saron "), wi-
der the name of Saronat, specify it a* the region
Ixtending from Caessrea to Joppa. And this is
eoiroborated by Jerome in hi* comment* on the
three passages in Isaiah, in one of which (on lxv.
10) be appears to extend it as far south as Jamiiia.
rhere are occasional allusions to wood in the de-
scription of the events which occurred in this dis-
trict in later tin e». Thus, in the Chronicles of
the Crusades, the " Forest of Saron " was the scene
>f one of the most romai 'ic adventure* of Richard
."Midland, fluloirt viii.j, the ••forest of Aasur" I
(i. e. Areuf) is mentioned by Tiniiauf (iv. 16). To
•he 'V L. of Kaitariyth there i* still "a dreary
wood of (natural) dwarf pine* and entangled
wines" (Thomson, Land and Book, eh. 13).
Toe orchards and palm-groves round Jimat, Lydd,
SHABTJHKN
and Amlei, and the dense thickets of oMu ha tha
neighborhood of the two last — a* well as the Bil-
berry plantation* in the Valley of the Atffek s few
miles from Jaffa — an industry happily increasing
every day — show how easily wood might be main-
tained by care and cultivation (see Stanley, & 4>
P. p. 260 note).
A general sketch of the district I* given under
the bead of Pauestcne (vol iii. p. 2296 £). Je-
rome (Comtn. on Is. xxxr. 2) characterizes it in
word* which admirably portray its aspects even at
the present : " Omni* igitnr candor (the white sand-
hill* of the coast), coitus Dei (the wide crops of the
finest com), et drenmchnonis scientia (the well
trimmed plantations) et Iocs uberrima et campea-
tria (the long, gentle swell* of rich red and black
earth ) qua; appellantur Saron."
a. (j'njJJ: [Vat] repio*; [Rom.] Alex. Sa-
pttv- Sarvn.) The Shakos of 1 Chr. r. 16, to
which allusion ha* already lieen made, is distin-
guished from the western plain by not having the
article attached to its name a* the other invariably
baa. It is also apparent from the passage itself
that it was some district on the east of Jordan in
the neighborhood of Uilead and Baahan. The ex-
pression " suburb* " OttHJD) is in itself remark-
able. The name ha* not "been met with in that
direction, and the only approach to an explanation
of it is that of Prof. Stanley (S. <f P. App. $ T),
that Sharon may here be a synonym for the Mi-
tlior — a word probably derived from the same
root, describing a region with some of the same
characteristics, and attached to the pastoral plain*
east of the Jordan. G.
SHAIIONITK, THB OaV^n [see
above] : [Vat-] o S«ux»«irnti [Rom.] Alex. 3ar
pttnrns'- Baromtn). Shitrai, who had charge of
the royal herd* pastured in Sharon (1 Chr. zxrii.
29), is the only Sharonite mentioned in the Bible.
G.
SHABTJTHEN (7Tfl~l$ \pb«*mt lodging.
Gee.]: ol iypoi " airra'y, in both MSB.: Soreos
[ ISanJken] ). A town named in Josh. xix. 6 only
amongst those which were allotted within Judah
to Simeon. Sharuhen does not appear in the cat-
alogue of the cities of Judah ; but instead of it,
and occupying the same position with regard to
the other names, we find Shilhim (xr. 32). In
the list of 1 Chr. on the other hand, the same po-
sition is occupied by Shaakaim (iv. 31). Whether
these are different places, or different names of tha
same place, or mere variation* of careless copyist*;
and, in the last case, which is the original form, it
i* perbap* impossible now to determine. Of tha
three, Shaaraim would seem to have the strongest
claim, since we know that it waa the name of a
place in another direction, while Shilhim and Sha-
ruhen are found once only. If so, then the Am
which exist* in Shaaraim has disappeared in the
others.
Knobel (Exeg. Handb. on Josh. xv. 32) eaUi
attention to Tell Shertah, about 10 mile* west ot
Mr tt-Stba, at the head of Wady Bhtrtak (tbt
•'watering-place"). The position is not unsuit-
able, but a* to its identity witn Shaaraim or Sa*>
ruhen we can aay nothing. G.
a Probably
17T>TO, as
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BHABHA1
SHA'SHAI [»eyl.] C'tfB? [peril. wM/a*]:
Z<r«7; [Vat. FA. with preceding word, Saffouat-
r«:] Sitnt). One of the torn of Bani who had
luirnad a foreign wife and put her away in the time
sf Ezra (Ear. x. 40).
8HA1SHAK (pW$: X*Hi*; [Vat. Sown,*,
Xanax:] 8aac). A Benjamite, one of the eona of
Beriah (1 Chr. viii. 14, 86).
SHAtTL (*Wtt7 [toying, Sim. Get.] : 3a-
»iK; Alex. ScuuwnA in Gen.: &utf). L The ton
of Simeon bj a Canaanitish woman (Gen. xhri. 10;
Ex. vi. 16; Num. xxri. 13; 1 Chr. iv. 84), and
founder of the busily of toe Shauutes. The Jew-
ish traditions identify him with Zimri, u who did
the work of the Canaanitee in Shittim" (Targ.
Psendojon. on Gen. xrvi.).
3. Shard of Rehoboth by the liter waa one of
the kinga of Edom, and successor of Samlah (1
Chr. i. 48, 49). In the A. V. of Gen. xxxvi. 87,
he ia ten accurately called Saul.
3. A Kohathite, ton of Uxsiah (1 Chr. ri. 94).
• SHATJLITE8, THE C^W^, patrc-
nvm.: t iaouKi; Vat. Aha. -A«i Audita), de-
scendants of Siiaol, 1 (Num. xxvt 13). A.
SHA'VEH, THE VALLEY OF (PP?
<^W [■« note e below]; the Samar. Cod. adda the
article, TTVOH 'v, Sam. Vera. TOOE :« tV
<«\*oa rh» Xairij*; Alex. r. «. r. aavny: vailit
Hate gum at valB$ resit). A name found only in
Gen. sir. It ia one of thota archaic namee with
which this venerable chapter abounds — such as
Beta, Kn-Misbpat, Ham, Hazeaon-tamar — ao ar-
chaic, that many of them ham been elucidated by
lb* insertion of their more modern * equivalents in
too body of the document, by a later but still very
ancient hand. In the present ease the explanation
does net throw any light upon the locality of Sha-
veh: "The valley of Shaven, that it the Valley of
the Kim; " (ver. 17). True, the « Valley of the
King; " ia mentioned again in 3 Sam. xxiU. 18, at
the site of a pillar tat up by Absalom ; but this
passage again conveys no indication of its position,
and it ia by no means certain that too two passages
refer to the tame spot. The extreme obscurity in
which the whole account of Abram's route from
Damascus is involved, hat been already notioed
under Salem. A notion has been long <i prevalent
Matt the pillar of Absalom ia the well-known pyram-
oal structure which forma the northern member
jf the group of monuments at the western foot of
Olivet. This ia perhaps originally founded on the
statement of Josephus (Ant. vii. 10, § 3) that Ab-
salom erected («eTn««) a column (e-r/jAn) of m
est (AfsW popiiaplrau) at a distance of two stadia
a The Targum of Onkeloa gives the same equiva-
lent, bat with a curious addition, " the plain of Me-
gtaa, which It the king's place of lacing ; " recalling
the urwaloajiaf so strangely Inserted bj the L2LX. Id
Sen. xlvU. 7.
i This Is one of the numerous instances lu which
Sb» Vatican Cod. (Mail agrees with the Alex., and duv-
,gn« with the ordinary text, which In this cats has
•mi Sagw. (This part of Genesis is wanting In the
Tatlean 118. (sat ait. SanoaaniT, p. 2818 «). ud li
Tiasiil ia Hal's ed. from a eomparetlvelv modem MS.
BO.M,Holmal). — A.)
c b lbs stgntteatfooef cram* l» R valley ," as O*.
■das and fan assart, then Ms extreme antsouitT Is
SHAWM 2947
from Jerusalem. But neither the spot nor tat
structure of the to-called " Absalom's tomb " agtet
either with this description, or with the terms of
2 Sam. xviii. 18. The " Valley of the King " was
au tmtk, that it, a broad, open valley, having few
or no features in common with the deep, rugged
ravine of the Kedron. [Valley.] The pillar of
Absalom — which went by the name of " Absalom's
hand " — was act up, erected (3?*), according to
Josephus in marble — while the lower existing part
of the monument (which alone has any pretention
to great antiquity) it a monolith not erected, but
excavated out of the ordinary limestone of the hill,
and almost exactly similar to the to-called "tome
of Zecbariah," the second from it on the south.
And even this cannot claim any very great aga
since its Ionic capitals and the ornaments of the
frieze speak with unfaltering voice of Roman art.
Shaven occurs alto in conjunction with another
ancient word in the name
SHA'VEH KIRIATHAIM (nitf
BjOJT? [/*•» of*' <*»«• «*»]•• «V Jattf T*
wd\«: Stm Cariatham), mentioned in the aunt
early document (Gen. xiv. 6) at the residence of
the Emini at the time of Chedorlaomer's incur-
sion. Kiriathaim is named in the later history,
and, though it has not been identified, is known
to have been a town on the east of the Joraan ;
and Shaveh Kiriathaim, which was also in the
same region, was (if Shaveh mean "valley")
probably the valley in or by which the town lay.
G.
SHAV SHA (KinO? [wnrfor o/Jekotak]:
Zetwa; [Vat. larot;]' FA. *wt: Saw). The
royal secretary in the reign of David (1 Chr. xviii.
16). He is apparently the same with Sekaiah
(i! Sam. viii. 17), who is called 'ituri by Josephus
(Ant vii. 6, § 4), and Xaoi in the Vat. MS- of
the LXX. [laai in the Roman ed., but Asa in
the Vat MS. (Mai). — A.] Shisha ia the read-
ing of two MSS. and of the Targum in 1 Chr.
xviii. 18. In S Sam. xx. So be it called Sheva,
and in 1 K. iv. 8, Shisha.
SHAWM. In the Prater-book version of Pa.
xcviii. 6, " with trumpets also and $knwm$ " ia the
rendering of what stands in the A. V. " with trum-
pets and sound of cornet" The Hebrew word
translated " cornet " will be found treated under
that bead. The " shawm " was a musical instru-
ment res e mbling the clarionet. The word occurs
in the forms thidm, tkalmie, and ia oonnected with
the Germ, tealameit, a reed-pipe.
" With ihaumti and tramped and with clarions timet "
Srasn, F. Q. I. 12, • 18.
" Ivan from the shrillest Mara unto ths coiuamnta '
Datrros, foljwft. Iv. 80S.
Involved In the very expression <* the Bines. .Shaveh, *
which shows that tba word had ceased to be IntaiuV
glale to the writer, who added to it a modi rn word el
the tame meaning with Itself. It Is equivalent te
such names as " Puinte d' Alcantara," " the P ri m a
Steps." etc., where the one part of the name Is a mere
repetition or translation of the other, and which can-
not exM till the meaning of tba older term Is ob-
• Both OMsiiin snd funt dsnne rV}B7 as" plain »
(planititi Bars*) H.
d Perhaps nrst mentioned by Benjamin ( f Taaatt
(A. 1 I180„ and next by Mauadevuk lttSII>
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2948
SHEAF
Mr. ChappeH says (Pop. Mvt. 1. 85, net* *), "The
modem clarionet ii an improvement upon the
ihawm, which m played with a reed like the
wayte, or hautboy, bat being a beat instrument,
with about the eompaai of an octave, had probably
more the tone of a bassoon." In the tune note he
quotes one of the " proverb!* " written abont the
time of Henry VII. on the walls of the Manor
House at Leckingfield, near Beverley, Yorkshire: —
■ A shawms maketh a swets sounds, for ha tunythe
the basse;
Zt mounthhs not to hye, bat kepttfa rale and space.
Yet yf It be Uowne with to vehement a wynde,
It makUhe it to mytgoveme out of his kinds. n
From a passage quoted by Notts ( Glossary) it ap-
paars that the shawm had a mournful sound : —
« Ha-
tha* never wants a QUsad fall of balm
' Tor nts elect, shall torn thy woful tkalm
Into the merry pipe."
O. Tooxt, BOida, p. 18.
W. A. W.
• 8UKAF. [Pasbovkr, vol. iU. p. 2316.]
SHB'Ali C7&P [asking]: XaXavta; Alex.
looA: Baal). One of the sons of Bani who had
married a foreign wife (Bar. x. 29). In 1 Esdr.
ix. 30 he is called Jasakl.
SHEAXTIEL (btfribKtr, bat three times
in Haggai brfpHff' [uhom 1 atktd of God]:
Xa\aBi4\: Salatkiil). Father of Zerubbabd. the
leader of the Return from Captivity (Ezr. iii. 2, 8,
v. 2; Neb. xii. 1; Hag. i. 1, 12, 14, ii. 2, 23).
The name occurs also in the original of 1 Chr. nt
17, though then rendered in the A. V. Sala-
thuu. That is its equivalent in the books of the
Apocrypha and the N. T. ; and under that bead
the carious questions connected with bis person are
examined.
8HEARIAH (rP"15tp [whom Jehovah es-
timates]: Safwtai [Vat. Sin.] Alex. lapia in
1 Ohr. ix. 44: Sana). One of the six sons of
Axel, a d esce n da n t of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 88, ix.
44).
SHEARING-HOUSE, THE ("T|W JTJ
O^*")!! :« BaivWf rir woiufasr; Alex. Bat-
Otucat r. *-.: camera jxutorum). A place on the
road between Jesreel and Samaria, at which Jehu,
on his way to the latter, enoountered forty-two mem-
bers of the royal family of Judith, whom he slaugh-
tered at the well or pit attached to the place (2 K.
x. 12, 14). The translators of our version hare givru
in the margin the literal meaning of the name —
" bouse of binding of the shepherds," and in the
test an interpretation perhaps adopted from Jos.
Kimchl. Binding, however, is but a subordinate
part of the operation of shearing, and the word
tta>i is not anywhere used in the Bible In connec-
tion therewith. The interpretation of the Targum
ami Arabic version, adopted by Rashi, namely,
" bouse of the meeting of shepherds," it accepted
by Simonis (Onom. p. 186) and Gesenius (Tha.
p. 196 o). Other renderings are given by Aquila
and Svmmachua. None of them, however, seem
Satisfactory, and it is probable that the origi-
« Tbe last word of the three is omitted In ver. 14 in
Das original, and In both the Teratona.
BREBA
nil meaning has escaped. Br the MT.,
bius, and Jerome, it is treated as a proper i
ss they also treat the " garden-house " of ix. 27.
Eusebius ( Onom.) mentions it ss a village of Sama-
ria " in the great plain [of Esdraelon] 15 nulet
from Legeon." It is remarkable, that at a distance
of precisely 16 Roman miles from Lrjjim the name
of Btth-lcad appears in Van de Velde's map (see
also Rob. BUL Ret. ii. 816); bat this place, though
coincident in point of distance, is not on the plain
nor can it either belong to Samaria, or be on the
road from Jezrerl thither, being behind (south of)
Mount Gilboa. The slaughter at the well recalls the
massacre of the pilgrims by Ishmael ben-Nethaniah
at Muspah, and the recent tragedy at Cawnpore.
G.
SHE'AR-JA'SHUB (»»} ~*$$ [a tw
wmt shall reaersi]: i caraAefe)ve2r 'laaobfi: qui
(lereMcttu ttt Jamb). The son of Isaiah the
prophet, who accompanied him when he went to
meet Ahat in the causeway of the fuller's field (Is.
vii. 8). The name, like that of tbe prophet's other
son, Maber-shalal-haah-bax, had a mystical signifi-
cance, and appears to have been given with mixed
feelings of sorrow and hope — sorrow for the cap-
tivity of the people, and hope that in the end a
remnant should return to the land of their fathers
(oomp. Is. x. 20-22).
SHK'BA (SPp [seven, an oath]i 2o0tc,
[Alex. 2 Sam. xx. 1, 7, A/See i] Joseph. 3a0aun-
Beia). The son of Bichri, a Benjamite from the
mountains of Kphraim (2 Sam. xx. 1-22), the last
chief of the Absalom insurrection. He is described
at a "man of Belial," which seems [oomp. Shimki]
to have bean the usual term of invective cast to and
fro between the two parties. But he must have
been a person of some consequence, from the im-
mense effect produced by his appearance. It was
in fact all but an anticipation of the revolt of Jero-
boam. It was not, as in the case of Absalom, a
mere conflict between two factions in tbe oourt of
Judab, but a struggle, arising out of that conflict,
on the part of the tribe of Benjamin to recover its
lost ascendancy; a struggle of which some indica-
tions bsd been already manifested in the excessive
bitt ern es s of the Benjamite Shimei. Tbe occasion
seized by Sheba was the emulation, as if from loy-
alty, between the northern and southern tribes on
David's return. Through the ancient custom, he
summoned all the tribes "to their tents;" and
then, and afterwards, Judab alone remained faith-
ful to the house of David (2 Sam. xx. 1, 2). The
king might well say, "Sheba the son of Bichri
xliall do us more harm than did Absalom " (Hid. 6).
What he feared was Sheba's occupation of the for-
tified cities. This fear was justified by the result.
Sbeba traversed the whole of Palestine, apparently
rousing the population, Joab following him in full
pursuit, and so deeply impressed with the gravity
of tbe occasion, that the murder even of the grec?
Aniasa was but a passing incident in tbe campaign.
He stayed but for the moment of the deed, and
"pursued after Sbeba the son of Bichri." The
mass of the army halted for an instant by tha
bloody corpse, and then they also " went on after
Joab to pursue after Sheba the son of Richri." It
seems to have been his intention to establish him-
self in the fortress of Abel-Beth-maacab, in the
northmost extremity of Palestine, possibly allied to
the cause of Absalom through his mother Maasah
and famous for the prudence of its Inhabitants (I
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SHEBA
Sam. ix. 13). That prudence wai pot to the tat
» the pntcnt occasion. Joab's tenni were — the
and of the insurgent chief. A woman of the place
undertook the mission to her city, and proposed
the execution to her fettow-dtlxens. The head of
Sbeba iu thrown orer the wall, and the insurrec-
tion ended.
*. (SsJbW; Alex. 2o&a$,: Stbt.) A Gadtte.
one of the chiefs of hi* tribe who dwelt in Baahan
(1 Chr. v. 18). A. P. S.
SHE/BA (ttftf [an below]). The name
of three fathers of tribes in the early genealogies
of Genesis, often referred to in the sacred book*.
They are: —
1- CtoAVf ; [Vat. in 1 Chr. Solar:] Saba.) A
■on cf Raamnh, asn of Cnah (Gen. z. 7; 1 Chr.
3. (Alex. Sofia, lafiow.) A aon of Joktan
(Gen. x. 28; 1 Chr. i. 22); the tenth In order of
3. (3aSd\ 3o/9af; Alex. Sofia*, Sofia.) A
aon of Jokahan, aon of Katnrah (Gen. xxr. 8; 1
Chr. L 82).
We ahall consider, lint, the history of the Jok-
tanite Sbeba; and, eacondly, the Cuahtte Sbeba
and the Keturehita Sbeba together.
h It ha* been shown, in Arabia and other
articles, that the Joktanite* were among the early
oolonhrta of aoathern Arabia, and that the kingdom
which they there founded was, for many centuries,
oallsd the kingdom of Sbeba, after one of the ton*
of Joktan. They appear to hare been preceded by
an aboriginal race, which the Arabian historians
describe aa a people of gigantic stature, who culti-
vated the land and peopled the desert* alike, living
with the Jinn in the " deserted quarter," or, like
the tribe of Thamood, dwelling in cave*. This
people correspond, in their tradition*, to the abo-
riginal race* of whom remain* are found wherever
a civilized nation has supplanted and dispossessed
the ruder race. But beside* these extinct tribes,
there are the evidences of Cuabite settlers, who
appear to have passed along the south coast from
wast to east, and who probably preceded the Jofc.
tsaiitee, and mixed with them when they arrived in
^he country.
Sbeba seem* to have been the name of the great
sooth Arabian kingdom and the peoples which
so — p osed it, until that of Uimyer took its place in
later times. On this point much obscurity re-
mains; but the Sabsasns are mentioned by Diod.
Bin., who refer* to the historical books of the
kings of Egypt in the Alexandrian Library, and
by Eratosthenes, aa well aa Artamidonss, or Aga-
thsurMrtrs (Hi. 38, 48), who ia Strain's chief au-
thority; and the Homaritse or Himyerites are first
mentioned by Strata, in the expedition of jElius
Gains (b. o. 24). Nowhere earlier, in sacred or
profane records, are toe latter people mentioned,
except by the Arabian historians themselves, who
place Himyer very high in their Hat, and ascribe
importance to his family from that -erry date.
We have endeavored, in other articles, to show
iimsniia for sopposmg that in this very name of
Btmyer we have the Bed Han, and the origin of
Exytfarua, Erythnean Sea, Phoenician*, etc [See
Asuusia; Red 8«a.) The apparent difficulties of
the cast) an reconciled by supposing, aa M. CJanaali
as Perceval (Earn, L 64, 60) has dons, that the
kingdom and it* people received the name of Sheba
tJrwitV, Sab*), but that ha ehlef and
SHEBA 2949
reigning family or tribe we* that si Bimyei; and
that an old name was thus preserved until the
foundation of the modern kingdom of Himyer or
the Tubbaaa, which H. Cauasin is inclined to place
(but there is much uncertainty about this data)
about a century before our era, when the two great
rival families of Himyer and Rahlan, together with
smaller tribes, were united under the former. Ii
support of the view that the name of Sheba ap-
plied to the kingdom and its people a* a generic
or national name, we find in the Kdmoot " the
name of Seba comprise* the tribes of the Yemen
in common" (». *. Seba,); and this was wiitttn
long after the later kingdom of Himyer had flour-
ished and fallen. And further, as Himyer meant
the "Bed Man," eo probably did Seba. In Arabic,
» —
the verb tba, Lum, said of the sun, or of a
Journey, or of a fever, means "it altered " a man,
t. e. by turning him red ; the noun tcba, a* well as
•tod and uUe-ah, signifies " wine " ( Tij tt-'Araot
MS.). The Arabian wine was red; for we read
" kumeyt ia a name of wine, because there i* in it
Madmen and redness" (Sikdh MS.). It appears,
then, that in Seba. we very possibly have the oldest
name of the Red Man, whence came <poirtt, Him
yer, and Erythru*.
W* have assumed the identity of the A.mbte
Seba, L«„ with Sheba (8?&?). The pt forer
CM^tjJ corresponds with the Greek SofiaUt and
the Latin Sabasi. Geseniu* compares the Heb.
with Eth.lYfi2*>'man." The Hebrew mhin is,
in by far the greater number of instances, an b
Arabic (see Gmenlus) ; and the historical, ethno-
logical, and geographical circumstances of the ease,
all require the identification.
In the Bible, the Joktanite Sbeba, mentioned
genealogically in Gen. x. 28, recurs, as a kingdom
in the account of the visit of ths queen of Sheba
to king Solomon, when she beard of hi* fame con-
cerning the name of the Lord, and came to prove
him with hard questions (1 K. z. 1); "and she
came to Jerusalem with a very great train, with
camels that bare spices, and very much gold, and
precious stones " (v«r. 2). And, again, " she gave
the king an hundred and twenty talents of gold,
and of spices very great store, and precious stones:
there cams no more such abundance of spices a*
these which the queen of Shaba gave to king Solo-
mon " (ver. 10). She wae attracted by the fame
of Solomon's wisdom, which she had heard in hri
own land ; but tbe dedication of the Temple bad
recently been solemnised, and, no doubt, the people
of Arabia were desirous to see this famous house.
That the queen was of Sheba in Arabia, and not of
Seba the Cushits kingdom of Ethiopia, is unques-
tionable ; Josephus and aome of the Rabbinical writ-
ers" perversely, as usual, refer her to the latter; and
the Ethiopian (or Abyssinian) Church baa a con-
venient tradition to the same effect (conip. Joseph.
Ant. viil. 6, i 6; Ludolf, Out. jEthkp. ii. 8; Har-
ris's.d6|*w«ia,li.l06). The Arabs call ber Bilkess
(or Telkamah or Balkamah; Ibn KhaWoon), a
queen of the later Himyerites, who, if M. Canasta's
• Aban-mm (on Dan. xl. 8), however, i
tn* queen of Sheba same from tba Yemen, far sat
spate aa labmatllts (er muss' a Snemtus) I
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J
2950
SHEBA
shronobgsstl adj u stuieu t s of the early history of
She Yenwn be correct, reigned in the first century
(f oar era (£•*■«, i. 75, Ac); ■ad en edifice at
Ma-rib (Mjriaba) still beui her Dune, while M.
Fresnd read the name of " Alrnacab " or " Bal-
ttacah " in man; of the Himyeritic inscriptions.
The Arab story of tbia queen it, In the present
state of our knowledge, altogether unhistorical and
unworthy of credit; but toe attempt to make her
Solomon's queen of Sbebe probably arose (at M.
Caussin conjectures) from the latter being men-
tioned in the Kur-an without any name, and the
eommentatori adopting Bilkers aa the moat ancient
queen of Sbeba in the lists of the Yemen. The
Kur-an, aa usual, eontaiua a very poor version of
the Biblical narrative, diluted with noneeoae and
encumbered with fables (ek. xxvii. ver. 84, Ac).
The other passages in the Bible which aeem to
refer to the Joktanite Sheba occur in Is. lx. 8,
where we read, "all they from Sbeha ahaD come:
they snail bring gold and incense," in conjunction
with Midian, Ephah, Kedar, and Nebaioth. Here
reference is made to the commerce that took tbe
road from Sheba along tbe western borders of
Arabia (unless, as is possible, the Cushite or Ketu-
rabite Sbeba be meant); and again in Jer. vi. SO,
It Is written, " To what purpose cometb there to
me incense from Sheba, and tbe sweet cane from a
far country? " (but compare Ea. xxvii. 88, S3, and
see below). On tbe other hand, in Pa. bum. 10,
the Joktanite Sbeba is undoubtedly meant; for
the kingdoms of Sbeba and Seba are named to-
gether, and in ver. 15 the gold of Sbeba is men-
tioned.
The kingdom of Sheba embraced tbe greater
part of the Yemen, or Arabia Felix. Its chief
cities, and probably successive capitals, were Seba,
San'a (Ueal), and Zafar (Seprar). Set* was
probably the name of tbe city, and generally of tbe
country and nation; but the statements of the
Arabian writers are conflicting on this point, and
they are not made clearer by tbe accounts of the
classical geographers. Ma-rib was another name
»f the city, or of tbe fortress or royal palace in it :
* Seba, is a city known by tbe name of Ma-rib,
iree nights' Journey from San'a" (Ee-ZejjaJ, in
the T<y-el-'Aroot MS.). Again, "Seba. was the
city of Ma-rib (Afuihtnralc, s. v.), or tbe country
In the Yemen, of which tbe city was Ma-rib"
(MarStid, in roc ). Near Set* was the famous
Dyke of EI-'Arim, said by tradition to ban been
built by Lukman the 'Adite, to store water for the
inhabitants of tbe place, and to avert the descent
of the mountain torrents. Tbe catastrophe of the
rupture of this dyke is an important point in Arab
history, and marks tbe dispersion in the Sd century
of tbe Joktanite tribes. This, Bke all we know of
Set*, points irresistibly to the great Importance of
the city as tbe ancient centre of Joktanite power.
Although deal (which is said to be tbe existing
San'a.) has been supposed to be of earlier founda-
tion, and Zafar (Skpmak) was a royal residence,
srs cannot doubt that Set* was tbe most important
St these chief towns of tbe Yemen. Its value in
die eyes of the old dynasties is shown by their
struggles to obtain and hold it; and it is narrated
that it passed several times into tbe hands alter-
lately of tbe so-called* Hhnyeritet and tbe people
•THadramSwt (Haear-mavkth). Eratosthenes,
Artemidorus, Strain, and Pliny, apeak of Mariaba ;
Diodorua, Agatharebidea, Steph. Bysant, of Saba.
Ufiti (Stepb. ByaanM. Ufiit (Again.). Ptot.
SHKBA
(ri. 7, H 80, 48), and PUn. (vi 83, { U) i
Xifir,. But the former all say that Mariaba was
tbe metropolis of the Sabasi; and we may coududt
that both names applied to the same place, one the
city, the other its ps l a e s or fortress (though prob-
ably these writers were not aware of this foot):
unless indeed tbe form Sabota (with the variants
Sabatha, Sobatala, etc.) of Pliny (B. N. vi. 28, §
88), have refe r en ce to Shibam, capital of Hadra-
niawt, and tbe name also of another celebrated
city, of which the Arabian writers (Maritid, s. v.)
give curious account*. Tbe classics are generally
agreed in ascribing to the Sabasi the chief riches,
tlw beat territory, and the greatest numbers of the
four principal peoples of the Arabs which they
name: the Sabasi, Atnmit* (= Hadramawt), Ka-
tebeni (= Kahten *= Joktan), and Minssi (for
which see Dikxah). See Bochart (PkaUg, xni.),
and Mutter's Otog. Mm. p. 188 E
Tbe history of the Sabssana has been examined
by M. Caussin de Perceval (Assoi nir tHitU da
Arab—), but much remains to be adjusted before
its details can be received aa trustw or t hy, tbe
earliest safe chronological point being about the
commencement of our era. An examination of
tbe existing remains of Sabsean and Himyerite
cities and buildings will, it cannot be doubted, add
more facts to our present knowledge; and a further
acquaintance with the language, from inscriptions,
aided, as M. Fremel believes, by an existing dialect,
will probably give us some safe grounds for placing
the building, or era, of the dyke. In tbe art.
Abasia (vol. L p. 148 4), it is stated that there
are dates on tbe ruins of the dyke, and the eondu
skms which De Secy and Caussin have drawn from
those dates and other indications respecting the
date of the rupture of the dyke, which forma
then an important point in Arabian history; but
it must be placed in the 8d century of our era, and
the older era of the building is altogether unfixed,
or indeed any date before tbe expedition of i£lius
Gauus. The ancient buildings are of massive
masonry, and evidently of Cushite workmanship,
or origin. Later temples, and pabtoa-templea, of
which the Arabs give us descriptions, were prob-
ably of less massive character; but Sabsean art it
an almost unknown and interesting subject of in-
quiry. Tbe religion celebrated in those temples
was cosmic ; but this subject is too obscure and too
little known to admit of discussion in this place.
It may be necessary to observe that whatever con-
nection there was m reUgim between the Sabssana
and tbe Sabians, there was none in name or in
race. Respecting the latter, the reader may con-
sult Cbwolsoo's Stabier, a work that may be
recommended with more confidence than tbe same
author's Nabnthaa* Agriculture. [See Neba-
ioth.] Same curious papers have also appeared
in the Journal of tbe German Oriental Society of
Leipsio, by Dr. Osbnder. [Arabia, 1. 148, note
c, Aroer. ed.]
II. Sbeba, son of Ramah son of Cash, settler!
somewhere on the shores of the Persian Gulf, in
the Maririd (a, v.) the writer hat found an identi-
fication which appears to be sstisraotory — that on
tbe Ishuid of Awal (one of tbe" Bahreyn Islands")
are the ruins of an ancient dty called Sd*
Viewed In otmneo U ou with Raamah, and the other
foots which we know respecting Sheba, traces of
bis settlements ought to be found on or near ths
shores of the gulf. It was this Sheba that carried
on the great Indian traffic with Palestine, in cm»
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BBXBA
i wMi, as we hold, tbe other Sheoa, son of
i eon of Ketnrah, wbo,like Didaw, appears
lo bane formed wttb the Cnsbite of toe same name,
toe tribe: the Cnehitee dwelling on the shores of
the Fenian Gulf, and carrying on the desert trade
thence to Palestrae in conjunction with the nomade
Ketnrahite tribe*, whose pasturages were mostly on
the western frontier. The trade fa) mentioned by
Es. mxTii- 93, S3, in an unmistakable manner; and
Coibly by I*, Ix. 8, and Jer. ri. 90, but these
ter, we think, rather refer to the Joktanite Sbeba.
The predatory bands of the Keturshites are men-
tioned In Job i. IS, and ri. 19. in a manner that
recalls the forays of modern Bedaweea. [Comp.
Arabia, Dbdah, Tbkah, etc.] E. S. P.
SHK'BA (Vy$ [ssren, <m oath]: 3a l um;
Alex, lafat ■■ Babee). One of the towns of the
allotment of Simeon (Josh. six. 9). It oeeure be-
tween Beer-sbeba and Holadah. In the list of the
cities of the south of Judab, out of which those
of Simeon were selected, no Sbeba appears apart
from Beer-sheba; but there is a Shema (it. 96)
which stands next to Moladah, and which is prob-
ably the Sheba in question. This suggestion is
s upport ed by the reading of the Vatican LXX.
The change from J to m is an easy one both in
speaking and in writing, snd in their other letters
the words are identical. Some hare supposed that
the name Sheba is a mere repetition of the latter
portion of the preceding name, Beer-sheba, — by
the common error called homoiottleuUm, — and this
la supported by the bets that the number of names
given in six. 9-6 is, including Sbeba, fourteen,
though the number stated is thirteen, and that in
the list of Simeon of 1 Cbr. (lr. 28) Sheba is
entirely omitted. Gesenius suggests that the words
in six. S mar be rendered "Beer sheba, the town,
with Sbeba, the well; " but tbb seems forced, and
ia besides inconsistent with the fact that the list is
a list of "cities" (Tku. p. 1355 a, where other
suggestions are cited). 6.
SHiTBAH (n^?ttJ, 1 1. Shlb'lh [fern, sere*
or on on(A]: tptot- ' Abundanlai). The famous
well which gave its name to the city of Heer-sheU
(Gen. xxri. 33). According to this version of the
sccurrenee, Shebah, or more accurately, Shiheah,
eras the fourth of the series of wells dug by Isaac's
people, snd recdred Its name from him, apparently
hi sanation to the oaths (31, W?^% yintdbt'i)
wMeh had passed between himself snd the Philis-
tine chieftains the day before. It should not be
iverlooked that according to the narrative of an
earner chapter the well owed Hs existence and its
name to Isaac's father (xxi. 89). Indeed, its pre-
▼iona existence may be said to be implied in the
namthre now directly under consideration (xxri.
93). The two transactions an enrieualT identical
In many of their circumstances — the rank and
names of the Philistine chieftains, the strife be-l
t w u.i l the subordinates on either side, tbe covenant. I
the adjurations, the city that took its nam* from ■
thawed. Tbey diftr alone in the feet that the
aUsf figure in the one case is Abraham, in the
ether laaae. Some commentators, as Kahach
(Gen. p. 600), looking to the feet that there sre two
■ana* wells at Kr tt-Stba, propose to consider the
two transactions as distinct, and as belonging the
ana to the one weH, the other to the other. Others
aw) in the !wo narratives merely two v i si on s of
" r which this renowned well
SxtKBABIM
2051
was first dog. And eertalnly in the analogy of the
early history of other nations, and in the very lioss
correspondence between the details of the two ac-
eounta, then is much to support this. ' The various
plays on the meaning of the name 93B7, inter-
preting it as "seven" — ssan "oath" — as "abun-
dance" • — as "a lion"* — are all » many direct
testimonies to the remote date and archaic form of
this most venerable of names, and to the fact that
the narratives of the early history of the Hebrews
are under the control of the same laws which regu-
late the early history of other nations. 6.
SHK'BA M (D^tp, t. e. Stiim: SsjBana:
Savon). One of the towns in the pastoral district
on the east of Jordan — the " land of Jaser and
the land of Gilesd "—demanded and finsUy ceded
to the tribes of Keuben and Gad (Mum. xxxii. 8,
only). It ia named between ElesJeh snd Nebo,
and is probably the same which in a subsequent
verse of tbe chapter, and on later occasions, appears
in the altered forms of SlHBMAH and StBMAlf.
The change from Sebsm to Sibsaah is perhaps due
to tbe difference between the Amorite and Hoabite
and Hebrew languages. U.
SHEBANI'AH (n^Jtff [<ch<m Jthotah
built ap]: in Neb. ix , 2<x<Wo, [Vat. lapafi.a,
FA. SosaSio,] Alex. i*x*" a '< m Nen - *-i 2o*
/Soyta, [Alex. FA. Zt0ama'] Sabania, Stlmin
in Neb. Ix., Stbettia hi Neh. x. ).
L A Levite in the time of Kara, one of those
who stood upon the steps of tlie Levitts and sang
the psalm of thanksgiving and confession which is
one of the last efforts of Hebrew psalmody (Neb.
ix. 4, 6). He sealed the covenant with Nebemiah
(Neb. x. 10). Iu the LXX of Neh. ix. 4 he is
mads tbe son of Sherebiah.
8. (ItjSavI [Vat. -m, FA. with preced. word
rovo-ojeWfi] in Nch.x., Ssjrsrui [Rom., but Vat
Alex. FA.» omit] in Neh. xii. 14: Sebenia.) A
priest, or priestly family, who sealed the covenant
with Nebemiah (Neh. x. 4, xii. 14). Called 6h*>
chahiah iii Neh. xii. 3.
3. (a«/9astai Sabania.) Another Levite who
sealed the covenant with Nebemiah (Neh. x. 18).
4- (*T#3«f ! aasurfa; Alex. *t0,„a; [FA
SojByfia:] Srbmias.) One of the priests appointed
by David to blow with the trumpets before the ark
of God (1 Chr. xv. 94). W. A. W.
SHEB'ABIM (Sjn^rj, with the def.
article [breaches, no**]: cvri-rai^av- Sabarim).
A place named in Josh. vii. 5 only, as one of the
points in the flight from Ai. The root of tbe word
lias the force of "dividing" or "breaking," and
it is therefore suggested that the name was at-
tached lo a spot where then were fissures or rents
in the soil, gradually deepening till tbey ended In
a sheer descent or precipice to the ravine by which
the Israelites had coma torn GUgal — "tbe going
down"(TTBDn; see verse 6 and the margin of
the A. V-). The ground around the site of A), on
any hypothesis of its locality, wss very much of
this character. No trace of tbe name has, bow-
ever, been yet reninrked.
Kelt (Jotua, ad toe.) Interprets Sheharim b]
« This Is Jerome's ( Qswsf. m Beturim tniTtlfttW
LSfLt*.
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J
2952 BHEBKE
* toe quarries;" but thii don not appear to be
supported by other commentator* or by lexicog-
raphers. The ancient interpreters usually diteard
It as a prupef name, and render it " till they were
broken op," etc. G.
SHE'BER (13© \&rtakmg, raw] : 2a0«>;
Alex. 2«j8«p: Softer). Son of Caleb ben-Hezron
by his concubine Maachah (1 Chr. ii. 48).
SHEB1IA (N}?# [youtf, Gee.]: io^dt,
[exe. 2 K., Bom. zJprdt ; Is. xxxvi. 3, Vat. 2»0-
rat:] So/mat). A person of high position in
Hezekiah's court, holding at one time the office
of prefect of the palace (la. xxii. 16), but subse-
quently the subordinate office of secretary (Is. xxxvi.
8; 3 K. xviii. 87, xix. 3). This change appears
to have been effected by Isaiah's interposition ; for
Sbebna had incurred the prophet's extreme dis-
pleasure, partly on account of his pride (Is. xxii.
16), his luxury (ver. 18), and his tyranny (as im-
plied in the title of " father " bestowed on his suc-
cessor, ver. 21), and partly (as appears from his
successor being termed a "servant of Jehovah "
ver. 20), on account of his belonging to the political
party which was opposed to the theocracy, and in
favor of the Egyptian alliance. From the omission
of the usual notice of his father's name, it has been
conjectured that he was a mmu homo. \V. L. B.
SHEBU'BL (b{*Dip [cnprfce of God]).
1- (2ovM*; [lChr.xxvl.'24, Vat. I«,\ :] Ssfrnti,
Saball) A descendant of Geraboin (1 Chr. xriii.
18, xxvi. 84), who was ruler of the treasures of the
bouse of God; called also Shobael (1 Chr. xxiv.
20). The Targum of 1 Chr. xxvi. 24 has a strange
piece of confusion : " And Shebuel, that is, Jona-
than the son of Gershom the son of SI ones, returned
to the fear of Jehovah, and when David saw that
he was skillful in money matters he appointed him
chief over the treasures." He is the last descendant
of Hoses of whom there is any trace.
2. [SrvjM* 1 SubutL] One of the fourteen
eons of Heman the minstrel (1 Chr. xxv. 4); called
also Shubael (1 Chr. xxv. 20), which was the read-
ing of the LXX. and Vulgate. Me was chief of
the thirteenth hand of twelve in the Temple choir.
SHEOANI'AH (irr^tji [familiar talk
Jekovak]: levcrfat; [Vat lo^orut:] Stc/ima).
L The tenth in order of the priests who were ap-
pointed by lot in the reign of David (1 Chr. xxiv. 11).
2. CUxorfoi: Seehtniai.) A priest in the reign
of Hesekiah, one of those appointed in the cities of
the priests to distribute to their brethren their daily
portion for their service (2 Chr. xxxl. 1$).
SHEOHANI'AH (rT3?tf? [,te atom]:*,-
ytwlat [Vat. -na] : 8tehema$). L A descendant
ofZerubbabel * - " - - - -
»1, 22).
of Zerubbabel of the line royal of Judah (1 Chr. ill.
8. (Sayarfar [or -Was Vat. 2ayaxuu or
-X<*]) Some descendants of Sbechaniah appear
to hare returned with Ezra (Ear. viii. 8). He is
sailed Seciikmias in 1 Eedr. viii. 29.
3' U«x«"'« ! [Vat. omits.]) The sons of She-
euaniah were another family who returned with
Ezra, three hundred strong, with the son of Jaha-
■iel at their head (Ear. viii. 6). In this verse some
name appears to have been omitted. The LXX.
8HBOHEH
has « of the sons of Zatboe, Seehent** the son of
Arid," and in this it is followed by 1 Eedr. viii. 82
"of the sons of Zatboe, Secheuias the son of Je-
zelus." Perhaps the reading should be: "of the
sons of Zattu, Sbechaniah, the son of JahazieL"
4. The son of Jehiel of the sons of EUm, who
proposed to Kara to put an end to the foreign mar-
riages which had been contracted after the retura
from Babylon (Ear. x. 3).
*. The rather of Shemaiab the keeper of the
east gate of Jerusalem (Neb. ili. 29).
6. The son of Arab, and tather-in-law to Tobiab
the Ammonite (Neh. vi. 18).
7. (2 s xwia ! Sebeniat. ) The bead of a priestly
family who returned with Zernbbabel (Neh. xii. 3).
He is also called Shebaniah, and Shecaniah,
and was tenth in order of the priests in the reign
of David.
SHECHEM (O^p, thaMer, ridge, Bke
dorsum In Latin : J«xV/I in most passages, but also
4 3(*mmi in 1 K. xii. 25, and T a ZIki/u, as in Josh,
xxiv. 32, the form used by Josephus and Eusebius,
with still other variations [ss iiiKiua, and in Josh,
xxiv. 1, 25, li)\A] : Sickem, [Sichina (both sing,
and pi.)]). There may be some doubt respecting
toe origin of the name. It has been made a question
whether the place was so called from Shechem the
son of Hamor, head of their tribe in the time of
Jacob (Gen. xxxiii. 18 ff.), or whether he received
his name from the city. The import of the name
favors certainly the latter supposition, since the po-
sition of the place on the " saddle " or "shoulder "
of the heights which divide the waters there that
flow to the Mediterranean on the west and the Jor-
dan on the east,' would naturally originate such a
name; and the name, having been thus introduced,
would be likely to appear again and again in the
family of the hereditary rulers of the city or region.
The name, too, if first given to the city in the time
of Hamor, would have been taken, according to
historical analogy, from the father rather than the
son. Some Interpret Gen. xxxiti. 18, 19 as show-
ing that Shechem in that passage may have been
called also Shalem. But this opinion has no sup-
port except from that passage; and the meaning
even there more naturally is, that Jacob came in
uifety to Shechem (ObttJ, as an adjective, taft ;
comp. Gen. xviii. 21); or (as recognized in the
Eng. Bible) that Shalem belonged to Shechem as a
dependent tributary village. [Shalem.] Tbeaame
is also given in the Auth. Version in the form of
Siohkm, and Stchkm, to which, as well as St-
char, the reader is referred.
The etymology of the Hebrew word Shedm in-
dicates, at the outset, that the place was situated
on some mountain or hill-side; and that presump-
tion agrees with Josh. XX. 7, which places it in
Mount Ephraim (see, also, 1 K. xii. 26), and with
Judg. ix. 7, which represents it as under the sum-
mit of Gerizim, which belonged to the Ephraim
range. The other Biblical intimations in regard to
its situation are only indirect. They are worth no-
ticing, though no great stress Is to be laid on them.
Thus, for example, Shechem must have been not
far from Shiloh, since Shiloh is said (Judg. xxi. 19;
to be a little to the east of " the highway " which
lad from Beth-el to Sbeohem. Again, if Shales
a from the root of tta* mountains on either side of
Um town can be discerned on the one hand the ranee
tavoad Jordan Valaat, sal en, she ether the blue watsss
ortheatadlta!
irraaean. Tlie latter apfaais In
this article.
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SHKCHBM
a Gea. ttiiii. 18 be a proper name, at our rental
■bum*, sod identical with the present Salhn on
tte left of the plain of the ifu/dmn, then Shechem,
isiea ■ add to be east of Shalim, must have been
wag the hills on the opposite side. Farther,
Sbaatm, as we learn from Joseph's history (Gen.
nrrii 13, 4c.), most have been nearDothan; and,
■earning Dothan to be the place of that name a
fc* miles nortbrast of NAhihu, Shechem must
bra been among the same mountains, not far dis-
tant So, too, as the Sychar in John ir. 6 was
smbsMv the ancient Shechem, that town must
ant Wo near Mount Gerizim, to which the Sa-
sariua woman pointed or glanced as she stood by
U» aril at its foot.
But the historical and traditional data which
oat outside of the Bible are abundant and decisive.
Jasphus (AM. iv. 8, § 44) describes Shechem as
Wseeo Gerizim aud Ebal: tt)» liitl/un wiXtms
SHECHEM
2968
ju«to|o Soolv ipotr, raptfatov air rov in tsfifir
Ktifitvovi rov 8* 4k Kat&y rtfiaXov xpoaayopivo'
uiyov- The present Ndbulm is a corruption
merely of Neapolis; and Neapolis succeeded the
more ancient Shechem. AU the early writers who
touch on the topography of Palestine, testify to
this identity of the two. Joaephua usually retains
the old name, but has Neapolis in B. J. iv. 8, § 1.
Epiphanius says (Adv. //car. iii. 1055): iv 2uci-
juoij, tout' lartv, 4r rjf vvvl Nt axohtt- Jerome
says in the KpU. Paula: " Transivit Sichem. qua)
nunc Neapolis appellatur." The city received its
new name (NedVoAts = Nabultu) from Vespasian,
and on coins still extant (Eckhel, Ouelr. Numm. iii.
433) is called Flavia Neapolis. it had been laid
waste, in all probability, during the Jewish war;
and the overthrow bad been so complete that, con-
trary to what is generally true in such instances
of the substitution of a foreign name for the native
» Tiihy and Town of IMbu, the ancient ghaoham, from the soathwestem flank of Mount Bad, loosing
■wvard. The mountain on the left Is Oerlaun. The Mediterranean is discernible in the distance
from s Iketeb by Vf. Tipping, Baq.
«. the original appellation of Shechem never
"&it*A its currency among the people of the
"•"try. Its situation accounts for another name
** it bore among the natives, while it was
™»« chiefly at Neapolis to foreigners. It is
»<»rlj midway between Judssa and Galilee; and,
o btmg customary to make four stages of the
J»™«y between those provinces, the second day's
■» Decors most conveniently at this place, fiema-
i most conveniently at this place. Being
*■ s -thoroughire" (= HJJH3B15) on this
»F«rtsnt route, it was called" also MaOopSi or
|Ms»#s\ se Josephus states (B. J. iv. 8, $ 1).
"< -jt there that Vespasian marched from Am-
■*"*> W rijf SapayxfriSss aal w«u>4 tV N*a-
•*» saA«ipg>»»-, Ho^opM 8. b*b raw «V.-
■J* eeswj soajeeran, In explanation of a nam.
"■* tasat* even the Inxcnloo* Beland, Is ism to Ols-
■*■ '■ear, as above).
1M
X"pi»»- Pliny (IT. N. v. 18) writes the same
name •' Mamortha." Others would restrict the term
somewhat, and understand it rather of the " pass "
or ■' gorge " through the mountains where the town
was situated (Hitter's Krdkundt, Pal. p. 848).
The ancient town, in its most flourishing age.
may have filled a wider circuit than its modem
representative. It could easily hare extended
further up the side of Gerizim, and eastward nearer
to the opening into the valley from the plain. Hut
any great change in this respect, certainly the idea
of an altogether different position, the natural con-
ditions of the locality render doubtful That the
suburbs of the town, in the age of Christ, ap-
proached nearer than at present to the entrance
into the valley between Gerizim and Ebal, may
be inferred from the implied vicinity of Jacob's
well to Sychar, in Jim's narrative (.r | >',
The impression made there on the reader is, thai
the people oould be readily seen as they came forte
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2954
SHECHEM
from the town to repair to Jesus at the well, whereat
Nibulut is more than a mile distant, and not vit-
Ible from that point The present inhabitant*
hare a belief or tradition that Sbecheni occupied a
portion of the Taller on the east beyond the limit*
of the modern town ; and certain travellers speak
of ruins there, which they regard as evidence of the
same fact. 'lie statement of Eusebius that Sychar
.ay east of Nespolis, may be explained by the cir-
cumstance, that the part of Neapolia In that quar-
ter had fallen into such a state of ruin when he
Hved, as to be mistaken for the site of a separate
own (see Reland's Potest p. 1004). The portion
oi the town on the edge of the plain was more ex-
posed than that in the recess of the valley, and, in
.he natural course of things, would be destroyed
first, or be left to desertion and decay. Joeephus
•ays that more than ten thousand Samaritans (in-
habitants of Shechem are meant) were destroyed
by the Romans on one occasion (B. J. iii. 7, § 82).
The population, therefore, must hare been much
greater than Nibulut with its present dimensions
would contain.
The situation of the town is one of surpassing
beauty. " The land of Syria," said Mohammed,
11 is beloved by Allah beyond all lands, and the part
of Syria which He loveth moat is the district of Je-
rusalem, and the place which He loveth most in the
district of Jerusalem ia the mountain of Nablus "
(Fundgr. del Orients, ii. 139). Its appearance has
called forth the admiration of all travellers who have
any sensibility to the charms of nature. It lies in a
sheltered valley, protected by Gerizim on the south,
and Ebal on the north. The feet of these moun-
tains, where they rise from the town, are not more
than five hundred yards apart. The bottom of the
valley is about 1800 feet above the level of the sea,
and the top of Gerizim 800 feet higher still. Those
who have been at Heidelberg will assent to O. von
Richter's remark, that the scenery, as viewed from
the foot of the hills, is not unlike that of the beauti-
ful German town. The site of the present city,
which we believe to have been also that of the He-
brew city, occurs exactly on the water-summit; and
streams issuing from the numerous springs there,
flow down the opposite slopes of the valley, spread-
ing verdure and fertility in every direction. Travel-
lers vie with each other in the language which they
employ to describe the scene that bursts here so
suddenly upon them on arriving in spring or early
summer at this paradise of the Holy Land. The
somewhat sterile aspect of the adjacent mountains
becomes itself a foil, as it were, to set off the effect
of the verdant fields and orchards which fill up the
valley. " There is nothing finer in all Palestine,"
aays Dr. Clarke, " than a view of Nibulut from the
heights around it. As the traveller descends to-
wards it from the hills, it appears luxuriantly em-
bosomed in the most delightful and fragrant bow-
ers, half concealed by rich gardens and by stately
trees collected into groves, all around the bold and
beautiful valley in which it atands." " The whole
valley," says Dr. Robinson, " was filled with gar-
dens of vegetables, and orchards of all kinds of
fruits, watered by fountains, which burst forth in
various parts and flow westwards in refreshing
streams. It came upon us suddenly like a scene
SHEcinau
of Bury enchantment We taw nothing so acta
para with it in all Palestine. Here, beneath tha
shadow of an immense mulberry-tree, by the aide
of a purling rill, we pitched our tent for the re-
mainder of the day and the night. . . .
We rose early, awakened by the tongs of nightin-
gales and other birds, of which the gardens around
us were full." " There is no wilderness here,"
says Van da Velde (i. 386), '• there are no wild
thickets, yet there is always verdure, always shade,
not of the oak, the terebinth, and the carob-tree, but
of the olive-grove, so soft in color, to pictnresqua
in form, that, for its take, we can willingly dis-
pense with all other wood. There is a singularity
about the vale of Shechem, and that it the pecul-
iar coloring which objects assume in it Y.iu
know that wherever there is water the air becomes
charged with watery particles, and that distant ob-
jects beheld through that medium seem to be en-
veloped in a pale blue or gray mitt, such at
contributes not a little to give a charm to the land
scape. But it ia precisely those atmospheric tints
that we miss ac much in Palestine. Fiery tints
are to be seen both in the inorniug and the even-
ing, and glittering violet .* purple colored hues
where the light falls next to the long, deep shad-
ows; but there is an absence of coloring, and of
that charming dusky hue in which objects assume
such softly blended forms, and in which also the
transition in color from the foreground to the
furthest distance loses the hardness of outline pe-
culiar to the perfect transparency of an eastern sky.
It is otherwise in the vale of Shechem, at least in
the morning and the evening. Here the exhala-
tions remain hovering among the branches and
leaves of the olive-trees, and hence that lovely blu-
ish haze. The valley ia far from broad, not ex-
ceeding in some places a few hundred feet This
you find generally inclosed on all aides; here, like-
wise, the vapors are condensed. And to you
advance under the shade of the foliage, along the
living waters, and charmed by the melody of a host
of singing birds — for they, too, know where to
find their best quarters — while the perspective
fades away and ia lost in the damp, vapory atmos-
phere." Apart entirely from the historic interest
of the place, such are the natural attractions of this
favorite resort of the patriarchs of old, auch the
beauty of the scenery, and the indescribable air of
tranquillity and repose which hangs over the scene,
that the traveller, anxious as he may be to hasten
forward in his journey, feels that he would gladly
linger, and could pass here days and weeks without
impatience.
The allusions to Shechem in the Bible are nu-
merous, and show how important the place was in
Jewish history. Abraham, on hia first migration
to the Land of Promise, pitched his tent and built
an altar under the Oak « (or Terebinth) of Horeh
at Shechem. "The Canaanite was tlan in tha
land ; " and it is evident that the region, if not the
city, was already in possession of the aboriginal
race (see Gen. xii. 6). Some have inferred from
the expression, "place of Shechem," (D^pP
nptp), that it waa not inhabited as a city In the
• The rendering " plains of Morah " in the Auth.
Tare Is Inoorrsct The Samaritan Pentateuch trans-
Maan^toQen. xxxv. 4"tow»or"areb;" and
on the basli of that error the Samaritan* at Malata,
show a structure of that tort under an acolMtv of
Qerlxtm, which they say was the spot when )aef
burled the Heto|otamiau Idols.
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SHECHEM
thoe of Abraham. But we have the nme expres-
sion used of cities or towns in other Instances (Gen.
xviii. 84, xix. 13, xxix. 22); and it may have been
interchanged here, without any difference of mean-
ing, with the phrase, " city of Sbecheni," which
occurs in xxxiii. 18. A pceitkm affording luch
natural advantages would hardly fail to be occupied,
aa aoon aa any population existed in the country.
The narrative shows inoontestably that at the time
of Jacob's arrival here, after his sojourn in Meso-
potamia (Gen. xxxiii. 18, xxxiv.), Shechem was a
Hivite city, of which Hamor, the father of Shechem,
was the head-man. It was at this time that the
patriarch purchased from that chieftain " the parcel
ef the field," which he subsequently bequeathed, as
a special patrimony, to his son Joseph (Gen. xlili.
M; Josh. xxiT. 32; John iv.5). The field lay un-
doubtedly on the rich plain of the ifuHma, and
its Talae was the greater on account of the well
which Jacob had dug there, so as not to be depend-
ent on hie neighbors for a supply of water. The
defilement of Dinah, Jacob's daughter, and the
capture of Shechem and massacre of all the male
inhabitants by Simeon and Levi, are events that
belong to this period (Gen. xxxiv. 1. f.). As this
bloody act, which Jacob so entirely condemned
(Geo. xxxiv. 30) and reprobated with his dying
breath (Gen. xlix- 5-7), is ascribed to two persons,
some urge that as evidence of the very insignificant
character of the town at the time of that transac-
tion. But the argument is by no means decisive.
Those sons of Jacob were already at the head of
hoenrbolda of their own, and may have had the
support, in that achievement, of their numerous
slaves and retainers. We speak, in like manner,
•fa commander as taking this or that city, when
we wjeao that it was done under his leadership.
The oak under which Abraham had worshipped,
survived to Jacob's time; and the latter, as he was
about to remove to Beth-el, collected the images and
amulets which some of his family had brought with
them from Padan-aram, and buried them " under
the oak which was by Shechem " (Gen. xxxv. 1-4).
The "oak of the monument" (if we adopt that
rendering of 32J^ 7 "t? in Judg. ix. 6), where
the Sbecbemites made Abimelech king, marked,
perhaps, the veneration with which the Hebrews
looked lack to these earliest footsteps (the incunnb-
mla gtmtit) of the patriarchs in the Holy Land."
During Jacob's sojourn at Hebron, bis sons, in the
coarse of their pastoral wanderings, drove their
Socks to Shechem, and at Dothan, in that neigh-
borhood, Joseph, who had been sent to look after
their welfare, was seized and sold to the Ishmaelites
(Gen. xxxvii. 12, 28). In the distribution of the
kuid after its conquest by the Hebrews, Shechem
(ell to the lot of Kphraim (Josh. xx. 7), but was
assigned to the Levites, and became a city of
refuge (Josh. xxl. 20, 21). It acquired new im-
SHBCHEM
295fi
• Bsse again the Auth. Ten., whkh renders "the
stake of the pillar," is certainly wrong. It will not
ssawer So twist on the explanation sugge s ted In the
ssat ef the article The Hebrew expression may re-
*sr to " the stone " whleb Joshua erected at dbeohem
as a slluusi of the covenant betwesn God and bis peo-
ple (Josh. xxtv. 38) ; or may xesan " the oak of the
prrlran,'' •". >. the one where a uUitary post wss es-
abUahed. (See Oesso. Hr*. La. s. v.) [Puua,
run ss> in, vol. w. p. seas.)
» • The possibility of bearing such responsive
but travellers have now
portance as the scene of the renewed uromulgaUoti
of the Law, when its blessings were heard from
Gerizim and its curses from Ebal, and the people
bowed their heads and acknowledged Jehovah as
their king and ruler (Deut. xxvii. 11 ; and Josh
vili. 33-36).' It was here Joshua assembled the
people, shortly before his death, and delivered tt
them his last counsels (Josh. xxiv. 1, 25). Am*
the death of Gideon, Abimelech, his bastard son,
induced the Shechemites to revolt from the Hebrew
commonwealth and elect him as kinj (Judg. ix.)
It was to denounce this act of usurpation and trea
son that Jotham delivered his parable of the trees
to the men of Shechem from the top of Geruiut.
as recorded at length in Judg. ix. 22 f. The pic-
turesque traits of the allegory, as Prof. Stanley
suggests (8. tf P. p. 236; JtwM Church, p. 348),
are strikingly appropriate to the diversified foliage
of the region.' In revenge for his expulsion, after
a reign of three years, Abimelech destroyed tbe city,
snd, as an emblem of the fate to which he would
consign it, sowed tbe ground with salt (Judg. ix.
34-46). It was soon restored, however, for we are
told in 1 K. xii. that all Israel assembled at
Shechem, and Rehoboam, Solomon's successoi
went thither to be inaugurated as king. Its cen-
tral position made it convenient for such assemblies;
its history was fraught with recollections which
would give the sanctions of religion as well as of
patriotism to the vows of sovereign and people.
The new king's obstinacy made him insensible to
such influences. Here, at this same place, tbe ten
tribes renounced the bouse of David, and trans-
ferred their allegiance to Jeroboam (1 K. xii. 16),
under whom Sbeehem became for a time the capi-
tal of his kingdom. We come next to the epoch
of the exile. Tbe people of Shechem doubtless
shared the fate of the other inhabitants, and were,
most of them at least, carried into captivity (2 K.
xvii. 5, 6, xviii. 9 f.). But Shalmaneser, the con-
queror, sent colonies from Babylonia to occupy the
place of the exiles (2 K. xvii. 24). It would seem
that there was another influx of strangers, at a
later period, under Esar-haddon (Ear. iv. 2). The
"certain men from Shechem,'' mentioned in Jer.
xii. 5, who were slain on their way to Jerusalem,
were possibly Cuthites, i. t. Babylonian immigrants
who had become proselytes or worshippers of Jeho-
vah (see Hitzig, der Prcph. Jer. p. 331). loess
Babylonian settlers in the land, intermixed, no
doubt to some extent with the old inhabitants, were
the Samaritans, who erected at length a rival tem-
ple on Gerizim (B. c. 300), and between whom and
the Jews a bitter hostility existed for so many ages
(Joseph. Ant. xii. 1, f, 1, xiii. 3, § 4). The son of
Sirach (1. 26) says, that "a foolish people," i. e.
the Samaritans, " dwell at Shechem " (tA 2i'ki/ui).
From its vicinity to their place of worship, it be-
came the principal city of the Samaritans, a rank
which it maintained at least till tbe destruction of
frequently made the experiment snd find they can
hear others with perfect distinctness from the opposite
heights. See Repp's Jtnu. u. das hnl. Lmvl, II SB;
and Toblerto Drittt Wandtnmg, p. 164 f. H.
e * Dr. Bosen paints out a hues projecting crag of
Gerudm which overlooks Sheohem »nd the entire val-
ley, as In all probability tbe rock-pulpit from which
Jotham addressed tbe Shsobemltes (Judg. Ix. 7 «.).
from that position as « he lifted op his voles " hs
eonld easily bs beard by tbe dwellers in tbe city Tbs
same thing necurrsd In a recent altruist thai* at bud.
sste arevols. H,
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295€
SHEOHEM
their lample, about B. c. 129, a p#"oo or neatly
two hundred jean (Joseph. AM. xiii. 9, § 1; B. J.
L 2, 6). It la unnecessary to pursue this sketch
further. I'rom the time of the origin of the Sa-
maritans, the history of Sheehem blends itself with
that of this people and of their sacred mount,
Gerudrn ; and the reader will find the proper in-
formation on this part of the subject under those
hesds (see Hereof RedUEneyk. xiii. 362). [Sa-
maria; Sahafutak Peht.]
As intimated already, Shecbem reappears in the
New Testament. It is the Sychar of John iv. 5,
near which the Saviour conversed with the Samari-
tan woman at Jacob's Well." Tbrvip, as the place
is termed there (lix&P "» <&& 7*** •» incorrect),
found only in that passage, was no doubt current
among the Jews in the age of Christ, and was
either a term of reproach CT2wt "* "V) *•"•
reference to the Samaritan faith and worship, or,
possibly, a provincial mispronunciation of that
period (see Lucke's Comm. ib. Johan. i. 677). The
Saviour, with his disciples, remained two days at
Sychar on his journey from Judssa to Galilee. He
preached the Word there, and many of the people
believed on Him (John iv. 39, 40). In Acts vii.
16, Stephen reminds bis hearers that certain of
the patriarchs (meaning Joseph, as we see in
Josh. xxiv. 32, and following, perhaps, some tra-
dition as to Jacob's other sons) were buried at
Sychem. Jerome, who lived so long hardly more
than a day's journey from Sheehem, says that the
tombs of the twelve patriarchs were to be seen 6
there in his day. The anonymous c city m Acts
viii. 6, where Philip preached with such effect, may
have been Sychem, though many would refer that
narrative to Samaria, the capital of the province.
It is interesting to remember that Justin Martyr,
who follows so soon after the age of the apostles,
was born at Sheehem.
It only remains to add a few words relating
more especially to Ndtmlw, the heir, under a dif-
ferent name, of the site and honors of the ancient
Sheehem. It would be inexcusable not to avail
ourselves here of some recent observations of Dr.
Rosen, in the ZeiHchr. dtr D. if. Gadhcha/l,
for 1860 (pp. 622-639). He has inserted in that
journal a careful plan of Nibuhu and the environs,
with various accompanying remarks. The popu-
lation consists of about five thousand, among
whom are five hundred Greek Christians, one hun-
dred and fifty Samaritans, and a few Jews. The
enmity between the Samaritans and Jews is as
inveterate still as it was in the days of Christ.
The Mohammedans, of course, make up the bulk of
ths population. The main street follows the line
if the valley from east to west, and contains a well-
locked bazaar. Most of the other streets cross
ibis: here are the smaller shops and the workstands
of the artisans. Most of the streets are narrew and
dark, as the houses hang over them on arches, very
• * Borne suppoes Shechwn and Sychar to be differ-
rat places. Bee ths arguments for that view under
3TOBAB. Dr. Robinson reaffirms bis belief that they
ire identical {Lola Ra. Ui. 181 ; ses also II. 290-292).
lad Mr. Tristram says : " Jacob's well Is only half
tn hour from the modern air/ " (Natmliu, Hurairm),
while " It Is evident that the ancient town lay more
to the east, among the rough racks and stone that
-strew the nninelossd and scattered olive yards for
« sails and a half" (load of Israel, 2d ed. p. Mo).
a.
8HECHEM
much ss In the closest parts of Cairo. The I
are of stone, and of the most ordinary style, with
the exception of those of the wealthy sheikhs of
Samaria who live here. There are no public build-
ings of any note. The KenUeh or synagogue of
the Samaritans is a small edifice, in the interior of
which there is nothing remarkable, unless it be so
alcove, screened by a curtain, in which their sacred
writings are kept The structure may be three
or four centuries old. A description and sketch
plan of it is given in Mr. Grove's paper " On the
Modern Samaritans" in Vacation Toarutt for 1861.
N&bulm has five mosques, two of which, according
to a tradition in which Mohammedans, Christians,
and Samaritans agree, were originally churches.
One of them, it is said, was dedicated to John ths
Baptist; its eastern portal, still well preserved,
shows the European taste of its founders. Ths
domes of the bouses end the minarets, as they
show themselves above the sea of luxuriant vegeta-
tion which surrounds them, present a striking view
to the traveller approaching from the east or ths
west
Dr. Rosen says that ths inhabitants boast of ths
existence of not less than eighty springs of water
within and around the city. He gives the names
of twenty-seven of the principal of them. One ot
the most remarkable among them is 'Aim et-Kenm,
which rises in the town under a vaulted dome, to
which a long flight of steps leads down, from which
the abundant water is conveyed by canals to two of
the mosques and many of the private houses, and
after that serves to water the gardens on the north
side of the city. The various streams derived from
this and other fountains, after being distributed
thus among the gardens, fall at length into a single
channel and turn a mill, kept going summer and
winter. Of the fountains out of the city, three
only belong to the eastern watershed. One of
them, 'Am Bal&ta, close to the hamlet of that
name, rises in a partly subterranean chamber sup-
ported by three pillars, hardly a stone's throw
from Jacob's Well, and is so large that Dr. Rosen
observed small fish in it Another, 'Am 'Attor,
issues from an arched passage which leads into
the base of Ebal, and flows thence into a tank
inclosed by hewn stone, the workmanship of which,
ss well ss the archway, indicates an ancient origin.
The third, 'Ain Dtfnn, which comes from the same
mountains, reminds us, by its name (Aoldvrn), of
the time when Sheehem was called Neapolis
Some of the gardens are watered from the fountains,
while others have a soil so moist as not to need
such irrigation. The olive, as in the days when
Jotham delivered his famous parable, is still the
principal tree. Figs, almonds, walnuts, mulberries,
grapes, oranges, apricots, promegranates, are abun-
dant The valley of the Nile itself hardly surpasses
NAbulm in the production of vegetables of svery
sort
Being, as it is, the gateway of the trade between
» Probably at the Rtjd eLAmtd, a «*ly at the not
of Oerlaun, east of the city, which Is still behaved to
contain the remains of forty eminent Jewish saints
(Rosen, as above). Dr. Stanley appears to have been
the first to notice the posslMs ounneonon between
the name AmSid, " pillar," attached to this we**, a*
well as to one on the west end of Ebal, and the cat
Hsbraw locality the " oak of the Pillar. '
' The Auth. Vers, inaeourataly adds the artisls. I
Is simply " a city of Bamaitt."
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HHECHEM
. if* and BciiiU or the ona aid*, an J the trans-
■'onlaoio <listricts ou tin other, and the centre alio
tf a province ao rich hi wool, grain, and oil, Ndb-
uimt bersmee, neceaaariljr, the aeat of an active
couunerce, and of a comparative luxury to be found
in very few cf the inland oriental cities. It pro-
duces, in ita own manufactories, many of the
eoaraar woolen fabrics, delicate ailk goods, cloth of
eamal'i hair, and especially soap, of which last oom-
utoditj huge quantities, after supplying the imme-
diate country, are aent to Egypt and other parte
of the East. The ashes and other sediments
thrown out of the city, aa the result of the soap
manufacture, have grown to the size of hills, and
give to the environs of the town a peculiar aspect.
[Anna, Amer. ed,]
Dr. Boa o n, during his stay at NUmhu, examined
anew the Samaritan inscriptions found there, sup-
posed to be among the oldest written mouumeuts
in Palestine. He has furnished, as Professor Rudi-
ger admits, the beet copy of them that has been
taken (aee a fae-eimue in ZeUtchrtfl, as above, p.
631). The inscriptions on stone-tableta, distin-
guished in his account as No. 1 and No. 2, belonged
eriginaUy to a Samaritan synagogue which stood
jost out of the city, near the Samaritan quarter,
af which synagogue a few remains only are now
left. They are thought to be as old at least aa
the age of Justinian, who (A. l). 629) destroyed
ao many of the Samaritan planes of worship. Some,
with leas reason, think they may have been saved
from the temple ou Uerizim, having been transferred
afterwards to a later synagogue. One of the tab-
lets is now inserted in the wall of a minaret; » the
ether waa discovered not long ago in a heap of
rubbish not far from it. The inscriptions consist
of brief extracts from the Samaritan Pentateuch,
probably valuable aa palsographie documents.
QfimiUi. autbe are to be found built into the walls
of several of the sanctuaries in the neighborhood
af /fdlmtm; as at the tombs of Eleaxar, Phiuehas,
ad IUuunar at Aazrtah. H. B. H.
To the preceding account some notice should be
appended of the two spots in the neighborhood of
NUmhu which bear the names of the Well of Jacob
and the Tomb of Joseph. Of these the former is
the more remarkable. It lies about a mile and a
half east of the city, close to the lower road, and
Just beyond the wretched hamlet of Baiita.
Among the Mahommedans and Samaritans it is
■ aa Bir ti- Yakib, or 'Ain Yaldb ; the Chris-
sometimee call it Bir tt-Samm-iyth — "the
well of the Samaritan woman." " A low spur pro-
jeeta from the base of Uerizim in a northeastern
dsTOOtion, between the plain and the opening of the
• • A more perfect copy of this tablet « immured
(■Beta* down) In the southern wall of the minaret "
ana beau lately taken (1866) by the explorers of the
lalaartiic Rxplorauon fund. Dr. Boson's copy left
tease of ita ten lines Incomplete, with some of the char-
senses to other parts vary Indistinct. Mr. Dsntsoh of
xsaum, to whom the photograph was sub-
I fevored us with a report of the contents of
These are, first, aa abbreviated form of
the Ten Commandments ea found in the Samarium
teeanslon (8 line*); secondly, a sontenoe taken from
the mterpeuUed passage following these command-
Heats In the Samaritan Codex (line 9)1 and finally
■no 10), the formula, "Arise, O Lo-i! Return, lord ! "
watch is of frequent ooeomoce u* Samaritan worship,
t Is atohmMy toe oldest Samaritan epigraph In exist-
sees. (Bar Arts aewaa, June 30, 1866.) JUL
8HEOHEM
295,
valley. On the point of this spur is a little mound
of shapeless ruins, with several fragments of granite
columns. Beside these is the well Formerly there
was a square hole, opening into a carefully-built
vaulted chamber, about 10 feet square, in the floor
of which was the true mouth of the well. Now a
portion of the vault hat (alien in and completely
covered up the mouth, so that nothing can be seen
above but a shallow pit half filled with stones and
rubbish. The well is deep — 76 feet b when last
measured — and there was probably a considerable
accumulation of rubbish at the bottom. Sometimes
it contains a few feet of water, but at others it is
quite dry. It is entirely excavated in the solid
rock, perfectly round, 9 feet in diameter, with the
sides hewn smooth and regular " (Porter, Handbook,
p. 340). "It has every claim to be considered the
original well, sunk deep into the rocky ground by
1 our lather Jacob.' " This at least was the tradi-
tion of the place in the last dajs of the Jewish peo-
ple (John iv. 6, 12). And its position adds proba-
bility to the conclusion, indicating, as has been well
observed, that it was there dug by one who could
not trust to the springs so near in the adjacent
rale — the springs of 'Ain BalAta and 'Am Ihf-
nth — which still belonged to the Canaanites. Of
all the special localities of our Lord's life, this is
almost the only one absolutely undisputed. " The
tradition, in which by a singular coincidence Jew*
and Samaritans, Christians and Mohammedans, all
agree, goes back," says Dr. Robinson (BioL Ru. ii.
284), "at least to the time of Eusebius, in the
early part of the 4th century. That writer indeed
speaks only of the sepulchre; but the Bordeaux
Pilgrim in A. i>. 838, mentions also the well; and
neither of these writers has any allusion to a church.
But Jerome in Kpilaphium Paula, which is re-
ferred to A. D. 404, makes her visit the church
erected at the side of Mouut Uerizim around the
well of Jacob, where our Lord met tbe Samaritan
woman. The church would seem therefore to have
been built during the 4th century ; though not by
Helena, as is reported in modem times. It was
visited and is mentioned, as around the well, by
Antoninus Martyr near the close of the 6th cen-
tury ; by Arculfus a century later, who describee it
as built in the form of a cross; and again by St.
Willibald in the 8th century. Yet Saswulf about
A. D. 1108, and Pbocas in 1188, who speak of the
well, make no mention of the church; whence we
may conclude that the latter had been destroyed
before tbe period of the crusades. Brocardus speaks
of ruins around the well, blocks of marble and one-
urans, which be held to be the ruins of a town,
the ancient Thebes; they were probably those of
6 The well Is fast filling up with the stones thrown
In by travellers and others. At Maundrall's visit
(1697) it was 106 test deep, and the same measure-
ment is given by Dr. Robinson as having been taken
in May, 1888. But, Ave years later, when Dr. Wilson
recovered Mr. A. Boost's Bible from It, the depth
had decreased to " exactly 76 " (Wilson's Lamdt, U. 67).
tutundrell (March 24) found 16 teat of water standing
in the well. It appears now to be always dry. [The
water varies from time to time, but appears to ba
rarely if ever entirely gone. Near the end of De-
cember, says Mr. Tristram, "than was no water
but broken stones and some wet mud, showing that I'
bad recently contained water, which Indeed was fount
there afterwards In the month of March " (Ijmd a/
Iratt, 2d ed., p. 147). — B]
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2958
8HECHEM
the church, to which he make* no dilution. Other
travellers, both of that age and later, speak of the
church only as destroyed, and the well as already
deserted. Before the days of Eusebius, there seems
to be no historical testimony to show the identity
of this well with that which our Saviour visited ;
and the proof must therefore rest, so far as it can
be made out at all, on circumstantial evidence. I
am not aware of anything, in the nature of the
ease, that goes to contradict the common tradition;
but, on the other band, I see much in the circum-
stances, tending to confirm the supposition that
this is actually the spot where our Lord held
his conversation with the Samaritan woman.
Jesus was journeying from Jerusalem to Galilee,
and rested at the well, while ' his disciples were
gone away into the city to buy meat.' The well
therefore lay apparently before the city, and at
some distance from it. In passing along the east-
ern plain, Jesus had halted at the well, and sent his
disciples to the city situated in the narrow valley,
intending on their return to proceed along the
plain on his way to Galilee, without himself visit-
ing the city. All this corresponds exactly to the
present character of the ground. The well too
was Jacob's well, of high antiquity, a known and
generated spot; which, after having already lived
for so many ages in tradition, would not be
likely to be forgotten in the two and a half cen-
turies intervening between St John and Euse-
bius.""
It is understood that the well, and the site around
it, have been lately purchased by the Russian
Church, not, it is to be hoped, with the intention
of erecting a church over it, and thus forever
destroying the reality and the sentiment of the
place. 6
The second of the spots alluded to is the Tomb
of Joseph. It lies about a quarter of a mile north
of the well, exactly in the centre of the opening of
the valley between Gerizim and Ebal. It is a small
square inclosure of high whitewashed walls, sur-
rounding a tomb of the ordinary kind, but with
the peculiarity that it is placed diagonally to the
walls, instead of parallel, as usual. A rough pillar
used as an altar, and black with the traces of fire,
is at the bead, and another at the foot of the tomb.
In the left-hand corner as you enter is a vine,
whose branches "run over the wall," recalling
exactly the metaphor of Jacob's blessing (Gen. xlix,
88). In the walla are two slabs with Hebrew in-
scriptions,' and the interior is almost covered with
the names of Pilgrims in Hebrew, Arabic, and Sa-
maritan. Beyond this there is nothing to remark
hi the structure itself. It purports to cover the
tomb of Joseph, buried there in the "parcel of
a • Among the proofs of this Identity one should not
overlook the striking incidental connection between
John's narrative and the locality (tv. 20). Gerizim
Is not named by the Evangelist ; but as we read the
words "our fathers worshipped In this mountain,'
how nadily do we think of the woman's glance of the
eye or outstretched hand In that direction, which
saads the ex pressio n definite on the spot though In-
infinite to as. Gerizim stood at that moment within
tjll eight only a short distance from the scene of the
sonvenatkm. H.
e • No church or chapel has ye\ been erected there
(1670), as was reared might be done at the time of
writrag the above article. H.
c One of these is given by Dr. WUeon (lamds, etc.,
I. «).
SHEGHKM
giound " which his father bequeataed cspeetaBy fe
him hi» favorite son, and in which his bones wen
deposited after the conquest of the country was
completed (Josh. xxiv. 32).
The local tradition of the Tomb, like that of tin
well, is ss old as the beginning of the 4th century
Both Eusebius (Ommatt. 2vx<p) and the Bor
deaux Pilgrim mention its existence. So do Ben
jamin of TudeJa (1160-79), and Haundeville (1822),
and so — to pass over intermediate travellers —
does Haundrell (1697). AU that is wanting in
these accounts is to fix the tomb which they mo-
tion to the present spot. But this b difficult —
Maundrell describes it as on his right hand, iu
leaving N&blus for Jerusalem; "just without lbs
city " — a small mosque, '• built over the sepulchre
of Joseph " (March 25). Some time after passing
it he arrives at the well. This description is quits
inapplicable to the tomb just described, but perfectly
suits the Wely at the northeast foot of Gerizim,
which also bears (among the Moslems) the name
of Joseph. And when the expressions of the two
oldest authorities * cited above are examined, it will
be seen that they are quite as suitable, if not more
so, to this latter spot as to the tomb on the open
plain. On the other hand, the Jewish travellers,'
from hap-Parchi (eir. 1320) downwards, specify the
tomb ss in the immediate neighborhood of the vil
lege tUBal&tn.f
In this conflict of testimony, and in the absence
of any information on the date and nature of thf
Moslem » tomb, it is impossible to come to a dei
inite conclusion. There is some force, and that in
favor of the received site, in the remarks of a learned
and intelligent Jewish traveller (Loewe, in AOg.
Ztitmg da Judenlhumt, Leipzig, 1839, No. 60)
on the peculiar form and nature of the ground sur-
rounding the tomb near the well: the more so be-
cause they are suggested by the natural features
of the spot, as reflected in the curiously minute,
the almost technical language, of the ancient rec-
ord, and not based on any mere traditional or arti-
ficial considerations. " The thought," says he,
" forced itself upon me, bow impossible it is to un-
derstand the details of the Bible without examining
them on the spot. This place is called in the
Scripture, neither emtk ('valley') nor thefela
(•plain '), but by the individual name of Ckelknt
hat-Bade ; and in the whole of Palestine there is
not such another plot to be found, — a dead level,
without the least hollow or swelling in a circuit of
two hours. In addition to this it is the loveliest
and most fertile spot I have ever seen."
SHE'CHEM. The names of three persons in
the annals of Israel.
1. (OJIp [thoulder, ridge]: 2vx«>; [mJeia,
d ■usebius : ir trpownWoic Meat eesntK, Mat sal t
rd$oc Stucwreu rov latent.
Bordeaux Pilgrim : " Ad pedem montls locus est end
nomen est Secblm : lbl positum est monumentum sbl
pceltus est Joseph. Inde passus utile .... obi DO
team," etc.
« Benjamin of Tudela (dr. 11%) says, " The Sa-
maritans are In possession of the tomb of Joseph the
righteous ; " but does not define its position.
/ See the Itineraries entitled Jithu hat-uaduam
(a. s. 1661), and Jichut ka-Aboth (1617), In Osrmelyi
Itintrama dt la Ton Sainle.
a It appears from a note in Prof Stanley's 8mm
t Tul. p. 241, that a lata* Joseph Is also ccmssssnntassl
In this sanctuary.
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8HECHEMITES, THB
tUifUh pL:] Sidiem.) The Km of Hamor the
shieftain of the Hivite settlement of Shechem at
the time of Jacob's arrival (Gen. xxxiii. 19, xxxiv.
J-26; Josh, xxlv. 32; Judg. ix. 28).
8- (Jvx«V : Sechem.) A man of Manaaseh, of
the clan of Gilead, and bead of the family of the
Shechemitea (Num. xxvi. 81). Hii family are
again mentioned as the Beoe-Sbechem [aoni of S.]
(Joah. xvii. 2).
3. CEuW/t: Stchem.) In the liataj of 1 Chr.
another ,S'»'»' , >'»"' is named amongat the GUeaditea
u a eon of Shemida, the younger brother of the
hregoing (vii. 19). It moat have been the recol-
Uanvn of one of these two GUeaditea which led
llyril of Alexandria into his strange fancy (quoted
by Rehcd, PaL p. 1007, from his Comm. on Hoeea)
af placing the city of Shechem on the eastern side
af the Jordan. G.
SHETCHEMITES, THE C'BJlJrTT [patr.,
see above]: i Xux*ltl\ [▼**• M. -pet, l-m. -/«♦<:]
SeehemUce). The family of Sechem, son of Gilead :
one of the minor clans of the Eastern M a namah
(Nam. xxvi. 31 ; conip. Josh. xvii. 2).
SHECHI'NAH (in Chaldes and neo-Hebrew,
TXfOXP, majalag Dei, prauntia Dei, Bpiritut
Banctut, Buxtorf, from 72$ and ]?$, "to rest,"
"settle," "dwell," whence "|3tfjt? "a tent," the
rahemaele : oomp. o-«t/p4)- This term is not
found in the Bible. It was used by tha later Jews,
sod borrowed by Christians from them, to express
the risible majesty of the Divine Presence, espe-
cially when resting, or dwelling, between the cher-
ubim on the mercy-seat in the Tabernacle, and in
the Temple of Solomon ; but not in Zerubbahel's
temple, for it was one of the five particulars which
the Jew* reckon to have been wanting in the sec-
ond temple ■ (Castell, Lrxic. s. v. ; Prideaux, Con-
meet, i. 138). The use of the term is first found
in the Targums, where it forms a frequent peri-
phrasis for God, considered as dwelling amongst
the children of Israel, and is thus used, especially
by OukeJoe, to avoid ascribing corporeity • to God
himself, as Castell tells us, and may be compared
to the analogous periphrasis so frequent in the
Targum of Jonathan, "the Word of the Lord
Many Christian writers bare thought that this
threefold expression for the Deity — the Lord, the
word of the Lord, and the Sbechinah — indicates
the knowledge of a Trinity of Persons in the God
head, and accordingly, following some Rabbinical
writers, identify the Sbechinah with the Holy
Spirit. Others, however, deny this (Calmet's Diet.
*/ the Bib. ; Joh. Saubert, On the Logo; § xix. in
Crane, flacr.; Glass. Pkilolog. Boer. lib. 1. 1, vii.
Without stopping to discuss this question, it
will most conduce to give an accurate knowledge
of the use nf the term Sbechinah by the Jews
themselves, if we produce a few of the most strik-
ing p imt,i s in the Targums where it occurs. In
Ex- xxr. 8, where the Hebrew has " Let them make
ass a sanctuary that I may dwell (N??5$?) among
a Br. Bernard, In his notes on Josephus, bias to
am* that thaw Ave things wars all Id tha second
teases, beeaass Jesepaos says the TJrim and Ttaum-
assa was*, la* Weston's Tradixiom, ate , p. xl.
» as*. «. f-, Pa. lxlx. IT, and Kanseh on Xs. xxtv.
SHECHINAH
2959
them," Onkelos has, >' I will make my Sbechmafe
to dwell among them." In xxix. 46, -16, for tha
Hebrew " I will dwell among the children of Is-
rael," Onkelos has, " I will make my Shechinah to
dwell," etc. In Ps. lxxlv. 2, for " this Mount
Zion wherein thou hast dwelt," the Targum has
•' wherein thy Shechinah hath dwelt." In the de-
scription of the dedication of Solomon's Temple
(1 K. viii. 12, 13), the Targum of Jonathan runs
thus : "The Lord is pleased to make his Shechinah
dwell in Jerusalem. I have built the house of the
sanctuary for tha house of thy Shechinah for ever,"
where it should be noticed that in ver. 13 the He-
brew !?&? is not used, but bnt, and 2#J
And in 1 K. ri. 18, for the HeV. « I will dwell
among the children of Israel," Jonathan has " I
will make my Sbechiuah dwell," ete. In Is. vL
fi be has the combination,' " the glory of the She-
chinah of the King of ages, the Lord of Hosts; "
and in the next verse he paraphrases " from off the
altar," by "from before his Shechinah on the
throne of glory in the lofty heavens that are above
the altar." Compare also Num. v. 3, xxxv. 84;
Ps. Ixriii. 17, 18, exxxv. 21; Is. xxxiii. 5, Mi. IS;
Joel iii. 17, 21, and numerous other passages. On
the other hand, it should be noticed that the Tar-
gums never render " the cloud " or " the glory "
by Shechinah, but by K3JJ? and rnj£, and that
even in such passages ss Ex. xxiv. 16, 17; Nam.
ix. 17, 18, 22, x. 12, neither the mention of the
cloud, nor the constant use of the verb 75tt? in
the Hebrew provoke any reference to the Sbechi-
nah. Hence, as regards the use of the word jSAo-
chiruik in the Targums, it may be defined as a
periphrasis for God whenever He is said to dwell
on Zion, amongst Israel, or between the cheru-
bim, and so on, in order, ss before said, to avoid
the slightest approach to materialism. Far most
frequently this term is introduced when the verb
7?B? occurs in the Hob. text; but occasionally, as
in some of the above-cited instances, where it does
not, but where the Paraphrast wished to interpose
an abstraction, corresponding to Pretence, to break
the bolder anthropopathy of the Hebrew writer.
Our view of the Targumistic notion of the She-
chinah would not be complete if we did not add,
that though, as we have seen, the Jews reckoned
the Shechinah among the marks of the Divine fa-
vor which were wanting to the second temple, they
manifestly expected the return of the Shechinah In
the days of the Messiah. Thus Hag. i. 8, •• Build
the house, and I will take pleasure in it, and I will
be glorified, saith the Lord," is paraphrased by
Jonathan, " I will cause my Shechinah to dwell in
it in glory." Zech. ii. 10, " Lo I come, and I will
dwell in the midst of thee, saith the Lord," is para-
phrased " I will be revealed, and will cause my
Shechinah to dwell in the midst of thee; " and viii.
3, " I am returned unto Ziou, and will dwell in the
midst of Jerusalem," is paraphrased " I will make
my Shechinah dwell in the midst of Jerusalem ; "
and lastly, in Ex. xliii. 7, 9, in the vision of the re-
turn of the Glory of God to the Temple, Jonathan
In Ps lrvlti. 17 (18, A. V.), the Targum has « the
Word of the Lord baa daalrod to place his Shssblnah
upon Bon."
<* Always (as far as I have observed) rsno sesd fey
the Chaldes JTJttfc.
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SHECHINAH
paraphrases thug, •< Son of nun, this U the place
»f the house of the throne of my glory, and this U
the place of the house of the dwelling of my
Shechinah, where I will make my Shechinah dwell
In the niidat of the children of Israel for ever. ■ ■ -
Now let them cast away their idols . . . and I
will make my Shechinah dwell in the midst of them
for ever." Compare Is. iv. 5, where the return of
the pillar of cloud by day and fire by night is
foretold as to take place in the days of the Messiah.
As regards the visible manifestation of the Di-
vine Presence dwelling amongst the Israelites, to
which the term Shechinah has attached itself, the
Idea which the different accounts in Scripture con-
vey is that of a most brilliant and glorious light,
enveloped in a cloud, and usually concealed by the
cloud, so that the cloud itself was for the most part
alone visitle ; but on particular occasions the glory •
appeared. Thus at the Exodus, " the Lord went
before " the Israelites " by day in a pillar of cloud
.... and by night in a pillar of fire to give
them light." And again we read, that this pillar
"was a cloud and darkness" to the Egyptians,
" but it gave light by night " to the Israelites.
But in the morning watch " the Lord looked unto
the host of the Egyptians through the pillar of fire
and of the cloud, and troubled the host of the
Egyptians: " i. e. as Philo (quoted by Patrick) ex-
plains it, " the fiery appearance of the Deity shone
forth from the cloud," and by its amazing bright-
ness confounded them. So too in the Pirke Eliezer
it is said, " The Blessed God appeared in his
glory upon the sea, and it fled back; " with which
Patrick compares Ps. Ixxvii. 16, '• The waters saw
thee, God, the waters saw thee; they were
afraid: " where the Targuin has, "They saw thy
Shechinah in the midst of the waters." In Ex.
six. 9, '• the Lord said to Hoses, Lo, I some unto
thee in a thick cloud," and accordingly in ver. 16
we read that " a thick cloud " rested " upon the
mount," *«d hi ver. 18, that " Mount Sinai was
altogether on a smoke, because the Lord descended
upon it in fire." And this is further explained,
Ex. xxiv. 16, where we read that " the glory of the
Lord abode upon Mount Sinai, and the cloud cov-
ered it (»'. e. as Aben Ezra explains it, the glory)
six days." But upon the seventh day, when the
Lord called " unto Moses out of the midst of the
cloud," there was a breaking forth of the glory
through the cloud, for " the sight of the glory of
the Lord was like devouring fire on the top of the
mount in the eyes of the children of Israel," ver.
17. So again when God as it were took possession
of the Tabernacle at its first oompletion (Ex. xl- 34,
85), "the cloud covered the tent of the congrega-
tion (externally), and the glory of the Lord filled
the Tabernacle (within), and Moses was not able to
enter into the tent of the congregation " (rather,
of tnteting); just as at the dedication of Solomon's
Temple (1 K. yUL 10, 11), " the cloud filled the
house of the Lord, so that the priest* oould not
stand to minister because of the cloud, for the glory
•f the Lord had filled the house of the Lord." In
the Tabernacle, however, as in the Temple, this was
only a temporary state of things ; for throughout
the hooks of Leviticus and Numbers we find Moses
xmstantly entering into the Tabernacle. And when
Be did so, the cloud which rested over it externally,
dark hy day, and luminous at night (Num. Ix. 15,
« Th*
Arabic expression, corresponding to th«
of the Targums, is a word signltrlng Hgkt.
SHECHINAH
18), came down and stood at the door of the Taber-
nacle, and the Lord talked with Moses inside, " foes
to (ace, as a man talketh with his friend ■' (Ex.
xxxiii. 7-11). It was on such occasions that Mow*
" heard the voice of one speaking unto him from
off the mercy-eeat that was upon the ark of testi-
mony, from between the two cherubims " (Num.
vii. 89), in accordance with Ex. xxv. S3; 1-ev. xvi
2. But it does not appear that the glory was habit-
ually seen either by Moses or the people. Occasion-
ally, however, it flashed forth from the cloud which
concealed it; as Ex. xvi. 7, 10; Lev. ix. 6, 33, when
" the glory of the Lord appeared unto all the peo-
ple," according to a previous promise; or as Nam.
xiv. 10, xvi. 19, 42, xx. 6, suddenly, to strike terror
in the people in their rebellion. The last occasion
on which the glory of the Lord appeared was that
mentioned in Num. xx. 6, when they were in Ka-
desh in the 40th year of the Exodus, and murmured
for want of water; and the last express mention of
the cloud as visibly present over the Tabernacle is
in Deut. xxxi. 15, just before the death of Moses.
The cloud had not been mentioned before since the
second year of the Exodus (Num. x. 11, 84, xii. 6,
10); but as the description in Num. ix. 15-23; Ex.
xl. 38, relates to the whole time of their wanderings
in the wilderness, we may conclude that at all
events the cloud visibly accompanied them through
all the migrations mentioned in Num. xxxiii., till
they reached the plains of Moab, and till Moses
died. From this time we have no mention what-
ever in the history either of the cloud, or of the
glory, or of the voice from between the cherubim,
till the dedication of Solomon's Temple. But since
it is certain that the Ark was still toe special aym
bol of God's presence and power (Josh. iii., It., vi.,
1 Sam. iv.; Ps. Ixviii. 1 ff.; compared with Num.
x. 35; Ps. exxxii. 8, lxxx. 1, xcix. 1), and since such
passages as 1 Sam. iv. 4, 21, 22; 8 Sam. vi. 2; Pa.
xcix. 7; 3 K. xix. 15, seem to imply the continued
manifestation of God's Presence in the cloud be-
tween the cherubim, and that Lev. xvi. 2 seemed
lo promise so much, and that more general expres-
sions, such as Ps. ix. 11, exxxii. 7, 8, 13, 14, Ixxvi.
2; Is. viii. 18, Ac., thus acquire much more point,
we may perhaps conclude that the cloud did
continue, though with shorter or longer interrup-
tions, to dwell between " the cherubims of glory
shadowing the mercy-seat," until the destruction
of the Temple by Nebuchadnezzar. [Olives,
Mount op, iii. 2249 a.]
The allusions in the N. T. to the Shechinah an
not unfrequent. Thus in the account of the Na-
tivity, the words, " Lo, the angel of the Lord camr
upon them, and the glory of the Lord shone rouni*
about them " (Luke ii. 9), followed by the appari-
tion of ■' the multitude of the heavenly host," re-
call the appearance of the Divine glory on Sinai,
when '< He shined forth from Paran, and came with
ten thousands of saints" (Deut. xxxiii. 2; coma.
Ps. Ixviii. 17 ; Acta vii. 53 ; Heb. ii. 3 ; Ez. xliii 8).
The " God of glory " (Acts vii. 2, 55), " the cher-
ubims of glory " (Heb. ix. 5), " the glory " (Bom.
ix. 4), and other like passages, are distinct refer-
ences to the manifestations of the glory in the O.
T. When we read in John i. 14, that " the Word
was made flesh, and dwelt among us (itnchtmrtt
ir yrfv), and we beheld lis glory; " or in 8 Cor
xii. 9, " that the power of Christ may rest »pos
* In Hebrew
•• YUy; in Chains* "> ")jj\
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8HEDETJB
ss»''°(frurirnFaVrn fr" i/i4); or in Rev. rri. 8,
1 Behold the tabernacle of God is with men, and
He will dwell with them " (jj <rjn»<J) rav 8«o5
• . . • utaj atenriaei /*er' airAr), we have not
oolj references to the Shechlnah, but era dis-
tinctly taught to connect it with the incarnation
and future coming of Heuiah, aa type with anti-
type. Nor can it be doubted that the constant
eonnection of the second advent with a cloud, or
clouds, and attendant angels, points in the same
direction (Halt xxvi. 64; Lukexxi. 37; Acts i. 9,
U; 2 These, i. 7, 8; Iter. i.7).
It should also be specially noticed that the at-
tendance of angels is usually associated with the
Shechinah. These are most frequently called (Ez.
x., xi.) cherubim; but sometimes, as in Is. vi.,
seraphim (oomp. Rev. Iv. 7, 8). In Ex. xiv. 19,
" the angel of God " is spoken of in connection
with the cloud, and in Deut. xxxiii. 3, the descent
upon Sinai is described as being ** with ten thou-
sands of saints " (oomp. Fa. Ixviii. 17 ; Zech. xiv.
5). The predominant association, however, is with
the cherubim, of which the golden cherubim on the
mercy-coat were the representation. And this
girts farce to the interpretation that has been put
upon Gen. iii. 84,* as being the earliest notice of
the Shechinah, under the symbol of a pointed
flame, dwelling between the cherubim, and consti-
tuting that local Presence of the Lord from which
Cain went forth, and before which the worship of
Adam and succeeding patriarchs was performed
(awe Hale's ChronoL ii. 94; Smith's Soar. AnnaL
1 178, 176, 177). Parkhnrst went so far aa to im-
agine a tabernacle containing the cherubim and the
glory all the time from Adam to Hoses (Heb. Lex.
p. 633). It is, however, pretty certain that the
various appearances to Abraham, and that to Moses
In the bush, were manifestations of the Divine
Majesty similar to those later ones to which the
term Shechinah is applied (see especially Acts vii.
8). For further information the reader is referred,
besides the works quoted above, to the articles
Clocd, Ark, Chxrub, to Winer, Rtalub. art.
Ourmban ; to Bishop Patrick's Commentary ; to
Buxtorf, //!*(. Are. Fad. c xi.; and to Lowman,
On the Bkechinak. A. C. H.
BHED'BTJB ("WW* "3$ [darting ofjire, Ges. ;
seader of a revelation, Flint]: XtSioip; [Vat
"Xtiurovf in Num. vii. 30 ;] Alex. ESiova in Num.
i. 5, a. 10: Sedeur). The lather of Eluur, chief
af the tribe of Reuben at the time of the Exodus
(Num. i. S, ii. 10, vii. 80, 36, x. 18). It has been
o onj e etar a d (Zeittckr. d. Deut. Aforg. (jtt. xr.
BOS) that the name is compounded of Shaddsl.
SHEEP. The well-known domestic animal
which from the earliest period has contributed to
the wants of mankind. Sheep were an important
part of the possessions of the ancient Hebrews and
af eastern nations generally. The first mention
af sheep occurs in Gen. iv. 3. The following are
lie principal Biblical allusions to these animals.
'They were used in the sacrificial offerings, both the
adult animal (Ex. xx. 84; 1 K. vUl. 63; 3 Chr.
crix. 83) and the lamb, &3$9 i «■ "» male
a xlils expression of St. Paul's has a srarolat rs-
ssaWsniis to the Babnuosl saving, that of sight/
bwbBj of HUM the elder, thirty were worthy that tht
miiU'Ti 1 t*nld net upon Hum ; and of shoes Jona-
Aaa <aamor of the Xargum) was too Srst CWoO. Sit.
«hs I lltw).
SHEEP 2961
from one to three years old," but young lambs of
the first year were more genaally used in the ofler-
ings (see Ex. xxix. 88; Lev. ix. 8, xii. 6; Num
xxviii. 9, Ac.). No lamb under eight days old was
allowed to be killed (Lev. xxii. 37). A very young
lamb was called n)?tp tileh (see 1 Sam. vii. 9,
Is. Ixv. 25). Sheep and lambs formed an impor-
tant article of food (1 Sam. xxv. 18; 1 K. i. 19, ir.
33; Ps. xliv. 11, Ac.). The wool was used af
clothing (I.ev. xiii. 47; Deut. xxii. 11; Prov. xxxL
18; Job xxxL 20, Ac.). [Wool.] Trumpets may
have been made of the horns of rams (Josh. vi. 4),
though the rendering of the A. V. in this passage
is generally thought to be incorrect. •' Rams'
skins dyed red " were used as a covering for the
Tabernacle (Ex. xxv. 5). Sheep and lambs were
sometimes paid as tribute (2 K. iii. 4). It is very
striking to notice the immense numbers of sheep
that were reared in Palestine in Biblical times : see
for instance 1 Chr. v. 31 ; 3 Chr. xv. 11, xxx.
34; 3 K. iii. 4; Job xlii. IS. Especial mention
is made of the sheep of Bomb, (Mic. ii. 13;
Is. xxxiv. 6) in the land of Edom, a district well
suited for pasturing sheep. " Bashan and Gilead "
are also mentioned as pastures (Mic. vii. 14).
" Large parts of Carmel, Bashan, and Gilead, " says
Thomson (Land and Book, p. 205), "are at their
proper seasons alive with countless Socks" (see
also p. 331). "The flocks of Kedar" and "the
rams of Nebaioth," two sons of Ishmael (Gen. xxv.
18) that settled in Arabia, are referred to in Is. Ix. 7.
Sheep-shearing is alluded to Gen. xxxi. 19, xxxviii.
18; Deut. xv. 19; 1 Sam. xxv. 4; Is. liii. 7, Ac.
Sheep-dogs were employed in Biblical times, as is
evident from Job xxx. 1, " the dogs of my flock."
From the manner in which they are spoken of by
the patriarch it is clear, as Thomson (Land and
Book, p. 203) well observes, that the oriental shep-
herd-dogs were very different animals from the
sheep-dogs of our own land. The existing breed
are described as being " a mean, sinister, ill-con-
ditioned generation, which are kept at a distance,
kicked about, and half-starved, with nothing noble
or attractive about them." They were, however,
without doubt, useful to the shepherds, more espe-
cially at night, iu keeping off the wild beasts that
prowled about the hills and valleys (oomp. Theoo.
Id. t. 106). Shepherds in Palestine and the East
generally go before their flocks, which they induce
to follow by calling to them (oomp. John x. 4 ; Ps.
lxxvii 30, lxxx. 1), though they also drove them
(Gen. xxxiii. 18). [Shepherd.] It was usual
amongst the ancient Jews to give names to sheep
and goats, as in England we do to our dairy cattle
(see John x- 3). This practice prevailed amongst
the ancient Greeks (see Theoo. Id. v. 103): —
Owe are rev epuoc dstoi & Kwvopov , m rv KvmuS* j
The following quotation from Hartley's Bctearcha
in Greece and the Levant, p. 321, is so strikingly
illustrative of the allusions in John x. 1-16, that we
cannot do better than quote it: " Having had my
attention directed last night to the words in John
x. 3, 1 asked my man if it was usual in Greece to
give names to the sheep. He informed me that it
» " He drove out the man, and stationed his She-
cbinah of old bstwaan the two cherubim " (Jrroaal
TWrgum); W^l^TTrVi 1S#_»3 (Hab. Bib
See Patrick On Qt». UL 14. '
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2962
SHEEP
tu, and (hat the sheep obeyed the shepherd when
he called them by their names. This morning I
bad an opportunity of verifying the truth of this
remark. Passing by a Sock of sheep, I asked the
shepherd the tame question which I had put to
the servant, and he gave me the same answer. I
then bade him call one of his sheep. He did so,
and it instantly left its pasturage and its compan-
ions and ran up to the hands of the shepherd
with signs of pleasure and with a prompt obedience
which I had never before observed in any other
animal. It is also true in this country that *a
stranger will they not follow, but will flee from
him.' The shepherd told me that many of his
sheep were still wild, that they had not yet learned
their names, but that by teaching them they would
all learn them." See also Thomson (p. 203) :" The
shepherd calls sharply from time to time to remind
the sheep of his presence; they know his voice and
follow on ; but if a stranger call they stop short,
lift up their heads in alarm, and if it is repeated
they turn and flee, because they know not the
voice of a stranger." «
Broad-tailed Sheep.
The common sheep of Syria and Palestine are
the broad-tail ( Oris laticnudatui), and a variety of
the common sheep of this country (Oris ari<$)
called the Bulowten according to Russell (Alepf.0,
ii. 147). The broad-tailed kind has long been
reared iu Syria. Aristotle, who lived more than
2,000 years ago, expressly mentions Syrian sheep
with tails a cubit wide. This or another variety of
the species is also noticed by Herodotus (iii. 113) as
occurring in Arabia. The fat tail of the sheep is
probably alluded to in Lev. iii. 9, vii. 3, etc., as the
fat and the whole «utnp that was to be taken off
bard by the back-bone, and was to be consumed on
the altar. The cooks in Syria use this mass of fat
Instead of Arab butter, which is often rancid (see
Thomson, Land and Book, p. 97). [Butter,
.ed.]
o • Dr. Thomson's remarks 4n illustration of these
sralts of pastoral life In the Bast are very Interesting
{Land and Book, i. 808, 804). H.
ft None of the Instances cited by Jerome and others
are exact parallels with that ia question. The quota-
ions adduced, with the exception of those which speak
sf painted imnges *»t before Spartan women inter con-
toi'mshm, refer to cues In which '*•" f* -'—-'■ tham-
8HEKP
The whole passage in Ger xxx. which bean sa
the subject of Jacob's stratagem with Laban's ahtrf
is involved in considerable perplexity, and Jacob's
conduct in this matter has been severely and un-
compromisingly condemned by some writers. We
touch upon the question briefly in its zoological
bearing. It is altogether impossible to account for
the complete success which attended Jacob's device
of setting peeled rods before the ewerand she-goats
as they came to drink in the watering troughs, on
natural grounds. The Greek fathers for the most
part ascribe the result to the direct operation of the
Deity, whereas Jerome and the Latin fathers regard
it as a mere natural operation of the imagination,
adducing as illustrations in point various devices)
that have been resorted to by the ancients in the
cases of mares, asses, etc. (see Oppian, Cyneg. i.
327, 357; Pliny, B. tf. vii. 10, and the passages
from QuintUian, Hippocrates, and Galen, as cited
by Jerome, Grotius, and Bochart). Even granting
the general truth of these instances, and acknoal-
edging the curious effect which peculiar sights by
the power of the imagination do occasionally pro-
duce in the fetus of many animals, yet we must
agree with the Greek fathers and ascribe the pro-
duction of Jacob's spotted sheep and goats to 1'ivine
agency. The whole question has beca carefully
considered by Nitschmanu (De Coryb Jacobi, in
Thu. Nov. TheoL Phil i. 202-206), from whom
we quote the following passage : " Fatemur itaque,
cum Vossio aliisque piis viris, Warn peevdum im-
aginatiunem Ionium fume cautam adjimmtem, ac
plus in hoc negotio divine tribuendum esse virtuti,
qua; suo concursu sic debilem causae secundse vim
adauxit ut quod ea sola secundum naturam prav
stare non valeret id divina benedictione supra na-
turam pnestaret; " and then Nitachmann cites the
passage in Gen. xxxi. 5-13, where Jacob expressly
states that his success was due to Divine interfer
ence ; for it is hard to believe that Jacob is here
uttering no'hing but a tissue of falsehoods, which
appears tc be the opinion of Kaliscb (HisU ana
Ci-it. Comment. Gen. xxx. and xxxi.), who repre
sents the patriarch as " unblushingly executing
frauds suggested by his fertile invention, and then
abusing the authority of God in covering or justi-
fying them." We are aware that a still graver
difficulty in the minds of some persons remains, if
the above explanation be adopted ; but we have no
other alternative, for, as Patrick has observed, '-let
any shepherd now try this device, and be will not
find it do what it did then by a Divine operation." •
The greater difficulty alluded to is the supposing
that God would have directly interfered to help Ja-
cob to act fraudulently towards his uncle. But are
we quite sure that there was my fraud, fairly called
such, in the matter ? Had Jacob not been thus
aided, he might have remained the dupe of Laban's
niggardly conduct all his days. He had served his
money-loving uncle faithfully for fourteen years;
Laban confesses his cattle had increased consider-
ably under Jacob's management; but all the return
he got was unfair treatment and a constant deiire
selves, and not reflections of Inanimate objects, were
the cause of some marked peculiarity in the fete*.
Rosenmuller. however (Sehol. in lor.), cites HastJear
(De Re oeiaria, German version, pp. 17, 80, 48, 46, 47
as a writer by whom the contrary opinion Is eosv
firmed. We have bean unable to ■sin access to tWs
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SHEEP
■ the put of Laban to strike a hard bargain with
bin (Ceo. rai. 7). God vouchsafed to deliver
Jacob oat of the hands of hit hard muter, and to
punish Laban for his cruelty, which He did by
pointing oat to Jacob how be could secure to him-
self large flocks and abundant cattle. God was only
Wning Jacob to obtain that which justly belonged
to him, bat which Labau's rapacity refused to
pant. " Were it lawful," says Stackhonse, •' for
soy private person to make reprisals, the injurious
treatment Jacob had received from Laban, both in
imposing a wife upon him and prolonging his servi-
tude without wages, was enough to give him both
the provocation and the privilege to do so. God
Almighty, however, was pleased to take the deter-
■ matiou of the whole matter into his own hands."
This seems to ns the best way of understanding
this disputed subject.*
The folk wing Hebrew words occur as the names
sf sheep: IKS, 7"<K?, KJS, or HJS, a collec-
tive noun to denote " a Bock of sheep or goats,"
to which is opposed the noun of unity, 7107, •' a
•beep" or " a goat," joined to a misc. where
* runs " or " he-goats " are signified, and with a
tan. when " ewes " or " she-goats " are meant,
though even in this case sometimes to a maw. (as
n Gen. rai. 10): Vrjt, "a ram;" bn~l, "a
swe; " 079? <"■ 3tP?i " » lamb," or rather " a
sheep of a year old or above." opposed to fwp,
" a socking or very young lamb; " 1)3 is another
term applied to a Iamb as It tkip$ (~H?) in the
SHEBPFOIJ)
2968
As the sheep Is an embrcn of meekness, pa ti ence,
and submission, it is expressly mentioned as typi
fying these qualities in the person of our blessed
Lord (Is. liii. 7; Acts viii. 33, Ac). The relation
that exists between Christ, " the chief Shepherd,"
and his members, is beautifully compared to that
which in the East is so strikingly exhibited by the
shepherds to their flocks (see Thomson, Land ana
Book, p. 803). W. H
• SHEEPCOTE. [Shekpfold.]
• SHEEPFOLD. The original words for
this expression in the Old Testament are 'TJ'15,
nb?Q, D?0?tpP (dual, with reference to the
troughs which divided them), and ]N2 fllllJ,
and in the N. T., a i\ti rar rpoPirur (John xL
1) and ao\r) and rolftrri (the latter erroneously)
(John x. 16). Sheepfolds as usually constructed
in the East, according to Thomson (Lund ana
Book, i. 299),are " low, flat buildings, erected on
the sheltered side of the valleys, and, when the
nights are cold, the flocks are shut up in them,
but in ordinary weather they are merely kept
within the yard." During the day of course they
are led forth to pasture by the shepherds. The
folds " are defended by a wide stone wall, crowned
by sharp thorns which the wolf will rarely attempt
to scale. The leopard and panther, however, when
pressed with hunger, will overleap the thorny
hedge," and make havoc of the flock. Many little
villages ill Syria, especially in the Buka'a between
Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon, consist of sbeepcotes or
have spmug from them, and have the syllable
Hauth (herd-fold) prefixed to their names. la
Greece the writer has seen folds built merely of •
ohecpfblou
nrspet of bushes or branches, placed at the en-
tan* of eaves, natural, or made for the purpose
b the side of hills or rocky ledges. A porter kept
the door of the larger sheepfolds. [Pobteb, Amer.
A mistranslation in John x. 16, or at least am-
biguity ("fold" being susceptible of a twofold
sense), mars the exquisite beauty of the passage.
I of - there shall be one fold and one shep-
• We saves e uu aVs si sd this psrplextac e/iastton In
esasssasee with the generally received opinion that
a* Hisses account is the work of one and the same
ssssro : at lbs same time, we must allow that there
■ tarsal sWOsahUlty thai those portions of the narrn-
herd," it should read: "and there shall he one
flock, one shepherd." The A. V. confuses atXr)
and wofurn, and we necessarily lose in any render-
ing the alliterative succession of wof/xn) and wor
pr)r. The Saviour no doubt refers more immedi-
ately in the figure to the union of Jews and Gentiles
in the faith and blessings of the gospel. " Sheep-
cote " occurs in the A. V. three times interchange-
ably witn < aheepfold." EL
tSvf which relate to Jacob's stratagem with she
" peeled rods, are attributable, not to the .Etesian*
or indent source, but to the supplementary .A-iew/MM
writer.
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2964
SHEEP-MASTEB
• SHEEP-MASTER (3 K. iii. 4). [Srbf-
HUUD.]
SHEEP GATE, THE C|rteTT "l^ttf: i,
wvka 4 rpojBoruri}: J**"** gr*fi*)- Q™ of the
gates of Jerusalem u rebuilt by Nebemiah (Neh.
lii. 1, 32; xiL 39). It stood between the tower of
Mesh end the chamber of the comer (iii. 32, 1) or
gate of tho guard-bouse (xii. 39, A. T. " prison-
gate"). The latter seems to hare been at the
angle formed bj the junction of the wall of the city
of David with that of the city of Jerusalem proper,
having the Sheep Gate on the north of it. (See the
diagram in p. 1333, voL ii.) According to the view
taken in the article Jerusalem," the city of Da-
vid occupied a space on the mount Moriah about
coinciding with that between the south wall of the
platform of the Dome of the Rock and the south
wall of the Haram e$-8her\f. The position of the
Sheep Gate may therefore hare been on or near that
of the Bab ei-KattanSn. Bertheau (Kzeg. Band-
buck, on Nebemiah, p. 144) is right in placing it
on the east side of the city and on the north of the
corner; but is wrong in placing it at the present
St. Stephen's Gate, since no wall existed nearly so
mr to the east as that, till after the death of Christ.
[Jerusalem.]
The pool which was near the Sheep Gate (John
v. 2; A. V. inaccurately " market ") was probably
the present Hamm&m tth-Shefa. G.
SHEEP-MAHKBT, THE (John v. 2).
The word " market " is an interpolation of our
translators, possibly after Luther, who has Stkaf-
ham. The words of the original are M t8 wpo-
Harucji, to which should probably be supplied not
market but gate, roAn, as in the LXX. version of
the passages in Nehemiah quoted in the foregoing
article. The Vulgate connects the woo/Saruri)
with the Ko\v(i{Hi$pa, and reads Probation pit-
ana) while the Syriac omits all mention of the
sheep, and names only "a place of baptism."
G.
• SHEETS, only in Judg. xt?. 12, 13, and there
"shirts" in the margin. The Hebrew is n?»
elsewhere only in Prov. xxxi. 24 and b. iii. S3,
where the A. V. renders " fine linen.*' The LXX.
has in the different places aivtim or fiiatrira,
and the Vulg. undone*. It was something worn
ay men and women, as the above passages show,
and must have been an article of dress. It may
have been a thin covering of linen worn next to the
body as a shirt (Fiirat, Keil), or a loose night-
wrapper thrown around one on taking off his other
garments (Saalschuts). In the latter case it cor-
responds nearly to the Greek aivt&v (comp. Mark's
autiva. M yvuvov, xiv. 51). It formed part of
the raiment which Samson was to give to the
Philistines if they should discover bis riddle within
.he appointed time (Judg. xiv. 12 ff). It was
evidently at that period an article of value or lux-
ury among the Philistines, ss it was still later
among the Hebrews (Is. iii. 28; Prov. xxxi 24).
a • Against this theory respecting ths rite of *• the
srty of David," see under Jkbusauem, } lv., near the
and (Amer. ed.). 8. W.
b The character nearly resembles that of Samaritan
SMB., although It Is not quite Identical with It. The
Hebrew and Samaritan alphabets appear to be diver-
gent l e ur cce ulatlu e of some older form, as may be
tatsiml tram several of the letters Thus the Art
SHEKEL
FUrst calls in question the commonly sawaaaal si
unity between o-irSaV and Vflj? (£«**• ■• »•>•
H.
• SHEFEXiAH. [Sephxla.]
SHEHAEI'AH (rPTTltf [Jekoeak leeti]:
Xaaplasi [Vat Zaoora;] Alex. %aapt*: Boko-
ria). A Benjamite, son of Jeroham (i Chr. viii.
26).
SHEKEL. In a former article [Horn] a
full account has been given of the coins eaued
shekels, which are found with inscriptions in the
Samaritan' character; so that the present article
will only contain notices of a few particulars relat-
ing to the Jewish coinage which did not fall
within the plan of the former.
It may, in the first place, be desirable to men-
tion, that although some shekels are found with
Hebrew letters instead of Samaritan, these are un-
doubtedly all forgeries. It is the more needful to
make this statement, as in some books of high
reputation, e. o. Walton's Polyglot, these sbekees
are engraved as if they were genuine. It is hardly
necessary to suggest the reasons which may have
led to this series of forgeries. But the difference
between the two is not confined to the letters only;
the Hebrew shekels are much larger and thinner
than the Samaritan, so that a person might dis-
tinguish them merely by the touch, even under a
covering.
Our attention is, in the next place, directed to
the early notices of these shekels in Rabbinical
writers. It might be supposed that in the Mishna,
where one of the treatises bears the title of " Skeka-
lim," or Shekels, we should find tome information
on the subject. But this treatise, being devoted to
the consideration of the laws relating to the pay-
ment of the half-shekel for the Temple, is of course
useless for our purpose.
Some references are given to the works of RasM
and Maimonides (contemporary writers of the 12th
century) for information relative to shekels and the
forms of Hebrew letters in ancient times; but the
most important Rabbinical quotation given by/
Bayer is that from Ramban, i. e. Rabbi-Motes
Bar-Nackman, who lived about the commence
ment of the 13th century. He describes a shekel
which he had seen, and of which the CtUhaane
read the inscription with case. The explanation
which they gave of the inscription was, on one side:
Shekel ka-SkeJcaUm, " the shekel of shekels," and
on the other "Jerusalem the Holy." The former
was doubtless a misinterpretation of the usual in-
scription "the shekel of Israel;" but the latter
corresponds with the inscription on our shekels
(Bayer, D» JVtomi. p. 11). In the 16th century
R. Azarias de Rossi states that R. Moses Basula
had arranged a Cuthean, i. e. Samaritan, alphabet
from coins, and K. Moses Alaskar (of whom little
is known) is quoted by Bayer as having read in
some Samaritan coins, " in such a year of the con-
solation of Israel, in such a year of such a king."
And the same R. Azarias de Rossi (or de Adumira.
ss he is called by Bartolood, BM. Rabb. voL rv. p.
and several other letters are evidently Identical fa
their origin. And the 127 (Skm) of the Hebrew slake,
bet Is the came as that of the Samaritan ; for af we
make the two middle strokes of the Samaritan laaaw
ecaleeee, It tskes the Hebrew tarn.
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SHEKEL
M), In his SWnHB, "The Ligh» of tne
.ijes," (not Font Oculorum, as Bayer translates
It, which would require V SO i not " 1 "* , °)i
discusses the Traosfluvial or Samaritan letters, and
describes a shekel of Itrael whioh he had seen.
But the mast important passage of all is that in
which this writer quotes the description of a shekel
seen by Bamban at St Jean d'Acre, X. D. 1310.
He gives inscriptions is above, "the Shekel of
Shekel*," and " Jerusalem the Holy ; " but he also
determines the weight, which he makes about half
We find, therefore, that in early times shekels
ware known to the Jewish Babble with Samaritan
Descriptions, corresponding with those now found
(except in one point, which is probably an error),
and corresponding with them in weight. These
arc important considerations in tracing the his-
tosy of this coinage, and we pass on now to the
earliest mention of these shekels by Christian writ-
en. We believe that W. Poetell is the first Chris-
tian writer who saw and described a shekel He
was a Parisian traveller who visited Jerusalem
early in the 16th century. In a curious work pub-
nabed by him in 1538, entitled Alphtibetum Duo-
deam Liuguarum, the following passage occurs.
After stating that the Samaritan alphabet was the
original form of the Hebrew, be proceeds thus : —
" I draw this inference from silver coins of great
antiquity, which I found among the Jews. They
act such store by them that I could not get one of
them (not otherwise worth a quincunx) for two
gold pieces. The Jews say they are of the time of
Solomon, and they added that, hating the Samari-
tans a* they do, worse than dogs, and never speak-
ing to them, nothing endears these coins so much
to them as the consideration that these characters
wen once in their common usage, nature, as it
were, yearning after the things of old. They say
that at Jerusalem, now called Chut or Chutttm-
barich, in the masonry and in the deepest part of
the ruins, these coins are dug up daily." °
Poetell gives a very bad wood-cut of one of these
shekels, but the inscription is correct. He was un-
able to explain the letters over the vase, which
won became the subject of a discussion among the
learned men of Europe, which lasted for nearly two
centuries. Their attempts to explain them are enu-
merated by Bayer in his Treatise De Numit He-
brao-tSamaritaxis, which may be considered as the
first work which placed the explanation of these
coins on a satisfactory basis. But it would obvi-
ously be useless here to record so many unsuc-
cessful guesses as Bayer enumerates. The work of
Bayer, although some of the authors nearly solved
the problem, called forth an antagonist in Professor
Tychsen of Bostock, a learned Orientalist of that
■ Pcstall appears to have arranged his Samaritan
alphabet from these coins.
s Be quotes, «. g., toe following passage from the
Jerusalem Talmud : JtD (n»U7) VH3U7 S2tfl23
(Vtttd) ibrro la^M bams p ; «Hevoiu-
Hea (8amaritan) money, like that of Ben Coetba, does
get deal*." The meaning of this Is not very obvious,
wr does Tvehsen's expianetlou appear quite aatiifao-
torj. Be adds, "does not defile. If used ss an amu
at" We should rather Inquire whether the expres-
ama may not have some relation to that of " defiling
Kw hands," as applied to the canonical bosks of the
SHEKEL 296&
period. Several publications passed between than
which it is unnecessary to enumerate, as Tychset
gave a summary of his objections, in a small pam-
phlet, entitled O. Q. Tyeheen, De Numit Ht~
braiat Diatribe, qua timid ad Nuperat UL F. P.
Bayerii Objectiones retpondetur (Rostochii, 1791).
His first position is — That either (1) all the
coins, whether with Hebrew or Samaritan inscrip-
tions, are false, or (2) if any are genuine, they
belong to Barcoceba — p. 6. This he modifies
slightly in a subsequent part of the treatise, pp.
53, 63, where he states it to be his conclusion (1)
that the Jews had no coined money before the time
of our Saviour; (2) that during the rebellion of
Barcoceba (or Biircadba), Samaritan money was
coined either by the Samaritans to please the Jews,
or by the Jews to please the Samaritans, and that
the Samaritan letters were used in order to make
the coins desirable as amulets! and (3) that the
coins attributed to Simon Maccabeus belong to
this period. Tychsen has quoted some curious
passages,* but bis arguments are wholly untenable.
In the first place, no numismatist can doubt the
genuineness of the shekels attributed to Simon
Maccabaws, or believe that they belong to the same
epoch as the coins of Barcoceba. But as Tychsen
never saw a shekel, he was not a competent judge.
There is another consideration, which, if further
demonstration were needed, would supply a very
strong argument. These coins were first made
known to Europe through Poetell, who does not ap-
pear to have been aware of the description given of
them in Rabbinical writers. The correspondence
of the newly-found coins with the earlier descrip-
tion is almost demonstrative. But they bear such
undoubted marks of genuineness, that no judge of
ancient coins could doubt them for a moment.
On the contrary, to a practical eye, those with ffe-
brew inscriptions bear undoubted marks of spuri
outness.'
Among the symbols found on this series of coins
is one which is considered to represent that which
was called LtUtib by the Jews. This term was ap-
plied (see Maimon. on the section of the Mishna
called Both Bathanah, or Commencement of the
Tear, ch. vii. 1, and the Mishna itself In Buceah,
rQID, or Bootht, ch. ii. 1, both of which passages
are quoted by Bayer, De Num. p. 139) to the
branches of the three trees mentioned in Lev. xxiii.
40, which are thought to be the Palm, the Myrtle,
and the Willow. These, which were to be carried
by the Israelites at the Feast of Tabernacles, were
usually accompanied by the fruit of the Citron,
which is also found in this representation. Some -
times two of these Lulnbs are found together. At
least such is the explanation given by some authori-
ties of the symbols called in the article Monet by
0. T. Bee Oinsburg, Cenmunlary on the Sang of
Song; p. 8. The word Ibr polluting is different, bat
the expressions may be analogous. But, on the other
hand, these corn are often perforated, which gives
countenance U the notion that they were used as
amulets. The passage is from the division of the
Jerusalem Talmud entitled *3t27 "1B7370, Mamtm
Stmt, or " The Second Tithe."
e The statement ben made will not be disputed by
acy piactlcai numismatist. It Is made on the as>
thorlty of toe late Mr. T. Burgon, of the British Bar
saum, whose knowledge and skill in trees qasstaoM
was known throughout Kudos.
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2966
SHEKEL
the name of Sheave*. The subject la involved hi
much difficulty and obscurity, and we apeak there-
fore with aome hesitation and diffidence, especially
as experienced numismatists diner in their explana-
tions. ThU explanation is, howerer, adopted by
Bayer (De Num. pp. 128, 319, Ac), and by Cave-
doui (BM. JVwn. pp. 31, 33 of the German transla-
tion, who adds references to 1 Mace. It. 69 ; John
x. 23), as he considers that the Lulab was in use
at the Feast of the Dedication on the 26th day of
the 9th month as well as at that of Tabernacles.
He also refers to 3 Mace. 1. 18, x. 9, 7, where the
celebration of the Feast of Tabernacles is described,
sod the branches carried by the worshippers are
■pe nn ed.
The symbol on the reverse of the shekels, repre-
senting a twig with three buds, appears to bear
more resemblance to the buds of the pomegranate
than to any other plant.
The following list is given by Cavedoni (p. 11 of
the German translation) ss an enumeration of all
the coins which can be attributed with any cer-
tainty to Simon Maccabeus.
I. Shekels of three years, with the Inscription
Shekel Jsrnei on .the obverse with a vase, over
which appears (1) an Aleph; (3) the letter Shin
with a Beth ; (3) the letter Shin with a Gimel.
R. On the reverse is the twig with three buds,
and the inscription Jtratalem Keduthah or Bah-
kedtuhah."
II. The same as the above, only half the weight,
which is indicated by the word ^Slt, ckitri, "a
half." These occur only in the first and second
years.
The above are silver.
III. 'SI"! 53-lM raW, SUna* Arb'a Chit*.
The fourth year — a half. A Citron between two
Luiabt.
R. 1Y*S nbttlb, LegenHatk Ttkm, "Of the
Liberation of Hon," A palm-tree between two
baskets of fruit
IV. S>3"1 »■« rQW, Shinath Arb'a,
Sebfa. The fourth year — a fourth. Two Lu-
lai*.
R. fVSnbKjb — as before. Citron-fruit.
V. SmN rQW, Shinaih Arb'a. The fourth
year. Imlni between two citrons.
R. ]V3 nbtKlb, LegeuUath Tricn, as before.
The vase as on the shekel and half-shekel.
These are of copper.
The other coins which belong to this series have
seen sufficiently illustrated in the article Mohky.
In tiie oouree of 1862 a work of considerable
importance was published at Breslau by Dr. M. A.
I^evy, entitled Getchichte der J&ditchtn J/unsen.'
It appears likely to be useful in the elucidation of
the questions relating to the Jewish coinage which
aave been touched upon in the present volume.
« Ttas spelling varies with ttu year. Ths shekel
< the fir* year has only nU7VTp □bitf'HV
■rhus tncas of ths snout and third years have ths
■Wtor tonu, ntDVTpn D ,, Wn\ Ths > of the
Jerusalem is important as showing that both modes
«T ipsllrag wen in use at ths same thus.
• FnsB the ttms ot lw publication, it was not
BHELAH
There are one or two points on which it is <
to state the views of the author, especially as he
quotes coins which have only become known lately
Some coins have been described in the Ran*
Ifttmimatique (1860, p. 860 sec. ), to which ths
name of Eleaxar coins has been given. A coin was
published some time ago by De Saulcy which is
supposed by that author to be a counterfeit coin.
It is scarcely legible, but it appears to contain
the name Eleaxar on one side, and that of
Simon on the other. During the troubles which
preceded the final destruction of Jerusalem, Elea-
sar (the son of Simon), who was a priest, and
Simon Ben Giora, were at the head of large tac-
tions. It is suggested by Dr. Levy that money
may have been struck which bun the names of
both these leaders; but it seems scarcely probable,
as they do not appear to have acted in concert.
But a oopper coin has been published in the Acme
Nvmitmatiqut which undoubtedly bears the in-
scription of " Eleasar the priest" Its types are —
I. A vase with one handle and the inscription
p13n "ffybM, « Eleaaer the priest," in
Samaritan letters.
R. A bunch of grapes with the inscription
Cardan rhxb m Hra», «y«v
one of the redemption of Israel."
Some silver coins also, first published by Reichardt,
bear the same inscription on the obverse, under a
palm-tree, but the letters run from left to right
The reverse bears the same type and inscription as
the oopper coins.
These coins are attributed, ss weO as some that
bear the name of Simon or Simeon, to the period
of this first rebellion, by Dr. Levy. It is, however,
quite clear that sume of the coins bearing similar
inscriptions belong to the period of Bar-cocao's
rebellion (or Barcoceba's as the name is often
spelt) under Hadrian, because they are stamped
upon denarii of Trajan, his predecessor. The work
of Dr. Levy will be found very useful as collecting
together notices of ail these coins, and throwing
out very useful suggestions as to their attribution ;
but we must still look to further researches and
fresh collections of these coins for full satisfaction
on many points. 1 The attribution of the shekels
and half-shekels to Simon Maccabeus may be con-
sidered as well established, and several of the other
coins described in the article Monet offer no
grounds for hesitation or doubt But still this
series is very much isolated from other classes of
coins, and the nature of the work hardly corresponds
in some cases with the periods to which we are
constrained from the existing evidence to attribute
the coins. We must therefore still look for further
light from future inquiries. Drawings of shekels
are given in the article MoifKY. H. J. R.
* SHETLACH. [Siloah, Thb Pool op.]
SHE LAH (nb# [petition] : SnArfu, [*»•
Asw, Vat. Alex, in Num., Vat 1 Chr. U. 3; Conip,
available for the article Momrr : but I am Indebted ss
ths author of that article lor calling my attention as
this book. I was, however, unable to procure It until
the article Sunn was In type. H. J. B.
e The passage than the Jerusalem Talmud, quota!
in a former note, is considered by Dr. Lstt (p. 19)
and a different explanation given. The wont tnuss
latod by Trehssn " to pollute," Is translated by hue
"lu paf " or "ndetm the tithe," which ■
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SHELANITES, THE
la Our., SsAaf Btla). L The youngest ion of
Jndah by the daughter of Shuah the Cauaanite,
tod monitor of the family of the Sheiakitks
(Gen. xzxviii. 5, U, 14, 86, xhri. 12; Num. xxvi.
80; 1 Chr. ii. 3, iv. 31). Some of hie descendants
are enumerated in a remarkable passage, 1 Chr. iv.
81-83.
8. {TVVji: 2a\i: Salt.) The proper form of
the name of Salah the eon of Arphaxad (1 Chr.
i. 18, 24).
SHEXANITES, THB C?l?#3 [pttr-, ■»
above]: t SsawW [Vat. -«<]: StlaUa). The
d«Kia ianta of Shkuah 1 (Num. xxvi. 20).
SHELEMI'AH (»"Plp!?# [wftoei Jehovah
repaft]: Simula; Alex, isAsjuat; [FA. 2t\t-
M«a:] Soimiu). L One of the son* of Bani who
bad married a foreign wife in the time of Eitra
(Ear. x. 38). Called Selemias in 1 Eadr. Ix. 34.
2. ([Gen.] 2«A«pia; Alex. 2«s*ua; [Vat Te-
AMfua; FAT<A«fu«:] Seltmia.) The father of
Hananiah (Neh. iii. 30), who assisted in restoring
the wall of Jerusalem. If tbia Hananiah be the
amine aa is mentioned in Neh. iii. 8, Sbelemiah m
one of the priests who made the sacred perfume*
and incense.
3. [Gen. 2«\«^io ; Vat BAsuu ; FA. I«x«-
aua: Aoc StUmiam.} A print in the time of Ne-
hwniah, who wat made one of the treasurer! over
the treasuries of the Levitical tithes (Neb. xiii. 13).
*• iifXt /das-] The father of Jehucal, or Jucal,
in the time of Ztrlekiah (Jer. xxxriL 3).
6. The father of Irjjah, the captain of the ward
who arrested Jeremiah (Jer. xxxrii. 13). In Jer.
xxxviii. 1, his name appears in the lengthened form,
like the following.
6. (VTljbip: x,KtfUa; [Vat aoAausio.])
The same u'Ukshblkmiah and 8hau.uk 8 (1
Chr. xxri. 14).
7. ([SfAc/Jo, Alex, fun, FA -/Mia:] StU-
a«*asV) Another of the sons of Bani who had
married a foreign wife in the time of Sara (Ear. x.
41).
8. (2fA.</Jat; Alex. SaAauiai: SeUmia [or
-mi].) Ancestor of Jehudi in the time of Jehoia-
Irim (Jer. xxxri. 14).
9. (Om. in LXX.) Son of Abdeel; one of those
who received the orders of Jehoiakim to take Baruch
and Jeremiah (Jer. xxxri. 26).
8HBT.EPH (*l)?tt? [drawing out, plucking]:
fjn Gen., Rom. Soxid, in Chr., omits, with Vat;]
Alex. aoX<a> [in both]: Sakph), Gen. x. 26; 1
Chr. L 20. The second in order of the sons of
Joktan. The tribe which sprang from him has
been satisfactorily identified, both in modern and
rl— air il limes ; as well as the district of the Ye-
men named after him. It has been shown in other
articles [Arabia; Joktah, eta] that the evidence
as* Joktan's colonization of Southern Arabia is in-
disputably proved, and that It has received the
assent of critics. Sheleph is found where we should
expect to meet with him, in the district (Mikkldf,
m the ancient divisions of the Yemen are called by
- »
lbs Arabs) of Bulaf (i_q I «,, Uarind, i. v.),
•Men appears to be the same as Xlebuhr's SeUfie
(Aeser. p. 816),' written in his map Selfla. He
(has the Arab!' JLjUsJLw, with the rowels prob-
BHELOnHTB
2961
ably Sulafeeyeh. Niebuhr says of it, « grands
Itendue de pays gouvernee par sept Schecht ; " K
is situate in N. lat 14° 30", and about 60 miles
nearly south of Sen's.
Besides this geographical trace of Sheleph, we
have the tribe of Shelif or Shulaf, of which the
first notice appeared in the ZtUtchrift d. Deutsche*
MorgtnlSnditchen GaelUcho/i, xi. 158, by Dr.
Osiander, and to which we are indebted for tin
following information. Yakoot in the Moajam, s
v., says, " Es-Selif or Ee-Sulaf they are two ancient
tribes of the tribes of Yemen; Hisham lbn-Mo-
hammed says they are the children of Yuktan (Jok-
tan) ; and Yuktan was the son of Eber the son of
Salah the son of Arphaxad the son of Sbem the
son of Noah .... And a district in El- Yemen la
named after the Sulaf." El-Kalkasander (in the
British Museum library) says, "El-Sulaf, called
also Beni-e-Silf&n, a tribe of the descendants of »
Kahttn (Joktan). ... The name of their father
has remained with them, and they are called Ee-
Sulaf: they are children of Ee-Sulaf sou of Yuktan
who is Kahtan. . . . Es-Sulaf originally signifies
one of the little ones of the partridge, and Es-Silfan
is its plural: the tribe was named after that on ao-
count of translation." Yakoot also says (s. v.
MunlMk) that El-Muntabik was an idol belong-
ing to Es-Sulaf. Finally, according to the Kdmoot
(and the Lutt-el-Lubab, cited in the itardtid, a.
v.), Sulaf was a branch-trbe of Dhu-I-KiUa; [a
Himyerite family or tribe \Caussln, Estdi i. 113),
not to be confounded with the later king or Tab-
baa of that name.]
This identification is conclusively satisfactory,
especially when we recollect that Hazarmavetb
(Hadramawt), Sheba (Setta), and other Joktanite
names are in the immediate neighborhood. It is
strengthened, if further evidence were required, by
the classical mention of the SaXornvol, Salapeni,
also written 'AAcmjrof, Alapeni (Ptol. vi. 7). Bo-
chart puts forward this people, with rare brevity.
The more recent researches in Arabic MSS. have,
as we have shown, confirmed in this instance his
theory; for we do not lay much stress on the point
that Ptolemy's Salapeni are placed by him in N.
lat. 22°. E. S. P.
SHEIiESH (ttfbtt? [triad, Gee.]: S«aA«»
[Vat ZcamO Belle*). One of the sons of Helen:
the brother of Shamer (1 Chr. vil. 35).
SHEL'OMI ( *>B - bU* [pacific] : a,x.^ [V«t
'iM<] : Salami). Father of Ahihud, the prince of
the tribe of Aaher (Num. xxxiv. 27).
SHEI/OMITH (rY , oV?UJ [tot, of peace]
SoAvpcfff : Salumith). L The daughter of Dibrl
of the tribe of Dan (Lev. xxiv. 11). She had
married an Egyptian, and their son was stoned for
blasphemy.
2. CtaAauifM , [Vat -0«i; Comp. la\»/tt»:]
Salomith.) The daughter of Zerubbabel (1 Chr.
iii 19).
3. (SoAautett; Alex. SoAovuatf.) Chief of the
Izharites, one of the four families of the sons of
Kohath (1 Chr. xxiii. 18). He is called Shfxo-
moth in 1 Chr. xxiv. 23.
4. (nwb?J; Keri iTBbr^ In 1 Chr. xxvi.
35; n'lnbttJ in l Chr. xxrl. 86; twhuf m 1
Chr. xxvi. 88: \3ak*iM>] SeltmiA) A de-
scendant of Elisor the son o / Hoses, who with his
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2968
SHBLOMOTH
brethren had charge of the treasures dedicated for
the Temple in the reign of David.
6. (mo-btf; Ken rrobtf : i**^
[Vat. AAarfctn;] Alex. laKofitte-.'SalomiUi.) A
Gershonite, son of Shimei (1 Chr. xxiii. S).
'< Shimei " U probably a mistake, as Shelomith and
his brothers are afterwards described as chief of the
fathers of Laadan, who was the brother of Shimei,
and the sons of'Shimei are then enumerated.
6. (iTO'Vip : 3t\i/ioi9 [Vat -Kt,] ; Alex.
2aA.ci/iou0: StbmiOi.) According to the present
text, the sons of Shelomith, with the son of Josi-
phish at their head, returned from Babylon with
Erra (Ear. viii. 10). There appears, however, to
be an omission, which may be supplied from the
LXX., and the true reading is probably, " Of the
sons of Bani, Shelomith the son of Josipbiah."
See also 1 Esdr. viii. 86, where he is called " Absa-
umoth son of Josaphias."
SHBL'OMOTH (niB'btf [love of peace] :
XaKwii&l: Salemot/t). The same as Shelomith
8 (1 Chr. xxiv. 22).
SHELTJ-MIEL (bhPabtf [friend of God] :
2a\afiffi\: Salamiel). The son of Zurisbaddai,
and prince of the tribe of Simeon at the time of
the Exodus. He had 59,300 men under him
(Sum. i. 6, ii. 12, Hi. 36, 41, x. 19). In Judith
(viii. 1) he is called Samaei-
SHEM (DtJ? [name, sign] : ^V : Sem )- The
eldest son of Noah, born (Gen. v. 32) when his
rather had attained the age of 600 years. He was
98 years old, married, and childless, at the time of
the Flood. Alter it, he, with his rather, brothers,
sisters-in-law, and wife, received the blessing of
God (ix. 1), and entered into the covenant. Two
years afterwards be became the father of Arphaxad
(xL 10), and other children were bom to him sub-
sequently. With the help of his brother Japheth,
he covered the nakedness of their rather, which Ca-
naan and Ham did not care to hide. In the
prophecy of Noah which is connected with this in-
cident (ix. 25-27), the first blessing nils on Shem.
He died at the age of 600 years.
Assuming that the years ascribed to the patri-
archs in the present copies of the Hebrew Bible are
correct, it appears that Methuselah, who in his first
243 years was contemporary with Adam, had still
nearly 100 years of his long life to run after Shem
was bom. And when Shem died, Abraham was
148 years old, and Isaac had been 9 years married.
There are, therefore, but two links — Methuselah
and Shem — between Adam and Isaac. So that
the early records of the Creation and the Fall of
Man, which came down to Isaac, would challenge
'.apart from their inspiration) the same confidence
which is readily yielded to a tale that reaches the
hearer through two well-known persons between
himself and the original chief actor in the events
anated.
There ia no chronological improbability in that an-
cient Jewish tradition which brings Shem and Abra-
ham into personal conference. [Mklchizkdkk.]
A mistake In translating x. 21, which is admit-
ted into the Septuagint, and is followed by the A.
V. and Luther, has suggested the supposition that
Shem was younger than Japheth (see A. Pfeifieri
Opera, p. 80). There can be, however, no doubt
(see Rosenmiiner, in loc., with whom Gesenius,
1%—aurm, p. 1433, seems to agree) that the trans-
SHEMAAH
latkm ought to be, according to grammatical rob
11 the elder brother of Japheth." In the six phesi
(v. 82, vi. 10, vii. 18, Ix. 18, x. lj 1 Chr. L 4,
where the three sons of Noah are named together,
precedence is uniformly assigned to Shem. In eh.
x. the descendants of Ham and Japheth are enu-
merated first, possibly because the sacred historian,
regarding the Shemitic people as his proper subject,
took the earliest opportunity to disencumber his
narrative of a digression. The verse v. 32 com-
pared with xL 10 may be fairly understood to mean
that the three sons of Noah were bom after then-
father had attained the age of 600 .years; but it
cannot be reasonably inferred from thence either
that Shem was the second son, or that they wen
aD bora in one year.
The portion of the earth occupied by the de-
scendants of Shem (x. 21-81) intersects the por-
tions nf Japheth and Ham, and stretches in an un-
interrupted line from the Mediterranean Sea to the
Indian Ocean. Beginning at its northwestern ex-
tremity with Lydia (according to all ancient author-
ities, though doubted by Micbaelis ,- see Gesen.
Thee. p. 745), it includes Syria (Aram), Chaldsa
(Arphaxad), parts of Assyria (Asahur), of Persia
(Elam), and of the Arabian Peninsula (Joktan).
The various questions connected with the disper-
sion of the Shemitic people are discussed is the
article Shemitic Laxgcageb.
The servitude of Canaan under Shem, predict*!
by Noah (ix. 26), was fulfilled primarily in the
subjugation of the people of Palestine (Josh, xxiii.
4, and 2 Chr. viii. 7, 8). It is doubtful whether
in verse 27 God or Japheth is mentioned as the
dweller in the tents of Shem : in the former sense
the verse may refer to the special presence of God
with the Jews, and to the descent of Christ from
them ; or, in the latter sense, to the occupation of
Palestine and adjacent countries by the Romans,
and (spiritually understood) to the accession of the
Gentiles to the Church of God (Eph. iii. 6 ). See A.
Pfeifieri Opera, p. 40; Newton, On the Prepktdet,
Diss. 1. Vf. T. B.
8HETVIA (W2t{5 [hearing, rumor] : [in Josh.]
2aA/uaa; Alex. Sauaa; [in 1 Chr., Rom. Zaparf,
Vat Alex. 2epaa:J Same). One of the towns of
Judab. It lay in the region of the south, and is
named between Amah and Moladah (Josh. xr.
26). In the list of the towns of Simeon selected
from those in the south of Judah, Sheba takes the
place of Shema, probably by an error of transcrip-
tion or a change of pronunciation. The genealog-
ical lists of 1 Chr. (ii. 43, 44) inform us that Shema
originally proceeded from Hebron, and in its torn
colonized Maon. G.
SHEIKA (SO$ [minor]: loud: Semma).
L A Reubenite, ancestor of Bela (1 Chr. v. 8).
2. (Sama.) Son of FJpaal, and one of the heads
of the fathers of the inhabitants of Aijalon who
drove out the inhabitants of Gath (1 Chr. viii. 13).
Probably the same as Shimhi.
3. {Xofiataf. Semeta.) One of those who stood
at Ezra's right hand when he read the Law to the
people (Neh. viii 4). Called Sammus, 1 Esdr. be.
48.
SHEM'AAH (n^DHJ [fan., see above]-
"Ao7«d: [Vat] FA. Auai [Alex. Sauao:] Samoa).
A Benjamite of Gibeab, and father of Ahieser and
Joash, two warriors of their tribe who joined David
at Ziklag (1 Chr. xU. 8). His name is
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SHEMAIAH
wUt the article, and is properly « Hassbamaab,"
The margin of A. V. gives " Hasmaah "
SHEMAaAH [8 syL] (rVy9# [Jehovah
lm]: Zaualas; [Vat. in 1 Chr. xii., iaufuuat :]
Semelat). L A prophet in the reign of Eehoboam.
When the king had assembled 180,000 men of Ben-
jamin and Judah to reconquer the northern king-
dom after ita revolt Shemaiah was commissioned
to charge them to return to their homes, and not
to war against their brethren (1 K. xii. 23; 3 Chr.
a. 3). His second and lost appearance upon the
stage was upou the occasion of the inrasion of Judah
and siege of Jerusalem by Shishak king of Egypt.
Uia message was then one of comfort, to assure the
princes of Judah that the punishment of their
idolatry should not oome by the hand of Shishak
(3 Chr. xii. 6, 7). This erent is in the order of
narrative subsequent to the first, but from some
eireumstances it would seem to hare occurred before
the disruption of the two kingdoms. Compare xii.
1, where the people of Rehoboam are called " Israel,"
and xii. 5, 6, where the princes are called indiffer-
ently "of Judah" and "of Israel." He wrote a
chronicle containing the events of Rehoboani's reign
(3 Chr. xii. 16). In 3 Chr. xi. 3 his name is
given in the lengthened form VPyQ?7.
2. (Zapata; [in Neh., FA. Se/uuxi] Semeia,
Semaia.) The son of Shecbaniah, among the de-
scendants of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 38). He was
keeper of the east gate of the city, and assisted
Nehemiah in restoring the wall (Neh. iii. 39). I-ord
A. Hervey (GeneaL p. 107) proposes to omit the
words at the beginning of 1 Chr. iii. 33 as spurious,
and to consider Shemaiah identical with Shimei
5, the brother of Zerubbabel.
3. (Scuta/or; [Vat. Sv/uuv:] Samala.) An-
cestor of Zixa, a prince of the tribe of Simeon (1
Chr. iv. 87). Perhaps the same as Shimei 6.
4. Cf>*ttt; [Vat Xtuttii Alex. Ztutty:] Sa-
mia.) Son of Joel a Reubenite; perhaps the same
as Shkma (1 Chr. v. 4). See Joel. 5.
6. (Zapata; Semeia.) Son of Hasshub, a Me-
tarita Lento who lired in Jerusalem after the
Captivity a Chr. ix. 14; Neb. xi. 15), and had
oversight of the outward business of the house of
God.
8. (Zaula; [Vat. 2oft«ia; Alex. 3cuua>: Se-
auia.]) Father of Obadiah, or Abda, a Levito who
etnrned to Jerusalem after the Captivity (1 Chr.
x. 16). He is elsewhere called Shammua (Neh.
a. 17).
7. (Xtutt, Zeaaiai [Vat. 3n;mim; FA. So-
atta, Zauauu;] Alex. Oruala, ZtfUia: Semeias.)
Son of " ; ** [**■*", and chief of his house in the
reign of David (1 Chr. xv. 8, 11). He took part
in the ceremonial with which the king brought the
Ark from the house of Obed-edom.
8. dXufuiasi Alex. Hryi/imai : [Semeias.]) A
Levite, son of NethaneeL and abb a scribe in the
time of David. He registered the divisions of the
priests by lot into twenty-four orders (1 Chr. xxir. 6).
9. (Zauaiai i [Rom. Vat. ver. 7, iauati] Alex.
Xattlat- [Semeias, Semei.]) The eldest son of
Obed-edom the Gittite. He and his brethren and
bis sons were gate-keepers of the Temple (1 Chr.
txvi. 4, 6, 7).
10. ([Zaualas;] Alex. Zauetai: [Stmeias.] )
A descendant of Jeduthun the singer wbo lived in
the reign of HexeUah (3 Chr. xxix. 14,. He
stated in the purification of the Temple and the
187
SHEMAIAH 2969
reformation of the service, and with Cxdel repre-
sented bis family on that occasion.
11. (Zapata; Alex, Zaiuuta: Samaias.) One
of the sons of Adonikam who returned in the second
caravan with Ezra (Ear. viii. 18). Called Samaiai
in 1 Estlr. viii. 39.
12. (.Itiutasi [Vat Zauam:] Semeias.)
One of the " heads " whom Ezra sent for to bis
camp by the river of Ahava, for the purpose of ob-
taining Lerites and ministers for the Temple from
" the place Cssiphia " (Est. viii. 16). Called Mas-
has in 1 Esdr. viii. 43.
13. (Zauata: Semeia.) A priest of the family
of Harim, who put away his foreign wife at Ezra's
bidding (Ezr. x. 31). He is called Samiiub in
1 Esdr. ix. 31.
14. (3apalas ; [Vat. Zauata ; FA. Zeuea :]
Semeias.) A layman of Israel, son of another Ha-
rim, who also had married a foreigner (Ezr. x 31 ).
Called Sabbeub in 1 Esdr. ix. 32.
16. (Ztutt: [Vat FA. Ztuetc- Semaia*.]) Son
of Dekiah the son of Mehetabeel, a prophet in the
time of Nehemiah, who was brilied by Snnbnllat
and his confederates to frighten the Jews from the r
task of rebuilding the wall, and to put Nelienita'i
in fear (Neh. vi. 10). In his assumed terror hs
appears to have shut up his house and to have pro-
posed that all should retire into the Temple and
close the doors.
16. (Zauata, Ztuias; Alex, [rather FA. 8 ] S»-
lutas in Neh. xii. [6, 18; Vat Alex. FA.' omit,
and so Rom. ver. 6; in Neh. xii. 85, 'Xaixata : ] Se-
meia, [Samaia or -as.] ) The head of a priestly
house who signed the covenant with Nehemiah
(Neh. x. 8). His family went up with Zerubbabel,
and were represented in the time of Joiakim by Je-
honathan (Neh. xii. 6, 18). Probably the same
who is mentioned again in Neh. xii. 35.
17. (Zauatat; [Vat. Alex. Zapata;] Alex. Soor
ualas! [Semeia.]) One of the princes of Judah
wbo went in procession with Ezra, in the right
hand of the two thanksgiving companies who cele-
brated the solemn dedication of the wall of Jeru-
salem (Neh. xii. 34).
18. (Zauata- [Semeia.]) One of the choir whs
took part in the procession with which the dedica-
tion of the new wall of Jerusalem by Ezra was ac-
companied (Neh. xii. 36). He appears to have been
a Gershonite Levite, and descendant of Asaph, for
reasons which are given under Mattaniah 3.
19. (Om. in Vat MS. [also Rom. Alex. FA. 1 ];
Alex, [rather FA. 8 ] Zt atlas.) A priest who blew
a trumpet on the same occasion (Neh. xii. 43*
20. (Juufai; [FA. Zautas:] Semeias.) She-
maiah the Nehelanute, a false prophet in the time
of Jeremiah. He prophesied to the people of the
Captivity in the name of Jehovah, and attempted
to counteract the influence of Jeremiah's advice that
they should settle quietly in the land of their exile,
build houses, plant vineyards, and wait patiently for
the period of their return at the end of seventy
years. His animosity to Jeremiah exhibited itself
in the more active form of a letter to the high-priest
Zephaniah, urging him to exercise the functions of
bis oflioe, and lay the prophet in prison and in the
stocks. The letter was read by Zephaniah to Jer-
emiah, who instantly pronounced the message of
doom against Shemaiah for his presumption, that
he should hare none of his family to dwell among
the people, and that himself should not live to **
their return from captivity (Jer. xxix. 34-33). Hit
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8970 SHEMAKIAH
taane U written in icr. 84 in the lengthened farm
21- (itmaiati [Vet. Sauovar; Alex, ia/iov-
las] ) A Levite in the third year of Jehoshaphat,
who wu lent with other Levites, accompanied by
two prieete and some of the princes of Jodah, to
teach the people the book of the Law (2 Chr. xvii. 8).
28. (Stfitt; [Vat 2e/t«y:] Stmeuu.) One of
the Levite* in the reign of Hezekiah, who were
placed iii the cities of the priests to distribute the
tithes among their brethren (2 Chr. xxxi. 15).
'A3. (Xofialas-) A Levite in the reign of Jonah,
who assisted at the tolemn patsover (2 Chr. xxxv. 9 ).
He is called the brother of Conaniah, and in 2 Chr.
xxxi. 12 we find Cononiah and Shimei hit brother
niei'tioned in the reign of Hezekiah as chief Levites ;
but if Cononiah and Conaniah are the names of
persons and not of families, they cannot be identical,
Lir can Snemaiah be the same as Shimei, who
lived at least eighty-five years before him.
24. ([FA. Moo-eat:] SemeL) The father of
Urijah of Kirjath-jearim (Jer. xxvi. 20).
26. pitXtntat; FA ItSiKias; [Conip. 3«-
iittat-] Semeitn.) The father of Delaiah (Jer.
ixxvi. 12). W. A. W.
SHBMABI'AH ('irP"!^ [iol,om Jehomh
keept]; Xafutptda; Alex. [FA.] 2apaoia: Sama-
ria). 1. One of the Benjamite warriors, " helpers
of the battle," who came to David at Ziklag (1 Chr.
iii.8).
2. (rTJ*19^: Xapapla [Vat. -pan]: Soma-
riru.) One of* the family of Hariiu, a layman of
Israel, who put away his foreign wife in the time
of Ezra (Ear. x. 32).
3. ([Vat. FA. iofutftta; Alex. So/uutuuO
Semervi.) One of the family of Hani, under the
same circumstances as the preceding (Ezr. x. 41).
8HEME'BER ("15»9?? [lofty fliyht, G*s.] :
iuiutfiif. Stmeber). King of Zebolm, and ally
of the king of Sodom when he was attacked by the
northeastern invaders under Chedorlaomer (Gen.
xiv. 2) The Sam. Text and Version give " She-
mebeL"
SHETtfER ("HJ$ [**/*, thence k" "/vine] :
3tp4pi [Vat once ia/inp :] Somer). The owner
of the hill on which the city of Samaria was built
(1 K. xvi. 24), and after whom it was called Sho-
mrron by its founder Omri, who bought the site for
two silver talents. We should rather have expected
that the name of the city would have been Shimron,
from Sliemer ; for Shoineron would have been the
name given after an owner Shomer. This latter
form, which occurs 1 Chr. vii. 32, appears to be
that adopted by the Vulgate and Syriae, who read
&mer and Shomir respectively; but the Vat MS.
>f the LXX. retains the present form " Shemer,"
«nd changes the name of the city to %tfupi>» or 2<-
unpiv [so Rom., but Vat ScuuuW). W. A. W.
SHEMrDA (ETO^ [fame of knowledge]:
Xu/iatp, ivftapln [Vat -pti/i] ; Alex, ie/upae in
Josh. : Semuia). A son of Gilead, and ancestor of
the family of the Shemidaites (Sum. xxvi. 32 : Josh,
xrii. 2). Called Shemidah iu the [later editions
afthe] A. V. of 1 Chr. vii. 19.
BHEMI'DAH (STBtP [see above] : X,pupa;
[Vat itfitipa:] Semiaa). The same as Shemida
the son of Gilead (1 Chr. vii. 19). [The name is
Ism spelkd Shemida in A. V. ed. 1611. -A.]
8HBM1RAMOTH
8HEMI'DAITE8, THE (^TCtfn
[patr., above] : i ivuaepl [Vat -011] : StmHuiite)
The descendants of Shemida the son of Gilead
(Num. xxvi. 32). They obtained their lot among
the male children of Manasseh (Josh. xvii. 2).
8HEH1NTTH (rPrO^n [the eight*, sea
below]). The title of Ps. vi. contains a direction
to the leader of the stringed instruments of the
Temple choir concerning the manner in which the
Psalm was to be sung. " To the chief Musician
on Neginoth upon Sbeminith," or " the eighth,"
u the margin of the A. V. has it A similar di-
rection is found in the title of Ps. xit. The LXX.
in both passages renders fare* -r^j oytint, and
the Vulgate pro oeluvi. The Geneva Version gives
" upon the eighth tune." Referring to 1 Chr. xv.
81, we find certain Levites were appointed by David
to play " with harps on the Sbeminith," which the
Vulgate renders as above, and the LXX. by ip*-
<rtvl8, which is merely a corruption of the Hebrew.
The Geneva Version explains in the margin, " which
was the eighth tune, over the which he that was
the most excellent bad charge." As we know
nothing whatever of the music of the Hebrews, all
conjectures as to the meaning of their musical terms
are necessarily vague and contradictory. With re-
spect to Sbeminith, most Rabbinical writers, as
Rashi and Aben Kara, follow the Targum 00 the
Psalms in regarding it as a harp with eight strings;
but this has no foundation, and depends upon a
misconstruction of 1 Chr. xr. 21. Gesenius ( The*.
s. v. t rS3) says it denotes the ban, in opposition
to Alamoth (1 Chr. xv. 20), which signifies the
treble. But as the meaning of Alamoth itself is
very obscure, we cannot make use of it for deter-
mining the meaning of a term which, though dis-
tinct from, is not necessarily contrasted with it
Others, with the author of Shille Ilayyibborim, in-
terpret "the theminilh " as the octave; but there
is no evidence that the ancient Hebrews were ac-
quainted with the octave as understood by our-
selves. On comparing the manner in which the
word occurs in the titles of the two psalms already
mentioned, with the position of the terms Aijeleth
Shahar, Gittith, Jonath-elem-recbokim, etc., in
other psalms, which are generally regarded as in-
dicating the melody to be employed by the singers,
it seems most probable that Sbeminith is of the
same kind, and denotes a certain air known as the
eighth, or a certain key in which the psalm was
to be sung. Manrer (Comm. in Pi. vi.) regards
Sheminith as an instrument of deep tone like the
violoncello, while Alamoth he compares with the
violin ; and such also appears to be the view taken
by Junius and Tremellius. It is impossible in such
a case to do more than point to the most probable
conjecture. W. A. W.
SHEMIE'AMOTH (n'lD^p [nam,
mott high, Ges., name of the height — Jebuvau,
Fiirst]: 2cuiihuisi0; Alex. 2i/upapw9, 1 Chr. xv.
18; [Vat] FA. 2t MeW i«6\ 1 Chr.xv.18; [Vat
SafutpaiutStiS, FA. 2t(upafut8ti0, 1 Chr. xv.]
20; [Vat. Zouapciuvd, FA.] Sapapuutf, 1 Chr.
xvi. 6: SemirnmoUi). 1. A Levite of the second
degree, appointed to play with a psaltery "on Ala-
moth," in the choir formed by David. He was is
the division which Asaph led with cymbals (1 Ctt
xv. 18, 20, xvi. 6).
2. OUfuftuUi [Vat aaiuipuurf.]) A Is
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SHKMITIO IjANGUAGES AND WKITINU
2971
Hi fa the reign of Jehoshaphat, who was sent
vith othen through the cities of Judah to teach
■be book of the taw to the people (3 Chr. xvii. 8).
SHEMITIC LANGUAGES and WRIT-
ING. Iktkoduotiom, §§ 1-6. — 1. The expres-
sions, "Shemitio family,"" and "Shemitic lan-
guages)," an based, as is well known, on a reference
to Geo. z. 31 ff [See Smut.] Subsequently,
the obvious inaccuracy of the expression has led to
an attempt to substitute others, such as Western
Asiatic, or Syro- Arabia — this last a happily chosen
designation, as bringing at once before us the two
geographical extremes of this family of languages.
Bat the earlier, though incorrect one, has main-
tained its ground : and for purposes of convenience
we shall continue to use it"
8. It is impossible to lay down with accuracy
the boundaries of the area occupied by the tribes
employing so-called Shemitio dialects. Various
disturbing causes led to fluctuations, especially (as
on the northern side) in the neighborhood of rest-
less Argon tribes. For general purposes, the high-
lands of Armenia may be taken as the northern
boundary — the river Tigris and the ranges beyond
it as the eastern — and the Ked Sea, the Levant,
and certain portions of Asia Minor as the western.
Within these limits lies the proper home of the
Shemitic family, which has exercised so mighty an
influence on the history of the world. The area
named may seem small, In comparison with the
wider regions occupied by the Aryan stock. But
its geographical position in respect of so much of
the old world — its two noble rivers, alike facilita-
ting foreign and internal intercourse — the extent
ef seaboard and desert, presenting long lines of
protection against foreign invasion — hare proved
eminently favorable to the undisturbed growth and
development of this family of languages, as well as
Investing some branches (at certain periods of their
history) with very considerable influence abroad. 6
3. Varieties of the great Shemitic language-
family are to be found in use in the following
localities within the area named. In those ordi-
narily known as Syria, Mesopotamia, Babylonia
and Assyria, there prevailed Aramaic dialects of
different kinds, e. g. Biblical Chaldaic — that of
the Targums and of the Syriao versions of Scrip-
ture — to which may be added other varieties of
the same stock — such as that of the i'almyrene
inscriptions — and of different Sabian fragments.
Along the Mediterranean seaboard, and among the
tribes settled in Canaan, must he placed the home
of the language of the canonical books of the Old
Testament, among which were interspersed some
relics of that of the Phoenicians. In the south,
amid the seclusion of Arabia, was preserved the
dialect destined at a subsequent period so widely
to surpass its sisters in the extent of territory over
which it is spoken. A variety, allied to this last,
is found to have been domiciliated for a long time
in Abyssinia.
In addition to the singular tenacity and delu-
siveness of the Shemitio character, as tending to
preserve unaltered the main features of their lan-
guage, we may allow a good deal for the tolerably
uniform climate of their geographical locations.
But (as compared with variations from the parent
stock in the Japhetiau family), in the case of the
Shemitic, the adherence to the original type is very
remarkable. Turn where we will, from whatever
causes springing, the same tenacity is discernible —
whether we look to the simple pastoral tribes of ths
wilderness — the fierce and rapacious inhabitants
of mountain regions — the craftsmen of cities, ths
tillers of the soli, or the traffickers in distant marts
and havens. 4
The following table is taken from Professor M.
MUller's late volume On the Science of Language
(p. 381) — a volume equally remarkable for re-
search, fidelity, and graphic description : -
Haisets of Arable.
The Jews
Neo-Byriae
flaauuwiaUi Tabu or m Ssuunm Iajult or Luraoaais.
Dtad languagu. Oama.
Ethiopia I Arabic, or
Hlmyarltie Inscriptions I Southern.
Biblical Hebrew j Hebraic,
Samaritan Pentateuch { or
Uertnaginian-Phcenielan Inscriptions ) Middle.
Chaldes, Mason, Talmud, Targum, Biblical Chaldes . \ Aramaic,
Syriae (Peshito, 2d wot. a. ».) { or
Cuneiform Inscriptions of Babylon and Nineveh . . . J Northern.
Few inquiries would be more interesting, were
sufficiently trustworthy means at hand, than that
into the original Shemitic dialect, and as to
whether or not the Aramaic was — not only in the
trst instance, but mors long and widely than we
erdinarily suppose — the principal means of inter-
communication among all tribes of Shemitic origin,
with the exception perhaps of those of the Arabian
esninsnfak The historical books of the Old Testa-
ment show plainly, that between the occupation of
Tanaan and the victories of Nebuchadnezzar, many
• "Is denomination ds semlnquee ns psut avoir
-llaooQve'nient, du moment qu'on la prsnd comma
Dos simple appellation eonveotlonneUe et que Ton
I'sst expUque sur es qu'ells renferme ds profondtlnxnt
onset " ffsnsn, Hut. CMa. du langnu Srmtiiquit,
. %. s»fHsh scholars bare lately adopted, from the
' bat them I* no meson
causes led to the extension of the Aramaic, to the
restriction of pure Hebrew. But there is much
that is probable in the notion held by more than
one scholar, that the spoken dialect of the Shemitio
tribes external to Arabia (in the earliest periods of
their history) closely resembled, or was iu fact a
better variety of Aramaic. 'Ills notion is cor-
roborated by the traces still discernible in the
Scriptures of Arsmaisms, where the language (as
in poetical fragments) would seem to have been
preserved In a form most nearly resembling its
why vh should abandon the Hebrew sound bwsause
the French find the pronunciation difficult.
» Btruaau, In Hersog's Rtal-EncyUnpadir, v. 6DO,
618 ; Flint, Lekrtybwtd* dtr Aranvtudktn Miami, f 1.
c Schols, EinUilim* in J<u A. ', Tom, 1888, U-S ;
lunt, UKw.. }| 1, 80, 88.
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8HEM1TTC LANGUAGES AND WHITING
original on*:* and also from the resemblances
which ma; be detected between the Aramaic and
the earliest monument of Arabic speech — the
Uimyaritic fragment*.'
4. The history of the Shemitie people telli ni of
fsriooi movement* undertaken by them, but sup-
plies no remarkable instances of their auimibitiny.
Though carrying with them their language, insti-
tutions, and habit*, they are not found to have
struck root, but remained strangers and exotics in
several instances, passing away without traces of
their occupancy. So late as the times of Augus-
tine, a dialect, derived from the old Phoenician
settlers, was spoken in some of the more remote
districts of Roman Africa. But no traces remained
of the power, or arts of the former lords of sea
anil land, from whom these fragments were in-
herited. Equally striking is the absence of results,
from the occupation of a vast aggregate of coun-
tries by the victorious armies of Islam. The cen-
turies since elapsed prove in the clearest manner,
that the vocation of the Arab branch of the Shem-
itie family was not to leaven the nations whom
their first onset laid prostrate. They brought
nothing with them but their own stern, subjective,
unsocial religion. They borrowed many intellect-
ual treasures from the conquered nations, yet
were these never fully engrailed upon the alien
Shemitie nature, but remained, under the most
favorable circumstances, only external adjuncts and
ornaments. And the same inveterate isolation still
charactcriwa tribes of the race, when on new soil.
6. The peculiar element* of the Shemitie char-
acter will be found to have exercised considerable
influence on their literature. Indeed, accordance
is seldom more close, than in the east of the
Shemitie race (where not checked by external
causes) between the generic type of thought, and
It* outward expression. Like other languages, this
one is mainly resolvable into mouoayUabie prim-
itives. These, as far a* they may be traced by
research and analysis, carry us back to the early
times, when the broad line of separation, to which
we have been so long accustomed, was not yet
tlrawu between the Japhetian and the Shemitie
languages. Instances of this will be brought for-
ward in the sequel, but subsequent researches have
amply confirmed the substance of Ualhed's predic-
tion of the ultimate recognition of the affinities
between Sanskrit (= the Indo-Gennanie family)
and Arabic (= the Shemitie) " in the main ground-
work of language, in monosyllables, in the names
of numbers, and the appellations of such things,
I* would be first discriminated on the immediate
dawn of civilization." •
Then monosyllabic primitives may still be traced
In particles, and words least exposed to the ordi-
nary causes of variation. But differences are ob-
servable in the principal parts of speech — the verb
and the noun. Secondary notions, and those e*
relation, are grouped round the primary ones of
meaning In a single word, susceptible of various
internal changes according to the particular re-
quirement. Hence, in the Shemitie family, the
prominence of formation, and that mainly internal
(or contained mlhin the root form). By such in-
strumentality are expressed the differences between
noun and verb, adjective and substantive. Thi*
mechanism, within certain limit*, invest* the Shem-
itie languages with considerable freshness and sharp-
ness; but, as will be seen in the sequel, this lan-
guage-family does not (for higher purposes) post as
distinct powers of expression equal to those pos-
sessed by the Japhetian family. Another leading
peculiarity of this branch of languages is the
absence (save in the case of proper names) of com-
pound words — to which the sister family is in-
debted for so much life and variety. In the Shem-
itie family — agglutination, not logical sequence —
independent root*, not compound appropriate deri-
vations from the same root, are used to express
respectively a train of thought, or different modifi-
cations of a particular notion. Logical sequence
is replaced by simple material sequence.
Both language-families are full of life; but the
life of the Japhetian is organic — of the Shemitie,
an aggregate of units. The one looks around to
be taught, and pauses to gather up its lessons into
form and shape: the other contains a lore within
itself, and pours out it* thoughts and fancies a*
they arise.*
§§ 6-18. — Hebrew Lajcgoaob. — Period op
Growth.
6. The Hebrew language is a branch of the so-
called Shemitie family, extending over a large por-
tion of Southwestern Asia. The development
and culture of this latter will be found to have
been considerably influenced by the situation or
fortunes of its different districts. In the north
(or Aram, under which designation are compre-
hended Syria, Mesopotamia, Babylonia], and under
a climate partially cold and ungenial — in the close
proximity of tribes of a different origin, not un-
frequently masters by conquest — the Shemitie
dialect became in places harsher, and it* genera]
character less pure and distinct. Towards the
south, opposite causes contributed to maintain the
language in its purity. In Arabia, preserved by
many causes from foreign invasion, the language
maintained more euphony and delicacy, and ex-
hibited greater variety of words and construction.
A reference to the map will serve to explain this -
lying as did Judaea between Aram and Arabia, and
chiefly inhabited by the Hebrew race, with the
exception of Canaanite and Phoenician tribes. Of
the language of these last few distinctive remains
have hitherto been brought to light* But its
« " Un autre ftdt, non moias digne da rem&rque,
est l'analogie frappanta qu'ont toute* cea irrt£gu-
tfuites provinciates avec l'Arainten. 11 gamble que,
mPirt avant la capttvUe, Is patois populaire se rap-
scueoait beaocoup ds cetut langue, en sorts qull nous
Sft laalutenaut Impossible de sdparar bien nettement,
fans le stvle de certains 6crlt», ce qui apparuent au
Italccte populaire. on au patois du royaume d'Israel,
Ml a rinuuence dea temps de la captivltd." <' II eat i.
mnarqnsr, du Teste, que les languee sgmlHquee dif-
ferent moins dam la bouche du people que dans les
Ivras" (Kenan, 1. 141, 143, and also Furst, Ithrgtb.
H «. «.«.»<•
ft Homnenn, Gramm. Ssr. pp. 6, 6 ; Schola, I. p. *»
UL p. 8, 9 ; Oesenlus, LetogcMbuH (1817), pp. 184-188 '
ran*, LrltTfeb. §« 4, 14 ; Bawllnaon, Journal o/Aiiatu
Sadrly, xv. 288.
e Balhed's Grammar ofllu Bengal Langvagt, 177S,
quoted In Delitxwh, Juvnin, p. 112; Vttrst, Ltkrgel)
Zwelter Hauptthell.
d Ewald, Gramm. d. A. T. 1888, pp. 4-8 ; Berthean
In Uenog, r. 811, 812; Reus, ibid. pp. 688, 809
Vranek, Btwlu Orunlala, p. 887.
< " The nama of their eour try, r\W ^9 • **t
land of immlfraUoo, — saints to th. fee* the* Iks
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fsoeral iwsamblsnoe to that of the Terachite set-
tlers b beyond mil doubt, both In the cue of the
Hamita tribes, and of the Philistine tribes, another
branch of the same stock.
Originally, the language of the Hebrews pre-
sented more affinities frith the Aramaic, in accord-
ance with their own family account*, which bring
the Patriarchs from the N. E., — more directly from
northern Mesopotamia. Iti consequence of vicinity,
a* waa to be anticipated, many features of resem-
blance to the Arabic may be traced; but subse-
quently, the Hebrew language will be found to hare
followed an independent course of growth and de-
vcsopsDent.
7. Two questions, in direct connection with the
early movements of the aiieeetors of the subsequent
Hebrew nation, hare been discussed with great
ea rn est nes s by many writers — the first bearing on
the causes which set the Teraebite family in mo-
tion towards the south and west; the second, on
the origin and language of the tribes in possession
of Canaan at the arrival of Abraham.
In Gen. x. and xi. we are told of five sons of
Sbem — Hani, Asshur, Arphaxad, Lud, and Aram.
The last of these (or rather the peoples descended
foam him) will be considered subsequently. The
fourth has been supposed to be either the progeni-
tor (or the collective appellation) of the tribes
which originally occupied Canaan and the so-called
Shemitie regions to the south. Of the remaining
three, the tribet descended from Elam and called
by his name were probably subjugated at an early
period, for in Gen. xiv. mention is made of the
headship of an anti-Teracbite league being vested
in the king of Elam, Chedorlaomer, whose name
points to a Cuahite origin. Whether Shemitie oc-
cupation was succeeded at once (in the case of
Ham ■) by Aryan, or whether a Cuahite (Hamlte)
domination intervened, cannot now be decided.
But In the ease of the second, Asshur, there can be
Kttle doubt, on the showing of Scripture (Gen. z.
11), that his descendants were disturbed in their
home by the advance of the clearly traceable Cosh-
Its stream of population, flowing upwards on a re-
tarn course through Arabia, where plain marks are
to be found of its pre s en ce.* When we bear in
mind the strongly marked differences existing be-
tween the Shemitie and Cushite (= Haniite) races
Id habits and thought,' and the manifestation of
God's wrath left on record, we can well understand
an nnrosinfsi and a desire of removal among the
Shemitie population of the plains by toe river.
Scripture only tells us that, led in a way which they
knew not, chosen Shemitie wanderers of the lineage
of Arphaxad set forth on the Journey fraught with
such enduring consequences to the history of the
world, as recorded in Scripture, in its second stage
if p r og r e ss. There is at least nothing unreason-
able in the thought, that the movement of Terah
from Or of the Chaldees (if modern scholarship is
tight in the locality selected) was caused by Diviue
n, acting on a mind ill at ease in the
did not reach the Una of coast from the
at all events " (Quart. Rn. IxxvtU. 173).
i word Bam is simply the pronunciation, ao-
co the onus of Western Asia, of Inn _ Airy-
Udaaa. Beoan, L 41, on the authority of
and at Huller ; 1. 0. Hullsr, R. X. xtr.
Journal of Aiiolk Society, xv. 322.
L 84,813, 816; Spiff*], m Hanoi, x. 886,
Qssu st • with Osb. xvffl. 30, and note 1
neighborhood of Cuahite thought and habits. II
may be that the active cause of the movement re-
corded in (Jen. xi. 31 was a renewed manifestation
of the One True God, the influences of which were
to be stamped on all that waa of Israel, and not
least palpably on its language in its purity and
proper development. The leading particulars of
that memorable Journey sxe preserved to us in
Scripture, which is also distinct upon the fact, that
the new comers and the earlier settlers in Canaan
found no difficulty in conversing. Indeed, neither
at the first entrance of Terachitea, nor at the re-
turn of their descendants after their long sojourn
in Egypt, does there appear to have been any diffi-
culty in this respect in the ease of any of the nu-
merous tribes of either Shemitie or Hatnitic origin
of which mention is made in Scripture. But, as
was to be expected, very great difference of opinion
is to be found, and very much learned discussion
has taken place, as to whether the Terachitea adopt-
ed the language of the earlier settlers, or established
their own in its place. The latter alternative is
hardly probable, although for a long time, and
among the earlier writers on Biblical subjects, it waa
maintained with great earnestness — Walton, for
example, holding the advanced knowledge and civ-
ilization of the Terachite immigration in all im-
portant particulars. It may be doubted, with a
writer of the presen t day, rf whether this is a sound
liue of reasoning, and whether " this contrast be-
tween the inferiority of the chosen people in all
secular advantages, and their preeminence in re-
ligious privileges,'' is not " an argument which
cannot be too strongly insisted on by a Christian
advocate." The whole history of the Jewish peo-
ple anterior to the advent of Christ would seem to
indicate that any great early amount of civilization,
being built necessarily on closer intercourse with
the surrounding peoples, would have tended to re-
tard rather than promote the object for which that
people was chosen. The probability is, that a
great original similarity existing between the dia-
lects of the actual possessors of the country is
their various localities, and that of the immigrants,
the latter were lets likely to impart than to borrow
from their more advanced neighbors.
On wbst grounds is the undoubted similarity
of the dialect of the Terachitea to that of the oc-
cupants at the time of their immigration, to be ex-
plained ? Of the origin of its earliest occupants,
known to us in the sacred records by the mysteri-
ous and boding names of Nepbilim, Zamsunimim,
and the like, and of whose probable Titanis size
traces have been brought to light by recent travel-
lers, history records nothing certain. Some assert
that no reliable traces of Shemitie language are to
be found north of Mount Taurus, and claim for the
early inhabitants of Asia Minor a Japhetian origin.
Others affirm the descent of these early tribes
from Lud, the fourth son of Shem, and their mi-
gration from " Lydia to Arabia Pettsea and the
southern borders of Palestine." < Bet these must
Bawllnson, J. A. & xv. 381. Does the cuneiform or-
thography Bab-Il _ " the fate of God," point to the act
of Tttanlo audacity recorded In Gen.? and Is the punish-
ment recorded in the confusion expressed In s Sbemlne
word of kindred sound? Quatremsre, Milangud'Uit-
Mm, 118, 184
if Bishop of St David's LtUtr f Ms Rn . it. W»
items, D. D., p. 95.
• Hanan, 1. 46, 107 ; Arnold, in tssneg, ft*. 810
11 ; Orehart, QtmtrUgt Justs, 1868.
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have disappeared at an earl; period, no mention
being made of them in Gen. x., and their remain!
being only alluded to in r ef er en ce ! to the tribes
which, under a well-known designation, we find in
occupation of Palatine on the return from Egypt
8. Another new ii that put forward by our coun-
tryman KawlUuou, and shared by other scholars.
" Either from ancient monuments, or from tradi-
tion, or from the dialects now spoken by their de-
scendants, we are authorized to infer that at some
tery remote period, before the rise of the Shemitic
or Aryan nations, a great Scythic " (= Hamitic)
" population must hate overspread Europe, Asia,
and Africa, speaking languages all more or less dis-
similar in their vocabulary, but possessing in com-
mon certain organic characteristics of grammar
and construction." "
And this statement would appear, In its leading
features, to be historically sound. As was to be
anticipated, both from its importance and from its
extreme obscurity, fow subjects connected with Bib-
lical antiquities hare been more warmly discussed
than the origin of the Canaanitish occupants of
Palestine. Looking to the authoritative records
(Gen. ix. 18, x. 8, 15-80) there would seem to be
do reason for doubt as to the Hamitic origin of
these tribes.* Nor can the singular accordances
discernible between the language of these Canaan-
itish (= Hamitic) occupants, and the Shemitic
family be justly pleaded in bar of this new of the
origin of the former. " If we examine the inval-
uable ethnography of the book of Genesis we shall
find that, while Ham Is the brother of Shem, and
therefore a relationship between his descendants and
the Shemitic nations fully recognized , the Hamites
are described as those who previously occupied the
different countries into which the Arammau race
afterwards forced their way. Thus Scripture (Gen.
x. ff.) attributes to the race of Ham not only the
aboriginal population of Canaan, with its wealthy
and civilized communities on the coast, but also the
mighty empires of Babylon and Nineveh, the rich
kingdoms of Sheba and Havilah in Arabia Felix,
and the wonderful realm of Egypt. There is every
reason to believe — indeed in some eases the proof
amounts to demonstration — that all these Hamitic
nations spoke languages which differed only dialec-
tically from those of the Syro-Arabio family." «
0. Connected with this subject of the relation-
ship discernible among the early Noachide is that
of the origin and extension of the art of writing
unong the Shemites, the branch with which we
ire at present concerned. Our limits preclude a
.liacussion upon the many theories by which the
student is still bewildered: the question would
seem to be, in the case of the Terachite branch of
the Shemitic stock, did they acquire the art of
writing from the Phoenicians, or Egyptians, or
Assyrians — or was it evolved from given elements
strong themselves?
But while the truth with respect to the origin
sf Shemitic writing is as yet involved in obscurity,
e BawUnson, /. of A. ff. xr. 189. 888.
» " All the Csnaanites wan, I am satisfied, Berths ;
tad the Inhabitants of Syria retained their distinctive
sthnte character until quite a lata period of history,
according to the Inscriptions, the Khatta or HlttitM
■are the dominant Sevthlan race from the earlltst
tarns." BawUnson, J. A. & xv. 280.
< qmtrurlr Kn. lxavlil. 178. Bse a quotation In
there can be no doubt that an Indelible Influence
was exercised by Egypt upon the Terachite branch
in this particular. The language of Egypt cannot
be considered as a bar to this theory, for, in the
opinion of most who have studied the subject, the
Egyptian language may claim an Asiatic, and in-
deed a Shemitic origin. Nor can the changes
wrought be justly attributed to the Hyksoa, instead
of the Egyptians. These people, when scattered
after their long sojourn, doubtless carried with
them many traces and results of the superior cul-
ture of Egypt; but there is no evidence to show
that they can be considered in any way as instruc-
tors of the Terachite*. The daim, so long acqui-
esced in, of the Phoenicians in this respect, has
been set aside on distinct grounds. What was the
precise amount of cultivation, in respect of the art
of writing, possessed by the Terachites at the im-
migration or at their removal to Egypt, we cannot
now tell, — probably but limited, when estimated'
by their social position. But the Exodus found
them possessed of that priceless treasure, the germ
of the alphabet of the civilized world, built on a
pure Shemitic basis, but modified by Egyptian cul-
ture. " There can be no doubt that the phonetic
signs are subsequent to the objective and determi-
native hieroglyphics, and showing as they do a
much higher power of abstraction, they must be
considered as infinitely more valuable contributions
to the art of writing. But the Egyptians have
conferred a still greater boon on the world, if their
hieroglyphics were to any extent the origin of tin
Shemitic, which has formed the basis of almost
every known system of letters. The long contin-
uance of a pictorial and figurative system of
writing among the Egyptians, and their low, and
after all, imperfect syllabarium, must be referred to
the same source as their pictorial and figurative
representation of their idea of the Deity; just as,
on the contrary, the early adoption by the people
of Israel of an alphabet properly so catted, must
be regarded as one among many proofs which they
gave of their powers of abstraction, and conse-
quently of their fitness for a more spiritual wor-
ship." *
10. Between the dialects of Aram and Arabia,
that of the Terachites occupied a middle place —
superior to the first, as being the language in
which are preserved to us the inspired outpourings
of so many great prophets and poets — wise,
learned, and eloquent — and different from the
second (which does not appear in history until a
comparatively recent period) in its antique sim-
plicity and majesty.
The dialect which we are now considering bai
been ordinarily designated as that of the Hebrews,
rather than of the Israelites, apparently for the fol-
lowing reasons. The appellation Hebrew is of old
standing, but has no reference to the history of the
people, as connected with its glories or eminence,
while that of Israel is bound up with its historical
grandeur. The people is addressed as [irntl by thtsr
/. A. S. xv. 288, on the corruption of manners flowing
(rom the advanced civilization or Um Ilamitee.
•I g. R. IxxvUL 158; Kwald, OfjcA. 1. 478-47*
Hoffmann, Qramm. Syriac. pp. 00-81; Leyrer, He*
sag, xlv. 858, 808 ; Lspslus, Zmi AMumdlmgtn. 88
40, 68, 86 ; J. O. Mllltar, In Henog, xlv 231; hawlto
son, /. A. S. xv 223, 228, 280; Saalachilts, Z«r 0<
ttUc/iu d. BudutabtnxArifl, ff 6, 17, 18; Valuing**
la Hsrsaj, xt 808.
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8HBMITIC LANGUAGES AND WHITING
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sriarts and prophets, on solemn occasions, while bj
ls»ig,in»i they era designated as Hebrews (Gen. xl.
16),and indeed by some of their own early writers,
when no point is raised in connection with their
religion (Gen. xJiii. 83; Ex. xxi. 9; i Sam. xiii.
3, T, xir. 31). It was long assumed that their
designation (D^?? = of wvpdVoj) had reference
to Eber, the ancestor of Abraham. More probably
it should be regarded as designating all the Shem-
itic speaking tribes, which had migrated to the
sooth from the other side of the Euphrates; and in
that ease, might have been applied by the earlier
(■habitants of Canaan. But in either case, the
term ■• Hebrews " would comprise all the descend-
ants of Abraham, and their language therefore
should be designated as the Hebrew, in accordance
with the mora usual name of the people. " The
language of Canaan '' is used instead (Is. xix. 18),
but in t£is passage the country of Canaan is con-
trasted with that of Egypt. The expression " the
Jews' language" (Is. xxxri. 11, 13) applies merely
so the dialect of the kingdom of Judah, in all
bility, more widely used after the fall of
11. Many causes, all obrious and intelligible,
combine to make difficult, if not impossible, any
formal or detached account of the Hebrew lan-
guage anterior to its assuming a written shape.
But Tarioua reasons occur to render difficult, even
within this latter period, such a reliable history of
the Hebrew language as befit* the exceeding in-
terest of the subject. In the first place, very little
baa oome down to us, of what appears to haye been
an extensive and diversified literature. Where the
(sets requisite for a judgment are so limited, any
attempt of the kind is likely to mislead, as being
built on speculations, erecting into characteristics
af an entire period what may be simply the pecul-
iarities of the author, or incidental to his subject
or style. Again, attempts at a philological history
af the Hebrew language will be much impeded by
the fact — that the chronological order of the ex-
tant Scriptures is not in all instances clear — and
that the history of the Hebrew nstiou from its
settlement to the seventh century b. c. is without
changes or progress of the marked and promi-
nent nature required for a satisfactory critical
judgment. Unlike languages of the Jsphetian
stock, such as the Greek or German, the Hebrew
language, like all her Shemitic sisters, is firm and
hard as from a mould — not susceptible of change.
In addition to these characteristics of their lan-
guage, the people by whom it was spoken were
ef a retired and exclusive cast, and, for a long time,
exempt from foreign sway. The dialect* also of
the few conterminous tribes with whom they had
any intercourse were allied closely with their own.
The extant remains of Hebrew literature are
destitute of any important changes in language,
during the period from Moses to the Captivity. A
certain and intelligible amount of progress, but no
considerable or remarkable difference (according to
one school), is really observable in the juiguage of
the Pentateuch, the books of Joshua, Judges, Kuth,
Samuel, the Kings, the Psalms, or the prophecies
* Isaiah, Hoses, Amos, Joel, Mkab, Nihum,
Habakkuk, and Jeremiah — widely separated from
each other by time as are many of these writings
Grammars and lexicons are confidently referred to
as supplying abundant evidence of unchanged ma-
terial* and fashioning; and foreign words, when
occurring, are easily to be recognized under their
Shemitic dress, or their introduction as easily tc
be explained.
At the first sight, and to modem judgment,
much of this appears strange, snd possibly unten-
able. But an explanation of the difficulty is sought
in the unbroken residence of the Hebrew people,
without removal or molestation — a feature of his-
tory not unexpected or surprising in the case of a
people preserved by Providence simply as the guar-
dians of a sacred deposit of truth, not yet ripe fix
publication. An additional illustration of the im
munity from change, is to be drawn from the his-
tory of the other branches of the Shemitic stock.
The Aramaic dialect, as used by various writers for
eleven hundred years, although inferior to the He-
brew in many respects, is almost without change,
and not essentially different from the language of
Daniel and Ezra. And the Arabic language, sub-
sequently to it* second birth, in connection with
Mohammedanism, will be found to present the
same phenomena.
12. Moreover, is it altogether a wild conjecture
to assume as not impossible, the formatiou of a
sacred language among the chosen people, at so
marked a period of their history as that of Moses ?
Every argument leads to a belief, that the popular
dialect of the Hebrews from a very early period
was deeply tinged with Aramaic, and that it con-
tinued so. But there is surely nothing unlikely
or inconsistent In the notion that he who was
'■learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians"
should have been taught to introduce a sacred
language, skin, but superior to the every-day dia-
lect of hi* people — the property of the rulers, and
ahich subsequent writers should be guided to copy.
Such a language would lie the sacred and learned
one, — that of the few, — and no clearer proof of
the limited hold exercised by this classical Hebrew
on the ordinary language of the people can be re-
quired than its rapid withdrawal, alter the Cap-
tivity, before a language composed of dialects
hitherto disregarded, but still living in popular
use. It has been well said that '• literary dialects,
or what are commonly called classical languages,
pay for their temporary greatness by inevitable de-
cay." " If later in history we meet with a new
body of stationary language forming or formed, we
may be sure that its tributaries were those rivu-
lets which for a time were almost lost to our
sight." «
13. A few remarks may not lie out of place here
with reference to some leading linguistic pecul
iarities in different books of the 0. T. For ordi-
nary purposes the old division into the golden and
silver ages is sufficient. A detailed list of pecul-
iarities observable in the Pentateuch (without,
however, destroying Its close similarity to other
O. T. writings) is given by Svhola, divided under
lexical, grammatical, and syntactical beads. With
the style of the Pentateuoh (as might be expected)
that of Joshua very closely corresponds. The feel-
■ at Huller, Scitnct of Lnaeuat-e, pp. 67-69: a most
a Siinitl is psasase. forstsr, Tokt of Jsnsrt, 77.
Tissss such, was uns jetat sum antra Hal* in dan
sssstssawtat dsr msmaenlsihaa Wensett sesjsgast, mag
wohl alter ssyn, eber darnels suent aus dam Dunes)
der Voiksspracbs, die ja ubarall nfcbsr 1st all dst
dar claansclwn LssjittsaitiL" Beans, in Hem* v
J07
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2976
SHEM1TI0 LANGUAGES AND WHITING
tog of hostility to the neighboring peoples of mixed
descent, ao prevalent at the time of the restoration,
makes strongly against the asserted late origin of
the book of Ruth, in which it cannot be traced.
But (with which we are at present concerned) the
style points to an earlier date, the asserted Ara-
maisms being probably relics of the popular dia-
lect, The same linguistic peculiarities are ob-
servable (among other merits of style) in the books
of Samuel.*
The books of Job and Eeclesisstes contain many
asserted Aramalsms, which have been pleaded in
support of a late origin of these two poems. In
the case of the first, it is argued (on the other side)
that these peculiarities are not to be considered so
much poetical ornaments as ordinary expressions
and usages of the early Hebrew language, affected
necessarily to a certain extent by intercourse with
neighboring tribes. And the asserted want of
study and polish in the diction of this book leads
to the same conclusion. As respects the book of
Ecclesiastes the case is more obscure, as in many
Instances the peculiarities of style seem rather ref-
•rable to the secondary Hebrew of a late period
of Hebrew history, than to an Aramaic origin.
But our acquaintance with Hebrew literature is too
limited to allow the formation of a positive opinion
on the subject, in opposition to that of ecclesiastical
antiquity.' In addition to roughness of diction,
growing probably out of the same cause — close in-
tercourse with the people— so-called Aramalsms are
to be found In the remains of Jonah and Hosea,
and expressions closely allied in those of Amos. 4
This is not the esse in the writings of Nabum,
Zephanlah, and Habakkuk, and in the still later
ones of the minor prophets ; the treasures of past
times, which filled their hearts, served as models
of style.*
As with respect to the book of Ecclesiastes (at
the hands of modern critics), so, in the case of
Eiekiel, Jewish critics have sought to assign its
peculiarities of style and expression to a secondary
Hebrew origin. / But the references above given
may serve to aid the consideration of a most in-
teresting question, as to the extent to which Ara-
maic elements entered into the ordinary dialect of
the Hebrew people, from early times to the Cap-
tivity.
The peculiarities of language in Daniel belong
to another field of inquiry; and under impartial
consideration more difficulties may be found to dis-
appear, as in the case of those with regard to the
asserted Greek words. The language and subject-
matter of Daniel (especially the latter), in the
opinion of scholars, led Kara and Nebemiah to
place this book elsewhere than among the prophet-
leal writings. To their minds, the apocalyptic char-
acter of the book might seem to assign it rather to
the Hagiographa than the roll of prophecy, prop-
erly so called. Inquiries, with respect to the dos-
« BohoU, SmL 818, and note; Nafslsbach, In Har-
Mf , xtti. 188.
» Nagelsbaeb, aid. 413.
c Sohola, KM. ill. 06-67, 180, 181 ; Braid, Hie*, 66.
d Sohola, Urid. 681, 687, 6».
• Schols, ibid. 696, 600, 806; Bwald, Gndt. III. t.2,
1 316.
/ Zona, QatttsdUiuUuJu Tortrtgt dtr Judtn, 183.
9 8ss also Bawllnson, J A. 8. xv. M7 ; Delitach,
In Harsag, 111. 374 1 Valhlnfer, Stud. a. Krit. 1867, pp.
tag of the canon, tend to shake the comparatiteh
recent dare which it lus been so customary to as
sign to this book.*
With these exceptions (if so to be considered
few traces of dialects are discernible in the smal
remains still extant, for the most part composed ix
Judah and Jerusalem. The dialects of the north-
ern districts probably were influenced by their Ara-
maic neighbors; and local expressions are to be
detected in Judg. r. and xii. 6. At a later period
Philistine dialects are alluded to (Neh. xili. 23, 34),
and that of Galilee (Matt. xxvi. 73).
As has been remarked, the Aramaic elements
above alluded to, are most plainly observable in the
remains of some of the less educated writers. The
general style of Hebrew prose literature is plain
and simple, but lively and pictorial, and rising with
the subject, at times, to considerable elevation. But
the strength of the Hebrew language lies in its
poetical and prophetical remains. For simple and
historical narrative, ordinary words and formation!
sufficed. But the requisite elevation of poetical
composition, and the necessity (growing out of the
general use of parallelism) for enlarging the supply
of striking words and expressions st command, led
to the introduction of many expressions which we
do not commonly find in Hebrew prose literature.*
For the origin' and existence of these we must
look especially to the Aramaic, from which expres-
sions were borrowed, whose force and peculiarities
might give an additional ornament and point not
otherwise attainable. Closely resembling that of
the poetical books, in its general character, is the
style of the prophetical writings, but, as might bt
anticipated, more oratorical, and running into
longer sentences. Nor should it be forgotten, by
the side of so much that is uniform in language
and construction throughout so long a period, that
diversities of individual dispositions and standing
are strongly marked, in the instances of several
writers. But from the earliest period of tbe exist-
ence of a literature among the Hebrew people to
B. c. 600, the Hebrew language continued singu-
larly exempt from change, in ail leading and gen-
eral features, and in the general laws of its expres-
sion, forms, and combinations.
From that period the Hebrew dialect will be
found to give way before the Aramaic, in what has
been preserved to us of its literature, although, as
is not unfreqnently the case, some later writers
copy, with almost regretful accuracy, the classical
and consecrated language of a brighter period.
§§ 14-19. Aramaic Lamguagk. — Scholastic)
Pekiod.
14. The language ordinarily called Aramaic is a
dialect of the great Shemitic family, deriving its
name from the district over which it was spoken,
Aram = the high or bill country (as Canaan = the
low country). But the name is applied, both by
* « I/unportanee do Tenet dans la styls das Senna*
est la mellleure preuve du msnqns absolu da con-
struction Interleure qui caracterias ieur phrase. Ls
venet n'a rien da common avec la periods gncqne et
latins, polnqull n'oflre pas uns suits da membra
dependants les uns des autres: e'eat uns coups i
pen pris arbitrslrs dans una serle ds pr^pcatttoH
separees par das vlnjules." Benan, t. SL
< Bents, in Harsog, v. 606-608; Bleak, JraWrwet
pp. 80-89.
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SHEMITIO LANGUAGES AND WHITING
2D77
■Mini and other writers, in a wider and a more
restricted acute. The designation — Aram — was
imperfectly known to the Greeks and Romans, by
whom the country was called Syria, an abbrevia-
tion of Assyria, according to Herodotus £vii. 63)°
In general practice Aram was divided into Eastern
and Western. The dialects of these two districts
were severally called Chaldaic and Syriac — desig-
nations not happily chosen, but, as in the case of
Sbemitie, of too long currency to be changed with-
out great inconvenience. No traces remain of the
numerous dialects which must hare existed in so
large an aggregate of many very populous districts.
Nothing can be more erroneous than the applica-
tion of the word " Chaldaic" to the East Aramaic
dialect. It seems probable that the Chaldaxuis
were a people of Japhetian extraction, who proba-
bly took the name of the Shemitio tribe whom they
dislodged before their connection with Babylon, so
long, to varied, and so full of interest. But it
would be an error to attribute to these conquerors
any great or early amount of cultivation. The ori-
gin of the peculiar and advanced civilization to be
traced In the basin of Mesopotamia must be as-
signed to another cause — the influences of Cushite
immigration. The colossal scientific and industrial
characteristics of Assyrian civilization are not rea-
sonably deducible from Japhetian influences, that
race, in those early limes, having evinced no re-
markable tendency for construction or the study of
the applied sciences. Accordingly, it would seem
not unreasonable to place on the two rivers a popu-
lation of Cushite (Hamite) accomplishments, if not
origin, subsequent to the Sbemitie occupation,
which established itt own language as the ordinary
one of these districts; and thirdly a body of war-
riors and influential men of Japhetian origin, the
true Chaldnans, whose name has been applied to a
Shemitio district and dialect.''
The eastern boundary of the Shemitio languages
It obscure; but this much may be safely assumed,
that this family had its earliest settlement on the
apper basin of the Tigris, from which extensions
were doubtless made to the south. And (as has
been before said) history points to another stream,
flowing northward (at a subsequent but equally
ante-historic period), of Cushite population, with
Ha distinctive accomplishments. These settlements
would seem to comprise the wide extent of country
extending from the ranges bounding the watershed
of the Tigris to the N. and E, to the plaint in the
S. and W. towards the lower course of the " great
river," = Assyria (to a great extent), Mesopotamia
and Babylonia, with its southern district, Child sea.
There are few more interesting linguistic questions
than the nature of the vernacular language of this
last-named region, at the period of the Jewish de-
portation by Nebuchadnezzar. It was, mainly and
ncontestably, Shemitio; but by the side of it an
Aryan one, chiefly official, is said to be discern-
ible. [Chaij>ea; Chaldkans.] The passages
ordinarily relied on (Dan. i. 4, ii. 4) are not very
conclusive in support of this latter theory, which
derives more aid from the fact, that many proper
aatues of ordinary occurrence (Belshazzar, Mero-
|aeh- Baradan, Nabonaatar, Nabopolassar, Nebo,
Jfabnehadnezzar) are certainly nU Sherui „ie. As
.ilia, perhaps, are they Aryan — but in a.iy ease
they may be naturalized relics of the Assyrian su
premacy.
The same question has been raised at to the
Sbemitie or Aryan origin of the vernacular language
of Assyria — «. e. the country to the E. of toe Eu-
phrates. As in the case of Babylonia, the language
appears to have been, ordinarily, that of a blended
Sbemitie and Cushite population, and a similar dif-
ficulty to be connected with the ordinary proper
names — Nibchaz, Fill, Salmanassar, Sardanapalus,
Sennacherib, Tartak, and Tiglath-Pileaer. Is. xxxiii.
19, and Jer. r. 15, have been referred to as estab-
lishing toe difference of the vernacular language of
Assyria from the Shemitio. Our knowledge of the
so-called Cushite stock in the basins of the two riven
is but limited ; but in any case a strong Sbemitie if
not Cushite element is so clearly discernible in many
ok) local and proper names, as to make an Aryan
or other vernacular language unlikely, although in-
corporations may be found to have taken place, from
some other language, probably that of a conquering
race.
Until recently, the literature of these wide dis-
tricts was a blank. Yet '• there must have been
a Babylonian literature, as the wisdom of the
Chaldeans had acquired a reputation, which could
hardly have been sustained without a literature.
If we are ever to recover a knowledge of that an-
cient Babylonian literature, it must be from the
cuneiform inscriptions lately brought home from
Babylon and Nineveh. They are clearly written in
a Shemitic language " (M. Miiller, 8. ofL. p. 363).
As has been before remarked [Babylonia, § 16],
the civilisation of Assyria was derived from Baby-
lonia in its leading features — Assyrian art, how-
ever, being progressive, and marked by local fea-
tures, such as the substitution of alabaster for
bricks as a material for sculpture. With regard to
the dialects used for the class of inscriptions with
which we are concerned, namely, the Assyrian, at
distinguished from the Zend (or Persian) and Tar-
tar (?) families of cuneiform memorials, the opin-
ion of scholars is all but unanimous — Lassen,
Burnouf (as far as he pronounces an opinion),
Layard, Spiegel, all agree with the great authority
above cited. Kenan differs, unwillingly, from them.
From what source, then, does it seem most
probable that future scholars will find this peculiar
form of writing deducible ? One of the latest writ-
ers on the subject, Oppert, divides the family, instead
of three, into two large classes — the Aryan or Old
Persian, and another large class containing various
subdivisions of which the Assyrian forms one. Tbe
character itself he asserts to be neither Aryan nor
Shemitic in its origin, but ancient Central Asiatic,
and applied with difficulty, as extraneous and ex-
otic, to the languages of totally different races. But
it is quite as likely that the true origin may be
found in an exactly different direction — the S. W.
— for this peculiar system of characters, which, he-
sides occupying the great river basins of which we
hare spoken, may be traced westward as far at
Beyrout and Cvprus, and eastward, although less
plainly, to Bactra. Scholars, Including Oppert,
incline to tbe judgment, that (as Hebrew, Greek,
and Arabic writers all show) from a Cushite stock
(Gen. x. 8-12) there grew up Babylon and Nine-
veh, and other great hornet of civUizati in, extend-
i Oslia* derivation an atvtn and refuted by Qnatre-
ra, MUmgtt tPtttlai-*. p. 132.
t Benan, p. 211. Quamoers, iUtanga
pp. 68-190, and especially U8-1U4.
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SHBMITIC LANGUAGES AND WAITING
2978
ssg from the level plains of Quids** far away to |
the N. and E. of Assyria. In these districts, far
anterior to the deportation of the Jew*, but down
to that period, flourished the school* of learning
that gave birth to results, material and Intellectual,
•tamped with affinity to those of Egypt. It may
well be, that in the progress of discovery, from
Shemitie-Cushite records — akin to the Himyaritic
and Ethiopie — scholars may carry back these re-
searches to Shemitie-Cushite imitations of kindred
writing from southern lands. Already the notion
has obtained currency that the so-called primitive
Shemitic alphabet, of Assyrian or Babylonian ori-
gin, is transitional, built on the older formal and
syllabic one, preserved in cuneiform remains. To
this fact we shall in the sequel recur — passing now
to the condition of the Aramaic language at the
time of the Captivity. Little weight can be attrib-
uted to the argument that the ancient literature of
the district being called " Chaldiean," an Aryan
origin is implied. The word "Chaldean" natu-
rally drove out " Babylonian," after the establish-
ment of Chaldfean ascendency, in the latter country ;
but as in the case of Greece and Rome, intellectual
ascendency held its ground after the .loss of mate-
rial power and rule.
15. Without entering into the discussions re-
specting the exact propriety of the expressions, it
will be sufficient to follow the ordinary division of
the Aramaic into the Chaldaic or Eastern, and the
Western or Syriac dialects.
The term "Chaldaic " is now (like "Shemitic")
firmly established, but " Babylonian " would appear
more suitable. We know that it was a spoken lan-
guage at the time of the Captivity.
A valuable outline of the different ages and styles
observable in the Aramaic branch of the Shemitic
family has been given by both Deiitach and FOrst,
whioh (with some additions) is here reproduced for
the reader. 6
(1.) The earliest extant fragments are the well-
known ones to be fraud at Dan. ii. 4-vii. 28 : Ezr.
It. 8-vi. 18, vii. 12-26. Affinities are to be traced,
without difficulty, between these fragments, which
differ again in some very marked particulars from
the earliest Targums."
To those who in the course of travel have ob-
served the ease, almost the unconsciousness, with
which persons, living on the confines of cognate
dialects, pass from the use of one to another, or
who are aware how close is the connection and how
very slight the difference between conterminous di-
alectical varieties of one common stock, there can
be nothing strange in this juxtaposition of Hebrew
and Aramaic portions. The prophet Daniel, we
may be sun, cherished with true Israelite affection
Jie toly uu guage of his early home, while his high
official position must have involved a thorough
acquaintance not only with the ordinary Babylon-
■» Lepslus, Zuw Abhandlimgm, p. 68. Quatremere.
6t*Jfs Historiquet, as quoted above. Beuao, pp.
56-79. Herof's Rtat-Bnc., vol. i. BabtL, Babylomen
Ituetachl) ; vol. II. Chaldaa (Arnold) ; vol. x. Ninive
-Spiegel), i p. 883, 879, 881. Bleek, Einl. i. d. A. T.
9P. 48-48.
i> Dalitach, Juumn, pp. 66-70 ; Hirst, Lekrgtb
» M - ™
« Hengstenbarg, Daniel, pp. 802-806.
4 Henfstanberg, rfciff. p. 298. Hence In our own
riau. Uuin ani Welsh, and Latin and Saxon pusa)
sn to be found in ths asms Juxtaposition to charm-
ish-Aramaic, „ut with the Chaldaic (properly sc
called). Accordingly, we may understand bow the
prophet might pass w'thout remark from the us
of one dialect to the other. Again, in the east
of Ezra, although writing at a later period, when
the holy language had again been adopted as s
standard of style and means of expression by Jew-
ish writers, there is nothing difficult to he under
stood in his incorporating with his own com-
position accounts, written by an eye-witness v
Aramaic, of events which took place before his owx
arrival.''
(2.) The Syro-Chaldalc originals of several of
the Apocryphal books an lost; many Hebraisms
were engrafted on the Aramaic as spoken by the
Jews, but the dialect of the earlier Targums con-
tains a perceptibly smaller amount of such admix-
ture than later compilations.
(3.) The language of the Gemarss is extremely
composite — that of the Jerusalem Gemara being
less pure than that of Babylon. Still lower in the
scale, according to the same authority, are those
of the fast-expiring Samaritan dialect, and that of
Galilee.
(4.) The curious book Zohar — an adaptation of
Aramaic expressions to Judaizing Gnosticism —
among its foreign additions contains very many
from the Arabic, indicative (according to Delitsechj
of a Spanish origin.*
(S.) The Masora, brief and symbolical, is chiefly
remarkable for what may be called vernacular pe-
culiarities.
(6.) The Christian or ecclesiastical Aramaio if
that ordinarily known as Syriac — the language of
early Christianity, as Hebrew and Arabic, respect-
ively, of the Jewish religion and Mohammedanism.
The above classification may be useful as a guide
to the two great divisions of the Aramaic dialect
with which a Biblical student is directly concerned.
For that ordinarily called the Samaritan contains
very little calculated to afford illustration among
its scanty remains ; and future discoveries in that
branch of pagan Aramaic known as the dialect of
the Nabathaeans, Mendaltes, or Zabians of Meso-
potamia (not the Sabeans of Southern Arabia), can
only exercise a remote or secondary influence on
the study of Aramaic as connected with the Scrip-
tures.
The following sketch of the three leading varie
ties of the West-Aramaic dialect, is built on the
account given by Flint./
(a.) What is known of the condition of Galilee
corroborates the disparaging statements given Ly
the Talmudista of the sub-dialect (for it is no
more) of this district. Close and constant com-
munication with the tribes to the north, and a
large admixture of heathens among the inhabitants,
would necessarily contribute to this. The dialect
of Galilee appears to have been marked by confu-
larlei and historical records; but the Instances ar»
mom apposite (given In DaHtsach, Wiuensehafl, iusajt,
Judenthum, p. 266 ff.) of the simultaneous use of He-
brew, Rabbinic, and Arabic, among Jewish writer!
after tbe so called revival of literature under Mohan*
niedan influence.
e • This book Is now clearly proved to have base
the production of Moses de Leon, a Spanish Jew of the
18th century. See Clnsbui-f, Vu £M*!ak (Load
1866), p 90 IT. 1
/ Ukrpt. |f 16-18.
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SHEMITIO LANGUAGES AND WHITING
2979
amoflstsers — and 3, 3 with p (m in -ari-
n European dialects) — and aptuoresis of the gut-
tata! — a habit of connecting word* otherwise
■omit (also not uncommon in rude dialects); j
nnlrinm about vowel-sounds, and the substitu-
tion of f Snal <br PI.
(4.) The Samaritan dialect appears to have been
i compound of the vulgar Hebrew with Aramaic,
u might have been anticipated from the elements
of which the population was composed, remaina of
the " Ephraimite " occupiers, and Aramaic immi-
jnuits. A confusion of the mute letters and also
■i the gutturals, with a predilection for the letter
3, has bean noticed.
(e.) The dialect called that al Jerusalem or Ju-
dsa, between which and the purer one of the Bab-
vanish Jews so many invidious distinctions have
ben drawn, seems to have been variable, from fre-
qntnt changes among the Inhabitants, and also to
ban contained a large amount of words different
from those in use in llabylonia, besides being some-
what incorrect in its orthography.
Each dialect, it will be seen, was directly influ-
enced by the eircuniatances — physical or social —
>f its locality. For instance, in the remote and
enfettered Galilee, peculiarities and words could
wt nil to be engrafted from the neighboring tribes.
The bitter hatred which existed between the Sa-
maritans and the Jewa effectually precluded the
admission of any leavening influences from the
u'ier source. A dialect originally impure — the
Samaritan became in course of time largely inter-
spersed with Aramaic words. That of Judaea,
alone being spoken by Jews to whom nationality
na most precious, was preserve d in tolerable im-
munity from corresponding degradation, until over-
posmd by Greek and Roman heathenism.
The small amount of real difference between the
two branches of Aramaic has been often urged ss
n argument for making any division superfluous.
Bot it has been well observed by Furst," that each
■ animated by a very different spirit. The chief
noes of Chaldale, or Eastern Aramaic — the Tar-
mm — am Ailed with traditional faith in the va-
ried pages of Jewish history : they combine much
sf the better Pharisaism — nourished as it was on
My conceptions of hallowed, national lore, with
warm, earnest longings for the kingdom of the
Meaetah. Western Aramaic, or Syriac literature,
■a the other hand, is essentially Christian, with a
sew terminology especially framed for its necessi-
ties. Accordingly, the tendency and lingnistio
character of the first is essentially Hebrew, that of
the eacond Hellenic. One is full of Hebraisms, the
ether of Hellenisms.
18. Perhaps few tines of demarcation are traced
•ilk greater difficulty, than those by which one age
f a language la separated from another. This is
nwefialily the esse in respect of the cessation of
he Hebrew, and the ascendency of the Aramaic
• Lsvgve {14.
• hooka, D. O. Am Zritaiter d. Re/fermaium, b, iv.
■r-v.a. 4TS; Banhelemy Si. Htlalra, U Bmuddh*
• si sXtrum, Porto, 1880, p. 885. " Ordlnalrsmen:
• aa recite que la lasts Pill tout and, st alors la
stasia n'so eomprend pas on mot ; mule qarlqoefbis
sees, snood Is texts Pill a it* recite, uo pretra en
or. as it may be put, hi respect of the date at which
the period of growth terminates, and that of expo-
sition and scholasticism begins, iu the literature of
the chosen people.
Much unnecessary discussion baa been roused
with respect to the introduction of interpretation.
Not only in any missionary station among the
heathen, but in Europe at the Reformation, we con
find substantially the germ of Targums. During
the 16th century, in the eastern districts of the
present kingdom of Prussia, the desire to bring the
Gospel home to the humbler classes, hitherto liut
little touched by its doctrines, opened a new field
of activity among the non-German Inhabitants of
those provinces, at that time a very numerous body.
Assistants were appointed, under tbe usnie *f Tot-
ken (interpreters), who rendered the sermon, sen-
tence by sentence, into the vernacular old Prussian
dialect.' Just so in Palestine, on the return, an
eager desire to bring their own Scriptures within
the reach of the people led to measures such as
that described in Nehemiah riii. 8, a passage of dif-
ficult interpretation. It is possible, that the ap-
parent vagueness of this passage may represent the
two methods, which would be naturally adopted for
such different purposes ss rendering Biblical He-
brew intelligible to the common people, who only
spoke a dialect of Aramaic — and supplying a com-
mentary after such deliberate reading.
Of the several Targums which are preserved, the
dates, style, character, and value are exceedingly
different- An account of them is given under
Versions, Ancikst (Taugum).
17. In tbe scholastic period, of which we now
treat, the achoola of the prophets were succeeded by
" houses of inquiry," — tt^TO *(??*• For with
Vitrinsja, in preference to Rabbinical writers, we
prefer considering the first named institutions as
pastoral and devotional seminaries, if not monastic!
retreats — rather than schools of law and dialectics,
as some would explain them. It was not until tbe
scholastic period that all Jewish studies were so
employed. Two ways only of extending the bless-
ings hence derivable seem to hare presented them-
selves to the national mind, by commentary —
OfCHW, and inquiry— HTJ7. In the first o»
these,' Targumic literature, but limited openings
occurred for critical studies ; in the second still
fewer.c Tbe vast storehouse of Hebrew thought
reaching through so many centuries — known by
tbe name of the Talmud — and the collections of a
similar nature called the Midrashim, extending in
the case of the first, dimly but tangibly, from the
period of the Captivity to the times of Kabbi Ashe*
— the closer of the Talmud (A. r>. 436), oontain
comparatively few accessions to linguistic knowl
edge. Tbe terms by which serious or philosophical
inquiry is described, with the names of iu subor-
diuato branches — Halocha (rule) — Hagada (what
is said or preached) — Toaiphta (addition) — Bo*
raitha (statements not in the Hishna) — Medulla
c TMnnga. Dt Synagorf, 1886, p. 1, csps. v. vt.lH.,
p. 11, cops. t.-tIH. — no scholar ebould be without
ehta storehouse of learning ; Oaaaal, In Hanoi, is. 506-
529 ; Vranok, giuda Orimtaltt. p. 127 ; Oehler, In
Heraog, xl. 215, 225 ; Zunx, OottmlitnttUcki Tottrtf
tit Judtn, sap. 10. Tbie last volume Is most vamahls
si a guiding summary, in a little known and haw I lav
iogflekt
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8HBMITIO LANGUAGES AND WTJTING
(iimiiiii, form) ; the successive designation* of
learned dignitaries — Sopherim (scribes) — Chaca-
mim (saga) — Tanaaim ( = Shoniw, teachers) —
Amoraim (speakers) — Seburaim (disputants? --Ge-
snim (eminences) — all bear reference to the study
and exposition of the rules and bearing of the Mo-
saic law, with none, or very little to the critical
study of their own prized language — the vehicle of
the law. The two component parts of the Talmud,
the Mtahna and Gemara — republication and final
explanation — are conceived in the same spirit.
Tha style and composite nature of these works be-
long to the history of Rabbinical literature.
18. Of the other main division of the Aramaic
language — the Western or Syriac dialect — the
earliest existing document is the Peahito version
of the Scriptures, which not improbably belongs to
the middle of the second century. Various sub-
dialects probably existed within the wide area over
which this Western one was current: but there are
no means now attainable for pursuing the inquiry
— what we know of the Palmrrene being only de-
rivable from inscriptions ranging from a. D. 49 to
the middle of the tnird century. The Syriae dia-
lect is thickly studded with foreign words, Arabic,
Persian, Greek, and Latin, especially with the third.
A comparison of this dialect with tbe Eastern branch
will show that they are closely allied in all the most
important peculiarities of grammar and syntax, as
well as In their store of original words — the true
standard in linguistic researches.
A few lines may be here allowable on tbe for-
tunes of a dialect which (as will be shown hereafter)
has been so conspicuous an instrument in extend-
ing a knowledge of tbe truths originally given, and
so long preserved in the sacred language of the He-
brews. Subsequently to the fall of Jerusalem its
chief seat of learning and literature was at Edessa
— from A. D. 440, at Nislbis. Before the 8th and
8th centuries its decline had commenced, in spite
ef the protests made by James of Edessa in favor
of its own classical writers. But, as of old tbe He-
brew language had given way to the Aramaic, so
In her turn, the Western Aramaic was driven out
3j the advances of the Arabic during tbe 10th and
I lth centuries. Somewhat later it may be said to
nave died out — its last writer of mark, Barhebneus
^or Abulpharagius) composing in Arabic as well as
Syriae."
18. The Chaldaic paraphrases of Scripture are
exceedingly valuable for the light which they throw
en Jewish manners and customs, and the meaning
of passages otherwise obscure, as likewise for many
uppy renderings of the original text. But they
ire valuable also on higher reasons — the Christian
interpretation put by their anthors on controverted
passages. Their testimony is of the greatest value,
M showing that Messianic interpretations of many
important passages must have been current among
the Jews of the period. Walton, alluding to Jew-
*nh attempts to evade their own orthodox traditions,
says that " niany such passages," i. e. of the later
»nd evasive kind, " might be produced which find
jo sanction among the Jews. Those very passages,
a Bleak, SinltUmg, pp. 61-67.
» Walton, Prot. ail. 18, 19. See also Dalitssoh, Wit-
vnnkafl, Kunst, Judenthum, p. 178 ft (In respect of
Christian anttclsatlons in the Targums and Synagogal
ISTvitional poetry), and also p. 190, note (la respect of
■oasrate tone of Talmud) ; Oehler, in Henog, lx. 481
all i and Wvaoott. introduction, pp. 110-116.
which were applied by their cwn teachers to tl«
Messiah, and are incapable of any other fair appli-
cation save to Him in whom they all centre, an
not unfrequently warned into meanings irreconcil
able alike with the truth, and the judgment of theii
own most valued writers." *
A comparative estimate is not yet attainable, as
to what in Targumic literature is the pure expres-
sion and development of the Jewish mind, and what
is of foreign growth. But, as has been said, tbe
Targuma and kindred writings are of considerable
dogmatical and exegetical value; and a similar good
work has been effected by means of tbe cognate
dialect, Western Aramaic or Syriac From the
3d to the 9th century, Syriae was to a great part
of Asia — what In their spheres Hellenic Greek and
medieval Latin have respectively been — the one
ecclesiastical language of the district named. Be-
tween the literally preserved records of Holy Scrip-
ture, as delivered to the Terachites in the infancy
of the world, and the understandings and hearts of
Aryan peoples, who were intended to share in those
treasures fully and to their latest posterity, some
connecting medium was necessary. This wss sup-
plied by the dialect in question — neither so spe-
cific nor so clear, nor so sharply subjective as the
pure Hebrew, but for those very reasons (while in
itself essentially Shemitic) open to impressions and
thoughts as well as words from without, and there-
fore well cairn latod to act as the pioneer and intro-
ducer of Biblical thoughts and Biblical truths
among minds, to whom these treasures would
otherwise long have remained obscure and unintel-
ligible.
§§ 20-34. Arabic Language. — Period of
Revival.
SO. The early population of Arabia. Its antiqui-
ties and peculiarities, have been described under
Arabia. 1 We find Arabia occupied by a conflu-
ence of tribes, the leading one of undoubted Ish-
mselitish descent — the others of the seed or lin-
eage of Abraham, and blended by alliance, language
neighborhood, and habits. Before them any ab-
original inhabitants must have disappeared, as the
Canaanitish nations before their brethren, the chil-
dren of the greater promise — as the Edoniites
and lshmaelltes were of a lesser, but equally certain
one.
We have seen [Arabia] that the peninsula of
Arabia lay in the track of Cushite civilisation, in
it* supposed return-course towards tbe northeast.
As in the basin of Mesopotamia, so in Arabia it
has left traces of Its constructive tendencies, and
predilections for grand and colossal undertakings
Modern research has brought to light in addition
many valuable remains, full of philological interest.
There may now be found abundant illustration of
the relationship of the Himyaritic with the early
Shemitic before adverted to; and the language of
the Ehkili (or Mabrah), on which so much light
has recently been thrown, presents us with tbe aim
gular phenomenon, not merely of a specimen of
what the Himyaritic (or language of Yemen) must
c Camp, for the early history of tbe Arabic languap
the neant work by Fraytag (Bonn, 1861), alike rsmara
able lor interest and re sea r ch, EaUatung in alas SN»
diitm der Arabudun Spmdu Ms Mekrmuil *«Hf ai
ThtU Mpdltr.
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MM ben Mm iU expulsion by th» Koreishite,
but of • dialect leae Arabic than Hebrew, and pos-
— lug don affinity with tba Ghee, or Ethiopi-
an.' 1
81. The affinity of tba Gbsi (Cnah? the aacred
language of Ethiopia) with the Shemitic baa been
long remarked. Walton auppoeea ita introduction
to ban bean oomeqnent on that of Christianity.
But the tradition ia probably correct, according to
which Ethiopia waa colonized from 8. W. Arabia,
and according to which this language should be
eenaidered a relic of the Himyaritic. In the O. T.,
Cuah, in addition to Ethiopia in Africa, comprises
S. Arabia (Gen. x. 7, 8; 3 Chr. jjv. 9, xxl. IS;
Hab. ami. 7), and by many the stream of Hamite
civilisation ia supposed to have flowed in a northerly
coarse from that point into Egypt. In ita lexical
peculiarities, the Gbea ia said to resemble the Ara-
maic, in its grammatical the Arabic. The alpha-
bet ia rery curious, differing from Shemitio alpha-
bats in the number, order, and name and form of
the letters, by the direction of the writing, and
especially by the form of rowel notation. This U
extremely singular. Each consonant contains a
abort r — the rowels are expressed by additions to
the conso na nts. The alphabet is, by this means,
converted into a " syUabarium " of 202 signs. Va-
rious points of resemblance hare been traced be-
tween this alphabet and the Samaritan ; but recent
discoveries establish its kindred (almost its identity)
with that of the Uimyaritic Inscriptions. The lan-
guage and character of which we have spoken
briefly, have now been suoceeded for general pur-
poses by the Ambarie — probably in the first in-
stance a kindred dialect with the Gbex, but now
altered by subsequent extraneous additions.*
23. Internal evidence demonstrates that the
Arabic language, at the time when it first appears
an the field of history, was being gradually de-
veloped in its remote and barren peninsular home.
Not to dwell on its broken (or internal) plurals,
and ita system of cases, there are peculiarities in
the earliest extant remains, which evince progress
made in the cultivation of the language, at a date
long anterior to the period of which we speak.
A well-known legend speaks of the present
Arabic language as being a fusion of different
dialects, effected by the tribe of Koreisb settled
round Mecca, and the reputed wardens of the
Caaba. In any case, the paramount purity of the
Koreishite dialect is asserted by Arabic writers on
grammar, in whose judgment the quality of the
spoken dialects appears to hare declined, in pro-
portion to their distance from Mecca. It is also
asserted, that the stores of the Koreishite dialect
were In creased by a sort of philological eclecticism
— all striking elegancies of construction or expres-
sion, observable in the dialects of the many dif-
ferent tribes visiting Mecca, being engrafted upon
the one in question.* But the recognition of the
Koran, as the ultimate standard in linguistic as in
religious matters, established in Arabic Judgment
the superior parity of the Koreishite dialect.
That the Arabs possessed a litentnre anterior to
;he birth of Mohammed, and expre ss ed hi a lan-
guage marked with many grammatics, peculiarities
is beyond doubt. There ia no satisfactory proof of
the assertion, that all early Arabic literature was
destroyed by the jealous disciples of Islam. " Of
old, the Arab gloried In nothing but bis sword, his
hospitality, and his fluent speech." d The last gift,
if we may judge from what has been preserved
to us of the history of those early times, seems
to hsve been held in especial honor. A zealous
purism, strange as it sounds amid the ruds and
uneducated children of the desert, seems, ss in
Utter times, to have kept almost Masoretie watch
over the exactitude of the transmission of these
early outpourings.*
Even in our own times, scholars have seemed un-
willing altogether to abandon the legend — how at
the fair of Ocfidh ("the mart of proud rivalry"/)
goods and traffic — wants and profit — were alike
neglected, while bards contended amid their listen-
ing countrymen, anxious for such a verdict as should
entitle their lays to a place among the Moallakat,
the tvatHuara of the Caaba, or national temple at
Mecca. But the appearance of Mohammed put an
end for a season to commerce and bardic contests;
nor was it until the work of conquest was done,
that the faithful resumed the pursuits of peace.
And enough remains to show that poetry was
not alone cultivated among the ante-Mohammedan
Arabians. " Seeds of moral truth appear to have
been embodied in sentences and aphorisms, a form
of instruction peculiarly congenial to the temper of
Orientals, and proverbially cultivated by the inhab-
itants of the Arabian peninsula." » Poetry and
romance, as might be expected from the degree of
Arab civilization, would seem to have been tba
chief objects of attention.
Against these views it has been urged, that
although of such compositions as the Moallakat,
and others less generally known, tbe substance may
be considered ss undoubtedly very ancient, and
illustrative accordingly of manners and customs —
yet tbe same antiquity, according to competent
judges, cannot reasonably be assigned to their
present form. Granting (what is borne out from
analogy and from references in the Hebrew Scrip-
tures) the existence of philosophical compositions
among the Arabs at an early period, still no traces
of these remain. The earliest reliable relics of
Arabic literature are only fragments, to he form!
in what has come down to us of pre-Islaniite com-
positions. And, as has been sold already, vsmoa
arguments hare been put forward against the prob-
ability of the present form of these remains being
their original one. Their obscurities, it is eon-
tended, sre less those of age than of individual
style, while their uniformity of language Is at vari-
ance with the demonstrably late cultivation and
ascendency of the Koreishite dialect Another,
and not a feeble argument, is the utter sbsence of
allusion to the early religion of the Arabs. Most
just is Return's remark that, skeptical or volup-
tuaries as were most of their poets, still such a
silence would be inexplicable, but on tbe supposi-
tion of a systematic removal of ail traces of former
paganism. No great critical value, accordingly,
• Bsnan, I. 802-817.
» Walton, Fret. H.B86; Jonas, Omm. 1774, p. 18 ;
Me a tus, Zswi Jtk. pp. 78, 70 1 Bsnan, I. 817-810 ;
M ij i id, W astes! Hit. ,f AoaWarf, U. IBS, quoted
• Keseke (si. Walts, (MM), pr.lS7.U8.
' Peeoske, pp. 189-188.
< Umbntt in nuetofiidu Stud. v. KrMea 18*1
pp. 228, 2M; lwald, Chteh. 1. 24, 26.
/ Frssnel, In Leitrt jar fas Jraftts, p. It,
r leaser, U. 288, Sl».
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SHEMTriO LANGUAGES AND WRITING
an fairly be assigned to any Arabic remains ante-
rior to tin publication of the Koran."
It la not within the scope of this sketch to touch
upon the theological teaching of the Koran, its
objects, sources, merit*, or deficiencies. But ita
style is very peculiar. Assuming that it represents
the best forms of the Koreishita dialect about the
middle of the 7th century, we may aay of the
Koran, that ita linguistic approached its religious
supremacy. The Koran may be characteiixed as
marking the transition from versification to prose,
from poetry to eloquence. Mohammed himself has
adverted to his want of poetical skill — a blemish
which required explanation in the judgment of his
countrymen — but of the effect of hia forcible lan-
guage and powers of address (we can hardly call it
oratory) there can be no doubt. The Koran itself
contains distinct traces of the change (to which
allusion has been made) then in progress in Arabic
literature. The balance of proof inclines to the
conclusion, that the Suras of the Koran, which are
placed last in order, are earliest in point of com-
position — outpourings bearing some faint resem-
blance to those of Hebrew prophecy.*
S3. It would lead to discussions foreign to the
present subject, were we to attempt to follow the
thoughts respecting the future, suggested by the
almost universal prevalence of the Arabic idiom
aver so wide a portion of the globe. A comparison
of some leading features of the Arabic language,
with Its two sisters, is reserved for the next division
of this sketch. With regard to ita value in illus-
tration two different judgments obtain. Accord-
ing to one, all the lexical riches and grammatical
varieties of the Shemitic family are to be found
combined In the Arabic. What elsewhere is im-
perfect or exceptional is here said to be fully
developed — forms elsewhere rare or anomalous are
here found in regular use. Great faults of style
cannot be denied, but its superiority in lexical
riches and grammatical precision and variety is
incontestable. Without this means of illustration,
the position of the Hebrew student may be likened
to that of the geologist, who should have nothing
whereon to found a judgment, beyond the scat-
tered and imperfect remains of some few primeval
creatures. But the Arabic, it is maintained, for
purposes of illustration, is to the Hebrew precisely
what, to such an inquirer, would be the discovery
of an imbedded multitude of kindred creatures in
all their fullness and completeness — even more, for
the Arabic (it is urged) — ss a means of comparison
and illustration — is a living, breathing reality.
24. Another school maintains very different opin-
ions with respect to the value of Arabic in illus-
tration. The comparatively recent date (in tbeir
present form at least) and limited amount of Arabic
remains are pleaded against its claims, as a stand-
ard of reference in respect of the Hebrew. Its
verbal copiousness, elaborate mechanism, subtlety
of thought, wide and diversified fields of literature,
cannot be called in question. But it is urged (and
MeoraMy) that its riches are not all pure metal,
and that no great attention to etymology has been
evtceed by native writers on the language. Nor
should the follies and perversions of scholasticism
• nsnao, Lang. Sim. t Iv. e. 11, a lucid summary
af rswmt researches on this subject
ft Kenan, pp. 853-860; Umbntt, fit**, a, Erit. 1841,
Wa-
rn Daufctoh, Jmnm, pp. 78-88.
(in the case of Rabbinical writers) Mind in to tlw
superior purity of the spirit by which the Hebrew
language is animated, and the reflected influences,
for elevation of tone and character, from the sub-
jects on which it was so long exclusively employed
"My doctrine shall drop as the rain, my speech
shall distil as the dew, as the small rain upon the
tender herb, and as the showers upon the grass."
No more fitting description of the spirit and power
of the holy language can be found than these words
of the Lawgiver's last address to his people. The
Arabic language, on the other hand, is first, that
of wandering robbers and herdsmen, destitute of
religion, or filled with second-band superstitions.
In its more cultivated state, that of a self-satisfied,
luxurious, licentious people, the vehicle of a bor-
rowed philosophy, and a dogmatism of the most
wearisome and captions kind.'
Undoubtedly schools such ss that of Albert
Schultens (d. 1730) have unduly exalted the value
of Arabic in illustration; but in what may be
designated ss the field of lower criticism Its im-
portance cannot be disputed. The total extent of
the canonical writings of the Old Testament is so
very limited as in this respect to make the assist-
ance of the Arabic at once welcome, trustworthy,
and copious. Nor can the proposed substitute be
accepted without demur — the later Hebrew, which
has found an advocate so learned and able as
Pelitzsch.'* That ita claims and usefulness have
been undeservedly overlooked few will dispute or
deny; but it would seem to be recent, uncertain,
and heterogeneous, to a degree which lays it open
to many objections taken by the admirers of the
Arabic, as a trustworthy means of illustration.
§§ 25-33. Structure of thb Shemitic Lan-
guages.
35. The question, as to whether any large amount
of primitives in the Shemitic languages is fairly
deducible from imitation of sounds, has been an-
swered very differently by high authorities. Gese-
ii im thought instances of onomatopoeia very rare in
extant remains, although probably more numerous
at an early period. Hoffmann's judgment is the
same, in respect of Western Aramaic On the
other hand, Kenan qualifies his admission of the
identity of numerous Shemitic and Japhetian prim-
itives by a suggestion, that these, for the most part,
may be assigned to blliteral words, originating i.i
the imitation of the simplest and most obvious
sounds. Schols also has au interesting passage ii
which he maintains the same proposition with con-
siderable force, and attempts to follow, in soma
particular cases, the analogy between the simple
original sign and its distant derivatives. But on a
careful examination, it is not unlikely that, although
many are lost, or overlaid, or no longer ss appre-
ciable by our organs ss by the keener ones of earlier
races, yet the truth is, as the case has been put by
a great living comparative philologist — " The 40f>
or 500 roots which remain as the constituent ele-
ments in different families of languages are not
interjections, nor are they imitations. They ar*
phonetic types, produced by a power inherent it:
human nature." *
d Rid., pp. 88-108.
• Oearnius, Ukrfrbaudt, pp. 183-185; HoSnano,
Or. Byt. p. 7; Benan, pp 448, 464; Sends, MSml
i. 81, 82, 87; M. Muiler, Be. •/ Img. pp. 868. 86*
870.
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M. 71m deeply eurlous inquiry, as to the ex-
its* of affinity (till discernible between Shemitic
end Japhetian roots, belong to another article.
fTonavn.] Nothing in the Scripture which bean
upon the rabject, can be (airly pleaded against such
an affinity being possible. A literal belief of Bibli-
aal records doea not at all call upon in to suppose
an entire abrogation, bj Divine interference, of all
■dating dementi of what must have been the com-
mon language of the early Noachidae.o That such
ittui blance ii not dimly to be traced cannot be
denied — although the means used for establishing
instances, by Delitzach and the analytical schoo!,
cannot be admitted without great reserve.* But
in treating the Shemitie languages in connectiou
with Scripture, it is most prudent to turn away
from this tempting field of inquiry to the consid-
eration of the simple elements — the primitives —
the true base of every language, in that these, rather
than the mechanism of grammar, are to be regarded
as exponents of internal spirit and character. It
is not denied, that these apparently inorganic bodies
■say very frequently be found resolvable into con-
stituent parts, and that kindled instances may be
easily found in conterminous Japhetian dialects. •
27. Humboldt has named two very remarkable
points of difference between the Japhetian and
Shemitic language-families — the latter of which he
also, for the second reason about to be named,
assigns to the number of those which have deviated
from the regular course of development. The first
peculiarity is the triliteral root (as the language is
at p r e s en t known) — the second the expression of
significations by consonants, and relnliont by vowels
— both forming part of the flexions within words,
so remarkable in the Shemitic family. Widely dif-
ferent from the Japhetian primitive, a folly formed
and independent word — the Shemitic one (even in
Its present triliteral state) appears to have consisted
of three separate articulations, aided by an indefinite
■ound like the Sheva of the Hebrews, and to have
varied in the shades of Its meaning according to
the vowels assisted to it. In the opinion of the
same scholar, the prevalent triliteral root was sub-
stituted for an earlier or hiliteral, as being found
impracticable and obscure in use.*
Traces of this survive in the rudest, or Aramaic,
branch, where what is pronounced as one syllable,
in the Hebrew forms two, and in the more elaborate
Arabic three — e. g. ktal, katal, katala. It is need-
less to say, that much has been written on the
question of this peculiarity being original or sec-
oodsry. A writer among ourselves has thus stated
the ease: " An uniform root-formation by three
letters or two syllables developed itself oat of the
original monosyllabic state by the addition of a
third letter. This tendency to enlargement presents
itself in the Indo-Germanic also; but there is this
difference, that in the latter monosyllabic roots
remain besides those that have been enlarged, while
in the other they have almost disappeared." • In
this judgment most will agree. Many now triBteral
■ Walton, Jrof. (ed. Wrangham), 1. 121. "Hoe
eaaftooi minims oonsentaosum est, ut Dens In illo loco
i prlmam servant, not unguarum diversltatem
adssfBt, ne cospto open progredsrsntur. Proba-
ta ttaqias ass, lingua* alias la see Dram InfaiHsai,
I M comment! swat, ne ss mutno InteUlfsrent, et
samoa stratum aial V M. Mulls*, ft. «/
.n.m
root-words (especially those expressive of the pri-
mary relations of life) were at first biliteral only.
Thus 2N is not really from H3H, nor CS from
D53H. In many eases a third (assumed ) root-letter
has been obviously added by repetition, or by the
use of a weak or movable letter, or by prefixing the
letter Nun. Additional instances may be found in
connection with the biliterals 313, "T"T, and *T3,
and many others. Illustrations may also be drawn
from another quarter nearer home — in the Japhe-
tian languages of Europe. Fear Is variously ex-
pressed by <pp4u or d>pl<rtra, pavere, peur, pa-
urn, pator (§fm.) > ftar.fwcht,frykt (Scandin. ),
and bratc (Old Celtic). In all these cognate words,
the common rudimentary idea is expressed by the
same two sounds, the third corresponding with the
various nou-essentlal additions, by which apparent
triliteral uniformity is secured in Shemitic dialects.
Again, in the Shemitic family many primitives
may be found, having the same two letters in
common In the first and second places, with a dif-
ferent one in the third, yet all expressive of different
modifications of the same idea, ss 1. "13 end its
family; 3. m= _i>, etc; 3. "18 = «i, etc.;
4. YP~ JoiS, etc. — each with a similar train of
cognate words, containing the same two consonants
of the biliteral form, but with a third active con-
sonant added./
38. We now approach a question of great Inter-
est. Was the art of writing invented by Moses
and his contemporaries, or from what source did
the Hebrew nation acquire it? It can hardly be
doubted, that the art of writing was known to the
Israelites in the time of Moses. Au art, such as
that of writing, is neither acquired nor invented at
once. No trustworthy evidence can be alleged of
such an exception to the ordinary course. The
writing on the two tables of the law (Ex. xxiv. 4 ) —
the list of stations attributed to the hand of Moses
himself (Num. xxxill. 3) — the prohibition of print-
ing on the body (I-ev. xix. 28) — the writing of
" the curses in a book " by the priest, in the trial
of jealousy (Num. v. 23) — the descri) lion of the
land (literally, the writing) required by Joshua
(Josh, xviii. 6) — all point to the probability of the
art of writing being an accomplishment already
possessed by the Hebrews at that period. So com*
plex a system as alphabetic writing could hardly
have been invented in the haste and excitement of
the desert pilgrimage.
Great difference of opinion has prevailed as to
which of the Shemitic peoples may justly claim the
invention of letters. As has been said, the award
to the Phoenicians, so long unchallenged, is now
practically set aside. The so-called Phoenician al-
phabet bears no distinctive traces of a Phoenician
origin. None of the selected objects, whose initial
letters were to rule the sounds of the several pho-
netic characters, are in keeping with the habits and
t> Corapsratrrs tables are to be found In Delltawb,
.Tnmrnn, p. Ill- Kenan, pp. 451-464; Behola, I. 87.
c Merian, Prinripri t/t FStudt Om p t trat ict rial
Lanfun. Paris, 1928. pp. 10, 11, IB, 30.
d Humboldt, Vbtr rfu TmcM*U*tnt d.
Spraaj m i, pp. 807-811.
• Davidson, Biblical Oititum, L 11.
/ Oasenloa, Uhrftbdudt, p. 181; I
Am. pp. 100, 412, 460. M. afuUsr, ft. s/ law f.87)
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SHEMITIC LANGUAGES AND WETTING
seeupations of the Phoenicians. On the contrary,
while no reference* to the sea and commerce are to
be found, the majority of the object* selected are
wch ai would suggest themselves to an inland and
nomadic people, e. g. Aleph = an ox, Gimel = a
samel, Teth = a snake, Lamed = an ox-goad.
A more probable theory would seem that which
represents letters as baring passed from the Egyp-
tians to the Phoenicians and Hebrews. Either
people may have acquired this accomplishment from
the same source, at the same time and independ-
ently — or one may have preceded the other, and
subsequently imparted the acquisition. Either
case is quite possible, on the assumption that the
Egyptian alphabet consisted of only such characters
as were equivalent to those used by the Hebrews
and Phoenicians — that is, that the multiplicity of
signs, which is found to exist in the Egyptian al-
phabet, was only introduced at a later period. But
the contrary would seem to be the case — namely,
that the Egyptian alphabet existed at a very early
period in its present form. And it is hardly likely
that two tribes would separately have made the
same selection from a larger amount of signs than
they required. But as the Hebrew and Phoenician
alphabets do correspond, and (as has been said)
the character is less Phoenician than Hebrew — the
latter people would seem to have been the first
possessors of this accomplishment, and to have im-
parted it subsequently to the I'haniciaus.
The theory (now almost passed into a general
Belief) of an early uniform language overspreading
the range of countries comprehended in Gen. x.
serves to illustrate this question. There can be no
doubt as to the fact of the Hnmite occupants of
Egypt having migrated thither from Asia; nor (on
this hypothesis) can there lie any difficulty in ad-
mitting, in a certain degree, the correspondence of
their written character with the Hebrew. That
changes should subsequently have been introduced
in the Egyptian characters, is perfectly intelligible,
when their advances in civilization are considered
— so different from the nomadic, unlettered con-
dition of the Hebrew people. On such a primary,
generic agreement as this between the advanced
language of Egypt, and that of the Hebrews — in-
ferior from necessary causes at the time, the mighty
Intellect of Hoses, divinely guided for such a task
(as has been before suggested), would find little
difficulty in grafting improvements. The theory
that the Hykaos built a syllabic alphabet on the
Egyptian, is full of difficulties.
According to the elaborate analysis of Lepsius,
the original alphabet of the language-family, of
which the Shemitic formed a part, stood as fol-
lows: —
Wtak OitnraU. Labials. OMturalt. Dmtals.
Aleph -A
Aleph _ A . Bath + Olmel + Delete. m Media
Ba-S-fl ■ Tar -j. Heth + Teth _ Aspirate*
Bhaln _ -f- a Pe -j- Kuph -j. Tau _Ttnues
As the processes of enunciation became more
Jelicate, the liquids Lamed, Mem, Nun, were ap-
parently interposed as the Mrd row, with the
ariginal 8, Samech, from which were derived Zain,
Usaddi, and Shin - Caph (soft *), from its limited
■ "Sont-ce las Hyksos, slnal qua la suppose M.
■wald, qui flrent paaaer l'ecritnr* egyptletme de l'etat
shonetlqne A l'etat svuaUqne ou alphabetlque, comma
aa Japonala *t lesCoreens I'ont fait pour IVcritura
1 (Kenan, p. US). Baakehuts, Zar Orsckidku
functions, is apparently of later growth ; and the
separate existence of Kesh, in many languages, is
demonstrably of comparatively recent date, as dis-
tinguished from the kindred sound Lamed. In
this manner (according to 1-epsuu), and by such
Shemite equivalents, may be traced the progress of
the parent alphabet. In the one letter yet to be
mentioned — Yod — as in Kuph and Lamed, the
same scholar finds remains of the ancient vowel
strokes, which carry us back to the early syllabaria,
whose existence he maintains, with great force and
learning.
Apparently, in the ease of all Indo-Germanic
and Shemitic alphabets, a parent alphabet may be
traced, in which each letter possessed a combined
vowel and consonant sound — each in fact forming
a distinct, well understood syllable. It is curious
to mark the different proc e s ses , by which (in the
instances given by Lepsius) these early syllabaria
have been affected by the course of enunciation in
different families. What has been said abort)
(§ 21 ), may serve to show how far the system is
still in force in the Ethiopia In the Indo-Ger-
manic languages of- Europe, where a strong ten-
dency existed to draw a line of demarcation between
vowels and consonants, the primary syllables aleph,
he, gho = a, t, u, were soon stripped of their weak
guttural (or consonant) element, to be treated sim-
ply as the vowel sounds named, in combination
with the more obvioua consonant sounds. A very
similar course was followed by the Shemitic family,
the vowel element being in most letters disregarded;
but the guttural one iu the breath-syllables was
apparently too congenial, and too firmly fixed to
allow of these being converted (as in the case of the
Indo-Germanic family) into simple vowels. Aleph,
the weakest, for thst reason forms the exception.
As apparently containing (like the De'vanftgari)
traces of its people's ayUabarium, as well for Us
majestic forma, liefitting Babylonian learning, Lep-
sius with others attributes a very high antiquity
to the square Hebrew character. But this is dif-
ficult to be maintained. 4
89. Passing from the growth of the alphabet, to
the history of the formation of their written char-
acters among the three leading branches of the
Shemitic family, that of the Hebrews has been thus
sketched. >' In its oldest, though not its original
state, it exists in Phoenician monuments, both
stones and coins. It consists of 22 letters, written
from right to left, and is characterized generally by
stiff straight down strokes, without regularity and
beauty, and by closed heads round or pointed. We
have also a twofold memorial of it, namely, the
inscriptions on Jewish coins, struck under the Mae-
cabean princes, where it is evident that its char-
acters resemble the Phoenician, and the Samaritan
character, in which the Pentateuch of the Samari-
tans is written.* This latter differs from the first
named, merely by a few freer and finer strokes.
The development of the written character in the
Aramaic branch of the Shemitic family illustrates
the passage from the stiff early character, spoke*
of above, to the more fully formed angular one a!
later times In the case of the Hebrew family, an*
in that of the Arabic, to the Cnfic and NeahU
o-rr Buchuabrmdirift, Kfinlgsberg, 1888, f f 16, 17, H
Oomp. also Leyrsr, In Hanoi, are. 0.
4 Lepaios, Zteri Abhatidlungtn, pp. IMS.
« Davidson, Biblical Criticism, 1. SB.
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SHEMITIC LANGUAGES AND WHITING
2985
imnlr writing may be divided into two principal
families — (1.) ancient Aramaic, and (2.) Syriac,
mora properly ao called. Of the first, the most early
specimen extant is the well-known Carpentras stone,
preferred at that place in France, since the end of
the 17th century.' Its date is rery doubtful, but
anterior to those of the inscriptions from Palmyra,
which extend from A. D. 49, to the 3d century.
Toe first very closely resembles the Phoenician
character — the tops of the letters being but slightly
opened ; in the second, these are more fully opened,
and many horizontal strokes of union added, show-
ing its cursive character. From these remains may
be fairly deduced the transitional nature of the
written character of the period preceding the in-
vention (or according to others the revival) of the
BKjuare character.
Hupfeld, Funt, and all leading writers on the
■abject, concur in designating this last as a gradual
development from the sources mentioned above. A
reference to these authors will show how confused
wen even Jewish notions at an early period as to
its origin, from the different explanations of the
word rp-WN (Aaayriaea), substituted by the
Babbtns for SJjTip ("square"), by which this
•haracter was distinguished from their own —
"TOty an? — « mmd writing," as it was called.
But assuming with Hupfeld and Fttret, the presence
of two active principles — a wish to write quickly,
and to write pictorially — the growth of the square
Hebrew character from the old Phoenician is easily
discernible through the Carpentras and Pnlmyrene
relics. u Thus we find in it the points of the letters
blunted off, the horizontal union-strokes enlarged,
figures that had been divided rounded and closed,
the position and length of many cross lines altered,
and final letters introduced agreeably to tachyg-
raphy. On the other hand, the caligraphieal prin-
ciple is seen in the extraordinary uniformity and
symmetry of the letter*, their separation from one
another, and in the peculiar taste which adorns
them with a stiff and angular form." •
Few important changes are to be found from
the period of Ezra, until the close of the 5th cen-
tury of our era. During this period, the written
character of the text (as well as the text itself) was
settled as at present, and likewise, to a great ex-
tent, the reading and divisions of the text. During
this period, the groundwork of very much con-
tained in the subsequent Maaora was laid, but as
yet only in an unwritten, traditional shape. The
old character gave way to the square, or Assyrian
character — not at once and by the authority of
Earn, bat (as has been proved with much clearness)
by gradual transitions.* The square character is,
de m o ns trably, not an exact copy of any existing
Aramaic style, but grew by degrees out of the
c a rrier one, although gruatly modified by Aramaic
influence. No exact date can be assigned to the
actual change, which probably was very gradual;
but that the new character had become generally
adopted by the first century of our era, may be
inferred from the Gospels (Matt. v. 18). It is,
moreover, alluded to in the Mlshna as the Assyrian
character, and by Origen as settled by long usage,
■ A copy of It Is given In turst, Jjhrgtb. p. 28,
» lssvMson, BMie. Otiicum, I. SB ; Hoffmann,
Cftaman. Striata, f 8, 1-8 ; and lUxst, Ukrg. L {{
and was obviously well-known to Jerome and the
Talmudista. The latter writers, aided powerfully
by the ceremonious (not to say superstition*) tons
engendered among the Jews by the fall of Jeru-
salem, secured the exclusive use of its square char-
acter for sacred purposes. All that external cars
and scrupulous veneration could accomplish for the
exact transmission of the received text, in the con-
secrated character, was secured. It is true that
much of a secondary, much of an erroneous kind
was included among the objects of this devout ven-
eration; but in the absence of sound principles of
criticism, not only in those early, but many sub-
sequent generations, this is the less to be deplored.
The character called Rabbinic is best described as
an attempt at Hebrew cursive writing.
The history of the characters ordinarily used in
the Syriac (or Western) branch of the Aramaic
family, is blended with that of those used in Juda-a.
Like the square characters, they were derived from
the old Phoenician, but passed through some inter-
mediate stages. The first variety is that known
by the name of Eatrangelo — a heavy, cumbrous
character, said to be derived from the Greek adj.
orpoyyikost but more probably from two Arabic
words signifying the writing of the Gospel. It. is
to be found in use in the very oldest documents.
Concurrently with this, are traces of the existence
of a smaller and more cursive character, very much
resembling it The character called the " double "
(a large, hollow variety), is almost identical. There
are also other varieties, slightly differing — the
Nestorian for example — but that in ordinary use
is the Peshito = simple (or lineal according to
some). Its origin is somewhat uncertain, but
probably may be assigned to the 7th century of
our era. It is a modification of the Eatrangelo,
sloped for writing, and in some measure altered
by use. This variety of written characters in the
Aramaic family is probably attributable to the fact,
that literature was more extensively cultivated
among them than among kindred tribes. Although
not spared to us, an extensive literature probably
existed among them anterior to the Christian era;
and subsequently for a long period they were the
sole iniparters of knowledge and learning to West-
ern Asia.
The history of the Arabic language has another
peculiar feature, beyond its excessive purism, which
has been alluded to, at first sight, so singular
among the dwellers in the desert. Until a com ■
paratirely short time before the days of Moham-
med, the art of writing appears to have been practi-
cally unknown. For the Himyarites guarded with
jealous care their own peculiar character — the
"musnad," or elevated ; d in itself unfitted for
general use. Possibly different tribes might hare
possessed approaches to written characters; but
about the beginning of the 7th century, the heavy,
cumbrous Cufic character (so called from Cufa, the
city where it was most early used) appears to have
been generally adopted. It was said to have been in-
vented by Muramar Ibn-Murrat, a native of Baby-
lonian Irak. But the shapes and arrangement of
the letters indicate their derivation from the Ea-
trangelo; and the name assigned to their intro-
ducer — containing the title ordinarily borne by
e Ltrrtr, In Hersog, xlv. 12.
d Another etymology of this word Is gta
■lo*! JkJUwX, to*" JuUv, "Iadla."
ilrrUi
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2986
SHEMimc LANGUAGES AND WHJTIHG
Syrian ecclesiastics — is alio indicative of their
raid origin. But it ii now only to be found in
the document* of the early ages of Islamiam.
The well-known division of " the people of the
book " s Christians, who were educated, and " the
common people " who could not read = the trlbea
round Mecca, and the summary way in which an
authoritative text of the Koran was established
(in the Caliphate of Othman), alike indicate a very
rude state of society. It i* generally asserted that
Mohammed was unable to write: and this would at
first sight appear to be borne out by his description
of himself as an illiterate prophet. Modem writers,
however, generally are averse to a literal interpre-
tation of these and kindred statements. In any
ease, about the 10th century (the fourth of the
Hcglm), a smaller and more flowing character, the
Kucki, was introduced by Ibn Moklah, which,
with considerable alterations and improvement*, is
that ordinarily in present use.'
30. As in the Hebrew and Aramaic branches, so
in the Arab branch of the Sheniitic family, virion*
causes rendered desirable the introduction of dia-
critical signs and vowel points, which took place
toward the close of the 7th century of our era —
not however without considerable opposition at the
outset, from Shemitic dislike of innovation, and
addition to the roll of instruction already complete
in itself. But the system obtained general recogni-
tion after some modifications in deference to popular
opinion, though not carried out with the fullness of
the Masoretes.<<
Ewald, with great probability, assumes the ex-
istence and adoption of certain attempts at vowel
marks at a very early period, and is inclined to
livide their history into three stages.
At first a simple mark or stroke, like the dia-
aritioal line in the Samaritan MSS-, was adopted
to mark unusual significations, as ~Q1, a " peati-
«," as distinguished from "Dl, " to speak,"
or » a word." A further and more advanced stage,
like the diacritical points of the Aramaic, was the
employment (in order to express generally the dif-
ference of sounds) of a point above the line to ex-
press sounds of a high kind, like a and o — one
below for feebler and lower ones like i and e — and
a third in the centre of the letters for those of
a harsher kind, as distinguished from the other
two.'
Originally, the number of vowel toundt among
the Shemitic races (as distinguished from meet
poinii) was only three, and apparently used in com-
bination with the consonants. Origen and Jerome
were alike ignorant of vowel points, in the ordinary
acceptation. Many readings in the LXX. indicate
je want of some such system — a want to which
some directions in the Talmud are said to refer.
But until a .later period, a regular system of punc-
tuation remained unknown; and the number of
vowel sound* .limited. The case is thus put by
Walton. "The modern points were not either
from Adam, or affixed by Moses, or the Prophets
that were before the Captivity, nor after the Captiv-
ity, devised either by Ezra, or by any other before
the completing of the Talmud, but after five hun-
dred years after Christ, invented by some learned
■ A much earlier existence is claimed for this char-
acter by Fonter, Om Pnm. Lout. 1. 167.
» Feeocke, Mmlfada, ed. White ; Walton, PnU. Jk
lima* irarVt*,' Laynr, Htnog, xiv. IS.
Jews for the help of those wbu woe bnnntnt of tin
Hebrew tongue." "We neither affirm that the
vowel* and accents were invented by the Masoretet,
bat that the Hebrew tongue did always consist of
vowels and consonants. Alepb, Van, and Yod wen
the vowels before the points were invented, as thej
were also in the Syria*, Arabic, and other Easttn
tongues." *
We win add one more quotation from the sami
author with reference to the alleged uncertainty
introduced into the rendering of the text, by an]
doubts on the antiquity of the system of rowel-
point*, a question which divided the scholars of hb
day. " The Samaritan Peutateuch, Chaldean Para-
phrase of the Pentateuch and Prophets, and the
Syriac translation of the Bible, continued above a
thousand years before they were pointed." " That
the true reading might be preserved above a tbcu-
sand years, is not against all reason, since we set
the same done in the Samaritan, Syriac, and Chat-
dee, for a longer time; and the same may be said
of the Arabic, though not for so long a time after
the Alcoran was written." •
31. The reverence of the Jews for their aaerei
writings would have been outraged by any at
tempt* to Introduce an authoritative system of in-
terpretation at variance with existing one*. T*
reduce the reading of the Scripture* to autborita
tive and intelligible uniformity was the object of
the Maaoretes, by means of a system of vowels and
accents.
What would have suggested itself to scholars,
not of Shemitic origin, was at utter variance with
Hebrew notions, which looked upon the established
written characters as sacred. So other plan was
possible than the addition of different external
mark*. And, in feet, this plan was adopted by
the three great divisions of the Shemitic family;
probably being copied to a certain extent by tin
Hebrew and Arabic branches from the Syriac,
among whom there existed school* of some repute
during the first centuries of our en. Of the names
of the inventors, or the exact time of their intro-
duction, nothing can be stated with certainty.
Their use probably began about tli sixth century,
and appears to have been completed about the
tenth. The system ha* been carried out with far
greater minuteness in the Hebrew, than in the two
sister dialects. The Arabic grammarians did not
proceed beyond three signs for o, «, u ; the Syiac
added t and o, which they represented by figures
borrowed from the Greek alphabet, not very much
altered. In both these case* all the vowel* are,
strictly speaking, to be considered as short; while
the Hebrew has five long as well as five short, and
a half-rowel, and other auxiliary signs. Con-
nected with this is the system of accents, which if
involved in the same obscurity of origin. But it
bears rather on the relation of words and the mem-
bers of sentences, than on the construction of indi-
vidual words.
The chief agents in this laborious and peculiar
undertaking were the compiler* of the Mason, a*
it is called = " tradition," as distinguished fron:
the word to be read. As the Talmud ha* Us
province of interpreting legal distinctions and regu-
lations, under the sanction of the sacred text, and
e Swald, Qrommatik (1886), p. 81
d Walton, Qmtidrrator Cbmidtrtd, tt. 1
• Walton, Md. 222, 508.
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8HEMITI0 LANGUAGES AND WRITING
2937
me Kabbah iti peculiar function of dealing with
theological and esoteric tradition, ao the object of
lot Mason (TTVDty " tradition ") and ita com-
pilera the Msaoretes (or iTTlD^ "* vj}, " masters
of tradition") wai to deal critically, grammat-
ically, and lexically with a vaat amount of tradition
bearing on the text of Scripture, and to reduce this
to a consistent form. Little is known with accu-
racy of the authors, or the growth of this remark-
able collection. Tradition assigns the commence-
ment (as usual) to Ears and the great aynagogue;
but other authorities, Jewish and Christian, to
the learned members of the school of Tiberias,
about the beginning of the sixth century. Theae
learned collections, comprising some very early
fragments, were probably in progress until the
eleventh century, and are divided into a greater
and less Mason, the second a compendium of the
former. " The maatera of the Mason," in the well-
known quotation of Eliaa Lenta, " were innumer-
able, and followed each other in successive genera-
tions for many years; nor la the beginning of them
known to us, nor the end thereof." Walton, who
was by no means blind to its deficiencies, has left
en record a very just judgment on the real merits
of the Mason.* It is in truth a very striking and
meritorious instance of the devotion of the Jewish
mind to the text of Scripture — of the earnest-
ness of its authors to add the only proof in their
power of their seal for ita preservation and eluci-
tS. A comparison of the Sbemitio languages, as
known to us, presents them as very unevenly de-
veloped. In their present form the Arabic is un-
doubtedly the richest: but it would bare baeu
rivaled by the Hebrew had a career been vouch-
safed equally long and favorable to this latter.
The cramping and perverting conditions of it
labors depressed the Rabbinic dialect (child of
the old age of the Hebrew) into bewildering con-
fusion in many instances, but there are many
valuable signs of life about it. Ancient He-
brew, as has been truly said, possesses in the
bud almost all the mechanisms which constitute
the riches of the Arabic. In the preface to bis
great work (Ltkrgebaude, p. vii.) Gesenius has
pointed out various instances, which will repay the
labor of comparison. It is true that to the Ara-
maic has been extended a longer duration than to
the Hebrew; but for various causes its inferiority
is remarkable, as regards its poverty — lexical and
grammatical — its want of harmony and flexibility,
and the consequent necessary frequency of peri-
phrases and particles in aid.
A brief comparison of some leading grammatical
and syntactical peculiarities, in the three main dia-
lects of the Shemitic family, will not be out of
place at the end of this sketch. To scholars it will
necessarily appear meagre: but, brief as it is, it
may not be without interest to the general reader.
The root-forms with the consonants and vowels
have been already considered.
Conjugationt or their Equivalent Verb-forme. —
The following is the tabulated form given by EwaM
for the ordinary Hebrew verb: —
1. (Simple form) Kal.
(Toms extremely augmented)
2. (Oausstiva fbrm'
&pha. w.
Passive Haphai.
8. (Beflexive fbrm)
AtbAs!.
4. (Intensive form)
PuL w.
6. (Baflexvre and Intensive form)
Hitkpad.
In the Aramaic the first, third, sod fourth of
then appear, with another (= Hithpael), all with
pas sives , marked by a syllable prefixed. In the
Arabic the verb-forms, at the lowest computation,
are nine, but are ordinarily reckoned at thirteen,
and sometimes fifteen. Of these, the ninth and
eleventh forms sre comparatively rare, and serve
to express colon and defects. As may be seen
from the table given, the third and fourth forms in
Hebrew stone have passives.
EquualenU to Conjunctive Moods, etc — One
ef the most remarkable features of the Arabic lan-
guage is what la ordinarily described as the " futu-
rmn figurstum." As in almost all Shemitic gnm-
■tsn imperfect is now substituted for future, this
may be explained by stating that in Arabic there
are four forms of the imperfect, strongly marked,
Vy which the absence of moods is almost compen-
sated. The germs of this mechanism are to be
band fat the common imperfect, the jussive, and
lbs eohortative of the Hebrew, but not in the
AramaVi. Again, a curious conditional and eub-
anethvj usage (at first sight almost amounting to
a Aai.vtH.1T.
» Arnold, In Hereof, Ix. $. *. ; Lsrrst, In Henog,
SIT. I*.
an inversion) applied to the perfect and Imperfect
tenses by the addition of a portion, or the whole,
of the substantive verb is to be found in both
Hebrew and Anbic, although very differently de-
veloped.
Noma. — The dual number, very uncommon in
the Syriac, is less so in Hebrew, chiefly limited,
however, to really dual nouns, while in the Arabic
its usage may be described as general What is
called fiie " status emphaticus," t\ e. the rendering
a word definite by appending the article, is found
constantly recurring in the Aramaic (at some loss
to clearness in the singular). This usage brings to
mind the addition of the definite article as a post-
positive in Swedish — tkib, ship; tkibel, the ship.
In the Anbic it is lost in the inflections of cases,
while in the Hebrew it may be considered as un-
important. As regards nouns of abstraction, also,
the Aramaic is fuller than the Hebrew; but in this
last particular, as in the whole family of nouns,
the Arabic is rich to excess. It is in this last only
that we find not only a regular system of cases,
ati of comparison, but especially the numerous
plural formations called broken or internal, which
form so singular a part of the language. As re-
gards their meaning, the broken plurals sre totally
different from the resrilar (or, aa they are teehnl-
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2988 8HEMTTI0 LANGUAGES
oelly called, sound) plunk — the latter denoting
several individuals of a genus, the former a number
of individuals viewed collectively, the idea of indi-
viduality being wholly suppr ess ed. Broken plurals
accordingly are singulars with a collective meaning,
and are closely akin to abstract nouns."
33. To the scholar, as before remarked, this re-
capitulation of some leading peculiarities may ap-
pear unnecessary, while to those unacquainted with
the Shemitic languages, it is feared, these instances
must unavoidably appear like fragments or speci-
mens, possibly new and peculiar, but conveying no
very definite instruction. But in any case some of
the chief grammatical features of the family have
been enumerated — all, moreover, illustrative of the
internal, self-contained type so peculiarly Shemitic.
In this respect, as with its formal, so with its syn-
tactical peculiarities. Of one fertile parent of new
words in the Japhetian language-family, — the
power of creating compound words, — the Shemitic
is destitute. Different meanings are, it is true,
expressed by different primitives, but these stand
necessarily divided by impassable barriers from
each other; and we look in vain for the shades and
gradations of mesning in a word in the Shemitic
languages which gives such copiousness and charm
to the sister-family. It is so with regard to the
whole range of privative and negative words. The
prefixes of the other family, in conjunction with
nouns, give far more life and clearness than do the
collective verbals of the Shemitic. Even the preg-
nant and curiously jointed verb-forms, spreading
out from the sharply defined root, with pronominal
adjuncts of obvious meaning, and the aid of a deli-
cate vowel-system, have an artificial appearance.
The Japhetian, whose spiritual fullness would prob-
ably never have reached him, but that its sub-
stance was long preserved in these very forms, will
gratefully acknowledge the wisdom of that Al-
mighty Being who framed for the preservation of
the knowledge of Himself — the One True God —
so fitting a cradle as the language of the Old Tes-
tament. Of other families, the Japhetian was not
ripe for such a trust. Of those allied with the
Shemitic, the Aramaic was too coarse and indefi-
nite, however widely and early spread, or useful at
a later period as a means of extension and explana-
tion, and (as has been before observed) the Arabic
in its origin was essentially of the earth, earthy.
The Japhetian cannot then but recognize the wis-
dom, cannot but thank the goodness of God, in
thus giving and preserving his lessons concerning
Himself in a form so fitting and so removed from
treachery. He will do all this, but he will see at
the same time in his own languages, so flexible, so
varied, so logical, drawing man out of himself to
bind him to his neighbor, means far more likely to
spread the treasures of the holy language than
even its general adoption. It is Humboldt who
has said, in reference to the wonderful mechanism
discernible in the consonant and vowel systems
sf the Shemitic languages — that, admitting all
Ibis, there is more energy and weight, more
truth to nature, when the elements of language
■an be recognized independently and in order, than
when fused in such a combination, however re-
markable.
And from this rigid, self-contained character the
8HENIR
Shemitic language-family finds difficulty in depart-
ing. The more recent Syriac has added various
auxiliary forma, and repeated pronouns, to the
characteristic words by which the meaning is
chiefly conveyed. But the general effect is cum-
brous and confused, and brings to mind some fea-
tures of the ordinary Welsh version of the Epis-
tles. In Arabic, again, certain prefixes are found,
to be added for the sake of giving definiteness to
portions of the verb, and prepositions more fre-
quently employed. But the character of the Ian
guage remains unaltered — the additions stand out
as something distinct from the original elements of
the sentence.
In what consists the most marked point of dif-
ference between the Indo-European family of .an
guages and the Shemitic family as known to us?
The first has lived two lives, as it were: in Hi case
a period of synthesis and complexity has been suc-
ceeded by another of analysis and decomposition.
The second family has been developed (if the word
may be used) in one way only. No other instance
of a language-family can probably be found cast in
a mould equally unalterable. Compared with the
living branches of the Indo-European family, those
of the Shemitic may be almost designated as in-
organic: they have not vegetated, have not grown;
they have simply existed.* T. J. O.
SHEMTJ'EL (bfeTOtt? [= Samoei, which
see] : 2aAapiv)A ■' Samuel). 1. Son of Ammihnd,
appointed from the tribe of Simeon to divide
the land of Canaan among the tribes (Num.
xxxiv. 20).
2. (2afiovi\.) Samuel the prophet (1 Chr.
vi. 33).
3. [Vat Io-auovr/A..] Son of Tola, and one
of the chiefs of the tribe of Issachar (1 Chr.
vii. 2).
SHEN (?»n, with the def. article [the toot).] :
Tijs toAoioj: Ben). A place mentioned only in
1 Sam. vii. 12, defining the spot at which Samuel
set up the stone Eben-eaer to commemorate the
rout of the Philistines. The pursuit had extended
to •' below Beth-car," and the stone was erected
••between the Hispah and between the Shan."
Nothing is known of it. The Targum has Skana.
The Peahito-Syriae and Arabic Versions render
both Beth-car and Shen by Beit-Jata*, but the
writer has not succeeded in identifying the name
with any place in the lists of Dr. Robinson (1st ed.
App. to vol. lit.). The LXX. read ]$*, «d**dn,
old. G.
SHBNA'ZAR (">?£?# [fiery tooth, Gee.]:
2a«>«trd/>; [Comp. ZarafdpO Semttter). Son of
Salathiel, or Shealtiel (1 Chr. til. 18). According
to the Vulgate he is reckoned as a son of Jeeha-
niah.
BHETIIR ("1 , 3^, i «. Senlr [cool o/ maX\ :
Sam. Vers. 7"T3Stt7D : [Rom. Xarlp; Vat Alex.]
Sumo; [Sin. in Cant., 3Uvi«p:] Sanir). This
name occurs in DeuL iii. 9, Cant iv. 8. It is an
inaccurate equivalent for the Hebrew Senlr, the
Amorite name for Mount Hermon, and, like Shih.
man (for Sibmah), has found its way into the An
Wright's Arabic Grammar, part I. p. 189. " Oette
de la gnmmairs Arab* est eaUe on U regna to
d'ertitnlre, at oa lea regies generates soot sa
jettee a un plus grand nombre a'exeepttans." Ds I
1. 279 (ed. 1810).
Kenan, 1. 428, 424.
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SHKOL
Vtnloo without any apparent authority.
Ia* comet form ia found in 1 Chr. t. S3 and Es.
btH. ». [Soul] 6.
• SECbTOL. [Dkad, Tjuc- Hell; Pit.]
•SHEOL, BANDS OF [Sharks or
Death, Amer. ed.]
SHBTHAM (OBt{J: lnrtpapApi" [Comp.
Aid. irrpofiA-] Sephama). A place mentioned
inly in the specification by Motet of the eastern
boundary of tbe Promised Land (Nam. xxxiv. 10,
IV„ the 8nt bind mark from Hatser-enan, at which
the northern boundary terminated, and lying be-
teeen it and Uiblah. The ancient interpreters
(Tug. Peendojon. ; Saadiah) render the name by
Apuneta; * but it seems uncertain whether by thia
they intend the Greek city of that name on the
Orates, 60 miles below Antioch, or whether they
am it at a synonym of Baniai or Dan, as Schwara
■firms {Drier. o'eogr. p. 27). No trace of the
bum appears, however, in that direction. Mr.
Farter would Ax Hatser-enan at Kvryettin, 70
miles E. N. E. of Damascus, which would remove
Sbepham into a totally different region, in which
there it equally little trace of it. The writer ven-
taras » disagree with this and similar attempts to
toarte the bounds of the Holy Laud to aii extent
for which, in his opinion, there it no warrant in
Scfiptuicw G.
SHKPHATHTAH (rnpgtfj [Jetocah
jmlgts, or it judge]: Soctorla: haphatin). A
Beojsmite, father of Meshullam 6 (1 Chr. Ix. 8).
Tbe name ia properly Shkfhatiah [at in A. V.
si. 1611].
SHEPHATI'AH (!"np5tJ7 [at above] : Sa-
faris; [Vat. SavSarcia;] Alex. HafaSta, icupa-
tmt- Saphathiu, Snphittiiit). L The fifth son of
Dsrid by hit wile Abital (2 Sam. lii. 4; 1 Chr.
«.»)•
3. (Xatptrrfa; [in Ear. il. 4, Vat. Atrmp; viii.
* Issjinuin'] Stpkntia, Siiphat'm.) The &mily
of Shephatiah, 872 in number, returned with Ze-
nbbabel (Ear. ii. 4; Neh. rii. 9). A second de-
tachment of eighty, with Zebadiah at their head,
bum up with Ear* (Ear. viii. 8). The name it
mitten Safhat (1 Etdr. v. 9), and Saphatias
(1 Etdr. viii. 94).
3. ([In Ear. ii. 57, Vat Saafcrrtia:] Saphatin.)
The family of another Shephatiah were among the
children of Solomon'! servants, wbo came up with
Zerobbabel (Ear. ii. 67; Neh. vii. 69).
4- A descendant of Peres, or Pharez, the son
if Judas, and ancestor of Athaiah (Neh. xi. 4).
o. (la+arlas'- Saphatitu.) The ton of Mat-
tes; one of the princes of Judsh who counselled
Zedcajah to put Jeremiah in the dungeon (Jer.
nxviil 1).
6. prrjt?9^: Zapon-for; [Vat] Alex, la-
•wm; FA. Itupartm-- Saphatia.) The Haruph-
•a. or Hariphite, one of the Benjamite warrion
•ho joined David in his retreat at Ziklag (1 Chr.
nit).
7. ilMpartas: Bnphatiat.) Son of Haaehah,
lad chief of tbe Simeonitee in the reign of Javid
Chr. xxvii. 18).
SHEPHERD
2989
8. (Xaiparlaj; [Vat. ^cupartuu . A Alex. Sat
(parias) Son of Jehoahaphet (2 Chr. xxi. 2).
SHEPHERD (n^T ; ~l t 2 V l2X, Am. viL 14
"T|23j Am. LI). In a nomadic state of society
every man, from the sheikh down to the slave, it
more or lest s shepherd. As many regions in the
East are adapted solely to pastoral purtuitt, tbe in-
stitution of the nomad life, with its sppliaucea of
tents and camp equipage, was regarded at one of
the most memorable inventions (Gen. iv. 20). Tbe
progenitors of the Jewt in the patriarchal age were
nomads, and their hittory it rich in scenes of pas-
toral life. The occupation of tending the flocks
waa undertaken, not only by the tout of wealthy
chiefs (Gen. xxx. 29 ff., xxxvii. 12 if.), but even by
their daughters (Gen. xxlx. 6 ft j Ex. ii. 19). Tbe
Egyptian captivity did much to implant a love of
settled abode, and consequently we find the tribes
which still retained a taste for shepherd life select-
ing their own quarters apart from their brethren
in the Transjordanic district (Num. xxxii. 1 ff.).
Henceforward in Palestine Proper the shepherd
held a subordinate position ; the increase of agri-
culture involved the decrease of pasturage; and
though large flocks were still maintained in certain
parts, particularly on the borders of the wilderness
of Judah, at about Carmel (1 Sam. xxv. 2), Beth-
lehem (1 Sam. xvi. 11; Luke ii. 8), Tekoab (Am.
i. 1), and more to the south, at Gedor (1 Chr. iv.
39), the nomad life waa practically extinct, and the
shepherd became one out of many classes of the la-
boring population. The completeness of the tran-
sition from tbe pastoral to the agricultural state it
strongly exhibited in those passages which allude
to the presence of the shepherd's tent as a token
of desolation (e. y. Kz. xxv. 4; Zepb. ii. 6). Tin
humble position of the shepherd at the same period
is implied hi tbe notices of David's wondrous ele-
vation (2 Sam. rii. 8; Pi. lxxviii. 70), and again
in the sell-depreciating confession of Amos (vii.
14). The frequent and beautiful allusions to the
shepherd's office in the poetical portions of tbe
Bible («. g. Ps. xxiii.; It. xl. 11, xlix. 9, 10; Jer.
xxiii. 3, 4; Es. xxxiv. 11, 12, 23) rather bespeak
a period when the shepherd had become an ideal
character, such as the Koman poets painted the pat-
tors of Arcadia.
Tbe office of the eastern shepherd, as described
in the Bible, was attended with much hardship,
and even danger. He was exposed to tbe extremes
of heat and cold (Gen. xxxi. 40); hit food fre-
quently consisted of the precarious supplies afforded
by nature, such as the fruit of the " syconiore," or
Egyptian fig (Am. vii. 14), the " husks " of the
carob-tree (Luke xv. 16), and perchance the locusts
and wild honey which supported the Baptist (Matt,
iii. 4) j he had to encounter the attacks of wild
beasts, occasionally of the larger species, such as
lions, wolves, panthers, and bears (1 Sam. xvii. 34 ;
It. xxxi. 4; Jer. v. 6; Am. iii. 12) ; nor was he
free from the risk of robbers or predatory hordes
(Gen. xxxi. 39). To meet these various foes the
shepherd's equipment consisted of the following
articles: a niau&e, made probably of sbeep't-skin
with the fleece on, which he turned inside out in
cold weather, at in plied in tbe comparison in Jer.
•iBStrattbesodoftbs hXX. varawn of the
tarns Is BBftlv doe to the ah (particle of motion) watch
b tstass to it in to* original of ver. 10, and partly
Barrel (ran th* commraoHDcnt of Hiblah, which al-
lows it tat vsr. 11 and which t sy have given withoast
Iter, as BqAo.
» n^&pgl: Jtuclj: Sam. Vtrt iTD99.
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2990 SHEPHERD
xBU. 19 (cf. Jut. xiv. 187) ; a scrip or wallet, con-
tuning a mull amount of food (1 Sam. xvii. 40 ;
Porter's Damaieut, il. 100); a sling, which is still
the favorite weapon of the Bedouin shepherd (1
Sam. xrii. 40; Burekhardt's Abies, i. 67); and,
lastly, a staff; which served the double purpose of a
weapon against foes, and a crook for the manage-
ment of the flock (1 Sam. xvii. 40; Ps. xxiii. 4;
Zech. xi. 7). If the shepherd was at a distance
from his home, he was provided with a light tent
(Cant i. 8; Jer. xxxv. 7), the removal of which
was easily effected (Is. xxxviii. 12). In certain
localities, moreover, towers were erected for the
double purpose of spying an enemy at a distance,
and protecting the flock : such towers were erected
by Uzziah and Jotham (2 Chr. xxvi. 10, xxvii. 4),
while their existence in earlier times is testified by
the name Migdal-Eder (Gen. xxxv. 21, A. V. " tower
of Edar; " Mic. iv. 8, A. V. <• tower of the flock ").
The routine of the shepherd's duties appears to
hare been as follows : in the morning he led forth
hi* Sock from the fold (John x. 4), which he did
by going before them and calling to them, as is
still usual in the East; arrived at the pasturage, he
watched the flock with the assistance of dogs (Job
xxx. 1), and, should any sheep stray, he had to
search for it until he found it (Ex. xxxir. 12; Luke
xv. 4); he supplied them with water, either at a
running stream or at troughs attached to wells
(Gen. xxix. 7, xxx. 38; Ex. ii. 16; Ps. xxiii. 2);
at evening he brought them back to the fold, and
reckoned them to see that none were missing, by
passing them " under the rod " as they entered the
door of the inchwure (Lev. xxvii. 32; Ex. xx. 37),
checking each sheep as it passed, by a motion of
the hand (Jer. xxxiii. 13); and, finally, he watched
the entrance of the fold throughout the night, act-
ing as porter (John x. 3). We need not assume
that the same person was on duty both by night
and by day; Jacob, indeed, asserts this of himself
(Gen. xxxi. 40), but it would be more probable
that the shepherds took it by turns, or that they
kept watch for a portion only of the night, as may
possibly be implied in the expression in Luke ii. 8,
rendered in the A. V. " keeping watch," rather
" keeping the watches *' (<pv\cur<rorres ttWXiucdt).
The shepherd's office thus required great watchful-
ness, particularly by night (Luke ii. 8; cf. Nah.
Hi. 18). It also required tenderness towards the
young and feeble (Is. xl. 11), particularly in driv-
ing them to and from the pasturage (Gen. xxxiii.
18). In large establishments there were various
grades of shepherds, the highest being styled
" rulers " (Gen. xlvii. 6), or " chief shepherds "
(1 Pet. v. 4) : in a royal household the title of ab-
Kr," " mighty," was bestowed on the person who
held the post (1 Sam. xxi. 7). Great responsibility
attached to the office; for the chief shepherd bad
to make good all losses (Gen. xxxi. 39); at the
same time he had a personal interest in the flock,
Inasmuch as he was not paid in money, but re-
ceived a certain amount of the produce (Gen. xxx.
82; 1 Cor. ix. 7). The life of the shepherd was a
monotonous one; he may perhaps have wiled away
an hour in playing on some instrument (1 Sam.
xvi. 18; Job xxi. 12, xxx. 31), as his modern rep-
resentative still occasionally does (Wortabet's Syiia,
. 284). He also had his periodical entertainments
at to* shearing time, which was celebrated by a
■T«L
bHEREBIAH
general gathering of the neighborhood for festiv-
ities (Gen. xxxi. 19, xxxviii. 12; 2 Sam. xiii. 23)
but, generally speaking, the life must have beet
but dull. Nor did it conduce to gentleness of man-
ners; rival shepherds contended for the possession
or the use of water with great acrimony (Geo. xxi.
25, xxvi. 20 ff.; Ex. ii. 17); nor perhaps is this a
matter of surprise, as those who come late to a well
frequently have to wait a long time until their turn
comes (Burekhardt's Syria, p. 63).
The hatred of the Egyptians towards shepherds
(Gen. xlvi. 34) may have been mainly due to then-
contempt for the sheep itself, which appears to bare
been valued neither for food (Plutarch, Dt I*. 721,
nor generally for sacrifice (Herod, il. 42), the only
district where they were offered being about tks
Natron lakes (Strab. xvii. p. 803). It may have
been increased by the memory of the Shepherd in-
vasion (Herod, ii. 128). Abundant confirmation
of the fact of this hatred is supplied by the low
position which all herdsmen held in the castes of
Egypt, and by the caricatures of them in Egyptian
paintings (Wilkinson, ii. 169).
The term '• shepherd " is applied in a metaphor-
ical sense to princes (Is. xliv. 28 ; Jer. ii. 8, ill. 16,
xxii. 22; Ex. xxxi v. 2, Ac.), prophets (Zech. xi. 6,
8, 16), teachers (Eccl. xii. 11), and to Jehovah
himself (Gen. xlix. 24; Ps. xxiii. 1, lxxx. 1): to
the same effect are the references to " feeding " in
Gen. xlviii. 15; Ps. xxviii. 9; Hos. iv. 16.
W. L.B.
• SHEPHERDS, TOWER OP (Gen.
xxxv. 21). [David, voL i. p. 653 a.]
SHETHI ( StP [a naktd hill, Gem.]: l*+i,
Alex, iuipap- Srphl). Son of Sbobal, of the sons
of Sen- (1 Chr. i. 40). Called also Shhpho (Gen.
xxxvi. 23); which Burrington concludes to be the
true reading (GtneaL i. 49).
SHE'PHO ('iSQ? [tmooihneu] : Impif. St.
pho). The same as 'Shkfhi (Gen. xxxvi. 23).
SHEPHUTHAN O^StS [seryent]: j*
tpowpifi; Alex. Zoxpay'- Sephvpian). One of the
sons of Bela the firstborn of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii.
5). His name is also written Shkphupham (A.
V. " Shupham," Num. xxvi- 89), Shuppim (1 Chr.
vii. 12, 15), and Mupfim (Gen. xlvi. 21). Lord
A. Hervey conjectures that Shephuphan may have
been a son of Benjamin, whose family was reckoned
with those of Iri the son of Beta. [Mufpim.]
SHE'RAH (nTglT, i. «■ /SAefrdA [tm-
womm]: %apad; Alex. Xaapa: Bora). Daugh-
ter of Ephraim (1 Chr. vil. 24), and foundress of
the two Beth-horons, and of « town which waa
called after her Uzzen-Shrrah.
• SHERD. [Potsherd; Pottkbt.]
SHEREBI'AH (n^B? [teal of JtkotaJk,
Ges.] : Sopofo, Ear. viii. 24; Sapafli'w, Neh. vffl.
7, ix. 4; 2«>aj8(a, Neh. x. 19, xli. 8, 24; Alex.
iapafita, Neh. viii. 7; 2apa/8aZa, Neh. ix. 4:
Snrabiut, Ear.; Serebia, Neh. viii. 7, x. 12, xi!.
24; Sartbias, Neh. ix. 4; SorMa, Neb. xii. 8).
A Levite in the time of Ezra, of the family of Hahli
the son of Merari (Ezr. viii. 18, 24). He was one
of the first of the ministers of the Temple to jom
Ezra at the river of Ahava, and with Hashabiab
and ten of their brethren » had the charge of the
• They am called « priests ;" but the arm ■ aess
loosely, as mJosh.nl. 8.
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SHERESH
I jnd gifts which the king and hi* court, and
the people of Israel had contributed for the service
tf the Temple. When Ezra read the Law to the
people. SherebUh was among the Levites who as-
dated him (Neh. nil. 7). He took part in the
psalm of confession and thanksgiving which was
sung at the solemn fast after the Feast of Taber-
nacles (Neh. ix. 4, 6), and signed the covenant
with Nehemiah (Neh. z. 18). He is again men-
tioned as among the chief of the Levites who be-
longed u> the choir (Neh. xii. 8, 34). In 1 Esdr.
viii. 64 ne is called Esebbias.
SHERESH (ttHttf in pause [root] i SoDoot;
Alex. Sopor: Sara). Son of Maohir the son of
Uanasaeh by his wife Maachah (1 Chr. vii. 16).
SHERE'ZER (" 1 ?S<"??J [=,Shabkzeb] :
iafwrio- &inuor). Properly " Sharezer; " one
of the owuongers sent in the fourth year of Darius
by the pecflr who had returned from the Captivity
to inquire concerning fasting in the fifth month
(Zech. vu. 2). [See Rkgkxxblbch.]
• SHERIFFS On^n) only in Dan. Hi. 2,
3, enumerated among the high officers of state
at Babylon. Their exact province is unknown.
The etymology (see Flint, $. v.) a too obscure to
decide their position or duties. According to the
English designation they may have been an order
rf judges, as " sheriff" has sometimes that mean-
ing. They are more commonly supposed to have
been lawyers or jurists who acted as the king's ad-
visers, or the state councillors, and as suoh held a
high position under the government. Gesenius
(Btbr. «. Chald. Lex. s. v.) compares them with
the Mufti, the head doctors of the law in the
Turkish empire. De Wette translates the title
ReckUgtlekrttn, and H. A. Perret-Gentil let jurit-
amniita. H.
SHE'SHACH OH???? [see below] : [Comp.
J^<r<fr, 3«rdjr:] Bemeh) is a term which occurs
only lo Jeremiah (xxv. 26, li. 41), who evidently
uses it as a synonym either for Babylon or for Bab-
ylonia. Aooording to some commentators, it rep-
resents " Babel " on a principle well known to the
later Jews — the substitution of letters aooording
to their position in the alphabet, counting back-
wardM from the last letter, for those which hold the
same numerical position, counting in the ordinary
way. Thus H represents H, 07 represents 2, ~l
represents 3, and so on. It is the fact that in this
way T|tt7tt7 would represent v23- It may well
be doubted, however, if this fanciful practice is as
aid as Jeremiah. At any rate, this explanation
doss not seem to be so satisfactory as to make any
other superfluous. Now Sir H. Rawlinson has ob-
served that the name of the moon-god, which was
identical, or nearly so, with that of the eity of
Abraham, TJr (or Hur), •' might have been read in
me of the ancient dialects of Babylon as Shukati,"
tad that consequently "a possible explanation is
.has obtained of the Sheshach of Scripture " (Kaw-
udsoo's Herodottu, vol. I. p. 616). Sheshach may
stand for Or, Ur itself, the old capital, being taken
(am BabeL the new capital, was constantly) to rep-
jBaent the country. G. K.
SHE'SHAI [9 syt] (""tPttJ [whitith, Ges.] :
ttcri [Vat -«•«], Num. and Judg.; towri ~*t-
ra], Josh.; Alex. 3«u«, lomu, TtBBi: Sitai,
8HETHAR 2991
Num.; Sttal). One of the three sons of Anal
who dwelt in Hebron (Num. xiii. 22) and wera
driven thence and slain by Caleb at the head of the
children of Judah (Josh. xv. 14; Judg. i. 10).
SHET3HAN (WW [perh. cUg] : :WdV;
[Vat twice aorap:] Sum). A descendant of
Jerahmeel the son of Hezron, and representative ol
one of the chief families of Judah. In consequence
of the failure of male issue, he gave his daughter in
marriage to Jarha, his Egyptian slave, and through
this union the Hue was perpetuated (1 Chr. ii. ill,
34,86).
SHESHBAZ'ZAR Cl22tjJttJ [Pen., fn ■
worshipper, Ge>.] : JUurafiatrip \ [iaftavtunip :
Vat. SWWaffap, Bayatrap, iap&ayaei] Alex.
"XaaafiajiTtTap, \^Sauaa&aaaapot :] Scusabatar : of
uncertain meaning and etymology). The Chaldean
or Persian name given to Zerubbabel, in Ezr. i. 8.
11, v. 14, 16; 1 Esdr. ii. 12, IS, after the analog}
of Shadrach, Meshach, Abednego, Belteshazzar.
and Esther. In like manner also Joseph received
the name of Zaphnath-Paaneah, and we learn from
Manetbo, as quoted by Josephus (c. Apion. i. 2?/,
that Moses' Egyptian name was Osarsiph. The
change of name in the case of Jehoiakim and Zed-
ekiah (2 K. xxiii. 84, xxiv. 17) may also be com-
pared. That Sheshbazzar means Zerubbabel is
proved by his being called the prince of Judah .
(S^EPSrT), and governor (HPTS), the former term
marking him as the head of the tribe in the Jewish
sense (Num. vii. 2, 10, 11, Ac.), and the latter as
the Persian governor appointed by Cyrus, both
which Zerubbabel was ; and yet more distinctly, by
the assertion (Ezr. r. 16) that " Sheshbazzar laid
the foundation of the House of God which is in
Jerusalem," compared with the promise to Zerub-
babel (Zech. iv. 9), " The hands of Zeruboabel
have laid the foundation of this bouse, his hands
shall also finish it" It is also apparent, from the
mere comparison of Ezr. 1. 11 with ii. 1, 2, and the
whole history of the returned exiles. The Jewish
tradition that Sheshbazzar is Daniel, is utterly
without weight. [Zerubuabki,.] A. C. H.
SHETH (HttJ [see below]: 3,40: Sett).
1. The patriarch Seth (1 Chr. i. 1).
2. In the A, V. of Num. xxiv. 17, /*)&? is ren-
dered as a proper name, but there is reason to re-
gard it as an appellative, and to translate, instead of
" the sons of Sheth," << the sons of tumult," the
wild warriors of Moab, for in the parallel passage.
Jar. xlviii. 46, I'VtfJ, th&An, «« tumult," occupies
the place of thttk. HIP, thith, is thus equivalent
to riNtt?, thith, a* in Lam. iii. 47. Ewald pro-
poses, very unnecessarily, to read HW, tilh —
nHtp, and to translate " the sons of haughtiness "
{HockmuthuBhnt). Rasbi takes the word ss a
proper name, and refers it to Seth the son of Adam,
and this seems to have been the view taken by
Onkelos, who renders, " he shall rule all the sons
of men." The Jerusalem Targum gives, '■ all the -
sons of the East; " the Targum of Jonathan ben-
UzzV retains the Hebrew word Sheth, and ex-
plains it of the armies of Gog who were to wt
themselves ir, battle array against Israel.
W. A.W.
SHETHAR CHS? [Pers. o star]: 3wwa-
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2992 wrarrHJja-BozjBTAi
lustl Ala. laowteoti [FA.' Ap«c«o-aoj:] Be-
ttor: "a star," Pan.). One of the •even princes
rf Persia and Media, who had aeoeu to the king's
presence, and were the first men in the kingdom,
in the third year of Xerxet (Esth. i. 11). Compare
Ear. vii. 14 and the irrh rw Xltptrir Marmot
of Ctesiaa (14), and the statement of Herodotus
with regard to the seven noble Persians who slew
Smerdis, that it was granted to them as a privi-
lege to have access to the king's presence at all
times, without being sent for, except when he was
with the women; and that the king might only
take a wife from one of these seven families, iii. 84,
and Geaen. a. v. [Cabsheha; Esther.]
A. C. H.
SHBTHAB-BOZTJAI C3t'l2 ~IO#:
ia9aft-fiov(ewat [Vat. -ava, •*»]• Alex, -avr)i,
[avc, -a»aj:] Stharbuzimi: "star of splendor").
A Persian officer of rank, having a command in
the province " on this side the river " under Tatnai
the satrap (HrlQ), in the reign of Darius Hystaspis
(Ear. v. 8, 6, vi. 6, 13). He joined with Tatnai
and the Apharsachites in trying to obstruct the
progress of the Temple in the time of Zerubbabel,
and in writing a letter to Darius, of which a copy
is preserved in Kzr. v., in which they reported
that " the house of the great God " in Judaea was
being builded with great stones, and that the work
was going on fast, on the alleged authority of a
decree from Cyrus. They requested that search
might be made in the rolls court whether
such a decree was ever given, and asked for
the king's pleasure in the matter. The de-
cree was found at Egbatana, and a letter was
lent to Tatnai and Shethar-boznai from Da-
riua, ordering them no more to obstruct, but,
on the contrary, to aid the elders of the Jews
in rebuilding the Temple, by supplying them
both with money and with beasts, com, salt,
wine, and oil, for the sacrifices. Shethar-
boznai after the receipt of this decree offered
oo further obstruction to the Jews. The
account of the Jewish prosperity in Ezr. vi.
14-32, would indicate that the Persian gov-
ernors acted fully up to the spirit of their in-
structions from the king.
As regards the name Shethar-boznai, it
menu to be certainly Persian. The first ele-
ment of it appears as the name Shethar, one
of the seven Persian princes in Esth. i. 14.
It Is perhaps also contained in the name
Pharaa-zathres (Herod, vii. 65); and the whole name
is not unlike Sati-barzanes, a Persian in the time
of Artaxerxea Mnemon (Ctesias, 57). If the names
of the Pentan officers mentioned in the Book of
Kara could be identified in any inscriptions or
other records of the reigns of Darius, Xerxes, and
Artaxerxea, it would be of immense value in clearing
up the difficulties of that book. A. C. H.
SHE'VA (N;tp, Kerit NJo?, 9 Sam. [Sn-
raiah]: 2ovai; [Vat. Itjcouj":] Alex. I<ro«:
Sim). 1. The scribe or royal secretary of David
,2 Sam. xx. 25). He is called elsewhere Skraiah
(8 Sam. viii. 17), Shisha (1 K. iv. 3), and Shav-
uia (1 Chr. xviii. 16).
3. (Saoi5; Alex. SaoiA: Sue.) Son of Caleb
)en~Hezron by his ooncubine Maachah, and founder
or chief of Machbena and Gibea (1 Chr. U. 49).
SHEW BREAD
SHEW BREAD. (O^M DTI 1 ?, or "":
D*3Sn (Ex. xxv. 30, xxxv. 13, xxxix. 36, Ac)
literally "bread of the face" or "facea."
Ont ronson "b, d^bh nnb, -bread set
in order." 1 Chr. ix. 32, xxiiL 29, 2 Chr. xxix. 18
Neb. x. 84, j*YO~ISO. In Num. f» 7, we find
TDTin "S "the perpetual bread." In 1 Sam.
xxi. 4-6, it is called Wip "\ "holy bread." Syr.
t-»;V» OTtoAvS} )TI»«S, "bread of the
Table of the Lord." The LXX. give us eW««
Mntai, Ex. xxv. 30 ; aproi rrjt rpocifxpii , 1 KL
vii. 48. N. T.: tproi rrjt itpoSivttts, Matt. xii.
4, Luke vi. 4; ^ rpoSivis rav ifrny, Beb. ix. 2.
The Vulg. pants prxjxxitwnii. Wiclifie, "loaves of
proposition." Luther, Schavbrode ; from which
our subsequent English versions have adopted the
title Shkw-bkead.)
Within the Ark it was directed that there should
be a table of shittim-wood, i. e. acacia, two cubits
in length, a cubit in breadth, and a cubit and a
half in height, overlaid with pure gold, and hav-
ing " a golden crown to the border thereof round
about," i. e. a border, or list, in order, as we may
suppose, to hinder that which was placed an it
from by any accident falling off. The further de-
scription of this table will be found in Ex. xxv.
23-80, and a representation of it as it existed in
Table of Shew Bread (from relief on an Arab of Titu»>
the Herodian Temple forms an interesting feature
in the bas-reliefs within the Arch of Titus. The
accuracy of this may, as is obvious, be trusted.
It exhibits one striking correspondence with the
prescriptions in Exodus. We there find the foe-
lowing words: "and thou shalt make unto it a
border of a handbreadth round about." In the
sculpture of the Arch the hand of one of the siarea
who is carrying the Table, and the border, are of
about equal breadth.' This Table is itself called
D'OSn ]nb». "the Table of the Faces," in
Num. iv. 7, and "WltM! jrOtfr "the pur*
table," in Lev. xxiv. 6 ; and 2 Chr. xiii. 11. This
latter epithet is generally referred by commenta-
tors to the unalloyed gold with which so much of
it was covered. It may, however mean somewhat.
a Taking , *• *• the four Angers, wbeo closed to-
cathar, as tat measure of a handbreadth, as ws are
Instruct*! to do hr a compartsr:
J«r. 111. a.
<t I I vtlKsaa
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SHEW BREAD
ana tun this, and lieu something of the force
which it has in Malachi i. 11.
It was thought by Philo ind Clement of Alex-
andria that the table was a symbol of the world,
its four aides or legs typifying the four seasons. In
the utter absence of any Argument in their sup-
port, we may feel warranted in neglecting such fan-
ciful conjectures, without calling in the aid of
Babr'a arguments against them.
In 2 Chr. iv. 19, we have mention of " the tables
whereon the shew bread was set," and at rer. 8 we
read of Solomon making ten tables. This is prob-
ably explained by the statement of Josephus (Ant.
viii. 3, § 7), that the king made a number of tables,
and one great golden one on which they placed the
loares of God. [See Tkmplb.]
The table of the second temple was carried away
by Antiochus Epiphanea (1 Mace. i. 22), and a new
one made at the refurnishing of the sanctuary under
Judas Maccabeus (1 Mace. iv. 49). Afterwards
Ptolemy Philadelphia presented a magnificent table
(Joseph. Ant. xii. 2, §§ 8, 9).
The table stood in the sanctuary together with
the seven-branched candlestick and the altar of in-
sartse. Every Sabbath twelve newly-baked loaves
were put on it in two rows, six in each, and sprin-
kled with incense (the LXX. add tall), where they
remained till the following Sabbath. Then they
were replaced by twelve new oiks, the incense was
burned, and they were eaten by the priests in the
Holy Place, out of which they might not be re-
moved. Besides these, the Shcw-hread Table was
adorned with dishes, spoons, bowls, etc., which were
of pore gold (Ex. xxv. 29). These, however, were
manifestly subsidiary to the loaves, the preparation,
presentation, and sulisequent treatment of which
manifestly constituted the ordinance of the shew
broad , whose probable purport and significance
must now be considered.
The number of the loaves (twelve) is considered
by Philo and Josephus to represent the twelve
snoo t ha If there waa such a reference, it must
surely have been quite subordinate to that which is
obvious at once. The twelve loaves plainly answer
to the twelve tribes (compare Rev. xxii. 2). But,
taking this for granted, we have still to ascertain
the meaning of the rite, and there is none which
is left in Scripture so wholly unexplained. Though
it is mentioned, as we have seen, in other parts of
the O. T. besides the Pentateuch, it is never more
than mentioned. The narrative of David and his
companions being permitted to eat the shew bread,
does but illustrate the sanctity which was ascribed
to it; and besides our Saviour's appeal to that
narrative, the ordinance is only once referred to
in the N. T. (Heb. ix. 2), and there it is merely
among the other appurtenances of the first
SHEW JbSKKAJU
2993
But, although unexplained, it Is referred to as
eae of the leading and most solemn appointments
ef the sanctuary. For example, the appeal of Abi-
kun to the revolted tribes (8 Chr. xiii. 10, 11) runs
thus — " but as for us, the Lord is our God, and
we have not forsaken Him ; and the priests, which
minister unto the Lord, are the eons of Aaron,
and the Levitea wait upon their business; and
fiery bun* onto the Lord every morning and every
s»antnf burnt-sacrifices and sweet incense; the
shew brsad also set they in order upon the pure
Wit," etc., etc.
la flue absence of explanation of that which is
«t ragttdsd as so solemn, we have but to seek
whether the names bestowed on and the rites con-
nected with the shew bread will lead us to some
apprehension of its meaning.
The first name we find given it ia obviously the
dominant one, C39 DrY?, " bread of the face,
or faces." This is explained by some of the Rab-
bis, even by Maiinouides, as referring to the four
sides of each loaf. It is difficult to believe that
the title was given on a ground which in no way
distinguished them from other loaves. Besides,
it is applied in Mum. iv. 7, simply to the table,
a N 3Qn ?nbt&. not, as in the English version, the
" table of shew bread," but the " shew table," the
'• table of the face, or fcces."
We have used the words face or facet, for
O^SS, it needs scarcely be said, exists only in the
plural, and is therefore applied equally to the face
of one person and of many. In connection with
this meaning, it continually bears the secondary
one of pretence. It would be superfluous to cite
any of the countless passages in which it does so.
But whose bee or presence is denoted ? That of
the people? The rite of the shew bread, according
to some, was performed in acknowledgment of
God's being the giver of all our bread and suste-
nance, and the loaves lay always on the table as a
memorial and monitor of this. But against this,
besides other reasons, there is the powerful objec-
tion that the shew bread was unseen by the people;
it lay in the sanctuary, and was eaten there by
the priests alone. So that the first condition of
symbolic instruction was wanting to the rite, had
this been its meaning.
The 0^33, therefore, or Presence, is that not of
the people but of God. The aVroi Ivdnuoi and the
ifr oi riji rpofftfopas of the LXX. seem to indicate
as much. To say nothing of 1 Sam. xxi. 6, where
the words mrr >3obo D"nDinn D-oen S
seem decisive of the whole question. But in what
sense? Spencer and others consider it bread oflered
to God as was the Minchah, a symbolical meal for
God somewhat answering to a heathen Lectuter-
Btum. But it is not easy to find this meaning in
the recorded appointments. The incense is no doubt
to be burnt on the appointed altar, but the bread,
on the Sabbath following that of its presentation,
is to be eaten in the Holy Place by the priests.
There remains, then, the view which has been
brought out with such singular force, and beauty
by Bahr — a view broad and clear in itself, and
not disturbed by those fanciful theories of numbers
which tend to abate confidence in some parts of
his admirable St/movM.
He remarks, and justly, that the phrase D^-D
is applied solely to the table and the bread, not to
the other furniture of the sanctuary, the altar
of incense, or the golden candlestick. There is
something therefore peculiar to the former which
ia denoted by the title. Taking 0"02n as equiva-
lent to the Pretence (of God subaud.), he views
the application of it to the table and the bread
as analogous to its application to the angel,
COB fNbo (Is. lxiii. 9, compared with Ex.
xxxiii. 14, 15; Dent iv. 37). Of the Angel of
God's Presence it is said that God's " Name ia in
Him " (Ex. xxiii. 20). The Presence and the
Name may therefore be taken as equivalent. Bath
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2994
SHIBBOLETH
hi reference to their context, Indicate the manifes-
UUon of God to his creatures. " The Name of
God," he remarks, "is Himself, but that, in so
fur as He reveals Himself, the face is that wherein
the being of a man proclaims itself, and makes
known its individual personality. Hence, as Name
stands for He or Himself, so Face for Person; to
see the Face, for, to see the Person. The Bread
of the Face is therefore that bread through which
God is seen, that is, with the participation of which
the seeing of God is bound up, or through the par-
ticipation of which man attains the sight of God.
Whence it follows that we have not to think of
bread merely as such, as the means of nourishing
the bodily life, but as spiritual food, as a means of
appropriating and retaining that life which consists
hi seeing the face of God. Bread is therefore here
a symbol, and stands, as it so generally does in all
languages, both for life and life's nourishment; but
by being entitled the Bread if the Face it be-
comes a symbol of a life higher than the physical;
it is, since it lies on the table placed in the sym-
bolic heaven, heavenly bread ; they who eat of it,
and satisfy themselves with it see the face of God "
(Bahr, Symbolik, book i. c 6, § 2). It is to be
remembered that the shew bread was " taken from
the children of Israel by an everlasting covenant "
(Lev. xxiv. 8), and may therefore be well expected
to bear the most solemn meaning. Bahr proceeds
to show very beautifully the connection in Scrip-
ture between seeing God and being nourished by
God, and points, as the coping-stone of his argu-
ment, to Christ being at once the perfect Image of
God and the Bread of life. The references to a
table prepared for the righteous man, such as Ps.
xxlii. 5, Luke xxii. 30, should also be considered.
F. G.
SHIBTBOLETH (riVst?: Scibboltth),
Judg. xii. 6. The Hebrew word which the Gilead-
ites under Jephthah made use of at the passages of
the Jordan, after a victory over the Ephraimitea,
to test the pronunciation of the sound Ih by those
who wished to cross over the river. The Ephraim-
itea, it would appear, in their dialect substituted
for *A the simple sound > ; and the Gileadites, re-
garding every one who failed to pronounce sh as an
Ephraimite and therefore an enemy, put him to
death accordingly.
The word " Shibboleth," which has now a sec-
ond life in the English language in a new significa-
tion, has two meanings in Hebrew : 1st, an ear of
corn; 2dly, a stream or flood: and it was, perhaps,
in the latter sense that this particular word sug-
gested itself to the Gileadites, the Jordan being a
rapid liver. The word, in the latter sense, is used
twice in the 69th Psalm, in verses 2 and 15, where
the trai station of the A. V. is " the flood* overflow
me," and >' let not the waters/food' overflow me."
If in English the word retained its original mean-
lug, the latter passage might be translated " Let
not a shibboleth of waters drown me." There is
no mystery in this particular word. Any word be-
ginning with the sound th would have answered
squally well a* a test
• In proper names net naturalised In Kngllsh
through the LXX., the Hebrew form is retained, as in
Mephlboshetb, tshbosheth The latter name is melted
•own in the LXX. to 'UfiarM ; as, with tt» i fermt
she flench have iof>ned many lAttn words beginning
SHIE1JD
Before the introduction of \ owel-points (whhr
took place not earlier than the 6th century \. i>.
there was nothing in Hebrew to distinguish tlw
letters Shin and 'Sin, so it could not be known !>i
the eye in reading when A was to be sounded
after «, just as now in English there is nothing to
show that it should be sounded in the words tuynr.
Alia, Pertin ; or in German, according to the
most oommon pronunciation, after s in the words
Spracht, Spiel, Sturm, Stirftl, and a large class
of similar words. It is to be noted that the sound
ih is unknown to the Greek language, as the Eng-
lish Ih is unknown to so many modern languages.
Hence in the Septuagint proper names commence
simply with t, which In Hebrew commence with
th ; and one result has been that, through the Sep-
tuagint and the Vulgate, some of these names,
such as Samuel, Samson, Simeon, and Solomon,
having become " naturalized in the Greek form in
the English language, have been retained in this
form in the English version of the 0. T. Henee,
likewise, it is a singularity of the Septuagint ter-
sion that, in the passage in Judg. xii. 6, the
translator could not introduce the word '•Shib-
boleth," and has substituted one of its transla-
tions, ordxw, " an ear of corn," which tolls the
original story by analogy. It is not impossible
that this word may have been ingeniously preferred
to any Greek word signifying "stream," or
flood," from its first letters being rather harsh-
sounding, independently of its containing a gut-
tural. E. T.
SHIBTtfAH (H13507, I e. Sibmah [cootaest
or fragrance']: JUfiafjA'- Sabama). One of the
places on the east of Jordan which were taken
possession of and rebuilt by the tribe of Beubec
(Num. xxxii. 88). It is probably the same with
Shebam (i. e. Sebam ) named in the list at the be-
ginning of the chapter, and is certainly identical
with Sibmah, so celebrated at a later date for its
vines. Indeed, the two names are precisely the
same in Hebrew, though our translators have
chosen to introduce a difference. S:b»iah, and
not Shibmah, is the accurate representative of the
Hebrew original. G.
SHICKON (TH??* [dnmiemiese]: »*■
y60; Alex. AxKapaiya: Seehrona). One of th*
landmarks at the western end of the north boun-
dary of Judah (Josb. xr. 11, only). It lay between
Ekron (Alar) and Jabneel (Yebnn), the port at
which the boundary ran to the sea. No trace of
the name has been discovered between these two
places, which are barely four miles apart. The
Alex. IJCX. (with an unusual independence of the
Hebrew text) has evidently taken Sbicron as ■
repetition of Ekron, but the two names are toe
essentially different to allow of this, which is not
supported by any other version.' The Targum
gives it Sbicaron, and with this agrees Eusebina
(Onom. Aa-xipcw), though no knowledge of the
locality of the place is to be gained from his notice.
G.
shield (r»f?t 139» e£{p, rrnnb).
with «, such as Stadium — ataxia, Strenae _ Jfcrenass
eto., ste.
b • Mora probably the Iniial 3 was omitted seel
dentally In the Alex. MS. on account of the EH at*
eeding. The reading of Com p. and All. is «t 3a«x*
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SHIUGAION
IW three that of the Hebrew terms quoted hare
km already noticed under the head of Arms,
•here it is stated that the tdnn&h was a large ob-
long shield or target, covering the whole body ; that
the mjm was a small, round or oral shield ; and
that the term aktUt is of doubtful Import, applying
to some ornamental piece of armor. To these we
aiay add ncherdA, a poetical term occurring only in
Ps. xci. 4. Trie ordinary shield consisted of a frame-
work of wood covered with leather; it thus admit-
ted of being burnt (Ex. xxxix. 9). The mdgin was
frequently cased with metal, either brass or copper;
its appearance in this ease resembled gold," when
the sun shone on it (1 Mace. n. 89), and to this,
rather than to the practice of smearing blood on the
shield, we may refer the redness noticed by Nahum
(a. 3). The surface of the shield was kept bright
by the application of oil, as implied in Is. xxi. 5 ;
hence Saul's shield is described as >• not anointed
with oil," i. & dusty and gory (9 Sam. 1. SI). Oil
would be as useful for the metal as for the leather
shield- In order to preserve it from the effects
sf weather, the shield was kept covered, except in
actual conflict (Is. xzii. 6; eomp. Csss. B. G. ii.
II; Cic Nat. Dear. U. 14). The shield was worn
on the left arm, to which it was attached by a
strap. It was used not only in the field, but also
hi Bes i e gin g towns, when it served for the protec-
tion of the head, the combined shields of the be-
sieger* farming a kind of tatmio (Ez. xxvi. 8).
Shields of slate were covered with beaten gold.
Solomon made such for use in religious processions
(1 K- x. 16, 17); when these were carried off they
were replaced by shields of brass, which, as being
Ins valuable, were kept in the guard-room (1 K.
lit. 27), while the former had been suspended in
the palace for ornament. A large golden shield
■as sent as a present to the Romans, when the
trertv with tbem was renewed by Simon Maceabseus
(1 Mace. xiv. 24, xv. 18); it was intended as a
token of alliance (<ri/i0o\or ryt <rwupax' a 't Jo ~
seph. AnL xiv. 8, § 5), but whether any symbolic
■znificance was attached to the shield in particular
ss being the weapon of protection, is uncertain.
Other instances of a similar present occur (Suet.
CoJig. 16), as well as of complimentary presents of
s different kind on the part of allies (Cic. Vtiv.
i Act. iv. 29, $ 67). Shields were suspended about
public buildings for ornamental purposes (1 K. x.
IT ; 1 Mace. iv. 57, vi. 2) ; this was particularly
•be case with the shields (assuming $hebl to have
this meaning) which David took from Hadadezer
(2 Sam. riii. 7; Cant iv. 4), and which were after-
wards turned to practical account (2 K. xi. 10; 2
<br. xxiii. 9); the Gammadim similarly suspended
thru about their towers (Ez. xxvii. 11; seeOAMMA-
mva). In the metaphorical language of the Bible
the shield generally represents the protection of God
(«. a. Pa. iii. 3, xxviii. 7); but in Ps. xlvii. 9 it is
sppued to earthly rulers, and in Eph. vi. 16, to
kith. YV. L. B.
SHIGGAION [3 syl.] O'VJB*: ToA^t'
Pnbmt), Ps. viL 1. A particular kind of psalm,
the specific character of which is now not known.
la the singular number the word occurs no-
there in Hebrew, except in the inscription of the
th Psalm, and there seems to be nothing peculiar
SHIGGAION
299.i
■ la net sausage qucted, the shields curled by the
Mesas at* Anttorhus are said to hare beer, actually
■ est*. This, howsm *, must have barn a int •ake.
in that psalm to distinguish it fiom nuniemiu)
others, in which the author gives utterance to in*
feelings igainst his enemies, and implores the as
sistance of Jehovah against them ; so that the con-
tents of the psalm justify no conclusive inference
as to the meaning of the word. In the inscription
to the Ode of the Prophet Habakkuk (iii. 1), the
word occurs in the plural number; but the phrase
iu which it stands " 'nl ihiyyunuth "' is deemed al-
most unanimously, as it would seem, by modern
Hebrew scholars to mean " after the manner of the
Shiggaiou," and to be merely a direction as to tut
kind of musical measures by which the ode was to
be accompanied. This being so, the ode is no real
help in ascertaining the meaning of Sliiggaini ; for
the ode itself is not so called, though it is directed
to be sung according to the measures of the shig-
gaion. And, indeed, if it were called a shiggaiou,
the difficulty would not be diminished ; for, inde-
pendently of the inscription, no one would have
ever thought that the ode and the psalm belonged
to the same species of sacred poem ; and even since
their possible similarity has been suggested, no one
has definitely pointed out in what that similarity
consists, so as to justify a distinct classification.
In this state of uncertainty it is natural to en-
deavor to form a conjecture as to the meaning of
Shiggaion from its etymology; but unfortunately
there are no less than three rival etymologies, each
with plausible claims to attention. Gesenius and
FUrst, 9. p., concur in deriving it from "2^7 (the
Piel of n3K7), In the sense of magnifying or ex-
tolling with praises ; and they justify this deriva-
tion by kindred Syriac words. Shiggaion would
thus mean a hymn or psalm : but its specific mean-
ing, if it has any, as applicable to the 7th Psalm,
would continue unknown. Ewald, Die Poetiachen
B&chtr del Allen Bundes, i. 29 ; Riidiger, s. r. in
his continuation of Gesenius' Thtiaurut ; and De-
litzsch, Commenlar vtber den Ptalter, i. 51, derive
it from i~l*jtt?, in the sense of reeling, as from wine,
and consider the word to be somewhat equivalent
to adithyrambus; while De Wette, Die Pmliuen,
p. 34, Lee, «. v., and Hitzig, Die Zmolf Ideinen
Piaphtttn, p. 2(3, interpret the word as a psalm of
lamentation, or a psalm in distress, as derived from
Arabic. Hupfeld, on the other baud, Die Ptnimen,
i. 109, 199, conjectures that shiggaion is identical
with higgaion, Pa. ix. 16, in the sense of poem or
song, from i"T*in, to meditate or compose; but even
so, no information would be conveyed as to the
specific nature of the poem.
As to the inscription of Habakkuk's ode, " 'ai
shigy6n6th," the translation of the I.XX. is urri
oJJrjr, which conveys no definite meaning. The
Vulgate translates "pro ignorantiU," as if tilt
word had been ihegigdth, transgressions through
ignorance (Lev. ir. 2, 27; Num. xr. 27; Eccl. v.
6), or thegUth (Ps. xix. 13), which seems to have
nearly the same meaning. Perhaps the Vulgate
was influenced by the Torgum of Jonathan, where
thigy&nith seems to be translated Ni"P /tt?3.
In the A. V. of Hab. ill. 1, the rendering is ' upon
shigionoth. ' ss if shigionoth were some musical
instrument But under any circumstances 'ol
as even stiver shkJds wen vary rsn (Mod. ■-. xrl
87).
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2996
8HIHON
( v5) must not be translated "upon," in the sense
A playing upon an instrument. Of this use there
is not a single undoubted example in prose, although
playing on musical instruments is frequently re-
ferred to ; and in poetry, although there is one pas-
sage, Ps. xcii. 3, where the word might be so trans-
lated, it might equally well be rendered there "to
the accompaniment of" the musical instruments
therein specified — and this translation is preferable.
It seems likewise a mistake that 'at is translated
" upon'' when preceding the supposed musical in-
struments, Gittjth, Machalath, Neginath, Nechl-
15th, Shushan, Sboehannlni (Ps. viii. 1, Ixxxi. 1,
Ixxxir. 1, liii. 1, lxxxviii. 1, lxi. 1, v. 1, lx. 1, xlv.
1, lxix. 1, liu. 1). Indeed, all these words are
regarded by Ewald (Pott. Buck, i. 177) as mean-
ing musical keys, and by Fiirst («. w.) as mean-
ing musical bands. Whatever may be thought of
the proposed substitutes, it is very singular, if those
six words signify musical instruments, that not one
of them should be mentioned elsewhere in the whole
Bible. E. T.
SHTHON O'W", i. e. Shion : 3mrZ;
[Alex. Scia*:] Ston). A town of Issscbar, named
only in Josh, xix. 19. It occurs between Ha-
phraim and Anaharath. Eusebius and Jerome
(OnommL) mention it as then existing "near
Mount Tabor." The only name at all resembling
it at present in that neighborhood is the Chirbet
Schtin of l)r Schulz (Zimmermann's Map of Unl-
ike, 1861) H mile N. W. of Debmith. This is
probably the place mentioned by Schwarz (p. 166)
as "Aim between Duberieh and Jafa." The
identification is, however, very uncertain, since
Sclitin appears to contain the Ain, while the He-
brew name does not.
The redundant A in the A. V. is an error of the
recent editions. In that of 1611 the name is
Shion. Q.
SHI/HOB OF EGYPT (On?» ~NVVJ
Spia Ary&rrov: Sihor jEgypU, 1 Cbr. xiii. 5) is
spoken of as one limit of the kingdom of Israel in
David's time, the entering in of Hamatb being tfce
other. It must correspond to "Shihor," "the
Shihor which [is] before Egypt " (Josh. xiii. 9, 3),
4. V. "Sihor," sometimes, at least, a name of the
Nile, occurring in other passages, one of which
(where it bas the article) is parallel to this. The
use of the article indicates that the word is or has
been an appellative, rather the former if we judge
only from the complete phrase. It must also be
remembered that Shihor Mizraim is used inter-
changeably with Nahal Mizraim, and that the
name Siiihor-Libnath, in the north of Palestine,
nnless derived from the Egyptians or the Pboeni-
aan colonists of Egypt, as we are disposed to think
owible, from the connection of that country with
>Kt ancient manufacture of gloss, shows that the
wud Shihor is not restricted to a great river. It
would appear therefore that Shihor of Egypt and
1; the Shihor which [is] before Egypt" might des-
ignate the stream of the Wddi-l-' Areeth ; Shihor
alone would still be the Nile. On the other hand,
ooth Shihor, and even Nahal, alone, are names of
Che Nile, while Nahal Mizraim is used interchange-
ably with the river ("1H3, not 7113) of Mizraim.
v7« therefore are disposed to hold that all the
asmes designate the Nil*. The fitness of the
8HIHOK-LIBNATH
Shihor to the Nile must be remembered
[Nile; Rivek op Egypt; Sihor.] R. S. P.
• It is difficult to adjust all the Biblical refer-
ences to Shihor, to the river Nile. In Isaiah xxiii.
3, the exports of Egypt, especially in grain, an
spoken of as contributing to swell the commerce of
Tyro: "By great waters the seed of Shihor, Use
harvest of 1'tur, is her revenue." This must refer
to the Nile as the cause of the fertility of Egypt.
Again, in Jeremiah ii. 18, where the Lord is expos-
tulating with Israel for seeking help from Egypt and
Assyria, the Nile is evidently referred to as the
water of which the Egyptians drink, and as answer-
ing to the Euphrates: " What hast thou to do in
the way of Egypt, to drink the waters of Shihor,
or what hast thou to do in the way of Assyria, to
drink the waters of the river? "
But the meaning is less clear where Shihor is
spoken of as the boundary between Egypt and Ca-
naan. Just before his death Joshua described the
land on the south that remained to be possessed, as
" all the borders of the Philistines, and all Geshuri,
from Sihor which is before Egypt " (Josh. xiii. 3);
and David, when taking the ark up to Jerusalem, is
said to have " gathered all Israel together, from Shi-
hor of Egypt even unto the entering of Haniath "
(1 Chr. xiii. 5). Joshua may have had in view the
breadth of dominion promised to Abraham; but
certainly in his day the Egyptians themselves did
not limit their territory eastward at the Nile; and
there is no evidence that the kingdom of David in
its highest prosperity, ever extended literally to the
bank of the Nile. Hence, if the description in
these passages is taken with geographical accuracy,
the Shihor before Kgypt must denote the Wddi-l-
'Arteth ; but if taken with the latitude of prophetic
or poetic description it may also denote the Nile,
and so be brought into harmony with the passages
cited above. Only in this way can the name be
relieved of its apparent ambiguity. J. P. T.
SHI'HOR-LIB'NATH (nj? 1 ? -nrPB?
[see below] : ry SieV [Vat Scivv] ica\ AaBtariB;
Alex. 2euu> «. A- : Sihor et Lnbanalh ). Named only
in Josh. xix. 26 as one of the landmarks of the boun-
dary of Asher. Nothing is known of it. By the
ancient translators and commentators (as Peshito-
Syriac, and Eusebius and Jerome in the Onomn»tiam\
the names are taken as belonging to two distinct
places. But modern commentators, beginning per-
haps with Masius, have inclined to consider Shihor as
identical with tbe name of the Nile, and Shihor-Lih-
nath to be a river. Led by the meaning of libnatb
as "white," they interpret the Shihor- Libnath as the
glass river, which they then naturally identify with
the Belus " of Pliny (H. N. v. 19), the present
Nahr Naman, which drains pert of the plain of
Akkn, and enters the Mediterranean a short dis-
tance below that city. It is a pity to disturb a
theory at once so ingenious and so consistent, and
supported by the great name of Michaelis (Suppl.
No. 2463), but it is surely very far-fetched. Then
is nothing to indicate that Shihor-Libnath is a
stream at all, except the agreement of the first por-
tion of the name with a rare word used or the
Nile — a river which can have nothing In common
with an insignificant streamlet like the Woman.
And even if it be a river, tbe position of tbe No-
» It is singular, too, that Jomphus should stall
that there was a monument of Mtmmm standing ska)
to the Bolus (B. /. 11. 10, J 2k.
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SHILH1
mam m unsuitable, sinoe, as far as can be gathered
tram the wry obscure list in which the name oc-
ean, Sbihor-Libnath na the south pivot of the
territory of Alher, below Mount Carmel. Relaud'i
conjecture of the Crooodeilon river,- probably tin
Moith ft- Tenuek, clow to Kuimriyeh, ii too far
■rath. G.
SHIL'HI On 1 ??? [perh. armed] : iaXat,
2aAf; [Vat itfuti, 2aA«ii] Alex. SoActAa, Xa-
A*<: Salai, Stlahi). The father of Azubah, Je-
hoahaphat'i mother (1 K. xxii. 42; 9 Chr. xx. 81).
SHIL'HIM (QTf?ip [armed men, Gea.;
fountains, Fiirst] : SaAtfi Alex. 2«\«<ip: SeUm).
One of the cities in the aouthern portion of the
tribe of Judah. Its place in the hat if between
Lebaoth and Ain, or Ain-Rimmon (Josh, xv. 32),
and it i» not eUewhere mentioned. It is uot even
named by Euaebiua and Jerome. No trace of it
baa yet been discovered. In the list of Simeon's
tities in Josh, xix., Shabohkn (ver. 6) occupies
the place of Shilhim, and in 1 Chr. iv. 31 this is
still further changed to Shaaraim. It is difficult
to amy if these are mere corruptions, or denote any
actual variations of name.
The juxtaposition of Shilhim and Ain has led to
the conjecture that they are identical with the Sa-
lim and .£non of St. John the Baptist: hut their
position in the south of Judah, so remote from the
seene of St. John's labors and the other events of
the Gospel history, seems to forbid this. G.
8HU/LEM (dVb> [requital] : SoAAffc, 2«a-
*4u [V»t -Aa]; Alex. XvWnn in Gen.: So/km,
Beam). Son of Naphtali, and ancestor of the
family of the Shillemites (Gen. xlvi. 34; Num.
txvi. 49). The same as Shallum 7.
SHII/LEMITES, THE CnWn [patr.,
as above] : t 2«AAtiaJ [Vat. -/»«] : Scllemita). The
descendants of Shillem the sou of Naphtali (Num.
txvi. 49).
SHILO'AH, THE WATERS OF (""D
"js&il [tending forth] : to Stop tov iei\es4/i;
Alex. StAatout : Saad. .jLJLm •JJyfi" Ain
Sebetn s aqua Siloe). A certain soft-flowing
stream employed by the prophet Isaiah (viii. 6) to
point his companion between the quiet confidence
in Jehovah which he was urging on the people, and
the overwhelming violence of the king of Assyria,
far whose alliance they were clamoring.
There is no reason to doubt that the waters in
■oastion were the same which are better known
mder their later name of Siloah — the only per.
amid spring of Jerusalem. Objection baa been
taken to the bet that the " waters of Siloain " run
with an irregular intermittent action, and therefore
could hardly be appealed to as flowing " softly."
But the testimony of careful investigators ( Rob. BibL
Ha. L 341, 342; Barclay, City, p. 516) establishes
the fact that the disturbance only takes place, at the
sfttnest, two or three times a day, say three to four
hours out of the twenty-four, the flow being " per-
fectly qu i e s c en t " during the rest of the time. In
■miner the disturbance only occurs once in 'wo or
test days. Such interruption! to the quiet flow
SHILOH
2997
• Ike Tart-am Jonathan, Pashlto, and Arabic Ter-
ewas «s~ 1 K L 88, read Shiloab, Sir the Othoa W the
of the stream would therefore not inn. /fore with the
contrast enforced in the prophet's metaphor.
The form of the name employed by Isaiah i.
midway between the hat-Shelack of Neheraiah (A.
V. Siloaii) and the Siloam of the N. T. A sim-
ilar change is noticed under Shiloki.
The spring and pool of Siloah aie treated of
under that head. G.
SHIXOH (nVttJ : t& a*oi»l><ru afrr«?i
qui miUendus est). In the A. V. of the Bible, Shi-
loh is once used as the name of a person, in a very
difficult passage, in the 10th verse of the 49th chap
ter of Genesis. Supposing that the translation ii
correct, the meaning of the word is Peaceable, or
Pacific, and the allusion is either to Solomon, whose
name has a similar signification, or to the expected
Messiah, who in Is. ix. 6 is expressly called the
Prince of Peace. This was once the translation of
Gesenius, though he afterwards saw reason to aban-
don it (see his lexicon, s. v.), and it is at present
the translation of Hengstenberg in his Christoloyit
del Alien Testament!, p. 69, and of the Grand
Rabbin Wogue, in his Translation of Genesis, a
work which is approved and recommended by the
Grand Rabbins of France (Le Pentntevque, on let
Cinq Livres 'le Afoise. Paris, 1860). Both these
writers regard the passage as a Messianic prophecy,
and it is so accepted by the writer of the article
Messiah in this work (vol. iii. p. 1906).
But, on the other hand, if the original Hebrew
text is correct as it stands, there are three objec-
tions to this translation, which, taken oollectively,
seem fatal to it. 1st. The word Shiloh occurs no-
where else in Hebrew as the name or appellation of
a person. My. The only other Hebrew word,
apparently, of the same form, is Giloh (Josh. xv.
61: 2 Sain. xv. IS); and this is the name of a city,
and not of a person. 3dly. By translating the
word as it is translated everywhere else in the Bible,
namely, as the name of the city in Kphraim where
the Ark of the Covenant remained during such a
long period, a sufficiently good meaning is given to
the passage without any violence to the Hebrew
language, and, indeed, with a precise grammat-
ical parallel elsewhere (compare !"|?B7 rfcj*}, 1
Sam. iv. 12). The simple translation is, " The
sceptre shall not depart from Judah, nor the ruler's
staff from between his feet, till he shall go to Shi-
loh." And, in this case, the allusion would be to
the primacy of Judah in war (Judg. i. 1, 2, xx. 18;
Num. ii. 3, x. 14), which was to continue until the
Promised Land was conquered, and the Ark of the
Covenant was solemnly deposited at Shiloh. Some
Jewish writers had previously maintained that Shi-
loh, the city of Ephraim, was referred to in this
passage ; and Servetus had propounded the same
opinion in a fanciful dissertation, in which he at-
tributed a double meaning to the words {De Trm-
tiate, lib. ii. p. 61, ed. of 1553 A. D.). But the
above translation and explanation, as proposed and
defended on critical grounds of reasonable validity,
was first suggested in modern days by Teller (JVota
Critical et Exegetiae in Gen. xlix., DeuL, xxxiii.
Ex. xv., Judg. v., Hake et Heunstadii, 1766), and
it has since, with modifications, found favor with
numerous learned men belonging to various schools
of theology, such as Eichhom, Hitzig, Tuch, Bleek,
Evrald, Delitxsch, Rodiger, Kalisch, Luzzatto, an i
Davidson.
The objections to this interpretation are set forth
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2998
SHILOH
•t length by Hengstenberg (L c), and the reasons
In its favor, with an account of the various inter-
pretations which haTe been suggested by others, are
well given by Davidson (Introduction to the OH
TeUamtnt, i. 199-210). Supposing always that
'.he existing text is correct, the reasons in favor of
Teller's interpretation seem much ta preponderate.
It ma j be observed that the main obstacle to inter-
j prating the word Shilob in ita simple and obvious
meaning seems to arise from an imaginative view
of the prophecy respecting the Twelve Tribes, which
finds in it more than is justified by a sober exami-
nation of it. Thus Hengstenberg says: "The tem-
poral limit which is here placed to the preeminence
of Judah would be in glaring contradiction to
verses 8 and 9, in which Judah, without any tem-
poral limitation, is raised to be the Lion of God."
But the allusion to a lion is simply the following :
M Judah is a lion's whelp: from the prey, my son,
thou art gone up: he stooped down, be couched as
a lion, and as an old lion ; who shall rouse him
up? " Mow, bearing in mind the general coloring
of oriental imagery, there is nothing in this pas-
sage which makes a reference to the city Shiloh
improbable. Again, Hengstenberg says that the
visions of Jacob never go into what is special, but
always have regard to the future as a whole and on
a great scale (tin gnnzen tmd orossrn). If this it
so, it is nevertheless compatible with the following
geographical statement respecting Zebulun : '* Zeb-
ulun shall dwell at the haven of the sea, and he
shall be for an haven of ships, and his border shall
be unto Zidon." It is likewise compatible with
prophecies respecting some of the other tribes,
which, to any one wbo examined Jacob's blessing
minutely with lofty expectations would be disap-
pointing. Thus of Benjamin, within whose terri-
tory the glorious Temple of Solomon was afterwards
built, it is merely said, " Benjamin shall ravin as a
wolf; in the morning he shall devour the prey, and
at night be shall divide the spoil." Of Gad it is
said, " A troop shall overcome him, but be shall
overcome at the last." Of Asher, " Out of Asher
his bread shall be fat, and he shall yield royal
dainties." And of Naphtali, " Napbtali is a hind
let loose; he giveth goodly words " (Gen. xlix. 19,
SO, 31, 27). Indeed the difference (except in the
blessing of Joseph, in whose territory Shiloh was
situated) between the reality of the prophecies and
the demands of an imaginative mind, explains, per-
haps, the strange statement of St Isidore of Pdu-
sium, quoted by Teller, that, when Jacob was about
to announce to his sons the future 'mystery of the
Incarnation, he was restrained by the finger of
God; silence was enjoined him: and he was seized
with loss of memory. See the letter of St. Isidore,
lib. i. Epist 365, in Bibtiothtca Maxima Patrum,
rii. 570.
2. The next best translation of Shilob is per-
l-«ps that of " Rest." The passage would then run
Urns: •'The sceptre shall not depart from Judah
.... till rest come, and the nations obey him "
— and the reference would be to the Messiah, who
wis to spring from the tribe of Judah. This
translation, deserves respectful consideration, as
Saving been ultimately adopted by Gesenius. It
« This writer, however, was so fanciful, that no re-
lanes can be placed on bis Judgment on any point
where It was possible for him to go wrong. Tta
bis paraphrase of the prophecy respecting Benjamin
Is : " The ahaehuah shall abide In the land of Benja-
8HILOH
was preferred by Vater, and is defended by KunM
in the Exegttitcka flaw/buck. Gen. xlix. 10. There
is one objection leas to it than to the use of Shiloh
as a person, and it is not without some probability
Still it remains subject to the objection that Shiloh
occurs nowhere else in the Bible except as the name
of a city, and that by translating the word here as
the name of a city a reasonably good meaning may
be given to the passage.
3. A third explanation of Shiloh, on the as-
sumption that it is not the name of a person, is s
translation by various learned Jews, apparently
countenanced by the Targum of Jonathan, thai
SliUok merely means " his son," i. t. the son ol
Judah (in the sense of the Messiah), from a sup-
posed word SliU, " a son." There is, however, no
such word in known Hebrew, and as a plea for ita
possible existence reference is made to an Aribie
word, ihnlil, with the same signification. This
meaning of '• his son " owes, perhaps, its principal
interest to its having been substantially adopted by
two such theologians as Luther and Calvin. (See
the Commentaries of each on Gen. xlix. 10.) Lu-
ther connected the word with Schilyah in Deut.
xxviii. 57, but this would not now be deemed per-
missible.
The translation, then, of Shiloh as the name of
a city is to lie regarded as the soundest, if the pres-
ent Hebrew text is correct. It is proper, however,
to bear in mind the possibility of there being some
error in that text When Jerome translated the
word "qui missus est," we may be certain that he
did not read it as Shiloh, but as some form of
Iwttf, " to send," as if the word « iariaraK-
ueVos might have been used in Greek. We may
likewise be certain that the translator in the Sep-
tuagint did not read the word as it stands in our
Bibles. He read it as n"bp= "lVjJ, precisely
corresponding to V? "l?fN, and translated it weT
by the phrase tA ierontiiuwa aire?; so that the
meaning would be, " The sceptre shall not depart
from Judah .... till the things reserved for him
come." It is most probable that Ezekiel read the
word in the same way when he wrote the word*
tampan Vr- ip? tfa-ry (Ex. ui. 32, in
the A. V. verse 27), -and it seems likely, though
not certain, that the author " of the Paraphrase of
Jacob's last words hi the Targum of Onkelos fol-
lowed the reading of Ezekiel and the Septuagint,
substituting the word KTflD 7© for the tOftp'O
of Ezekiel. It is not meant by these remarks that
rf vBJ is more likely to hare been correct than
Shiloh, though one main argument against H" t\jf,
that 1^ occurs nowhere else in the Pentateuch as
an equivalent to "lt£?N, is inconclusive, as it occurs
in the song of Deborah, whioh, on any hypothesis,
must be regarded as a poem of great antiquit*.
But the fact that there were different readings, in
former times, of this very difficult passage, necessa-
rily tends to suggest the possibility that the correct
reading may have been lost
mm ; and in his pos se s s ion a sanotnary shall he bulls
Horning and evening the priests shall offer obmtbm
and In the evening they shall dMds the residue •
their portion."
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SHILOH
Whatever interpretation of the preaent reading
any be adopted, the one which most be pronounced
entitled to the leut consideration it that which
supposes the prophecy relates to the birth of Christ
aa occurring in the reign of Herod just before Ju-
das* became a Roman province. There is no such
interpretation in the Bible, and however ancient
thia mode of regarding the passage may be, it must
submit to the ordeal of a dispassionate scrutiny.
In the first place, it is impossible reasonably to re-
gard the dependent rule of King Herod the Idu-
maeaui aa an instance of the sceptre being still borne
by Judah. In order to appreciate the precise posi-
tion of Herod, it may be enough to quote the un-
suspicious testimony of Jerome, who, in his. Com-
mentaries on Matthew, lib. iii. c. 22, writes as
follows : " Ceesar Augustus Herodem filium Auti-
patris alienigenam et proselytum regem Judaas con-
stituent, qui tribuiis pnetutl, et Romino partret
imperio." Secondly, it must be remembered that
about 588 yean before Christ, Jerusalem had been
taken, its Temple destroyed, and its inhabitants
led away into Captivity by Nebuchadnezzar, king
of the Cbaldees, and during the next fifty years the
Jews were subjects of the Cbaldajan Empire. After-
wards, during a period of somewhat above 200
years, from the taking of Babylon by Cyrus to the
defeat of Darius by Alexander the Great at Arbela,
Judasa was a province of the Persian empire. Sub-
sequently, during a period of 163 years, from the
death of Alexander to the rising of the Maccabees,
the Jews were ruled by tbe successors of Alexander.
Hence for a period of more than 400 years from
the destruction of the Temple by Nebuchadnezzar
the Jews were deprived of their independence; and,
ae a plain, undeniable matter of fact, tbe sceptre
bad already departed from Judah. Without pur-
suing this subject farther through tbe rule of the
Maccabees (a family of tbe tribe of Levi, and not
of the tribe of Judah) down to the capture of
Jerusalem and the conquest of Palestine by Pom-
pry (b. c 63), it is sufficient to observe that a
■apposed fulfillment of a prophecy which ignores
the dependent state of Judasa during 400 years
after the destruction of the first Temple, cannot be
regarded aa based upon sound principles of inter-
pretation. E. T.
8HII1OH, as the name of a place, stands in
Hebrew aa n"b07 (Josh, xriii 1-10), VjJT (1
8am. 1. 84, iii. 31; Judg. xxi. 19), iTVB? (1 K.
a. 37), V^ttf (Jodg. xxi. 31; Jer. vll. 12), and
perhaps also pVtj7, whence the gentile '2'VtP
(1 K. xj. 39, xii. 15): in the LXX. generally as
SwAii, Zi)A«V; to Jud f5- *"• Vllt SflAaw; 1" Jer -
xfi- 8 2o\4m, Alex. SaXatu; in Joseph. Ant. viii.
7, f 7; 11, $ 1, etc. 3,A<4; v. 1, § 19; 3, J 9,
XuioZvi 2, § 12, 1ti\A: and in the Vulg. as Silo,
and more rarely Seio. The name was derived prob-
ably from nbp, 1^1$, "to rest,'* <">d repre-
sented the idea that the nation attained at this
place to a state of rest, or that the Lord hinuelf
would here rest among his people. Taanath-
Sbiloh may be another name of the same place,
•r of a different place near it, through which it was
cnatomary to pass on the way to Shiloh (as the
•hscure etymology may Indicate). [Taanath-
Sbiloh.] (See also Kirte's Geteh. dt$ A. Btmd.
IMS.)
SHILOH
2999
The principal conditions for identifying with
confidence the site of a place mentioned in the
Bible, are: (1) that the modern name should bear
a proper resemblance to the ancient one; (2) that
its situation accord with the geographical notices
of the Scriptures; and (3) that the statements of
early writers and travellers point to a coincident
conclusion. Shiloh affords a striking instance 0*
tbe combination of these testimonies. The de-
scription in Judg. xxi. 19 is singularly explicit.
Shiloh, it is said there, is " on the north side of
Beth-el, on the east side of tbe highway that got th
up from Beth-el to Shechem, and on tbe south of
Lebonah." In agreement with this the traveller
at the present day (the writer quotes hare his own
note-book), going north from Jerusalem, lodges the
first night at Bdtin, the ancient Beth-el; the next
day, at the distance of a few hours, turns aside to
the right, in order to visit Stilun, the Arabic for
Shiloh; and then passing through the narrow
Wady, which brings him to the main road, leaves
tULcbbin, the Lebonah of Scripture, on the left
as he pursues " tbe highway " to N&blm, the an-
cient Shechem. [Shkchem.] It was by search-
ing for these sites, under guidance of the clew thus
given in Scripture that Dr. Robinson rediscovered
two of them (Shiloh and Lebonah) in 1836. Its
present name is sufficiently like the more familiar
Hebrew name, while it is identical with Shilon
(see above), on which it is evidently founded.
Again, Jerome (nd Zeph. L 14), and Eusebius
( Ummviit. art. " Silo " ) certainly have Seilin in
view when they speak of tbe situation of Shiloh
with reference to Neapolis or Nabius. It discovers
a strange oversight of the data which control the
question, that some of the older travellers placed
Shiloh at Neby SamwU, about two hours north-
west of Jerusalem.
Sbiloh was one of the earliest and most sacred
of the Hebrew sanctuaries. The ark of the cove-
nant, which had been kept at Gilgal during the
progress of the Conquest (Josh, xriii. 1 f.), was re-
moved thence on the subjugation of the country,
and kept at Shiloh from the last days of Joshua to
the time of Samuel (Josh, xviii. 10; Judg. xviiL
31 ; 1 Sam. iv. 3). It was here the Hebrew con-
queror divided among the tribes the portion of the
west Jordan-region, which had not been already
allotted (Josh, xviii. 10, xix. 51). In this distri-
bution, or an earlier one, Shiloh fell within tbe
limits of Ephraim (Josh. xvi. 5). After the vic-
tory of the other tribes over Benjamin, tbe national
camp, which appears to have been temporarily at
Bethel, was transferred again to Shiloh (Judg. xxi.
13). [House op God, Amer. ed.] Tbe notice
in that connection that Shiloh was in Canaan
marks its situation on the west of the Jordan as
opposed to Jabesh-Gilead on the east side (Bar-
tbeau, Keil, Cassel). The seizure here of the
" daughters of Shiloh " by the Benjamites is re-
corded as an event which preserved one of the
tribes from extinction (Judg. xxi. 19-23). The
annual " feast of the Lord " was observed at Shi-
loh, and on one of these occasions, the men lay in
wait in the vineyards, and when the women went
forth " to dance in dances," tbe men took them
captive and carried them home aa wives. Here
Eli judged Israel, and at last died of grief on hear-
ing that the ark of tbe Lord was taken by the en-
emy (1 Sam. iv. 13-18). The story of Hannah
and her row, which belongs to our recollections of
Shiloh, transmits to us a characteristic incident n
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8000
SHILOH
the life of the Hebrew* (1 Sun. 1. 1, etc.)- Sam-
uel, the child of her prayers and hopes, was here
brought up in the sanctuary, and called to the pro-
phetic office (1 Sam. ii. 20, iii. 1). The ungodly
conduct of the sons of Eli occasioned the km of the
ark of the covenant, which had been carried into
battle against the Philistines, and Shiloh from
that time sank into insignificance. It stands forth
in the Jewish history as a striking example of the
Divine indignation. " Go ye now," says the
prophet, "unto my place which was in Shiloh,
where I set my name at the first, and see what I
did to it, for the wickedness of my people Israel "
(Jer. rii. 12). Mot a single Jewish relic remains
there at the present day. A few broken Corin-
thian columns of the Roman age are the only an-
tiquities now to be found on the site of Shiloh.
Some have inferred from Judg. xviii. 31 (comp.
Fa. lxxviii. 60 f.) that a permanent structure or
temple had been built for the Tabernacle at Shiloh,
and that it continued there (as it were sine numine)
for a long time after the Tabernacle was removed to
other places." But the language in 2 Sam. vii. 6
is too explicit to admit of that conclusion. God
says there to David through the mouth of Nathan
the prophet, " I have not dwelt in any house since
the time that I brought up the children of Israel
out of Egypt, even to this day, but have walked in
a tent and in a tabernacle." So in 1 K. iii. 2, it
is said expressly that no " house " had been built
for the worship of God till the erection of Solo-
mon's Temple at Jerusalem. It must be in a spir-
itual sense, therefore, that the Tabernacle is called
a " house " or " temple " in those passages which
refer to Shiloh. God is said to dwell where He is
pleased to manifest his presence or is worshipped ;
and the place thus honored becomes his abode or
temple, whether it be a tent or a structure of wood
or stone, or even the sanctuary of the heart alone.
Ahyah the prophet had his abode at Shiloh in the
time of Jeroboam I., and was visited there by the
messengers of Jeroboam's wife to ascertain the is-
sue of the sickness of their child (1 K. xi. 29, xii.
15, xiv. 1, etc.)- The people there after the time
of the exile (Jer. xli. 5) appear to have been Cuth
itea (2 K. xvii. 30) who had adopted some of the
forms of Jewish worship. (See Hitzig, 7m Jerem.
p. 881.) Jerome, who surveyed the ruins in the
4th ceutury, says: " Vix ruinarum parva vestigia,
vix altaris fundaments monstrautur."
The contour of the region, as the traveller views
it on the ground, indicates very clearly where the
ancient town must have stood. A TeU, or moder-
ate hill, rises from an uneven plain, surrounded by
other bigb%r hills, except a narrow valley on the
south, which hill would naturally be chosen as the
principal Bite of the town. The Tabernacle may
nave been pitched on this eminence, where it would
be a conspicuous object on every side. The ruins
tound there at present are very inconsiderable.
They consist chiefly of the remains of a compara-
tively modern village, with which some large stones
and fragments of columns are intermixed, evidently
- • The A. V. speaks of" the temple of the Lord "
at Shiloh, iii 1 Sam. i. 9, but erroneously, for accord-
sac to the Hebrew It should be " palace of the Lord."
that term (bSVI) was applied to the " tabernacle "
as wall as the " temple." The Tnlg. has In like maa-
sw, ttmphm dnmini. H.
• This Is on the authority of Or. Bobtnson. Dr.
SHILOH
from much earlier times. Near a ruined mosqoe
nourishes an immense oak. or terebinth-tree, the
branches of which the winds of centuries have
swayed. Just beyond the precincts of the hill
stands a dilapidated edifice, which combines some
of the architectural properties of a fortress and a
church. Three columns with Corinthian capitals
He prostrate on the floor. An amphora betwres
two duplets, perhaps a work of Kouian sculpture,
adorns a stone over the doorway. The natives call
this ruin the " Mosque of Srilin." * At the dis-
tance of about fifteen minutes from the main site
is a fountain, which is approached through a
narrow dale. Its water is abundant, and accord-
ing to a practice very common In the East, flows
first into a pool or well, and thence into a larger
reservoir, from which flocks and herds are watered.
This fountain, which would be so natural a resort
for a festal party, may have been the place where
the " daughters of Shiloh " were dancing, when
they were surprised and borne off by their cap-
tors. In this vicinity are rock-hewn sepulchres,
in which the bodies of some of the unfortunate
house of Eli may have been laid to rest Then
was a Jewish tradition (Asher's Btnj. of 7W. it
435) that Eli and his sons were buried here."
It is certainly true, as some travellers remark,
that the scenery of Shiloh Is not specially attract-
ive; it presents no feature of grandeur or beauty
adapted to impress the mind and awaken thoughts
in harmony with the memories of the place. At
the same time, it deserves to be mentioned that,
for the objects to which Shiloh was devoted, it was
not unwisely chosen. It was secluded, and there-
fore favorable to acts of worship and religious study,
in which the youth of scholars and devotees, like
Samuel, was to be spent. Yearly festivals were cel-
ebrated there, and brought together assemblages
which would need the supplies of water and pastur-
age so easily obtained in such a place. Terraces
are still visible on the sides of the rocky hills, which
show that ever}- foot and inch of the soil once
teemed with verdure and fertility. The ceremonies
of such occasions consisted largely of processions
and dances, and the place afforded ample scope for
such movements. The surrounding hills served aa
an amphitheatre, whence the spectators could look,
and have the entire scene under their eyes. The
position, too, in times of sudden danger, admitted
of an easy defense, as it was a hill itself, and the
neighboring hills could be turned into bulwarks.
To its other advantages we should add that of its
central position for the Hebrews on the west of the
Jordan. "It was equidistant," says Tristram,
" from noith and south, and easily accessible to the
trans-Jordanic tribes." An air of oppressive still-
ness hangs now over all the scene, and adds fores
to the reflection that truly the " oracles " so long
consulted there "are dumb;" they had fulfilled
their purpose, and given place to "a more sons
word of prophecy."
A visit to Shiloh requires a detour of several
miles from the ordinary track, and it has bam lest
Wilson understood it was called " Mosque of the Sixty a
(SiMa) (Lands oftht Biblr, II. 294). [This latter ■
the name given also by Sepp, Jma. and das ktU
Land, U. 25. — H.J
c • Tbe Palestine Exploration Fund have had pao
tographlo views taken of the ruins of the mosque ar
Srtrtte, of the rock-hewn tombs near the fountain
and of various ruins, from the northwMt. H.
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SHILONI
frequently described than other irora accessible
places. (The reader ma; consult Keland's PuUa-
tum, p. 1016; Bachiene's Betehreaung, ii. $ 582;
Rsumer's PalM. p. 221 [4te Aufl.] ; Rltter's
Erdk. zr. 631 f.; Robinson's BibL Ha. ii. 269-
276; Wilson's Ltmdi of the Biblt, ii. 294; Stanley,
Sm. ami Pal pp. 231-233; Porter's Utmdb. of
Syria, ii. 328; Hereog's Rtnl-Kncyk. rir. 369;
Dr. Sepp, Jeriu. imJ dot htil Land, il. 25 f. ;
Tristram, Land of Itratl, 2d ed. p. 163 f.; and
SUnlej, /*cturu m the Jtuitli Church, i. 308 ff.)
II. B. H.
SHtlXTNI 03'^n, i. t. " the Shilonite: "
[Vat] row AnAouvt ; [Rom. Jn\»W; Alex. HA»>-i;
FA. AnA»r«:] HiloniUi). This word occurs In
the A. V. only in Meh. xi. 6, where it should
be rendered — as it is in other cases — "the Shi-
luuite," that is, the descendant of Shelah the
toungest sou of Judah. The passage is giving an
i-c.uut (like 1 Chr. ix. 3-6) of the families of
JodWi who lived in Jerusalem at the date to which
it ref.rs, and (like that) it divides them into the
great houses of 1'harez and Shelah.
The change of Shelani to Shiloiii is the same
which seems to have occurred in the name of
Siloam — Shelach in Nehemiah, and Sluloach in
Isaiah. G.
SHTLONITE, THE P3 Vyjn [see above] ;
in ChrotL, "W'TflTn and "OVjujn : [Vat] o
inUxnrrnt ; [Rom.] Alex. XijAwirns: Sittultt,
[Silomli*]); that is. the native or resident of
SbOob, — a title ascribed only to Ahyah, the
prophet who foretold to Jeroboaiii the disruption
of the northern and southern kingdoms (1 K. xi.
29, xii. 15, xt. 29; 2 Chr. ix. 29, x. 15). Its con-
nection with Sbiloh is fixed by 1 K. xir. 2, 4, which
shows that that sacred spot was still the residence
of the prophet The word is therefore entirely dis-
tinct from that examined in the following article
sud under Shilomi. U.
SHTO.ONITES, THBOjVW! [see be
«w] : [Vat] rev XnKmtf. [Bom. Alex. ZtjAawi:]
tiiimi) are meutioned among the descendants of
Judah dwelling in Jerusalem at a date difficult to
fix (1 Chr. ix. 6). They are doubtless the mem-
bers of the house of Siiki.ah, who in the Penta-
teuch are more accurately designated Shklanitks.
This is supported by the reading of the Targuiu
Joseph on the passage — "the tribe of Shelah,''
and is allowed by Uesenius. The word occurs
again in Sen. xi., a document which exhibits a
certain correspondence with 1 Chr. ix. It is iden-
tical in the original except a slight contraction, but
in the A. V. it is given as Shilohi.
HHII/SHAH (TVC^W [triad, Ges.] : joA-
uri ; [Vat] Alex 2aA<«ra : Satuea). Son of
fephah of the tribe of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 37).
S1IIM-EA (»^b5 [rumor]: Jauxul; [Vat
Sapor:] Simmna). "l. Son of David by Bath-
sbeba (1 Chr. xii. 5). Called also Shammua, and
Shammuah.
2. ([Vat Xonta;] Alex Sauo: [Samoa.]) A
Uenrite Levite (1 Chr. vi. 30 [15]).
3. ([Seyiaa:] Samoa.) A Gershonite Levite,
ancestor of 1 Asaph the minstrel (1 Chr. vi. 39 [24]).
4. (Alex. Zafiaas-) The brother of David (1
Chr. xx. 7), elsewhere called Shammah. Siiimma,
Sad SfUXKAH.
1M
SHIMEI
8001
SHIM'EAH Oypit* [rumor, fame}; Keri,
HypBJ: S <M «f; I Vat] Alex - 3«M«« ! Samoa).
1. rtrother of David, and father of Jonathan and
Jouadab (2 Sam. xxi. 21 [where A. V. ed. 1611
reads Shimea]): catted also Shammah, Shimea,
and Siiimma. Iu 2 Sam. xiii. 3, 32, bis name il
written nyjplp (Zoyua; [Vat] Alex. Stuia "
r. 32: Summit).
2. (TT^lptt?: Xa/uU; [Vat Je^oo ;] Alex.
So/ifo: Sumim.) A descendant of Jehiel the father
or founder of Gibeon (1 Chr. viii. 32).
SHIM'S AM (Dr4QQ7 [fame, name] : la/iait
Alex, lapa: Samwn)'. A descendant of Jehiel,
the founder or prince of Gibeon (1 Chr. ix. 38).
Called Shimkah in 1 Chr. viii. 32.
SHIM'EATH (nyjpD [fem. = SHiitBAH]:
'U/touiS, 3aiutii: [Vat. Xafta,] A rx. 2auaS in
Chr. : Semaath, Stmmaath). An Ammouitess,
mother of Jozacbar, or Zabad, one of the murder-
ers of King Joash (2 K. xii. 21 [22] ; 2 Chr. xxIt.
26).
• SHIM'EATHITES (OViySttJ, patron.:
So^nOif^; Vat Alex. So^aflid/i: i-etunantee), one
of the three families of scribes residing at Jahes
(1 Chr. ii 55), probably descendants of a certain
Shimea. See Tikathitks. A.
SHIMEI ( ?PQ7 [renowned]: J v «t; [in
Zech., tvu.t&r\ Vat also 2</i«i, 2op«i0 Semtt).
1. Son of Gersbom the son of I-evi (Num. iii. 18;
1 Chr. vi 17, 29, xxiii. 7, 9, 10; Zech. xii. 13);
called Siiimi bi Ex. vi 17. In 1 Chr. vi. 29, ac-
cording to the present text, he is called the son of
Libni, and both are reckoned as sons of Merari, but
there is reason to suppose that there is something
omitted in this verse. [See Lmai 2: Mahi.i 1.]
W. A. W.
2. ([Vat] Alex. 2tu««i.) Shimei the son of
Gere, a Benjamite of the house of Saul, who lired
at lfehurim. His residence there agrees with the
otber notices of the place, as if a marked spot on
the way to and from the Jordan Valley to Jem
aalein, and just within the border of Benjamin.
[KuiuniM.] He may have received the unfor-
tunate Fhaltiel after bis separation from Michal
(2 Sam. Ui. 10).
When David and his suite were seen descending
the long defile, on his flight from Absalom (2 Sam.
xri. 5-13), the whole feeling of the clan of Ben-
jamin burst forth without restraint iu the person
of Shimei. His house apparently was seitiirated
from the road by a deep valley, yet not sn far as
that anything that he did or said could not lie dis-
tinctly heard. He ran along the ridge, cursing,
throwing stones at the king and his companions,
and when he came to a patch of dust on the dry
hill side, taking it up, and throwing it over them.
Abhshai was so irritated, that but for David's re-
monstrance, he would have darted across the ravine
(2 Sam. xvi. 9) and torn or cut off bis head. The
whole conversation is remarkable, as showing what
may almost be called the slang terms of abuse
prevalent in the two rival courts. The cant name
for David in Shinu i's mouth is " the man of blood,"
twice emphatically repeated : " Come out, come
out, thou nun of blood " — "A man of blood art
thou " (2 Sam. xvi. 7, 8). It seems to have beta
derived from the slaughter of the sons of Saul (2
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3002 8HIMEI
Sam. »i.), or generally perhaps from David's pre-
dktory, warlike life (comp. 1 Cbr. xxii. 8). 11m
taut name for a Benjamite i.» jtbishai's mouth was
"a dead dog" (3 Sam. xvi. 9; compare Abner'a
expression, " Am I a dog's head," 2 Sam. iii. 8).
11 Man of Belial " alao appears to have been a
favorite term on both sides (2 Sam. xri. 7, xx. 1).
The royal party passed on ; Shimei following them
with hit stones and curses as long as they were in
sight
The nest meeting was very different. The king
was now returning from his successful campaign.
Just as he was crossing the Jordan, in the ferry-
boat or on the bridge (2 Sam. xix. 18 ; LXX. Sia-
Pahovros, Jos. Ant. vii. 2, § 4, M tV yt<t>vpar),
the first person to welcome him on the western, or
perha|M even on the eastern side, was Shimei, who
may have seen him approaching from the heights
above. Hi threw himself at David's feet in abject
penitence. " He was the first," he said, " of all
the house of Jt'teph," thus indicating the dose
political alliance between Benjamin and Kphmini.
Another altercation ensued between David and
Ahishai, which ended in David's guaranteeing
Shimei's life with an oath (2 Sam. xix. 18-23), in
consideration of the general jubilee and amnesty
of the return.
But the king's suspicions were not set to rest by
this submission ; and on his death-bed he recalls the
whole scene to the recollection of his son Solomon.
Shimei's head was now white with age (1 K. ii. U),
and he was living in the favor of the court at Jeru-
salem (ib'ul. 8). Solomon gave him notice that
from henceforth he must consider himself confined
to the walls of Jerusalem on pain of death. The
Kidron, which divided him from the road to bis
old residence at Kahnrim, was not to be crossed.
He was to build a house in Jerusalem (1 K. ii. 36,
87). For three years the engagement was kept.
At tbe end of that time, for the purpose of captur-
ing two slaves who had escaped to Uath, he went
out on his ass, and made his journey successfully
(ibid. ii. 40). On his return, the king took him
at his word, and he was slnin by Hernial] (ibid. ii.
41-46). In the sacred historian, and still more in
Josephus (Ant. viii. 1, § 5), great stress is laid on
Shimei's having broken his oath to remain at home ;
so that his death is regarded as a judgment, not
only for bis previous treason, but for his recent
sacrilege. A. P. S.
3. [Vat. Alex. 2c/t<ri.] One of the adherents
of Solomon at the time of Adonijah'a usurpation
1 K. i. 8). Unless he is the same as Shimei the
•on of Klah (1 K. iv. 18), Solomon's commissariat
officer, or with Shimeah, or Shammah, David's
brother, as Kwald (Getek. iii. 266) suggests, it is
impossible to identify him. From the mention
which is made of " tbe mighty men " in the same
verse, one might be tempted to conclude that
Shimei is the same with Shammah tbe Hararite
(2 Sam. xxiii. 11); for the difference in the He-
brew names of Shimei and Shammah is not greater
than that between those of Shimeah and Sham-
mah, which are both applied to David's brother.
4. [Vat. A; Alex. 2«p<«.] Solomon's com-
missariat officer in Benjamin (1 K. iv. 18); son
jfEJah.
6. [Vat. omits ; Rom. 2<uct ; Alex. 2fpc i.]
Son of Pedaiah, and brother of Zerubbabel (1 Cbr.
HI. 181.
•• [Vat it /ii it-] A Simeonite, son of Zsvchur
SHIMKATH
(1 Chr. iv. 96, 27). He had tfxtarn sons and six
daughters. Perhaps the same as Siiehaiah 8.
7. [Vat. Alex. Scuto.] Son of Gog, a Beubenits
(1 Chr. v. 4). Perhaps the same as Shkma 1.
8. [Vat Sfufti; Alex. Xtftti.) A Gershonits
Levite, son of Jahath (1 Chr. vi. 42).
9. C&MMts; [Vat £>««;] Alex, Xtpti:
Semeiat.) Son of Jeduthun, and chief of the tenth
division of the singers (1 Chr. xxr. 17). His name
is omitted from the list of the sons of Jeduthun in
ver. 3, but is evidently wanted there.
10. (2f/ict; [Vat 2<p««:] Sonant.) The
Ramathite who was over David's vineyards (1 Chr.
xxrii. 27). In the Vat US. of the LXX. bs is
described as i i« fafiK.
IX (Alex. 2curtuv : Setntt.) A Levite of ths
sons of Heman, who took part in the prrincalioo
of the Temple under Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 14).
18. [Alex. 2c/ut, 2e/iet-] The brother of Con-
oniah the Levite in tbe reign of Hezekiah, who had
charge of tbe offerings, tbe tithes, and the dedicated
things (2 Cbr. xxxi. 12, 18). Perhaps the same
as the preceding.
13. (2a/iovr FA. 2o/uw8.) A Levite in the
time of Ezra who had married a foreign wife (Est.
x. 23). Called also Semis.
14- (2<p«t; [Vat] FA. 2<p««.> One of the
family of Hasbum, who put away his foreign wits
at Ezra's command (Ear. x. 33). Called Skmei
in 1 F-sdr. ix. 33.
16. A son of Bani, who had also married a
foreign wife and put her away (Ezr. x. 38). Called
Sahib in 1 Esdr. ix. 34.
16. (2«m««S [ Vat - FA 1 ifjutua) Son of
Kish a Benjamite, and ancestor of Mordecai (Esth.
ii. 6). W. A. W.
SHIM'EON (7'lVpEJ [a hearing, or fammt
one}: Sfficiiv: Simeon). A layman of Israel, of
tbe family of Harim, who had married a foreign
wife and divorced her in the time of Ezra (Ezr. x.
31). The name is the same as Sim eo».
SHIM'HI OSptp: Satmte; [Vat Safuuttl]
Alex, ia/iai: Semtl). A Benjamite, apparently
the same as Siikma the son of Klpaal (1 Cbr. viii
21). The name is the same as Shimei.
SHIM'I ("Spa? : 2<p ( f; [Vat. 2 v ««i Alex
2<pei:] Semrf=SHIMKi 1, Ex. vi. 17).
SHIM'ITBS, THE 02tp»n [renowweo.
Ges.] : i 2<u(f i [Alex. 3e/*€i :] Semeltica, sc,
familin). The descendants of SlllllKl the son of
liershom (Num. iii. 91N They are again men-
tioned in Zech. xii. 18, where tbe LXX. have
2v/ueV.
SHIM'MA <W»» : tufiai ; Alex. Xa/wM.:
Simmon). Tbe third son of Jesse,, and brother of
David (1 Chr. ii. 13). He is called also Sham
maii, Shimra, and Shimeah. Josephus calls
i.lni Si/umos (Ant vi. 8, § 1 ), and Saua (AnL vii
12, 5 2).
SHITtfON Clltyy? [desert]: 2«;u<*> i [Vnt
2r/u«y:] Alex, it/utuv: Simon). The four sons
of Shimon are enumerated in an obscure geueatogv
of tbe tribe of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 20). There is no
trace of the name elsewhere in the Hebrew, but in
the Alex. MS. of the LXX. there is mention mads
of " Someion the father of Joman "in I Cbr. Iv
19, which was possibly the same as Shimon.
SHIM-BATH (rnSB? [mxds, jrnsrd}
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SHIMKI
Wipe*' Samarotk). A B-njamite, of the sons
» shinihi (1 Chr. viii. SI).
SHIM BI 0"?t?BJ [rioifairt]: 3 w l; [Vat
luap;] Alex. Souasp iai: Scrnn). L A Siineon-
ir. son of Shemaiah (1 Chr. jr. 37).
2. { ij~j.f i: [Vat. FA. 2au.«p«is] Alex - *"«r" !
,»>afi.) The father of Jediael, one of David's
pml (1 Chr. xi. 45).
3. (Zo/Spii [Vat. Zo^ffcf,] Alex. Za^pi.)
A Kohsthite Lenta in the reign of Hezekiah, of the
mi of Eitaphan (3 Chr. xxix. 13). He assisted
r Ux purification of the Temple.
SHISTRITH (n^TlJB? [fern, vigilant] :
luuflfl; [Vat. ZoMouofl ;j Alex. So/upif '-
.<t»ir4A). A Moabitess, mother of Jehozabad,
■M of toe assassins of King Joasb (2 Chr. xxiv.
Si,. In 2 K, xii. 21, she it called Siiumkii. The
I'eshito-Syriae give* NetuiiUh, which appear* to be
t kind of attempt to translate the name.
SHIWROM (7T«pB7 [uxilch-itiijlit] : a«/»-
, f ir: Alex. 2a/<fap: 'Simerm). Shimhon the
mi of Istaebar (1 Chr. vii. 1). Tbe name is cor-
iwdj given » Sbuuron " in tbe A. V. of 1611.
SHIMTION (f*l"ipH7 [uMch-litight]: Xv
ui,; Alex, loutpiv, 'ltfipaV- Semtnm, Sem-
>«■). A city of Zebulun (Josh. xix. 15). ltlspre-
nwHiy named in tlie list of the places whose kings
•en called by Jabin, king of Haxor, to his assist-
iwe against Joshua (xi. 1). Its full appellation
ns perhaps Shimkos-mkuom. Schwarz (p. 172)
proposal to identify it with tbe Simouias of Jose-
Bbn (UK § 24), now Siutuniych, a village a
in miles W. of Nazareth, which is mentioned in
lot well-known list of the Talmud (Jerui. Mtuil-
W, op. 1) a* the ancient Shimron. This has iu
iu (war its proximity to Bethlehem (eomu. xix.
IS;. The Vti. LXX., like the Talmud, omits the
r in tbe name. **.
SHIMTION 0'"""5t? [*• above]: in Gen.
I.tton. So^flpaV, Alex.] Zc^fipani in Num.
[V*t.] Safuifafi: [Rom. 3afi$p4pi] Alex. A/»-
Sfar- Smrun, [o>mrmi]). The fourth eon of
Uachar according to the lists of Genesis (xlvi. 13)
ind Numbers (.xxvi. 24), and the head of the fam-
il) of the Shimkositim. In the catalogues of
Chronicles bis name is given [in later eds. of the
A.V.J as Siumkoh. G.
SHIM'EONITBS, THE C'? l "ltjt&ri [patr.,
s» above]: [Vat.] o Sauapavsi; [Kom. 6 Safi-
•api;] Alex, a A/iflpa/Mt: Stna-anila). The fam-
Tjof Srixkok, sou of Iseaehar (Num. xxvi. 24).
8HTMRON-MBRON 0'X"rO I'TrtpBJ
[muA-kai/kt of Si., Get.] ; the Ktri omitt the H :
S^imp . . . [MapHpAe, Vat] Mouporf; Alex,
aaaear . • " ♦curra ■ ■ Mapwr: Semtron). lb*
king of Sfaimroii-meron it mentioned at one of
lee thirty-one kings vanquished by Joshua (Josh,
tii. 20). It it probably (though not certainly) the
anpkte name of the place elsewhere called Shim-
box. Both are mentioned in proximity to Achshaph
xi 1, xii. 20). It will be observed that the I.XX.
■est tbe two words at belonging to two distinct
Jaws, and it is certainly worth notice that Midon
SHI NAB
8008
a Tab addition, aspscauly m the Alex. M8.-u.a-
B)tB elan Is the Hebrew— Is rtmarkabb. TW«
astMaf to to* ortflnal text to siisjisl 11.
— in Hebrew to easily substituted for Menm. and
in fact so read by the LXX., I'esbito.and Arabic—
occurs next to Shimron in Josh. xi. 1.
There are two claimants to identity with Shim,
ron-meron. The old Jewish traveller bap-rVrchi
fixes it at two hours east of Kn-gaunini (.Itnin),
south of the mountains of Gilboa, at a village colled
iu his day Dar Mtron (Asber's Benjamin, ii. 434).
No modern traveller appears to have explored that
district and it is consequently a blank on the maps.
The other is the village of Simuniyth, west of Nnxa-
retli, which tbe Talmud asserts to be the sau.e with
Shimron. G.
SHIM'SHAI [2 syl] CON??? [sunny] : Soyr-
$d: [Vat Sopao-tt, Xa/t«. etc.;] Alex. So/urai:
Samsil). The scribe or secretary of Kehum, who
was a kind of satrap of the conquered province of
.ludnsa, and of the colony at Samaria, supported by
the Persian court (Ear. iv. 8, 9, 17, 23). He was
apparently an Aramasan, for the letter which he
wrote to Artaxenes was in Syriac (Ear. iv. 7), and
tbe form of his name is in favor of this supposition.
iu 1 Esdr. ii. he is called SraiuxiUB.and by Jose-
phus Senior (Ant. xi. 2, § 1). The Samaritans
were jealous of the return of the Jews, and for
a long time plotted against them without effect.
They appear ultimately, however, to have preju-
diced the royal officers, and to have prevailed upon
them to address to the king a letter which act forth
the turbulent character of the Jews and the dan-
gerous character of their undertaking, the effect oi
which was that the rebuilding of the Temple ceased
for a time.
SHI'NAB (2K?» [faiha'i tooth]: Itnmif.
Sennnav). Tbe king of Admah in tbe time of
Abraham: one of the Bve kings attacked by the
invading army of Chedorlaomer (Gen. xiv 2)
Josephus (Ant. i. 9) calls him 2(i>a£dpi)S.
SHTNAR Pi???? [see below]: Htmip,
■Xtmaip; [Alex. Swoop: see also below:] Srti.
nanr) seems to have been tbe ancient name of the
great alluvial tract through which tbe Tigris and
Euphrates pass before reaching the sea — the tract
known in later timet as Chaldasa or Babylonia. It
was a nlain country, where brick had to be used for
stone, and slime (mud?) for mortar (Gen. xi. 3).
Among its cities were Babel (Babylon), Erech oi
Oreoh (OrchoS), Calueh or Calno (probably Xijf'rr),
and Accad, the site of which is unknown. These
notices are quite enough to fix the situation. It
may, however, be remarked further, that the LXX.
render the word by " Babylonia " (Bo/3oAo»»>Jo» in
one place (Is. xi. 11), and by "tbe land of Baby
km" (ytl Ba3uX«»o») in another (Zech. v. 11).
[The word also occurs (Josh. vii. 21) in the phras*
rendered in the A. V. Babtixnhbh Gajuhuit.—
A-]
The native Inscriptions contain no traoe of the
term, which teems to be purely Jewish, and un-
known to any other people. At least it is extremely
doubtful whether there is really any connection be-
tween Shiner and Siiigara or S'mjitr. Singara was
the name of a town in Central Mesopotamia, well
known to the Romans (Dion Cass. Ixviii. 22; Amm.
Maro. xviii. 5, 4c.), and still existing (Uyard,
JWn. and Bab. p. 249). It it from this place that
tbe mo* ^nt wuich run across Mesopotamia from
Mosul to Rakken receive their title of " the Sinjal
range" UryTop" «f«. PtoL T - 18) ' *f *"*
first appears in central Mesopotamia, ta
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which the term Shinmr is never applied, about the
time of the Antoninea, it i* very unlikely that it
can repreaeut the old Shinar, which oeased practi-
cally to be a geographic title won after the death
of Moses.*
It may be auepested that Shinar we* the name
hy which the Hebrewa originally knew the lower
Mesopotamia!] country where they ao long dwelt,
and which Abraham brought with him from " Ur
of the Chaldcea " (Mugheir). Possibly it nwana
" the country of the Two Rivera," being derired
from ^yS, "two" and 'ar, which waa uaed in
Babylonia, at well aa ftahr or ndJiAr 0<73), for
" a river." (Compare the " Ar-malchar " of Pliny,
//. N. vi. 20, and " Ar-macalea" of Abydenus, Fr.
9, with the Naar-malcha of Ammianua, xxiv. 6,
called Happix a i D 7 Isidore, p 5, which ia trans-
lated aa "the Royal River;" and compare again
the "Narragam" of Pliny, H. N. vi. 30, with
the « Aracanua " of Abydenua, L $. e.) G. R.
SHIP. No one writer in the whole range of
Greek and Roman literature has supplied ua (it
may be doubted whether ail put together have sup-
plied us) with ao much information concerning the
merchant-abipa of the ancient* ua St. Luke hi the
narrative of St Paul's voyage to Koine (Acta
xxvii., xxviii.). In illustrating the Biblical aide of
this question, it will be best to arrange in order the
various particulars which we leani from this nar-
rative, and to use them as a basis for elucidating
whatever else occurs, in reference to the subject, in
the Goapela and other parts of the K. T., hi the
0. T. and the Apocrypha. Aa regards the earlier
Scriptures, the Septuagintal thread will be fol-
lowed. This will be the easiest way to secure the
mutual illustration of the Old and New Testament*
hi regard to this subject. The merchant-ships of
various dates in the Levant did not differ in any
essential principle; and the Greek of Alexandria
containa the nautical phraseology which auppliea
our beat linguistic information. Two preliminary
remarks may be made at the outset.
Aa regards St Paul's voyage, it is important to
remember that he accomplished it in three ships:
first the Adraiuyttian vessel [Adkahvttium]
which took him from C.ksahka to Myka, and
which waa probably a coasting vessel of no great
<ize (xxvii. 1-6); secondly, the large Alexandrian
jorn-ship, in which he waa wrecked on the coast of
Malta (xxvii. 6-xxviii. 1) [Mkuta]; and thirdly,
another large Alexandrian corn-ship, in which he
sailed from Malta by Svbacuhk and KliBGiUM to
Puteoli (xxviii. 11-13).
Again, the word employed by St. Luke, of each
of these ships, is, with one single exception, when
he uses ravs (xxvii. 41), the generic term a-Aoioy
xxvii. 2, 6, 10, 15, 22, 30, 37, 38, 39, 44, xxviii.
1 1 ). The same general usage prevails throughout.
Elsewhere in the Acts xi. 13, 38, xxi. 2, 3, 6) we
jave r\o!ay. So in St. James (iii. 4), and in the
Revelation (viii. 9, xviii. 17, 19). Iu the Goapela
aw have s-Aoior (pnuim) or nKoiipior (Mark iv.
36; John xxi. 8). In the LXX. we find tAoiov
uisd twenty-eight times, and y a us nine times.
Both worda generally correspond to the Hebrew
SHIP
'3£ or n>3|?. In Jon. L 6, wAawr «- need to
represent the Hebrew HJ^OP, Uphinih, which.
from its) etymology, appears to mean a vessel cov-
ered with a deck or with hatches, in opposition
to an open boat. The senses in which oicAipoi
(2 Mace. xii. 8, 6) and e*A$n (Acta xxvii. 16, 32.
are employed wa shall notice as we proceed. The
use of rptffpr)! ia limited to a aingle passage in the
Apocrypha (2 Mace. iv. 20).
(1.) Size of Ancient Skip*. — The narrative
which we take aa our chief guide affords a good
standard for estimating this. The ship in which
St. Paul waa wrecked had 276 persona on board
(Acta xxvii. 37), besides a cargo (atoprior) of wheat,
(ib 10, 28); and all these passengers seem to have
been taken on to Puteoli in another ahip (xxviii. 11 )
which had its own crew and its own cargo ; nor ia
there a trace of any difficulty in the matter, though
the emergency waa unexpected. Now in English
tranaport-ahipa. prepared for carrying troops, it if
a common estimate to allow a ton and a half per
man; thus we see that it would be a mistake to sup-
pose that these Alexandrian corn-ships were very
much smaller than modem trading vessels. What
ia here stated ia quite in harmony with other in-
stances. The ahip in which Joaephua was wrecked
( I 'ft. c. 3), in the aame part of the l-evant, had
600 souls on board. The Alexandrian com-«hip
described by Lucian (Navig. a. totn) aa driven
into the Pirarns by stress of weather, and aa ex-
citing general attention from its great size, would
appear (from a consideration of the measurements,
which are explicitly given) to have measured 1,000
or 1,200 tona. As to the ahip of Ptolemy Phila-
delphua, deacrilwd by Atbenasus (v. 204), thia must
have been much larger; but it would be no more
fair to take that aa a standard than to take the
" Great Kaatern " aa a type of a modem steamer.
On the whole, if we aay that an ancient merchant-
ahip might range from 800 to 1,000 tons, we are
clearly within the mark.
(2.) Steeling Apparatus — Some commentators
have fallen into strange perplexities from observing
that in Acts xxvii. 40 (to» (ivxriifitas run wnSa-
AiW "the fasteuinga of the ruddera"), St Luke
uses rriSdXior in the plural. One even suggests
that the ship had one rudder fastened at the bow
and another fastened at the stern. We may aay
of liiui, aa a modern writer says in reference to a
similar comment on a paasage of Cicero, ■' It ia
hardly possible that he can have aeen a ahip."
The sacred writer's uae of wr/SdAia U just Ilka
Pliny's use of yubtrntiadn (H. tf. xi. 37, 88), or
Lucretins's of guierna (iv. 440). Ancient shi[»
were in truth not steered at all by rudders fastened
or hinged to the stern, but by means of two pad
die-ruddera. one on each quarter, acting hi a row-
lock or through a port-hole, aa the vessel might bt
small or large. 4 Thia fact ia made familiar to ua in
classical works of art, aa on coins, and the sculptures
of Trajan'a Column. The aame thing ia true, nut
only of the Mediterranean, but of the early ships
of the Northmen, aa may be seen in the Itayeux
tapestry. Traces of the " two ruddera " are found
the time of Louie IX. The hinged rudder first
■ In Isaiah and Zechartah, Shinar, ona used by
sea writer, la an ankaitm.
s Dr. Wordsworth gives a very interesting Ulusrra-
bbb from Htppoly tut, bishop of Portua (dt Mmtitkr. VL
where, In a detailed allegorical comparison or *m
Chnreh to a ahip, he says « bar two radian are taw
two Testaments by whleh aha steer* her coniee."
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SHIP
■ppaars on the mini of our King Edward in.
There is nothing out of harmony with this earlj
system of steering in Jam. it 4, where rnSdAioy
ocenrs in the singular; for 'the governor" or
steersman (a thvivmr) would only use one paddle-
rudder at a time. Id a case like that described in
Acta ixvii. 10, where four anchors were let go at
the stem, it would of course be necessary to Ush
or trice up both paddles, lest they should interfere
with the ground tackle. When it became necessary
to steer the ship again, and the anchor-ropes were
cat, the lashings of the paddles would of course be
unfastened.
(3.) BuUdand Ornaments of tie HulL—V. is
■robab.i, fiom what has been said about the mode
of steering (and indeed it is nearly trident from
ancient works of art), that there was no very
marked difference between the bow (roipa, " fore-
ship," ver. 30, "fore part," var. 41) and the stem
{rrpvuva. "hinder part," ver. 41; see Mark iv. S8).
The "hold " («of\n, " the rides of the ship,'' Jonah
i. 6) would present no special peculiarities. One
characteristic ornament (the gnWo-iros, or nphutre),
rising in a lofty curre at the stern or the bow, is
familiar to us in works of art, but no allusion to it
occurs in Scripture. Of two other customary orna-
ments, however, one is probably implied, and the
second is distinctly mentioned in the account of St.
Paul's voyage. That personification of ships, which
seems to be instinctive, led the ancients to paint an
eye on each side of the bow. Such is the custom
still in the Mediterranean, and indeed our own sail-
ors speak of " the eyes " of a ship. This gives riv-
idneas to the word brroip0a\fii7r, which is used
(Acta xxrii. IS) where it is said that the Teasel
esuld not "bear up into" (literally "look at")
the wind. This was the Teasel in which St. Paul
was wrecked. An ornament of that which took him
on from Malta to Poazuoli is more explicitly re-
ferred to. The " sign " of that ship (wapaVn/uov,
Acts rxviii. 11) was Castor akd Pollux; and
the symbols of these heroes (probably in the form
repre s en ted in the coin engraved under that article)
were doubtless painted or sculptured on each side
of the bow, as was the ease with the goddess Isis
on Lucian's ship (i) wpApa r^y i-ritniftop rfjs
yeits 8tby (\auaa tV law tmerifnQty, Nnviy.
e.6).
(4.) Untkrgirdtr*. — The imperfection of the
nnVi, and still more (see below, 6) the peculiarity
" the rig, in ancient ships, resulted in a greater
tendency than in our times to the starting of the
planks, and consequently to leaking and foundering.
We aae this taking place alike in the voyages of
Jonah. St. Paul, and Joseph in; and the loss of the
■set of j£neas in Virgil (>' kuda laterum oompngi-
bui omnes," jEn. i. 122) may be adduced in illus-
tration. Hence it was customary to take on board
peculiar contrivances, suitably called " helps °'
(Jknfltitui, Acts xxrii. 17), as precautions against
such dangers. These were simply cables or chains,
which in case of necessity could be passed round
the frame of the ship, at right angles to its length,
and made tight. The process is in the English
navy called Jrappmg, and many instances eould
X given where it has been found necessary in
modern experience. Ptolemy's great ship, in
AthensBOs (L c), carried twelve of these nuder-
rirders (owo^i/iara). Various allusions U. the
pmelice are to be found in the ordinary daaacai
writers. Saw, for butanes, Thueyd i- 29; Plat.
«V x. *> »Wi Hot. Od. L 14, ». Bat it is
SHIP
8005
most to our purpose to refer to the inscription*,
containing a completo inventory of the Athenian
nary, as published by Ikwckll ( (Trhtnden flier tins
Stewtsen da Attuchtn StmUet, Berl. 1840). The
editor, however, is quite mistaken in supposing (pp.
133-138) that these undergirdera were passed round
the body of the ship from stem to stem.
(5.) Anckort. — It is probable that the ground
tackle of Greek and Roman sailors was quite as
good as our own. (On the taking of soundings,
see below, 12.) Ancient anchors were similar in
form (as may be seen on coins) to those which we
use now, except that they were without flukes.
Two allusions to anchoring are found iu the N T .
one in a very Impressive metaphor concern inr
Christian hope (Hob. vi. 19). A saying of
Socrates, quoted ben by Kypke (o6r< yaw «"|
iybs byitvplov otrt ftioy in fuas ikwltos ippi-
ffaadai), may serve to carry our thoughts to the
other passage, which is part of the literal narrative
of St. Paul's voyage at its most critical point
The ship in which he was sailing had four alienors
on board, and these were all employed in the night,
when the danger of falling on breakers was immi-
nent. The sailors on this occasion anchored by the
stern (it toujotjj filikayrtt iyKvpal rieeapas,
Acts xxrii. 29). In this there is nothing remark-
able, if there has been time for due preparation.
Our own ships of war anchored by the stem at
Copenhagen and Algiers. It is clear, too, that
this was the right course for the sailors with whom
St. Paul was concerned, for their plan was to run
the ship aground at daybreak. The only motives
for surprise are that they should have been able so
to anchor without preparation in a gale of wind,
and that the anchors should have held on such, a
night. The answer to the first question thus sug-
gested is that ancient ships, like their modem suc-
cessors, the small craft among the Greek islands,
were in the habit of anchoring by the stem, and
therefore prepared for doing so. We have a proof
of this in one of the paintings of Hercul&neum,
which illustrates another point already mentioned,
namely, the necessity of tricing up the movable
rudders in cose of anchoring by the stem (see ver
40). The other question, which we have supposed
to arise, relates rather to the holding-ground than
to the mode of anchoring; and it is very in-
teresting here to quote what an English sailing
book says of St Paul's Bay in Malta: "While
the cables hold, tbere is no danger, as the snehors
will never start" (Purdy's Sailing Directions, p
180).
(6.) Masts, Sails, Ropes, ami yards. — Thess
were collectively called owcei) or aiuvb, or pr
(to, te o-v/iworra o-ksvJ) traAsrru, Jul. Poll.). We
fold this word twice used for parts of the rigging
in the narrative of the Acta (xxvii. IT, 19). The
rig of an ancient ship was more simple and clumsy
than that employed in modern times. Its great
feature was one large mast with one large square
sail fastened to a yard of great length. Such was
the rig also of the ships of the Northmen at a
later period. Hence the strain upon the hull, and
the danger of starting the planks, were greater
than under the present system, which distributes
the mechanical pnwsuiu more evenly over the whole
ship. Not that there ware never more masts toan
one, or more sails than one on the same mast, in
an ancient merchantman. But these were repeti-
tions, so to apeak, of the same general unit ot rig.
In the account of St Paul's shipwreck very eipBett
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mention is made of the iprtpdr (ntril. 40), which
It undoubtedly the " loresail " (not " mainsail," as
in the A. V.). Such a sail would be almost neces-
sary in putting a large ship about. On that occa-
sion it was used in the process of running the ressel
aground. Nor is it out of place here to quote a
Crimean letter in the Timti (Dec. 5, 1856): " The
' Ijord Raglan ' (merchant-ship) is on shore, but
taken there in a most sailorlike manner. Directly
her captain found he could not save her, he cut
away bis mainmast and mizen, and utling a to/>-
$ail on her foremast, ran her tuhort stem tm."
Such a mast may lie seen, raking over the bow, in
representations of ships in Roman coins. In the
O. T. the mast (ford's) is mentioned (Is. xxxiii.
23); and from another prophet (Ec. zxvii. 5) we
Ancient ship.
a painting at Pompeii.
learn that cedar-wood from Lebanon was sometimes
used for this part of ships. There is a third pas-
sage (Prov. xxiii. 34, ban 07 »"1) where the top
of a ship's mast is probably Intended, though there
la some slight doubt on the sutject, and the I.XX.
take the phrase differently. Ikith ropes (vxotvla.
Acts xxvii. 32) and sails (lerta) are mentioned in
the above-quoted passage of Isaiah: and from
Ezekiel (xxvii. 7) we learn that the latter were
often made of Egyptian linen (if such is the mean-
ing of ffTpa/fxrf))- There the word xaAcf« (which
we find also in Acts xxvii. 17, 30) is used for low-
ering the sail from the yard. It is interesting here
to notice that the word IrrotrrtKKofuu, the tech-
nical term for furling a sail, is twice used by St.
Paul, and that in an address delivered in a seaport
In the course of a voyage (Acts xx. 30, 27). It is
one of the very few cases in which the Apostle
employs a nautical metaphor.
This seems the best place for noticing two other
points of detail. Though we must not suppose
that merchant-ships were habitually propelled by
rowing, yet sweeps must sometimes have been eni-
pl >yed. in Ex. xxvii. 23, oars (Kfitt' !£) are distinct-
ly mentioned ; and it seems that oak-wood from
tiaehan was used in making them (in rrjs Batra-
rtriSot i-nolrtatw rat nims erov, ibid. 6). Again,
In Is. xxxiii. 21 VPX& ^ literally means "a ship
of oar," i. t. an oared vessel. Rowing, too. Is
probably implied In Jon. i. 13, where the LXX.
b»ve simply mptPti(orr». The other feature of
the ancient, ag of the modern ship, is the flag or
nuuMv at the top of the mast (Is. /. c, and xxx.
17). Here perhaps, aa in some other respects,
the early Egyptian paintings supply our best illus-
tration.
(7.) Sale </ Sailing. — St. Paul's voyages <ur-
8HTP
niah excellent data for approximately
this; and they are quite in harmony with what we
learn from other sources. We must notice here,
however (what commentators sometimes curiously
forget), that winds are variable. Thus the voyage
between Tiioas and Phiuppi, accomplished or.
one occasion (Acts xvi. 11, 12) in two days, occu-
pied on another occasion (Acts xx. 6) five days.
Such a variation might be illustrated by what took
place almost any week between Dublin and Holy-
head before the application of steam to seafaring.
With a fair wind an ancient ship would sail fully
seven knots an hour. Two very good instances
are again supplied by St. Paul's experience: in the
voyages from Ctesarea to Sidon (Acts xxvii 2, 3 )
and from Khegium to Puteoli (Acts xxviii. 1?).
The result given by comparing in these cases the
measurements of time and distance corresponds
with what we gather from Greek and Latin authors
generally; e. jr., from Pliny's story of the fresh fig
produced by Cato in the Roman Senate before the
third Punic war: " This fruit waa gathered fresh
at Carthage three days ago: that is the distance
of the enemy from your walls " (I'lin. //. N. xv.
80).
(8.) Sailing btfort the Kind, and near the wimt.
— The rig which ha* been described is, like the ris
of Chinese junks, peculiarly favorable to a quick
run before the wind. We have in the N. T. (Acts
xvi. 11, xxvii. 16) the technical term tvSvSpofita
for voyages made under such advantageous condi-
tions.' It would, however, be a great mistake to
suppose that ancient ships could not work to wind-
ward. Pliny distinctly says: " lisdem ventis in
contrarium navigator urolatis pedibus" (//. M. ii.
48). The superior rig and build, however, of
modern ships enable them to sail nearer to the wind
than waa the case in classical times. At one very
critical point of St Haul's voyage to Rome (Arts
xxvii. 7 ) we are told that the ship could not hold
on her course (which was W. by S., from Cnidus
by the north aide of Crete) against a violent wind
(ul) T/HXTtirros iuiia too ori/iov) blowing from
the N. W., and thai coniequently she ran down to
the east end of Crete [Sai.mo.ve], and worked
up under the shelter of the south side of the island
(vr. 7, 8). [Fair Havens.] Here the technical
terms of our sailors have been employed, whose
custom is to divide the whole circle of the compass-
canl into thirty-two equU parts, called points. A
modem ahip, if the weather is not very boisterous,
will sail within six points of the wind. To ap
ancient vessel, of which the bull was more clumsy,
and the yards could not be braced so tight, it
would be safe to assign seven points as the limit.
This will enable us, so far aa we know the direction
of the wind (and we can really ascertain it in each
ease very exactly), to lay down the tacks of the
ships in which St. Paul sailed, beating against the
wind, on the voyages from Fhilippi to Troas (txpit
Vfiepiy wirrt. Acts xx. 0), from Sidon to Myra
( Sik to reii iriuovs thai imrrloot, xxvii. 3-S ),
from Myra to Cnidus (tV Immur iinipaii fipatv
r\oovms, xxvii. 6, 7), from Salmone to Fair Ha-
vens (/tikis rapa\tyi/uroi, xxvii. 7, 8), and from
Syracuse to Khegium (rtpieASoVrR, xxviii. 12.
13).
(9.) Lying-to. — This topic arises ■wturaTry out
a With this compare to* «V nsVJw opdoor In aa
interesting p a ssage of PhUo oonaamiof the Aasa
udrlao ships (fa Haw. p. 888, sd tank/ 16VU
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*f what has pixwded, and it is so important in
reference to the main questions connected with the
shipwreck at Malta, that it is here made the sub-
ject of a separate section. A ship that could make
progress on her proper course, in moderate weather,
when sailing within seven points of the wind, would
lie-to in a gale, with her length making about the
same angle with the direction of the wind. This
is done when the object is, not to make progress at
all haxarda, but to ride out a gale in safety; and
this is what was done in St. Caul's ship when she
was undergirded and the boat taken on board (Acts
xxvii. 14-17) under the lee of Clauda. It is here
that St. Luke uses the vivid term ItyroipSaKfiu*,
mentioned above. Had the gale been less violent,
the ship could easily have held on her course. To
anchor was out of the question ; aud to have drifted
before the wind would have been to run into the
fatal Syrtis on the African coast. [Quicksands.]
Hence the vessel was Ltid-to ("close-hauled," as
the sailors say) "on the starboard tack," i. t. with
her right side towards the storm. The wind was
K. N. E. [Euroolydon], the ship's bow would
point N. by W., the direction of drift (six points
being added for " lee-way ") would be W. by N.,
and the rate of drift about a mile and a half
an boor. It is from these materials that we
easily come to the conclusion that the shipwreck
must hare taken place on the coast of Malta
[Adkia.]
(10.) Skiffs Boat. — This is perhaps the best
place for noticing separately the o-niifni, which ap-
pears prominently in the narrative of the voyage
(Acts xzvii. 16, 32). Every large merchant-ship
must have had one or more boats. It is evident
that the Alexandrian corn-ship in which St. Paul
was sailing from Fair Havens, and in which the
sailors, apprehending no danger, hoped to reach
Huksick, had her boat towing behind. When
the gale came, one of their first desires must have
been to take the boat on board, sad this was done
under the lee of Clauds, when the ship was under-
girded, and brought round to the wind for the pur-
pose of lying-to; but it was done <*ith difficulty,
and it would seem that the passengers gave assist-
ance in the task (/loXif iffvvffafitv wtputpartis yt-
iic9at rrjs (rmt^i)t, Acts xxvii. 16). The sea by
•Ms time must have been furiously rough, and the
ooat must have been filled with water. It is with
this very boat that one of the most lively passages
of the whole narrative is connected. When the
■hip was at anchor in the night before she was run
•ground, the sailors lowered the boat from the da-
vits with the selfish desire of escaping, on which St
Paul spoke to the soldiers, and they cut the ropes
(t*. rxolria) and the boat fell off (Acts xxvii. 30-
(11.) Officers and Crew. — In Acts xxvii. 11
am have both mfftprtiTits and ra&Khnpos. The
fatter is the owner (in part or in whole) of the ship
or the cargo, receiving also (possibly) the fares uf
the passengers. The former has the charge of the
steering. The same word occurs also in Rev. xviii.
17: Prov. xxiii- 34; Ex. xxvii. 8, and is equivalent
to rpuptit in Ex. xxvii. 39 ; Jon. i. 6. In James
Si. * i tvtirwv, " the governor," is simply the
steersman for the moment. The word for " ship-
meu" (Acta xxvii. 27, 30) and "sailors" (Rev.
wifi. 17) is simply the usual term murai- In the
letter passage SaiXos occurs for the crew, but the
.est la doubtful In Ex. xxvii. 8, 9, 26, 27, 29,
M, we have mwrnKsWm for " those who handle the
ship 8007
oar," and in the same chapter (rer. 29) ts,B&rat,
which may mean either passengers or marine™.
The only other passages which need be noticed
here are 1 K. ix. 27, and 2 Chr. viii. 18, in the
account of Solomon's ships. The former has ram
Tailor airroi aVSosr vavrtttol vXaiWtv «2ov-
tci 8<i\aatray; the latter, Tcaitts ciSoVtr 6i\cur
<w.«
(12.) Storms and Shipwrecks. — The first cen-
tury of the Christian era was a time of immense
traffic in the Mediterranean ; and there must have
been many vessels lost there every year by ship-
wreck,* and (perhaps) as many by foundering. This
last danger would be much increased by the form
of rig described above. Besides this, we must re-
member that the ancients had no compass, and very
imperfect charts and instruments, if auy at all;
and though it would be a great mistake to suppose
that they never ventured out of sight of land, yet,
dependent as they were oil the heavenly bodies, the
danger was much greater than now iu bad weather,
when the sky was overcast, and " neither sun nor
stars in many days appeared " (Acts xxvii. 20).
Hence also the winter season was considered dan-
gerous, and, if possible, avoided (Svtqs fjSrj 4wia-
tpaAovs rov w\o6t, Sia to Kal t$v vntrrtiap $9n
icap*\ti\ii8ivai, ibid. 9). Certain coasts too were
much dreaded, especially the African Syrtis (ibid.
17). The danger indicated by breakers (ibid. 29),
and the fear of falling on rocks (rpax*it toVoi),
are matters of course. St. Paul's experience seems
to have been full of illustrations of all these perils.
We learn from 2 Cor. xi. 2$ that, before the voy-
age described in detail by St. Luke, he had been
" three times wrecked," and further, that he had
once been "a night and a day in the deep" prob-
ably floating on a spar, as was the case with Joss-
phns. These circumstances give peculiar force to
his using the metaphor of a shipwreck (Iramiyn-
car, 1 Tim. i. 19) in speaking of those who had
apostatised from the faith. In connection with
this general subject we may notice the caution with
which, on the voyage from Troas to I'atara (Acts
xx. 13-16, xxi. 1), the sailors anchored for the
night during the period of dark moon, in the in-
tricate passages between the islands and the main
[Mitylbhb; Samos; Thocyllium], the evident
acquaintance which, on the voyage to Rome, the
sailors of the Adrsmyttian ship had with the cur-
rents on the ooasts of Syria and Asia Minor (Acts
xxvii. 2-6) [Adramyttium], and the provision
for taking soundings in caw of danger, as clearly
indicated in the narrative of the shipwreck at
Malta, the measurements being apparently the same
as those which are customary with us OoAlo-nr-
rts ropov ipymas «Ikoot Bpax" S« iicurrfitravrts,
Kal xaKiv Bo\lvamt, slpor bpyviat 8fi»axV*T«
AcU xxvii. 28).
(13.) Boats on the Sen of Gnlitee. — There is a
melancholy interest in that passage of Dr. Robh>
son's Researches (iii. 233), in which he says, that
on his approach to the Sea of Tiberias, he saw a
single white sail. This was the sail of the one
rickety boat which, as we learn from other travellers
(see especially Thomson, Land and Book, pp. 401-
404), alone remains on a scene represented to us in
the Gospels and in Josephus as full of life from the
a • The « marines » (A. T.) in Jon. i. f (DTlVlJ
vaimxoO an simply thorn who fcUew Has sat, wham*
oflkrsrs or srew. 8
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multitude of itt fishing-boats.' 1 In the narrative!
if the call of the disciples to be " fishen of men "
(Matt iv. 18-22; Mark i. 16-20; Luke v. 1-11),
there is no special information concerning the char-
acteristic* of these boats. In the account of the
storm and the miracle on the lake (Matt. viiL 23-
27; Mark iv. 35-41; Luke riii. 22-25), it is for
every reason instructive to compare the three narra-
tives; and we should observe that Luke is more
technical in his language than Matthew, and Mark
than Luke. Thus instead of atiaphs fiiyas tyir
tro iv t$ eaXAatry (Matt. viii. 24), we have «a-
rc0i) A«uAaiJ< dW/iou tit tV Alprnr (Luke viii.
23), and again t£ xKitttvi rov Starot (ver. 24);
and instead of Sore rb i-Aoio* Ka\6wrta9at we
have auvtr\vpovvTo. In Mark (Iv. 37) we have
rdt KVftara M$aWtv tls to xKoiov, Sort atnb
(jtn yffd(t<r$tu. This Evaugelist also mentions
the irpoaKt±i\aiov, or boatman's cushion, 6 on
which our Blessed Saviour was sleeping iv rf
rpifiyy, and he uses the technical term tVrdVaew
for the lulling of the storm. [Pillow, Amer. ed.]
See more on this subject in Smith, Dutertation on
(lie UvtpeU (Lend. 1853). We may turn now to
St. John. In the account he gives of what followed
the miracle of walking on the sea (vi. 10-25), a-Aoi-
•r and nhoiipio* seem to be used indifferently,
and. we have mention of other rKotipia. There
would of course be boats of various sizes on the
lake. The reading, however, is doubtful.' Finally,
in the solemn scene after the resurrection (John xxi.
1-8), we have the terms aiyia\6i and t4 8«{ia
fiipi) rov *Koiov, which should be noticed as tech-
nical. Here again wAoior and wKoidptov appear
to be synonymous. If we compare all these pas-
sages with Josephus, we easily come to the conclu-
sion that, with the large population round the Lake
of Tiberias, there must have been a vast number
both of fishing-boats and pleasure-boats, and that
boat-building must have been an active trade on its
shores (see Stanley, Sin. and Put. p. 367). The
term used by Josephus is sometimes xKotov, some-
times cxifpos. There are two passages in the
Jewish historian to which we should carefully refer,
one in which he describes his own taking of Tibe-
rias by an expedition of boats from T&riulitea ( VU.
82, 33, B. J. ii. 21, §§ 8-10). Here be says that
he collected all the boats on the lake, amounting to
230 in number, with four men in each. He states
also incidentally that each boat had a "pilot" and
an "anchor." The other passage describes the
operations of Vespasian at a later period in the
same neighborhood (B. J. iii. 10, §§ 1, 5,6, 9).
These operations amounted to a regular Roman
sea fight: and large rafts (o-x«51ai) are mentioned
betides the boats or s-infatoj.
(14.) Utrchnnt-Shiju in the Old Ttstament.—
The earliest passages where seafaring is alluded to
In the O. T. are the following in order, Gen. xlix.
13, in the prophecy of Jacob concerning Zebulun
<• * Some recent travellers speak of two and three, or
-uore, boats on this lake. The number, at present,
varies at different rimes, or else they are not all seen
jr heard of by the same traveller. H.
» The worn In Pollux is fanpAnor, but Hesyehius
gives wpoa-xc^AwoK as the equivalent. Bee Kuhn's
tote on Jul. Poll. (Mom. 1. p. 50. (Ed. Amstel. 1706.)
c So In Mark Iv. 86, " little ships," the true read-
ing appears to be vAoia, not *Aeta>ta.
i 8o In Dan. si. 80, where the same phrase " ships
sf ftbltttm '< occurs there Is no strictly corresponding
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Uarouri)<rtt trap' Sopor »AoW); Num. szlr. 24,
in Balsam's prophecy (where, however, ships an
not mentioned in the LXX. 1 *); Deut xxviii. 68, is
one of the warnings of Moses (hxoarptyti <r« Ktf-
piot «» Myvwrov iv TAofoir); Judg. v. 17, in
Deborah's Song (Air tit r< tcummcci tAoIoh;)
Next after these it is natural to mention the illus-
trations and descriptions connected with this sub-
ject in Job (ix. 26, 1) Kai iaTi vtuxrlv 1x nt iSoi)
and in the Psalms (xlvii. [xlviii.] 7, iv wvtifurr
fjtaly • ovrrpiaVf it wAota Bapais, ciii- [civ.] 26
ixtt s-Aoia luaroptvarrai, cvi. (cvii.J 23, oi Karar
ftatvorru tit SdXouroav iv wAoieit). Prov. xxiii.
34 has already been quoted. To this add xxx. 19
(rpi&ovs vf)Oi romowopoictit), xxxi. 14 (vans ipr
ropfvofiinj fuucpoOtv). Solomon's own ships,
which may have suggested some of these illustra-
tions (1 K. ix. 26; 2 Chr. viii. 18, ix. 21), nan
previously been mentioned. We must notice the)
disastrous expedition of Jelioshapbat's ships from
the same port of Ezion-geber (1 K. xxii. 48, 49; 2
Chr. xx. 36, 37). The passages which remain are
in the prophets. Some have been already adduced
from Isaiah and Esekiel. In the former prophet
the general term '• ships of Tsrshish " is variously
given in the LXX., wAoiev eVtAeWnr/ (ii. 16),
vAoia Kapxv&tvos (xxiii. 1, 14), wAoia Bapvit
(Ix. 9). for another allusion to seafaring, see xliii.
14. The celebrated 27th chapter of Kzekiel ought
to be carefully studied in all its detail ; and in Jo-
nah i. 3-16, the following technical phrases (besides
what has been already adduced ) should lie noticed :
ravKor (3), avvrpt&rimi (4), infio\})v iwothpama
t&v ffKtv&v, toS KouQurSrjwcu (5), nowiafi t) 0i-
Aao-o-a (It, 12). In Dan. xi. 40 (a-vvaxOfatroj
/feuriAeiir rov Boppa iv apfuuri Kai iv inrtvtn
Kai iv vaual roAAaij) we touch the subject of ships
of war.
(15.) Shipt of War in the Apocrypha Mil-
itary operations both by land and water (ivrij tar
Aoo-vn ml M rqt {npa», 1 Mace. viii. 23, 82)
are prominent subjects in the books of Maccabees.
Thus in the contract between Judas Maccabeus
and the Romans it is agreed (ibid. 26, 28) that no
supplies are to be afforded to the enemies of either,
whether o"itov, Sa-Aa, apyvptov, or xAola- In a
later passage (xv. 3) we have more explicitly, in
the letter of King Antiochus, n-Xota To\tpue& (see
v. 14), while in 2 Mace. iv. 20 (as observed above.)
the word rpftiptit, "galleys," occurs in the account
of the proceedings of the infamous Jason. Here wl
must not forget the monument erected by Simon
Maccabeus on his father's grave, on which, with
other ornaments and military symbols, were x\on
i*tytyK«nniva, tit to dtwpttodai ivb timuv
r&v wKtivrttv tV «dAo<ro-a» (1 Mace. xiii. 29).
Finally must be mentioned the noyrule at Joppa,
when the resident Jews, with wives and children,
200 in number, were induced to go into boats and
were drowned (2 Mace. xii. 8, 4), with the venge-
pbrase In the LXX. The translators appear to have
read H^l and *$?*> for D'S) and a\»S in thsss
passages respectively!
« The LXX. here read ftiXQ, aattn, "sma!l, n kt
D>ip, Miilm, « east"
/ This Is perhaps a mistake at the copyist, who tssa
scribed from dictation, and mistook tMpait i» CWkit
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Mitotan bj Judas (t*» ■lii' Aiutra rixrctp M-
•sari *al r« aniipT) Ka-r<Q>Ae{e, ver. 6). It seems
•ancient sinply to enumerate the other passages in
us Apocrypha when tome allusion to sea-faring is
mile. They are the following: Witd. v. 10, xiv.
1; Eechn. xxxiiL 2, xlUL 34; 1 Esdr. iv. 33.
(16.) Nautiatl Terms. — The great repertory of
inch terms, as used by those who spoke the Greek
barnage, is the Onotnaiticon at Julius Pollux ; and
>t mi; be useful to conclude this article by men-
xiing a few out of many whieh are found there,
u«] ik> in the X. T. or LXX. First, to quote
txat which have been mentioned above. We find
ij« following both in Pollux and the Scriptures:
;x<u*ta,""v4i K\v&<&y, Xftptbr, fiprior, iK&oKJi,
nvrii, oiZew ovoo~Te'AAc00ai, otiK %* tov ffKioy
H*ur, ceipv, VK&pos, vavKov, owrptflTivat, OtfV
^oAuas Iron icoi roOvofta rrit «£t» twrypdQovo't
timpand with Acts xxvii. 15, xxviii. 11), Tpaxrij
trasAal (compared with Acta xxvii. 39, 40). The
tiiiowiag are some which have not been nientioned
a this article: oWdVyco-ftu and careryfo-ticu («• g-
Acts xrriii. 11, 13), aaritis (Ex. xxrii. 5), tootis
Wad. T. 10), ara£«lrw (Jon. i. 3; Mark vi. 51),
)«A4in) (Matt. riii. 26), afuplBKnarpov (Matt. ir.
It, Mark i. 16), kwo+ofnlaaaQtu (Acts xxi. 4),
'yenrUt (xxviL 13), rwp&m (irtfios rotyvvvcis,
unL 14), ayvvpas «raraTc/f<ty (aVvicbpas tirrtl-
nir, tbid. 30), vPpurT^s aVc/io* (ffjSpcair, 10,
iflfw, 31), Tpoewct'XAa (tVoWAAai, ioitf. 41),
cA«ji3«> («Wi 43), SiaAudfhrnr rr)i «ij (4
»»»ji« lAvero, »W<i 41). This is an imperfect
lai of toe whole number ; but it may serve to show
bow rkli the X. T. and LXX. are in the nautical
pbnecology of the Greek 1-evanL To this must
i« aided a notice of the peculiar variety and secu-
rity of St. Luke's ordinary phrases for sailing un-
4er different circumstances, -r\im, axoxKim, PpaSu-
tktim, (unrAfW, imrXia, JcaraTAew, bworxiu,
npakfat, wtvtponfa, incorpixa, Trapa\4yopat,
*iffat, iuuptpojteu, Siarepda.
(17.) Authoritirt. — The preceding list of St.
Lake's -»"»i»«l verba is from Mr. Smith's work
is the Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul (Lon-
te. 1st ed. 1848, 2d ed. 1856). No other book
«ed be mentioned here, since it has for some time
■«o recognized, both in England and on the Con-
tinent, is the standard work on ancient ships, and
:l curtains a complete list of previous books on the
adject Reference, however, may be made to the
muoranda of Admiral Penrose, incorporated in
the notes to the 27th chapter of Conybeare and
Howwi's Tkt Life and KpittUt of St. Paul (Un-
ion. 3d ed. 1856). J. S. H.
• Many of thj identical sea-phrases pointed out
i!»ie are still in use among the modern Greeks.
*ai OropoToAoyiof Nwrucov (issued from the
Aiaralty office at Athens, 1858) prescribes the
unties! terms to be used on board the national
feeds. The object, of course, is not to invent or
whHnrily impose sueh terms, but talcing them
Vn actual life to guard them against extrusion by
fcngn words. We subjoin some examples with the
Kntlah sod French definitions as given In the
CsUlogre, together with references to the Scripture
phea where the same words occur in the same
«*»>: Itntlnt trftcupar, elongtr, tolnyoui aiehor,
Vcta xxrii. 30; oifpw, enleter, to hotel. Acts xxvil.
•*. Uz,l«iuer alter, & let go, Acts xxvit. 40;
tsXae, amewer tout bai, to lower and to ttrike mil,
vti uviL 17, 30; (wvIih* io-rlor, timer uae voile,
' "•»• w* Ibid.; i »*uV*> yqr, dicouvrir la
8HISHAK
8009
i*rre, to tight land, Acts xxl. 3, and cf. aa-oJtooVra
•yj)r, a classical phrase; arowAfW, pa— to leeward,
cf. Acts xxvii. 4, 7, and xxviii. 7 ; ttpoaoppi fouai,
rtlaeher, put into port, Mark ri. 53 ; vapafii\\o,
accotttr, to go alongude, to coatt, Acts xx. 15;
i\ai*m, nager, to /mil in rowing, Mark vi. 48;
(tviernpiu, If tuavtyardet, rudder-pendantt, Acts
xxvii. 40; (h\(fa, sunder, to tound, Acts xxvii.
38; t) o>o/3o\t), la perte, lots by tea, or, throa-
iny overboard ; ixoxiWu, faii'6 echouer, to
ttrand a thip, Acts xxvii. 4i ; liaatifa, faire ie
taweinge, to rescue, i. e. from shipwreck, Acta xxviii.
1; in&i&Afa, aebnrquer, to thip, embark, Acts
xxviii. 1 ; KovtpiCa, aHeyer, to lighten, Acts xxviii.
18; «ti8(8m, tauter porter, to bear away, Acts
xxvii. 16; xoAata, amentr un canot, to lower a
boat, Acts xxvii. 17, 30. To these we might add
others. Thus it appears that the sea-phrases which
Luke heard on board the "Castor sad Pollux " may
be heard now among the seamen who navigate the
same waters.
The processes and instruments of steam-naviga-
tion render a new terminology necessary to some
extent in that sphere; but for this exigency the
Greek language, so wonderfully plastic, is able to
provide within itself by the use of compounds.
11.
SHITHI OppttJ [abundant]: JteoW; [Vat.
2ad)aA;] Alex. 3«ptir: Sepket). A Sinieonlte,
father of Ziza, a prince of the tribe in the time of
Hezekiah (1 Chr. iv. 37).
SHIPHTttlTB, THE OOyl^n : [Vat.] o
rov 2<a>cei; [Kom.] Alex. A r- lefvl: Sophoni-
ttt). Probably, though not certainly, the native
of SiiKi-HAM. Zabdi, the officer in David's house-
hold who had charge of the wine-making (1 Chr.
xxvii. 27), is the only person so distinguished
G.
SHIPHTIAH (rnStt? [see below] : % tr -
ip<iif,a- Sephora, Ex. i. 15). The name of one of
the two midwives of the Hebrews who disobeyed
the command of Pharaoh, the first oppressor, to
kill the male children, and were therefore blessed
(w. 15-31 ). It is not certain that they were He-
brews : if they were, the name Shiphrah would sig-
nify " brightness " or " beauty." It has also ac
Egyptian sound, the last syllable resembling that
of Potipbar, Poti-pbra, and Hophra, in all which
we recognize the word PH-RA, P-RA, "the sun,"
or " Pharaoh," in composition, when alone written
in Heb. H^HQ : in these cases, however, the Tt
is usual, as we should expect from the Egyptian
spelling. [Puah.] R. S. P.
SHIPHTAN 099?? [/«iW<if]:2o/3a«SK,
[Tat. -0a; Comp. AH. SaeVrdV:] Sephlhan).
Father of Kemuel, a prince of the tribe of Ephraini
(Num. xxxiv. 34).
SHI'SHA (KtrhB? [see Berauik] : * v pA : [Vat.
Sofla:] Alex. 2«io-a: Sua). Father of Eliboreph
and Ahiah, the royal secretaries in the reign of
Solomon (1 K. Iv. 3). He is apparently the same
as Shavbha, who held the same position under
David.
dHTSHAK (PW^-: Xoumttpii [Vat
aTbetextlnlK.xrr.Baas pWTB7, bat was
ATrf proposes pU7 , i7.
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SHISHAK
Ala. -*«ip:] Stmc), king of Egypt, the Sheshenk
I. of the monument*, first
(overeign of the Bubutite
XXIld dynasty. Hit name
is thus written in hiero-
glyphic*.
Chnmology. — The reign
of Shishak often the first
determined synchronisms of
Egyptian and Hebrew his-
tory. Its chronology must
therefore he examined. We
first give a table with the
Egyptian and Hebrew data
Kit the chronology of the dynasty, continued m
far as the time of Zerab, who was probably a suc-
cessor of Shishak, in order to avoid repetition in
treating of the latter. [Zerah.]
Respecting the Egyptian columns of this table,
blUSHAK
it is only necessary to observe that, as a date of tbs
23d year of Usarken II. oecirs on the moauinente,
it is reasonable to suppose that the sum of the
third, fourth, and fifth reigus should be 39 years
instead of 25, KB being easily changed to KE
(Lepsius, KSnigtbuch, p. 85). We follow Iepsius'
arrangement, our Tekerut I., for instance, being
I he same as his.
The synchronism of Shishak and Solomon, and
that of Shishak and Keboboam, may be nearly
fixed, a* shown in article Chrosologt, where a
slight correction should be made in one of the data.
We there mentioned, on the authority of Champol-
lion, that an inscription bore the date of the 22d
year of Shishak (vol. i. p. 448 A). Lcpgius, however,
states that it is of the 21st year, correcting Cbam-
pollion, who had been followed by Bunaen and
others (xxii Aeg. Kdnigtdyn, p. 272 and note 1).
it must, therefore, be supposed that the invasion of
TABLK OF FIRST SIX MION8 OF DYNASTY XXII.
£otptuh Data.
Hxrasw Data.
llanttta.
MonummU.
Kings. 1 Motmu,
African us.
EaMblat.
(Mar.
nig*-
ft Vr.
XXI.
Solomon, *0 jreue. Jeroboam •«■ Is
Yrs.
LftMCnchU. H
lOMrthsa. . U
Tim.
1. CtatonchMs SI
2. OMrthon . . U
1. SUESHKNK p.]
i. UHARKEN [L]
JucUh. Yr».
1. Rehoboam . 17
blML Tie,
1. Jarobosia . . x*
Salihak.
Shlehsk Off) la
'tde. JASaL.
Uahoboaai S
1 AtHjaa .... 1
ft-)
(Tares otHsrs,
S. TEKERUT [I.]
4. USARKEN [II, J
i. SHESHENK [U.]
xxra.
S.Busaa ... .»t
S. Zlmrt
«. Omit . . . . 11
ITaksMtkls is
TskelothU IS
8. TEKERUT [n.]
XIV.
Jndah took place in the 20th, and not in the 21st
year of Shishak. The first year of Shishak would
thus about correspond to the 26th of Solomon, and
the 20th to the 5th of Keboboam.
The synchronism of Zerah and Asa is more dif-
ficult to determine. It seems, from the narrative ,
in Chronicles, that the battle between Asa and Ze- j
rah took place early in the reign of the king of Ju-
dah. It is mentioned before an event of the 15th
rear of his reign, and afterwards we read that
there was no [more] war unto the five and thir-
tieth year of the reign of Asa " (2 Chr. xv. 19).
This is immediately followed by the account of
B&aaha's coming up against Judah "in the six
and thirtieth year of the reign of Asa" (xri. 1).
The latter two dates may perhaps be reckoned from
lbs division of the kingdom, unless we can read the
15th and 10th, for Baasha began to reign in the
3d year of Asa, and died, after a reign of 21
years, and was succeeded by Elah, in the 26th year
of Asa. It seems, therefore, most probable that
the WIT with Zerah took place early in Asa's
reign, before bis 15th year, and thus also early
« The 25th and 26th are out of the question, unless
Ins * saadoo of war referred to relate to that with
Isrsjh, fee tt Is said that Asa and Baasha warred
in the reign of Usarken II. The probable iden-
tification of Zerah is considered under that nam*
[Zehah].
The chronological place of these synchronisms
may be calculated on the Egyptian as well a* the
Biblical side. The Egyptian data enable ua to cal-
culate the accession of Shishak opproxiniatively,
reckoning downwards from tbe XlXth dynasty,
and upwards from the XXVItb. Tbe first 60
years of the Sothic Cycle, commencing B. c. 1828, *
appear to have extended from the latter part of the
reign of Kameses II. to a year after the 12th o(
Rameses HI. The intervening reigns are Men-
ptah 19, Sethee II. x, Seth-nekht x, which, added
to Rameses II. x and Kameses III. 12, probably
represent little less than 50 years. The second 60
years of tbe same Cycle extended from tbe reign of
one of the sons of Rameses III., Rameses VI., sep-
arated from his father by two reigns, certainly
short, one of at least 6 years, to the reign of Ra-
nieses XI., the reigns intervening between Rame-
ses VI. and XI. giving two dates, which make a
sum of 18 years. We can thus very nearly fix tot
against sach other « all their days " (1 S. xi. 1)
82).
o We prefer the data >. 0. 1822 to si. Blot's ■ «
elr. 1800, lor reasons wa cannot bar* explain
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81HSHAK
i of the XXth dynasty. In the order of the
tiogi we follow H. de Rouge (jStede, pp. 183 ft).
xiz. J. bmwa
SHISHAK
8011
8. kten-ptah
4. Satires a. .
6- Stth-nekht .
XX. 1. Barneses m.
2. Bemasas IT.
8. BtmwM T.
4. Bsmons VI.
6. Bemom Til.
6. Bin— Tin.
T. Bemom IX.
8. Barneses X.
8. Barneses XI.
19
x
1
06)
1828
1288
1281
The commencement of the XXth dynasty would,
on thie evidence, fall about B. a 1280. The dura-
lion of the dynasty, according to Manetbo, was 178
(Eos.) or 135 (Afr.) years. The highest dates
found give us a anm of 89 years, and the Sothic
data, and the eireumatanee that there were five if
not six kings after Rameaes XI., show that the
length cannot have been less than 120 years.
Mauetho's numbers would bring at to B. c. 1102
or 1116, for the end of this dynasty. The monu-
ments do not throw any clear light upon the chro-
nology of the succeeding dynasty, the XXIst: the
only indications upon which we can found a con-
jecture are those of Mauetho's lists, according to
which it ruled for" 130 years. This number, sup-
posing that the dynasty overlapped neither the
XXth nor the XXI Id, would bring the commence-
ment of the XXIId and accession of Shishak to
a. c. 978 or 1016.
Beckoning upwards, the highest certain date is
that of the accession of l'aammitichus I., B. c. 66-4.
He was preceded, probably with a short interval,
by Tirbakah, whose accession was a. c. dr. 695.°
The beginning of Tirhakah'a dynasty, the XXVth,
was probably 719. For the XXIVth and XXIIId
dynasties we have only the authority of Manetho's
lists, in which they are allowed a sum of 96 (Afr.
S-t-89) or 88 (Eus. 44+44) years. This carries
as up to B. c. 814 or 807, supposing that the dy-
nasties, as here stated, were wholly consecutive.
To the XXIId dynasty the Usui allow 130 (Afr.)
or 49 (Has. ) years. The latter sum may be dis-
i-vded at once as merely that of the three reigns
mentioned. The monuments show th*. the for-
mer needs correction, for the highest dates of the
individual kings, and the length of the reign of
tne of them, Sheshenk HI., determined by the Apis
taMeta, oblige us to raise its sum to at least 166
yeara. This may be thus shown: 1. Seeonchis 21.
(1. Sbeabenk I. 21.) 2. Osorthdn 15. (2. Usar-
kenl.) 3, 4, 5. Three others, 25 (89?). (3. Te-
kerat I. 4. Uaarken II. 93. 6. Sheshenk II.)
8. Takelothis 13. (6. Tekerut II. 14.) 7, 8, 9.
Three others, 42. (7. Sheshenk III. date 28 reign
il. 8. Peabee 9. 9. Sheshenk IV. 87). (21 +
15-f-»-r-13+51 + l-f-36 = ie6.) It seems
impossible to trace the mistake that has occasioned
the difference. The most reasonable conjectures
stem to be either that the first letter of the sum of
the reign of Sheshenk III. tell out in some copy of
Manetbo, and 61 thus was changed to 1, or that
Jus reign fell oat altogether, and that there waa
• la a previous article (CuaoHOUST, l 447 6) we
reted lb* ant year of Tirhakah'a reign over Kgypt
». e. 689. This late Is founded upon an interpretation
<* as Ayis-tablet. which la not certain. It concludes
was the words " done " or » made in year 81 J" which
another king not mentioned on the monuments.
The sum would thus be 166 -f-x, or 189, which,
added to our last number, place the accession oi
Sheshenk I. b. c. 980 or 983, or else seven years
later than each of these dates.
The results thus obtained from approximative
data are sufficiently near the Biblical date to make it
certain that Sheshenk I. is the Shishak of Solomon
and Rehoboani, and to confirm the Bible chronology.
The Biblical date of Sheahenk's conquest of Ju-
dah has been computed in a previous article to be
i>. c. cir. 969 [Chhoxuuxjy, i. 448 6], and thai
having taken place in his 20th year, his accession
would have been b. c. cir. 988. The progress ot
Assyrian discovery has, however, induced boom
writers to propose to shorten the chronology by
taking 36 years as the length of Manasseh's reign,
in which case all earlier dates would have to be
lowered 20 years. It would be premature to ex-
press a positive opinion on this matter, but it must
be remarked that, save only the taking of Samaria
by Sargon, although this is a most impoiUnt ex-
ception, the Assyrian chronology appears rather to
favor the reduction, and that the Kgyptian chronol-
ogy, as it is found, does not seem readily reconcil-
able with the received dates, but to require some
small reduction. Tne proposed reduction would
place the accession of Sheshenk I. ». c. cir. 968,
and this date is certainly more in accordance with
those derived from the Egyptian data than the
higher date, but these data are too approximative
for us to lay any stress upon minute results from
them. Dr. Hiucks has drawn attention to what
appears to be the record, already noticed by
Brugsch, in an inscription of Lepsius' Tekerut II.,
of an eclipse of the moon on the 24th Meaori (4th
April) n. c. 945, in the 16th year of his father.
The latter king must be Usarken I., if these date
be correct, and the date of Sheshenk I. 'a accession
would be b. c. 980 or 981. But it does not seem
certain that the king of the record must be Teke-
rut I. Nor, indeed, are we convinced that the
eclipse was lunar. (See Journ. Sue. 1M. January,
1863; l^epsius, Dtnbndler, iii. bl. 266, a.)
Iliilory. — In order to render the following ob-
servations clear, it will be necessary to say a few
words on the history of Egypt before the accession
of Sheshenk I. On the decline of the Thebau line
or Kameaes family (the XXth dynasty), two royal
bouses appear to hare arisen. At Thebes, the
high-priesU of Amen, after a virtual usurpation, at
last took the regal title, and in Lower Egypt a
Tanite dynasty (Manetho's XXIst) aeenis to hate
gained royal power. But it is possible that there
was but one line between the XXth and XXIId dy-
nasties, and that the high-priest kings belonged to
the XXIst. The origin of the royal line of which
Sheshenk I. was the head is extremely obscure.
Mr. Birch's discovery that several of the names of
the family are Sheraitic has led to the supposition
that it was of Assyrian or Babylonian origin. Shi-
shak, ptt^BJ, may be compared with Sheshsk,
"W£W< » name of Babylon (rashly thought to be
for Babel by Atbash), Uaarken baa been competed
with Sorgot, and Tekerut, with Tlglath in Tiglath-
we formerly read, as had bean previously dona, "com-
pleting 21 years," referring the number to the Hfe c*
the bull, not to the year of the king In wlich the tab-
let was executed or com plet e d. (See the text sa lam
Aam., KUnifitmck i 86.)
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3012
SHISHAK
PQeasr. If then were any doubt u to thews iden-
tifications, some of which, as the second and third
cited, are certainly conjectural, the name Namuret,
Nimrod, which occurs a* that of princes of this
line, would afford conclusive evidence, and it is
needless here to compare other names, though those
occurring in the genealogies of the dynasty given by
Lepsius, well merit the attention of Semitic stu-
dents (xxii. Atg. KtSniysdyn. and Kdniytbuch).
It is worthy of notice that the name Nimrod, and
the designation of Zerah (perhaps a king of this
line, otherwise a general in its service) as « the
Cushite," seem to indicate that the family sprang
from a Cushite origin. They may possibly have
been connected with the MASHUWASHA, a
Sbemitic nation, apparently of Libyans, for Te~
kerut II. as Prince is called ■' great chief of the
MASHUWASHA." and also "great chief of the
MATU," or mercenaries; but they can scarcely
have leen of this people. Whether eastern or
western Cushites, there does not seem to be any
evidence in favor of their having been Nigritians,
and at there is no trace of any connection between
them and the XXVth dynasty of Ethiopians, they
must rather be supposed to be of the eastern
branch. Their names, when not Egyptian, are
traceable to Sbemitic roots, which is not the case,
as far as we know, with the ancient kings of Ethi-
opia, whose civilization is the same as that of Egypt.
We find these foreign Shcmitic names in the fam-
ily of the high-priest king Her-har, three of whose
tons are called respectively, MASAHAKATA,
MASAKAHARATA, and MATEN-NEB, al-
though the names of most of his other sons and
those of bis line appear to be Egyptian. This is
not a parallel case to the preponderance of Sbem-
itic names in the line of the XXI Id dynasty, but it
warns us against too positive a conclusion. M. de
Rouge', instead of seeing in those names of the
XXI Id dynasty a Shemitic or Asiatic origin, is dis-
posed to trace the line to that of the high-priest
kings. Manetho calls the XXIId a dynasty of Bu-
bastites, and an ancestor of the priest-king dy-
sasty bears the name Meree-bast, " beloved of Bu-
uastis." Both lines used Shemitic names, and both
held the high-priesthood of Amen (comp. Stude. mr
wm Stile iyypUemu, 203, 304). This evidence
does not seem to us conclusive, for policy may have
induced the line of the XXIId dynasty to effect in-
termarriages with the family of the priest-kings, and
to assume then* functions. The occurrence of Shem-
itic names at an earlier time may indicate nothing
more than Shemitic alliances, but those alliances
might not improbably end in usurpation. Lepaius
gives a genealogy of Sheshenk I. from the tablet of
Har-psen from the Serapeum, which, if correct, de-
cides the question {xxii. Kiniyadt/n. pp. 267-260).
to this, Sheshenk I. is the son of a chief Namuret.
a hose ancestors, excepting his mother, who is called
■' royal mother, " not as Lepsius gives it, " royal
laughter " (Elude, etc., p. 203, note 2), are all un-
titled persons, and, all but the princess, bear foreign,
apparently Shemitic, names. But, as M. de Kougt£
observes, this genealogy cannot be conclusively made
out from the tablet, though we think it more prob-
u>le than he does (Elude, p. 203, and note 2).
Sheshenk I. on his accession, must have found
tne state weakened by internal strife, and deprived
if much of its foreign influence. In the time of
■he later kings of the Rameses family, two, if not
three, sovereigns had a real or titular authority;
ant beforr the accession of Sheshenk it is probable
SHISHAK
that their lines had been united: certainly towards
the close of the XXIst dynasty a Pharaoh was pow-
erful enough to lead an expedition hno Palestine
and capture Gezer (1 K. ix. 16). Sheshenk took
as the title of his standard, "He wbo attains
royalty by uniting the two regions [of Egypt]."
(De Rougg, Etude, etc, p. 204; Lepsius, Kdnigt-
bach, xliv. 567 A, a.) He himself probably mar-
ried the heiress of the Rameses family, while his
son and successor Dsarken appears to have taken
to wife the daughter, and perhaps heiress, of the
Tanite XXIst dynasty. Probably it was not until
late in his reign that he was able to carry on the
foreign wars of the earlier king who captured Gezer
It is observable that we trace a change of dynasty
in the policy that induced Sheshenk at the begin-
ning of his reign to receive the fugitive Jeroboam
(1 K. xi. 40). Although it was probably a con-
stant practice for the kings of Egypt to show hos-
pitality to fugitives of importance, Jeroboam would
scarcely have been included in their class. Proba-
bly, it is expressly related that he fled to Shiahak
because he was well received as an enemy of Solomon.
We do not venture to lay any stress upon the
LXX. additional portion of 1 K. xii., as the narra-
tive there given seems irreconcilable with that of
the previous chapter, which agrees with the Mas.
text. In the latter chapter Hadad (LXX. Ader)
the Edomite flees from the slaughter of his people
by Joab and David to Egypt, and marries the elder
sister of Tahpenes (LXX. Thekemina), Pharaoh's
queen, returning to Idumaea after the death of
David and Joab. In the additional portion of the
former chapter, Jeroboam — already said to have
fled to Shiahak (LXX. Susacim) — is married after
Solomon's death to And, elder sister of Thekemina
the queen. Between Hadad's return and Solomon's
death, probably more than thirty years elapsed,
certainly twenty. Besides, how are we to account
for the two elder sisters? Moreover, Shishak's
queen, his only or principal wife, it called KAKA-
AMA, which is more remote from Tahpenes or
Thekemina. [Tahpenes.]
The king of Egypt does not seem to have com-
menced hostilities during the powerful reign of
Solomon. It was not until the division of the
tribes, that, probably at the instigation of Jeroboam,
he attacked Rehoboam. The following particulars
of the war are related in the Bible : "In the fifth
year of king Rehoboam, Sbithak king of Egypt
came up against Jerusalem, because they had trans-
gressed against the Lord, with twelve hundred
chariots, and threescore thousand horsemen: and
the people [were] without number that came with
him out of Egypt ; the Lubim, the Sukkiim, and
the Cushim. And be took the fenced cities which
[pertained] to Judah, and came to Jerusalem "
(2 Chr. xii. 2-4). Shiahak did not pillage Jerusa-
lem, but exacted all the treasures of his city from
Rehoboam, and apparently made him tributary
(5, 9-12, esp. 8). The narrative in Kings mer.
tfcmi only the invasion and the exaction (1 K. xiv
25, 26). The strong cities of Rehoboam are tout
enumerated in an earlier passage : " And Rehoboam
dwelt in Jerusalem, and built cities for defense u:
Judah. He built even Beth-lehem, and Etam,
and Tekoa, and Beth-cur, and Shoco, and AdtuV
lam, and Oath, and Maresbah, and Ziph, and Ado-
raim, and Ijichish, and Azekah, and Zorali, tot
Ayalon, and Hebron, which [are] In Judah and b>
Benjamin fenced cities" (2 Chr. xi. 5- 10).
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SHISHAX
Shishak has left » record of tbia expeditior.,
Knlptumi on the mui of the great Temple of El-
Karaak. It is a list of the countries, cities, and
tribes, conquered or ruled by him, or tributary to
him. In this list Champolllon recognized a name
which he translated, as ire shsll see, incorrectly,
u the kingdom of Judah," and was thus led to trace
the names of certain cities of Palestine. The docu-
ment has since been more carefully studied by Dr.
Brugech, and with leas success by Dr. Blan. On
mount of its great importance as a geographical
record, we give a full transcription of it.
There are two modes of transcribing Hebrew or
tngnate names written In hieroglyphics. They can
sither be rendered by the English letters to which
the hieroglyphics correspond, or by the Hebrew
rUers for which they are known from other in-
SHISHAK 8018
stances to be used. The former mode i* perhaps
more scientific; the latter is more useful for the
present investigation. It is certain that ths Egyp-
tians employed one sign in preference for 77, and
another for fl, but we cannot prow that these signs
had any difference when used for native words,
though in other cases it seems clear that there
was snob a difference. We give the list transcribed
by both methods, the first as a check upon tin
second, for which we are indebted to M. de Rough's
comparative alphabet, by far the most satisfactory
yet published, though in some parts it may be
questioned (.Recue Archeologiqtu, N. S. xi. 351-
361). These transcriptions occupy the first two
columns of the table, the third contains Dr.
Brugach's identification, and the fourth, our own.*
TH1 OBOOBAPHIOAL LIST 01 SHaSHBHK L
Ha
Transer. m Bnfttab
Letters.
Tranaor. In Hebrew
Letters.
Brufeeh'a Identtnoetloo.
Our Identlncauon.
13
ReBATA
MTiKab
Babbtth.
BabbUht
14
TAANKAU
"IH33SKQ
Taanaeh.
Taanaeh.
16
8H*NetIA-AA
HNS03BJ
Shunem.
Bhunem.
1«
BAT-SHeNBAl
HH-l3E7nM3
Beth-ehan
17
a>n.m I
NNanb
Bahob.
Bahob.
18
HePTJBMAA
rwabian
Haphraim.
Hmphj^lm
IS
ATaKMA
unVrN
Adoraim.
Adoraim.
21
8HUATBB.
•VTM1E7
a
MAHANaU
$03nnya
Mahanalm.
ateltausjaa
23
KaBAZNA
wrap
Oibeon.
Qibeoo.
24
BAT-BUABeH
ibwin rwa
Bath-horon.
Bath-horon.
26
KATMeT
noiMp
Kedamotn.
Xadsmoth.
26
ATTJBeN
jVrw
AiJalon.
Ayalon.
27
MAKaTAU
wrtsyo
MagMdo.
Maglddo.
23
ATBBBA
mVhh
Banit
28
YUTeH-MABK
ibson-tv
Kingdom of Judah?
81
HAANaM
napwn
Ansnt
32
AXKANA
tony
■lion.
33
BABMA
Hnbto
BUaam, Iblaam.
BUaam, Iblaam.
M
TATPrTaB
bnsnw
36
A. H.H.
•n-rw
33
BAT-AABMeT
nnbsriMa
Alemeth.
Alamath, Ahnon.
37
KAKABBB
*bMpwp
Ha-Ukkar (Otaeta of Jerss»
83
SHsTJKA
HpiNtt?
Shoeo.
Shooo.
S»
BAT-TePU
1SBnN3
Bath-Tappnah.
Beth-Tappueh.
40
ABABAA
MNbK3H
AbaL
46
BAT-TAB . .
••aKtnsa
68
HTJPAB
Vkb-o
64
. PaTSHAT
nuahs.
66
Pe-KeTsTt
?r«33D
66
ATatAA
MNOTM
Hob
Meat
67
TABMBM
anbsr
Wmoaaht
68
...IB. A
N-Vv-.
Tha Uat of Stnahak In the orlfhm hlerogljphlee
swbtHMd ny BesallHU, Mmumunti itea/i, No.
"* ; lamriua, Dtmkmltr, Abth. HI. bL 262; and
- OaafT. Aster. B tat xst- ; and «~— — «~1
upon by Brugaah (a>. pp. 68 E.) and Br. Bt
ss*ri*» d. DtmUek. Umpmlm*. Oesadr*.
388 ft).
»» n
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Mo.
Tram, in Eugiiah
Latum.
Tnneer. hi Hebrew
LeMea.
Brogsoh 1 ! TfftmtliTf t»rTTn
O.U— -.
59
. . BTAX
WK»b-
TtaebT
M
..APeN
]£«••
66
PeAXMAK
pvnya
66
AX-AXTeklAA
HHOWKP
Aaam.
Am, or Baa***
67
AN ABA
NbS3H
68
PeHAKBAX
wbpKnc
Haprttea.
HkcaittM.
68
F.TTU8HA1
KHKftVlB
• • • • •
Utocham
7C
AKAHeReB
bbnww
Tl
p«u«kbaX
HHbpnn
HipriM
HacvttM.
ra
MeKSARAMA
SDtnwnn
0£8sha»r
SB
SUKBPeReT
nbat»
BhepheMiT
Sbephakvat
T4
NeKBeKEE
^bnaa
76
SUeBPeBet
nba»
SbepbelaM
BbepbaUtT
76
WABAKEET
rvsN-w
n
PelleKRAX
Kubpna
Hafatltae.
Haguttee.
78
naXbayt
mow
Ntbalottw
78
AlTeTMAA
KNOTTS
Teaaat
80
TeTKeKA
HppSt
81
MA. A..
••«•»»
82
TA
KB
88
KAN AX
KHMO
KaaraaT
84
PeNAKBU
ia3K3Q
Najeb.
Nefab.
86
ATeM-AIVr-HeT
?nnnts3nw
Am, or Beam.
86
TASHTNAU
iwtb?hb
87
PeHKAKA
wbKpna
a*|uKM.
iMaiilf
88
8HNATAA
MWJB7
80
HAKA
Kpun
DO
PeNAKBU
•D»OB
Negeb.
Najab.
81
WAHTURKA
NaVinnNi
82
PeNAKBU
122N3Q
Hafab.
Refeb.
88
ASH-neTA
srinnr'N
81
PeHeKRKB
s bano
Hafultaa.
Bacattta*.
86
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TWraHTI
88
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isbano
BAfuiovj.
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87
ARKAT
TMpbH
06
MKRTMAM
CKDTIO
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89
I1AN ANTES
"anaKn
100
MEKTBA-AA
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101
102
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bans
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naprltee.
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103
UKETBAX
KM3TTI
AdbeelT
101
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106
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HH31TI
AdbeelT
108
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107
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ropbsn >
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HARtKMA
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naeaa
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8016
Be.
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Utters.
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Utters.
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The following identifications «re so trident that
a is not neeestsry to discuss them, and they may
he made the basis of our whole investigation : Nos.
14, 89, 34, 96, 97, 38, 39. It might appear at j
Grit sight that there was some geographical order, j
but a closer examination of these few names shows
that this is not the ease, and all that we can infer
is, that the cities of each kingdom or nation are in
general grouped together. The forms of the names
•how that irregularity of the vowels that charac-
terises the Kgyptisn language, as may be teen in
the different modes in which a repented name is
written (Nos. 68, 71, 77, 87, 94, 96, 101). The
consonants sre used very nearly In accordance with
the system upon which we hare transcribed in the
second column, tare in the case of the Egyptian
R, which seems to be indifferently used for "^
■tib.
There are several similar geographical lists,
sating for the moat part during the period of the
Empire, but they diner from this in presenting few,
if any, repetitions, and only one of them contains
nines certainly the same as some in the present.
Ibey are lists of countries, cities, and tribes, form-
ing the Egyptian Empire, and so far records of
conquest that any cities previously taken by the
Pharaoh to whose reign they belong are mentioned.
The list which contains some of the names in
Sbesbeok'e is of Thothmes III., sixth sovereign of
the XVWth dynasty, and comprises many names of
cities of Palestine mainly in the outskirts of the
Israelite territory. It is important, in reference to
this fist, to state that Thothmes III., in Me 23d
year, had fought a battle with confederate nations
•ear Megiddo, whose territories the list enumerates.
Ae narrative of the expedition fully establishes
the identity of this and other towns in the list of
SUsnak. It la given in the document known as
J» IMatistieal Tablet of El-Kamak (Birch, " jIj-
asfe ef Tbothmss IIL," Arckmkgta, ISO; De
Rouge\ Rev. Arch. N. S. si. 347 ft; Brngech,
Geogr. fmchr. ii. p. 39 ft). The only general
result of the comparison of the two lists is, that
In the later one the Egyptian article is in two
cases prefixed to foreign names, No. 66, NEKBU,
of the list of Thothmes III., bring the same as
Nos. 84, 90, 93, PeNAKBU of the list of Shinhsk ;
and No. 105, AAMeKU, of the former, being the
same as No. 65, PeAAMAK, of the latter.
We may now commence a detailed examination
of the list of Shishak. No. 13 may correspond to
Rabbith in Issachar. No. 14 is certainly Taanach,
a Levitical city in the same tribe, noticed in the
Inscription of Thothmes commemorating the cam-
paign above mentioned, in some connection with
the route to Megiddo: it is there written TA-
ANAK.A. No. 16 is probably Shunem, a town
of Issachar: the form of the hieroglyphic name
seems to indicate a dual (comp. Noa. 18, 19, 32),
and it is remarkable that Shunem has been thought
to be originally a dual, D3-1tD for Q s yW (Ge»
Tha. s. v.). No. 16 is supposed by Dr. Brugseh
to be Beth-shan; but the final letter of the Egyp-
tian name is wanting in the Hebrew. It was a
city of Manasseh, but in the tribe of Isaubsr.
No. 17 Is evidently Rehob, a Levitical city in
Asher; and No. 18 Haphraim, a town in Issachar.
No. 19 seems to be Adoraim, one of Refaoboam's
strong cities, in the tribe of Judah: Adullam is
out of the question, as ii commences with V, and
is not a dual. No. 91 we cannot explain. No. 32
is Mahanaim. a Levitical city in Gad. No. 83 is
Gibeon, a Levities! city in Benjamin. No. 94 is
Beth-horon, which, though counted to Ephraim
was on the boundary of Benjamin. It was as-
signed to the Levitts. The place consisted of two
towns or villages, both of which we mar suppose
are here intended. No. 96 m evidently the Le-
vitical city Kedemoth in Reuben, anr No. 98,
Ayalon, also LsvttlsaL In Dan. Ho. 97 a tht
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3016 SHISHAK
famous Megiddo, which In the Statistical Tablet of
Thothmea III. is written MAKeTA, and in the
same king's list MAKeTEE, but in the intro-
ductory title MAKeTA. It was a city of the
western division of Manasseh. No. 28 may per-
haps be Edrei, in trans-Jordanite Manasseh, though
the sign usually employed for 7 is wanting. No.
29 is the famous name which Cbampollion read
" the kingdom of Judah." To this l>r. Brugsch
objects, (1) that the name is out of place as fol-
lowing some names of towns in the kingdom of
Judah as wed as in that of Israel, and preceding
others of both kingdoms; (2) that the supposed
equiralent of kingdom (MARK, "7 /BO) does not
satisfactorily represent the Hebrew /TQyD, but
corresponds to VfyD; and (3) that the supposed
•onstruction is inadmissible. He proposes to read
"T^On TlIT as the name of a town, which he
does not find in ancient Palestine. The position
does not seem to us of much consequence, as tbe
list is evidently irregular in its order, and the form
might not be Hebrew, and neither Arabic nor
Syriac requires the final letter. Tbe kingdom of
Judah cannot be discovered in the name without
disregard of grammar; but if we are to read
"Judah the king," to which Judah does the name
point? There was no Jewish king of that name
before Jndu-Aristobulus. It seems useless to look
for a city, although there was a place called Jehud
in tbe tribe of Dan. Tbe only suggestion we can
propose is, that the second word is "kingdom,"
and was placed after the first in the manner of an
Egyptian determinative. No. 81 may be compared
with Anem in Issachar (D3***?), occurring, however,
only in 1 Chr. vi. 73 (Heb. 58), but it is not cer-
tain that the Egyptian H ever represents V. No.
82 has been identified by Dr. Brugsch with Eglon,
but evidence as to its position shows that he is in
error. In the Statistical Tablet of El-Kamak it is
placed In a mountain-district apparently southward
of Megiddo, a half-day's march from the plain of
that city. There can be little doubt that M. de
Rouge 1 is correct in supposing that the Hebrew
original signified an ascent (eomp. 1T75; Rev.
Arch. p. 350). This name also occurs lu'the list
of Thothmes (Id. p. 360); there differing only in
having another character for the second letter.
No. 33 has been identified by Dr. Brugsch with
Bileam or Ibleam, a Levitical city in the western
division of Manasseh. For No. 84 we can make
no suggestion, and No. 36 is too much effaced for
any conjecture to be hazarded. No. 36 Dr. Brugsch
identifies with Alemeth, a Levitical city in Ben-
'amin, also called Almon, the first being probably
either the later or a correct form. [Alemeth;
Almon] No. 87 we think may be the Circle of
Jordan, in the A. V. Plain of Jordan. No. 38 is
Show, one of Rehoboam's strong cities, and 39,
Beth-Tappuab, in the mountainous part of Judah.
No. 40 has been supposed by Dr. Brugsch to be an
Abel, and of the towns of that name he chooses
Abel-shittim, the Abila of Josephus, in the Bible
generally called Shittim. No. 46, though greatly
effaced, is sufficiently preserved for us to conclude
that it does not correspond to any known name in
indent Palestine beginning with Beth : the second
fart of the name commerces with 3ST, as though
SHISHAK
it were " the house of the wolf or Zeeb," wider.
would agree with the southeastern part of Pales-
tine, or indicate, which is far less Ekely, a place
named after the Midianitish prince Zeeb, or some
chief of that name. No. 63 is uncertain in its third
letter, which is indistinct, and we offer no con-
jecture. No. 64 commences with an erased sign,
followed by one that is indistinct. No. 65 is
doubtful as to reading: probably it is Pe-KETET.
Pe can be the Egyptian article, as in the name of
the Hagaritea, tbe second sign in Egyptian signi-
fies "little," and the remaining part corresponds
to the Hebrew n&j?, Kattath, "small," the name
of a town in Zebulun (Josh. xix. 16}, apparently
the same as Kitron (Judg. i. 30). Tbe word KET
is found in ancient Egyptian with the sense "little"
(comp. Copt KOVX1, De Rouge, £tudt, p. 66).
It seems, however, rare, and may be Shemitic.
No. 66 is held by Dr. Brugsch to be Edom, and
there is no objection to this identification but that
we have no other names positively Edomite in the
list. No. 67 Dr. Brugsch compares with Zalmo-
nah, a station of the Israelites in the desert. If it
be admissible to read the first letter as a Hebrew
IS, this name does not seem remote from Tderc
and Telaira, which are probably the names of one
place in the tribe of Judah. Nos. 68, 59, sad 64
are not sufficiently preserved for us to venture upon
any conjecture. No. 66 has been well supposed by
Dr. Brugsch to be the Hebrew pD7, " a valley,"
with the Egyptian article prefixed,* but what valley
is intended it seems hopeless to conjecture: it may
be a town named after a valley, like the Beth-emek
mentioned in the account of the border of Asber
(Josh. xix. 27). No. 66 has been reasonably identi-
fied by Dr. Brugsch with Azem, which was in the
southernmost part of Judah, and is supposed to
have been afterwards allotted to Simeon, in whose
list an Ezem occurs. No. 85 reads ATeM-rTAT-
HeT? the second part being the sign for " little "
(comp. No. 65). This suggests that the use of the
sign for "great" as the first character of tbe
present name is not without significance, and that
there was a great and little Azem or Ezem, per-
haps distinguished in the Hebrew text by different
orthography. No. 67 we cannot explain. No. 68
is unquestionably " the Hagarites," the Egyptian
article being prefixed. Hie same name recurs Nos.
71, 77, 87, 94, 96, and 101. In the Bible we find
the Hagarites to the east of Palestine, and in the
classical writers they are placed along the north
of Arabia. The Hagaranu or Hagar are men-
tioned as conquered by Sennacherib (Rawlinson's
Hdt. i. 476; Oppert, Sargomda, p. 42). No. 69,
FeTYUSHAA, seems, from the termination, to be
a gentile name, and in form resembles l-etushim, a
Ketnrahite tribe. But this resemblance seems to
be more than superficial, for Letusbim, " tbe ham-
mered or sharpened," comes from ft?!"?, "he
hammered, forged," and n?tp""3 (unused) signifies
"he bent or hammered." From the occurrence
of this name near that of the Hagarites, this
identification seems deserving of attention. No.
70 may perhaps be Aroer, but the correspondence
of Hebrew and Egyptian scarcely allows this sup-
position. No. 72 commences with a sign that is
frequently an initial in the rest of the list. If here
syllabic, it must read. MEB; if alphabetic, and Us
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8HI8HAK
alphabetic me is possible at tbia period, III. In
the lain tued for Egyptian town* we find HER,
written with the same sign, as the designation of
the second town in a nome, therefore not a capital,
but a town of importance. That this sign is here
similarly employed seems certain from its being
once followed bj a geographical determinative (No.
123). We therefore read this name SARAHA,
or, according to l.epsius, BAHAMA. The final
syllable teems to indicate a dual. We may com-
pare the name Sahna, which occurs in Ptolemy's
list of the towns of Arabia Deaerta, and his list
of those of the interior." No. 73, repeated at 75,
has been compared by Dr. Brugsch with the She-
pheteb, or maritime plain of the Philistines. The
word seems nearer to Shibboleth, " a stream," but
it is uulikdy that two places should have been so
called, and the names among which it occurs favor
the other explanation. No. 74 seems cognate to
No. 87, though it is too different for us to venture
upon supposing it to be another form of the same
name. No. 76 has been compared by Dr. Brugsch
with Berecah, "a pool," but it seems more probably
the name of a tribe. No. 78 reads NAABAYT,
and is unquestionably Nebaioth. There was a peo-
ple or tribe of Nebaioth in Isaiah's time (Is. Ix- 7),
and this second occurrence of the name in the
farm of that of Iahmsd's son is to be considered
in reference to the supposed Chaldwan origin of the
Nabathaeans. In Lepsius's copy the name is N.
TAYT, the second character being unknown, and
no doubt, as well as the third, incorrectly copied.
The occurrence of the name immediately after that
of the Hagarites is sufficient evidence in favor of
Dr. Brugsch's reading, which in most cases of dif-
ference in this list is to be preferred to Lepsius's.*
No. 79, AATeTMAA, may perhaps be compared
with Tenia the son of Isbmael, if we may read
AATTeMAA. No. 80 we cannot explain. Not.
(1 and 83 are too much effaced for any conjecture.
No. 83 we compare with the Kenites : here it is a
tribe. No. 84 is also found in the list of Thothniee
here it has the Egyptian article, PeNAKBU, there
it is written NeKBTJ (Rev. Arch. pp. 364, 8G5).
It evidently corresponds to the Hebrew 2j)2, " the
tooth," sometimes specially applied to the southern
district of Palestine. No. 85 reads ATM-KtT-
HeT? The second part of the name is •< little"
(oomp. No. 55). We have already shown that it
is probably a "little" town, corresponding to the
" great " town No. 66. But the final part of No.
85 remains unexplained. No. 86 we cannot ex-
plain. No. 87 diners from the other occurrences
of the name of the Hagarites in being followed by
the sign for HER: we therefore suppose it to be
a city of this nation. No. 88 may be compared
with Sban (1 Sam. vii. 12), which, however, may
tot be the name of a town or village, or with the
two Aahnahs (Josh. xv. 33, 43). Not. 89, 91, and
93, we cannot explain. No. 96 presents a name,
repeated with slight variation In No. 99, which is
evidently that of a tribe, but we cannot recognize
it- No. 97 equally baffles us. No. 98 is a town
TeMAH, possibly the town of Dnmah in Lie north
SHISHAK
8017
of Arabia or that in Judah. No. 100 is a town
TRA-AA\ which we may compare with Eddara b>
Arabia Deserts. No. 102 may mean a resting-
place, from the root )V?. No. 103, repeated at
105, is apparently the name of a tribe. It may be
Adheel, the name of a son of Ishinael, but the
form is not close enough for us to offer this as
more than a conjecture. Nos- 104 and 106 we
cannot explain. No. 107 is either HAKeRMA or
HAKeKMA- It may be compared -with Kekeiu
or Arekeme, the old name of Petra according to
Josephua (A. J. iv. 7), but the form is probably
dual. No. 108 has been compared with Arad by
Dr. Brugsch: it is a country or place, and the
variation in No. 110 appears to be the name of the
people. No. 109 may be Beth-Iebaoth in Simeon,
evidently the same ss Lehaoth originally in Judah,
or else Kabbah in Judah. No. Ill we cannot
explain. No. 112 is most like the Jerahmeelites
in the south of Judah. No. 116 is partly effaced.
No, 117 is the same name as No. 100. No. 118
is probably the name of an unknown tribe. No.
119 may be Maachah, if the geographical direction
is changed. No. 120 is partly effaced. No. 121
we cannot explain. No. 122 appears to be a town
of BAKA or BALA. No. 133 seems to read
BAR-RATA (KtSD bV2), but we know no
place of that name. No. 124 reads BAT-AAT,
but there can be little doubt that it is really BAT-
ANAT. In this case it might be either Beth-
anath in Naphtali or Beth-anoth in Judah. No.
125 we cannot explain. No. 126 appears to com-
mence with Aram, but the rest does not correspond
to any distinctive word known to follow this name.
No. 127 has been identified by Dr. Brugsch with
Golan, a Levitical city in Bathan. The remaining
names are more or less effaced.
It will be perceived that the list contains thses
classes of names mainly grouped together — (1) Le-
vitical and Canaanite cities of Israel; (2) cities- of
Judah; and (3) Arab tribes to the south of Pales-
tine. The occurrence together of levitical cities
was observed by Dr. Brugsch. It is evident that
Jeroboam was not at onee firmly established, and
that the Lerites especially held to Rshoboam.
Therefore it may have been the policy of Jeroboam
to employ Shishak to capture their cities. Other
cities in his territory were perhaps still garrisoned
by Rehoboam's forces, or held by the Canaanitea,
who may have somewhat recovered their indepen-
dence at this period. The small number of cities
identified in the actual territory of Rehoboam It
explained by the erasure of fourteen names of the
part of the list where they occur. The identifica-
tion of tome names of Arab tribes is of great in
terest and historical value, though it is to be feared
that further progress can scarcely be made in their
part of the list.
The Pharaohs of the Empire passed through
northern Palestine to push their conquests to the
Euphrates and Mesopotamia. Sbishak, probably
unable to attack the Assyrians, attempted the sub-
jugation of Palestine and toe tracts of Arabia which
border Egypt, knowing that the Arabs would in •
• Wo wart dlspossd to think that this might bs
Jtrttattss, especially on account of the dual termlna-
waa; bat the hnpoeribllltj of reading theflistehar-
tstat ATDft or AUK (~W), as aa Ideographic sign
tw "trass/' ts say nothing of .the donot as to the
190
second character, makes us reject this reading ; and
the position In the list Is unsuitable. The Bev. D.
Halgh has learnedly supported this view, at which he
independently arrived. In a oorrsspendsoos.
s Lepsius's cony unfits many errors of <
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3018
SHITRAI
terpens in effectual resistance to any invader of
Egypt. Ha seems to hare succeeded in consolidat-
ing his power in Arabia, and we accordingly find
Zerah in alliance with the people of Gerar, if we
may Infer this from their sharing his overthrow.
K. S. P.
* Bunsen in his Bibeheerk, 1. p. eexxvi., gives
an elaborate table of synchronisms between the early
Biblical history and the history of Egypt, of As-
syria, and of Babylon. Me professes to have found
several points of contact between Israelitish and
• Egyptian history before the reigns of Solomon and
Shishak; such as the exodus, the era of Joseph,
etc. Though his argument is marked by the arbi-
trary conjecture and the dogmatic assertion so fre-
quent in his writings, it is deserving of careful
study. The reign of Solomon he fixes at 39 years,
from 1007 to 969 b. c, that of Sheshonk from 979
to 956 B. c.
The geographical identifications of the lists of
Shishak's victories, will be considered more at
length in comparison with the lists of Thothmes
HI. under Thebes. J. P. T.
SHITRAI [8 syl.] Ol^O?; JTeri, *»"]» :
Icrrpat; [Vat Avafrms-] Setrat). A Sharo'nite
who was over David's herds that fed in Sharon
(lChr. xxvii.29).
SHITTAH-TREE, 8HITTIM (n&tj?,
ihittdh: tfXov tmpnor: Ugna sen'm, tpma) 'is
without doubt correctly referred to some species of
acacia, of which three or four kinds occur in the
Acada Seyal.
Bible lands. The wood of this tree — pernaps the
A. teyal is more definitely signified — was exten-
sively employed in the construction of the Taber-
nacle, the boards and pillars of which were made
8 HITTAH-TREB
of it; the ark of the covenant and the s tav e s for
carrying it, the table of shew biead with its
staves, the altar of burnt-offerings and the altar
of incense with their respective staves were also
constructed out of this wood (see Ex. xzv., xxvi.,
xxxvi., zxxvii., xxiviii.). In Is. xli. 19 the acacia*
tree is mentioned with the "cedar, the myrtle,
and the oil-tree," as one which God would plant in
the wilderness. The Egyptian name of the aracia
is $o«t, tant, or lanth : see Jablonski, Opute. I p.
261; Bossius, EtymoL jEgypL p. 273; and Pros-
per Alpinus (Plant. /Egypt, p. 6 ), who thus speaks
of this tree: "The acacia, which the Egyptians
call $ant, grows in localities in Egypt remotn from
the sea; and large quantities of this tree are pro-
duced on the mountains of Sinai, overhangmst ih*
Bed Sea. That this tree is, without doubt, tb» trot
acacia of the ancients, or the Egyptian thorn, is
clear from several indications, especially iron, the
fact that no other spinous tree occurs in Egypt
which so well answers to the required characters
These trees grow to the size of a mulberry->ree.
and spread their branches aloft." " The wild aca-
cia (.ifimotn NiioUca), under the name of tSnt,"
says Prof. Stanley {Syr. f PaL p. 20), "everv-
where represents the ' seneh ' or ' senna ' of the
Burning Bush." The Heb. term (n&tT) is, by
Jablonski, Celsius, and many other authors, derived
from the Egyptian word, the 2 being dropped; and
from an Arabic MS. cited by Celsius, it appears
that the Arabic term also comes from the Egyptian,
the true Arabic name for the acacia being karadk
(ffieroft. L p. 508).
The thitt&h-trte of Scripture is by some writers
thought to refer more especially to the Acada
Seyal, though perhaps the Acada Niiotica and A.
Araiica may be included under the term. The
A. Seyal is very common in some parts of to*
peninsula of Sinai (M. Bove\ Voyage du Cairt <ro
Mont Sinai, Aim. de$ Scienc Nat. 1834, i., see.
ear. p. 166; Stanley, Syr. <f PaL pp. 20, 69, 398).
These trees are more common in Arabia than in
Palestine, though there is a valley on the west side
of the Dead Sea, the Wady Stydl, which derives its
name from a few acacia-trees there. The Acada
Styal, like the A. Arabiea, yields the well-known
substance called gum arable which is obtained by
incisions in the bark, but it is impossible to say
whether the ancient Jews were acquainted with its
use. From the tangled thickets into which the
stem of this tree expands, Stanley well remarks that
hence is to be traced the use of the plural form of
the Hebrew noun, tiiiilim, the sing, number occur-
ring but once only hi the Bible. 9 Besides the
Acada Styal, there is another species, the A. tor-
tilis, common on Mount Sinai. Although none of
the above named trees are sufficiently large to
yield plants 10 cubits long by 1) cubit wide, which
we are told was the size of the boards that formed
the tabernacle (Ex. xxxvi. 21), yet there is an acacia
that grows near Cairo, namely the A. Strata, which
would supply boards of the required size. There is,
however, no evidence to show that this tree ever
grew in the peninsula of Sinai. And though it
would be unfair to draw any conclusion from such
negative evidence, still it is probable that "the
• Iivtncstons (TVag. in 5. Africa, abridged ed.,
f. T7) thinks the Acacia giraffa (ouMHaorn) sup-
«aad lbs woodier the Tatwrnsele, .ate. "It Is,"
he adds, "an Imperishable wood, while that which ts
usually supposed to be the BhltHm (.acacia JWfctfraS
wants beauty and sooa decays." ■
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8HITTIM
SHOBAOH
8019
Hank." (D*ttHj9n) were supplied by one of the
Xbr acariaa. Then is, however, no necessity to
bit the meaning of the Hebrew BT1[) (Ictruk)
k> «i jtnyte plank." in Ex. xxrii. 6, the
vurd in the singnlar number is applied in a col-
ectite sense to " toe deck " of a ship (camp, our
-.aboard - '). The kertth of the Tabernacle, there-
txt. may denote " two or more boards joined te-
enier," which, from being thus united, may have
ben expressed by a singular noun. These aca-
eas. which are for the most part tropical plants,
•oat not be confounded with the tree (Robinia
mudtHiauia), popularly known by this name in
facbad, •bicb ia a North American plant, and
SsoBgi to a different genus and sub-order. The
me acacias, most of which possess hard and dura-
ble mod (eomp. Pliny, U. N. xiii. 19; Josephus,
J-.', iii. 6, § 1), belong to the order Legumimwe,
mtnirder JTunok W. H.
SHTTTIM (ryBBfn, with the def. article:
P»*-] Jarreus [Koni. in Josh., SottI*; Alex, in
f°*fc- &• 1> SoTT«0 in the Prophets, of axoivoi'
ifKia, [Srtiin) ). The place of Israel's encampment
!«t«een the conquest of the Trnnsjordanic highlands
»d the passage of the Jordan (Num. xxxiii. 49, xxv.
1; Josh.ii. J.iiLl; Mic.vi 6). Its full name appears
ts be green in the first of these passages — Abel
bs-SUtttm — " the nieadow, or moist place of the
•cMisa" It was " in the Arboth-Moab, by Jordan-
Jfrisho:" such ia the ancient formula repeated over
sal over again (Num. xxii. 1, xxvi. 3, xxxi. 12,
nxB. 48, 49). That is to say, it was in the Ara-
kaj. «r Jordan Valley opposite Jericho, at that part
<f lie Arabah which belonged to and bore the name
a* Mosk, where the streams which descend from the
Brim moontaina and force their winding way
ilr«sh the sandy soil of the plain, nourished a
«t growth of the arjnA not, and ni/r trees, such
a a nsarishsd by the streams of the Wady Kelt
vi the Am Sultan on the opposite side of the
ns.
It was in the shade and the tropical heat of these
■QttHaxrres that the people were seduced to the
tortious rites of Baal-Peor by the Midinnites ; but
1 ra from the same spot that Moses sent forth
tk may, under the fierce Phinehas, which worked
•o feufsl s retribution for that license (xxxi. 1- IS).
It m from the camp at Shittiin that Joshua sent
«t the ipies across the river to Jericho (Josh. ii. 1).
Tie Kaehai-Shittim, or WmlySvnt, as it would
«v be called, of Joel (iii. 18), can hardly be the
■m spot as that described above, but there is
**Mi>g to give a clew to its position." G.
* Tristram identifies the plain of Shittim with
*t VUr a-8euntrm, extending in unbroken ver-
ia» torn Krferan on its northern margin (which
* identifies as the site of Abel-Shittim, Num. xxxiii.
B, .to the northeast end of the Dead Sea, and
tos be pronooncea " by far the largest and rich-
* ssn in the whole Gktr." It was in the midst
•**• gardens and groves that Israel encamped, and
tee irrigated luxuriance around them explains some
' "» ilhudons in the prophetic " parable " of
" Jed is the above passage may refer to an Ideal,
"uaetgal place. Ha is tbrttaUhur the triumphs
' " h» and mors tOactiva religion In the latter
*■•*• The places when the acacias grow are ffener-
*>«'"Md otbarwta. unprod icdvv. From tin truth
Balaam, as he looked down upon them from the
heights of Peor (Land of Itratl, 3d ed. p. 528).
S. W.
SHI'ZA (r>pw [aofeitdbr, Fttntj: laifri
Alex. [Sejfa; FA.] Efa [Comp. 2<l*d:] Sua).
A Reubenite, father of Adina, on* of David's
mighty men (1 Chr. xi. 42).
BHO'A.&Vf [rich, liberal]: Sons'; Alex.
SovS: tyranni). A proper name which occurs
only in Ea. xxiii. 23, iu connection with Pekod
and Koa. The three apparently designate ilia"
tricts of Assyria with which the southern kingdom
of Judah had been intimately connected, and which
were to be arrayed against it for punishment. The
Peshito-Syriae has Lid, that is Lydia; while the
Arabic of the London Polyglott has Sit, and Lid oc-
cupies the place of Kou. Kashi remarks on the three
words, " the interpreters say that they signify officers,
princes, and rulers." This rendering must have
been traditional at the time of Aquila (cVuTKeVrnt
Kcd r4/)arrot Kal Kopwpcuos) and Jerome (nobilu
Ujranm et principet). Gesenius (Tliet. p. 1208 a)
maintains that the context requires the words to
be taken as appellatives, and not as proper names;
and Fiirst, on the same ground, maintains the
contrary (Handmb. a. v. 3Pp). Those who take
Shoa as an appellative refer to the usage of the
word in Job xxxiv. 19 (A. V. "rich ") and Is. xxxii.
6 (A. V. " bountiful "), where it signifies rich,
liberal, and stands in the latter passage in parallel-
ism with 3' < 15> "&&>! bj which Kimchi explains
it, and which is elsewhere rendered in the A. V.
"prince" (Prov. xvii. 7) and "noble" (Prov. viii.
16). But a consideration of the latter part of the
verse Ez. xxiii. 23, where the captains and rulers
of the Assyrians are distinctly mentioned, and the
fondness which Ezekiel elsewhere shows for playing
upon the sound of proper names (as in xxrii. 10,
xxx. 6), lead to the conclusion that in this case
Pekod, Shoa, and Koa are proper names also; but
nothing further can be said. The only name which
has been found at all resembling Shoa is that of a
town in Assyria mentioned by Pliny, " Sue in ru
pibus," near Gangamela, and west of the Orontea
mountain chain. Bochart (Pkaleg, iv. 9) derives
Sue from the Chaldee H^B?, sAtt'd, a rock.
W. A. W.
SHCBAB (ayittf [rebeUiouM, erring]: Jar
0d$; Alex. Xuffaiav in Sam.; [1 Cbr. iii., Vat.
Xaffcw; xiv., Vat Io-ojSoxui, FA. SojSooji:] Sobab,
[Sobad] ). L Son of David by Bathsheba (9 Sam
v. 14; 1 Chr. iii. 5, xiv. 4).
2. (2w$d&; [V>t. Ia<rouiJ;] Alex. Xa>Ba$)
Apparently toe son of Caleb the son of Ilezron by
bis wife Azubah (1 Chr. il. 18). But the passage
is corrupt.
8H03AOH (Tf3*"lt^ [o frtt one, FUrstl:
2a>/3et«-, Alex, lafiax, 2 Sam. I. 16: Sobach)
The general of Hadarezer, king of the Syrians of
Zoba, who waa In command of the army which was
summoned from beyond the Euphrates ap linet the
Hebrews, after the defeat of the combined forces of
jet to break forth from Judaism a new form was u
arias which should transform and blew the nations
that hitherto hare presented only a scans of the wildest
moral desolation. Compare Biox ; Jzboseupbat, Vh
lit or [Amer ad.]. B
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3020
8HOBAI
Syria and the Ammonites before the gates of
Kabbah. He waa met bj David in person, wbo
tressed the Jordan and attacked him at Helam.
The battle resulted in the total defeat of the Syr-
lane. Shobach was wounded, and died on the
Held (2 Sam. x. 15-18). In 1 Chr. xiz. 16, 18,
he is called Shophach, and by Joaephua (Ani. rii.
«, § 3) iifitKOf
SHO'BAI [3 tyL] ( N 3» [taking captht] -.
lafiat. XaBl: [Vat Afiaov, 2o0«;J Alex. 2a-
cVuI [FA. ZajSfi] m Neh.: Sobat). The children
of Shobai were a family of the doorkeepers of the
Temple, who returned with Zerubbabel (Est. il. 43;
Neh. vii. 46). Called Sam in 1 Esdr. t. 88.
8HCBAL (b^ltt? [flowing, or a shoot]:
Jo, 34a : Sobal). L The second son of Seir the
Horite (Gen. xzxri. 20; 1 Chr. i. 88), and one of
the "dukes" or phylarchs of the Horites (Ren.
xxxfi 39). E. S. P.
2. [Vat. in ver. 80, icc$ap.] Son of Caleb, the
son of Hur, and founder or prince of Kirjath-
(esrim (1 Chr. ii. 60, 52).
3. (lovfrtK) In 1 Chr. It. 1, 2, Shobai ap-
pears with Hur, among the sons of Judah, and as
the father of Reaiah. He is possibly the same as
the preceding, In which case Reaiah may be iden-
tical with Haroeb, the two names in Hebrew being
not very unlike.
SHOTJKK (pa'ltT [peril, forsaking] : :*»/}*>:
[Vat. EunrauSnic; FA. n/Ji|(r:] SoUc). One of
the heads of tie people who sealed the covenant
with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 24).
HHCBI CJB? [one who captures]: ObtafiH
[Vat] Alex. Ovt<r$ti: Sobi). Son of Nahash of
Rabbah of the children of Amnion (2 Sam. xvii.
37). He was one of the first to meet David at Ma-
hanaim on his flight from Absalom, and to offer
him the hospitality of a powerful and wealthy chief,
for he was the son of David's old friend Nahash,
and the bond between them was strong enough to
survive on the one hand the insults of Hanun, and
on the other the oonqueet and destruction of Rabbah.
Joeephua calls him Siphar (AnL vii. 9, $ 8), " chief
(Svrdarris) of the Ammonite country."
SHO'OO 03'ltP [branches] : [Vat] rnr Ss*-
X«0; and so Alex.; [Rom. 3ox«S9; Comp. 2o*-
X«50 Soeho), 2 Chr. xi. 7. A variation of the
name Socoh, unnecessarily increased in the A. V.
by the substitution of Sk for the 8 of the original.
SHO'CHO CO'tP [as above]: tV 1*x&-
(Socio), 3 Chr. zxviii. 18. One of the four [six]
varieties of the name Socoh. In this case also the
discrepancies in the A. V. are needlessly multiplied
by Sh being substituted for S and eh for e of the
sriginal.
8HCCHOH (rc'-fc [h-owAet]: 3ok X M;
Alex. Ontx* and 2okx»; [Comp. 2ox<*0 Bocho),
1 Sam. xvii. 1. This, like Shocho, Sociioh, [So-
cho,] and Shoco, is an incorrect variation of the
name Socoh.
SHCHAM (Dnfe' [onyx] : 'Io-od>; Alex. Is-
rccuti [Comp. Xod/i'-] Soam). A Herarite Le-
'ite, son of Jaaiiah (1 Chr. xxiv. 27).
SHOE. [Sakdau]
8HCMER pa'ltT [keeper]: [Rom. Vat.
sVajia>; Alex.] Saym*: Somer). L A man of
SHOSHANNIM-EDTJTH
the tribe of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 83), wbo h alas
called Shamer (ver. 84).
2. [Jmrtp; Alex. flow/ny.] The father of
Jehozabad, who slew king Joash (2 K. xii. 31): in
the parallel passage in 2 Chr. xxiv. 88, the name is
converted into the feminine form Shimrith, wbo is
further described as a Moabitess. This variation
may have originated in the dubious gender of the
preceding nsme Shimeath, which is also made fem-
inine by the Chronicler. W. L. B.
SHOTHAOH (TJS'W* [ea*n«ioii, Ffirst]i
1*«>40; [Vat Itxpaa, Zaowff; FA.l in ver. 16,
E<r«$af>;] Alex. 3ti^»X, S«3«X ! Bopkaek).
Shobach, the general of Hadarecer (1 Chr. xix.
16, 18).
SHOTHAJST 02W; Samar. D"CtT [perh.
naked, oorren]: tV 2o<p<ip: Sophan). One of
the fortified towns on the east of Jordan which
were taken possession of and rebuilt by the tribe of
Gad (Num. xxxi!. 36). It is probably an affix to
the second Atroth, to distinguish it from the for-
mer one, not an independent place. No name
resembling it has yet been met with in thst lo-
cality. G.
SHOSHANTIIM. •• To the chief musician
upon Shoshannim " is a musical direction to the
leader of the Temple choir which occurs in Pss.
xlv., Ixix., snd moat probably indicates the melody
"after" or "in the manner of" (Vy, 'al, A. V
" upon ") which the psalms were to be sung. As
•• Shoshannim " literally signifies "lilies," it has
been suggested tbat the word denotes lily-shaped
instruments of music (Simonis, Lex. a. r.), per-
haps cymbals, and this view appears to be adopted
by De Wette (Die Psnlmen, p. 84). Hengeten-
berg gives to it an enigmatical interpretation, as
indicating " the subject or subjects treated, as Sties
figuratively for bridt In xlv. ; the delightful conso-
lations and deliverances experienced in lxix., etc."
(Davidson, Mrod. ii. 846); which Dr. Davidson
very truly characterizes as "a most improbable
fancy." The LXX. and Vulgate have in both
psalms brip ran* aAAoisdhwro/i&w and pro lis
qui immulabuntur respectively, reading apparently
QiSBJp V»5 for D"3#fc> by. Ben Zeb (Ot-
sar Hashshor. a. v.) regards it as an instrument of
psalmody, and Junius snd TremeUius, after Kim-
chi, render it "hexachorda," an instrument with
six strings, referring it to the root skesk, » six,"
and this is approved by Eichhom in his edition of
Simonis. W. A. W.
SHOSHAHTJIM-EDUTH. In the title
of Ps. Ixxx. is found the direction "to the chief
musician upon Shoshannim-eduth " (D^ptttP
rWVff), which appears, according to the most
probable conjecture, to denote the melody or air
"after" or "in the manner of" which the psalm
was to be sung. As the words now stand they
signify " lilies, a testimony," and the two are sep-
arated by a large distinctive accent In themselves
they have no meaning in the present text, and
must therefore be regarded as probably a fragment
of the beginning of an older psalm with which the
choir were familiar. Ewald gives what he consid-
ers the original meaning — " ' lilies,' that is. pure,
Innocent, is 'the Law; ' " but the words will not
bear this interpretation, nor is it possiblt in then
present position to assign to them any inteUifihk
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SHOULDER-PIECE
For the conjectures of tbote who regard
Ibe word* u the name* of musical instruments, aee
it articles Shoshahxim, Skdbhah-eduth.
W. A W.
• 8HOULDEB-PIEOE. [ErnoD; Hioh-
ntiBR.]
• SHOVEL. [AoBicirunnus, vol. I. p.
• SHBOUD, Exefc zzxi. 8, has iU older serine
sf <• eover," " shelter." H.
SHU' A QWtt? [rick, noble]: %aia; [Comp.
SoWO Sue). A Canaanlte of Adullam, father of
Jadah's wife (1 Chr. ii. 3), who m hence called
bath-Sana. In th i LXX. of Gen. xxiviii. a, Shut
H wrongly made to be the name of the daughter.
[Bath-Shua.]
SHTJ'AH (nW [>i(]: *»,«■, ferf; Alex.
2*v«: Sue). 1. Son of Abraham by Ketorah
(Gen. xxt. 9; 1 Chr. i. 38).
S. (nr^Bttf: 'Ao-xcO Sua.) Properlj «Shu-
chab." Hie name Shuah occura among the de-
scendants of Judah as that of the brother of Che-
tab (1 Chr. it. 11). For " Chelub the brother of
Shuah," (he LXX. read « Caleb the father of Ach-
■ah [Aaeha]." In ten of Kennicott's and De
Bosb's M8&, Shuah it made the son of Chelub.
3. (JW: iami: Sue.) The father of Judah's
wife, the Canaanitess (Gen. xxxviii. a, 18); also
eased Shoa in the A. V. The LXX. make Shuah
the name of the woman in both instances.
SHU'AL (H>yW Ijackat]: x>vti; [Vet
3ovA>;] Alex. XouaX: Sual). Son of Zophah,
an Aaherite (1 Chr. vil. 36).
SHU'AL, THE LAND OP frWKB TfTtf
[laud of the jncknt]: yif Xtyi\: Alex, is lost:
terra Smnl). A district named only in 1 Sam.
xiii. 17, to denote the direction taken by one of the
three parties of marauders who issued from the
Philistine camp at Michniaah. Its connection with
Ophrah (probably Taiyibeh) and the direction of
the two other routes named in the passage make it
pretty certain that the land of Shual lay north of
jfiehmuh. If therefore It be identical with the
' land of Shalim " (1 Sara. Ix. 4) — as la not im-
possible — we obtain the ftrst and only clew yet ob-
tained to Saul's journey in quest of the asses. The
same Shual has not yet been identified in the neigh-
borhood of Tan/ibeh or elsewhere. It may hare
originated in the Hebrew signification of the word
— "Jackal "j in which case it would be appropri-
ate enough to the wild, desolate region east of Tai-
fibek } a region containing a valley or ravine at no
great distance from Taiyibek which bore and per-
haps still bean the name of •• Hyamas." [Zb-
BotM, Valley or.] Others (as Thenius. in
E&tg. Hrmdb.) derive the name from a different
toot, and interpret it aa " boliew land." G.
SHU'BAEL (bHJW [onrfwe of God]:
lmB*b\; [Tat Ia>ft»|A;] Alex. 3ov/S<rn\: Su-
Mf). L Shkbuxl the son of Gershom (1 Chr.
trix. SO).
S- OavBtdiK.) Shebukl the son of Heman
he, minstrel (1 Chr. xxv. 80).
8HU-HAM (Drntf [^.nft^fyoersGes.]:
Sans**; [Vat. SauM'O Alex. 2<uts<3n: Sukam).
turn at Dan, and ancestor of the Shuhamitks
SHUNAMMITE. THE 3021
(Num. xzvi. 43). In Gen. xlvi. 33 he Is callsd
HUSHIM.
SHU'HAMITES, THE ("OITItt'n [patr.,
see above]: i iauti; [Vat 2cutt<;] Alex. JUr
ueiJiji, la/iec Suhanuta, Suamita). The de
scendants of Shuham, or Hushim, the son of Dan
(Num. xxvi. 48, 43). In the census taken in the
plains of Moab they numbered 4,460.
SHU'HITE OnpiH?: [Job U. 11, o Xur
X«» (Vat Sin. ~x<u-, Alex. AvxauM>) ripavroti
elsewhere, Zoux't. **e. Vat -^t <- viii. 1, Sin.
-X«i- xlii. 9, and Alex. Avxrrqt, xviiL 1:] Shu-
httet). Job viii. 1. This ethnic appellative " Shu-
hite " is frequent [occurs 6 times] in the book of
Job, but only as the epithet of one person, Bildad.
The local indications of the book of Job point to a
region on the western side of Chaldea, bordering
on Arabia; and exactly in this locality, above Hit
and on both sides of the Euphrates, are found, In
the Assyrian inscriptions, the Ttuk/ii, > powerful
people. It is probable that these were the Shuhites.
and that, having been conquered by the Babylonian
kings, they were counted by Ezekiel among the
tribes of the Chaldseans. Having lost their inde
pendence, they ceased to be noticed ; but it wss no
doubt from them that the country on the Euphra-
tes Immediately above Babylonia came to be desig-
nated as SoAene, a term applied to it hi tbe Peu-
tingerian Tables. The Shuhites appear to have
been descendants of Abraham by Keturah. [Shu-
ah, 1.] G. R.
shu-lamite, the (JTaVra'n, i «.
the ShuUunmite [see below] : [Vat] ij lovuaver
tii; [Rom. Xo\nafUTit(] Alex. [FA] n lou\ap-
inf : Sulamitu and Sunnmilu). One of the per-
sonages In the poem of Solomon's Song, who,
although named only in one passage (vi. 13), is,
according to some interpreters, the most prominent
of all tlie characters. The name — after the anal-
ogy of Suunammite — denotes a woman belonging
to a place called Shulem. Tbe only place bearing
that name, of which we have any knowledge, is
8h-.'.nem itself, which, as far back as the 4th cen-
tury, was so called (Eusebiua, quoted under Shd-
nem). In bet, there is good ground for believing
that the two were identical. Since, then, Shnlaro-
mite and Shunammite are equivalent, there is noth-
ing surely extravagant in supposing that the Shu-
nammite who was the object of Solomon's passion
wss Abiahag, — the most lovely girl of her day,
and at the time of David's death one of the most
prominent persons at the court of Jerusalem. This
would be equally appropriate, whether Solomon was
himself tbe author of the Song, or it were written
by another person whose object was to personal''
him accurately. For the light which it throws oi.
the circumstances of Solomon's accession, see Sol.
omoh. [Wedding, Amer. ed.] G.
SHU'MATHITES, THE (VIDWn, i. e.
the Shumathite [patr.]: [Vat] He-opofrViu [Bom
SlfL, Alex, -iem] : Bemalhei). One of the four
families who sprang from Kirjath-jearim (1 Chr. ii.
53). They probably colonized a village named
Shumafc somewhere in that neighborhood. But
no trace of such a name has been discovered. G.
SHuifAMMiTB, the (rvrpynsr\* ■
• Inl K.H. 81,28, the shorter form of JTBJWn
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8022 SHTJNEM
[Vat] k Sayuuirru [Rom. -ci-] ; Alex. [Sa^ov-
irn*,] iovfmyirts : Sunamitu), i e. the native of
Sbunem, as is plain from 2 K. iv. 8. It is applied
to two persons: Abishag, the nurse of King David
(1 K. i. 3,<> 15, ii. 17, 21, 22), and the nameless host-
ess of Elisha (2 K. It. 12, 25, 36).
The modem representative of Sbunem being So-
lum, some have suggested (as Gesenius, The*, p.
1379 oj, or positively affirmed (as Fiirst, Hantheb. ii.
422), that Shunammite is identical with Shulam-
mito (Cent ri. 13). Of this all that can be said is,
that, though highly probable, it is not absolutely
certain. G.
SHTJ1J EM (DMtt? 6 [two ruling-places] : 3ov-
my c - Sunem, Simam). One of the cities allotted
to the tribe of Iasachar (Josh. xiz. 18). It occurs
in the list between Chesulloth and Haphraim. It
is mentioned on two occasions. First, as the place
of the Philistines' first encampment before the bat-
tle of GUboa (1 Sam. xxviii. 4). Here it occurs iu
connection with Mount GUboa and En-dor, and
also probably with Jezreel (zxiz. 1). [Gilboa,
Amer. ed.] Secondly, as the scene of Eliaka's in-
tercourse with the Shunammite woman and her
son (2 K. iv. 8). Here it is connected with adja-
cent cornfields, and, more remotely, with Mount
CarmeL It was besides the native place of Abi-
shag, the attendant on King David (1 K.. i. 3),
and possibly the heroine of the poem or drama of
" Solomon's Song."
By Eusebius and Jerome (Onom.) it is men-
tioned twice : under 2ou/3*j/i and " Sunem," as 5
miles south of Mount Tabor, and then known as
Sulem: and under " Sonam," as a village in Acre-
battine, in the territory of Sebaste called Sanim.
The latter of these two identifications probably re-
fers to Sanm; a well-known fortress some 7 miles
from Selxittiyeli and 4 from Arrabth — a spot
completely out of the circle of the associations
which connect themselves with Shunein. The
other has more in its favor, since — except for the
distance from Mount Tabor, which is nearer 8 Ro-
man miles than o — it agrees with the position of
the present Solam, s village on the S. W. flank of
.lebel Duhy (the so-called " Little Hermon "), 3
miles N. of Jezreel, 5 from Gilboa (J. Fuhta), full
in view of the sacred spot on Mount Carmel, and
situated in the midst of the finest cornfields in the
world.
It is named, as Salem, by the Jewish traveller,
hap-Parchi (Asher's Benjamin, ii. 481). It had
then its spring, without which the Philistines
would certainly not have chosen it for their en-
campment. Now, according to the notice of Dr.
Robinson (ii. 324), the spring of the village is but
a poor one.
The change of the n in the ancient name to f in
the modem one, is the reverse of that which has
taken place in Zerin (Jezreel) and BeiHn (Bethel).
6.
SHTJ-NI CV«D [owe*]! Sowfc, Xovvl [Vat.
-pet] ; Alex. 2auw j in Gen. : Sum). Son of Gad,
and founder of the family of the Shunites (Gen.
•M. 18; Num. xxvi. 15).
• The A. V. is here Incorrect In omitting the den-
sHsartuI*.
» Perhaps contracted from D^E? (Oessnlos, Bus.
S.1IW6).
« It Is given dlflsmntly on each oeourranes In eaeh
8HUB
SHUNITES, THE O?^!! [patr. fro- tta
above]: i 2ouri [Vat. -«i]s Smila). Descend-
ants of Sbuni the son of Gad (Num. xxvi. 16).
SHU'PHAM. [Shutoh.]
SHTJ'PHAMITES, THEODp-WH
[patr.] : i Xttfcwi [Vat. -yet] : Suphnmila). Ins
descendants of Shupham, or Shephupham, the
Benjamite (Num. xxvi. 39).
8HUPTIM (Q5^j, D>9H7 [pern. terpemU,
Ges.] : iamplr; [Vat. SmreW, Mopfw;] Ala
XaipfifL, SttpAtt/i: Sepham, Saphan). 1. In the
genealogy of Beigamin, " Shuppim and Huppira,
the children of Ir," are reckoned in 1 Chr. vii. IS.
Ir is the same as Iri the son of Bela the son at
Benjamin, so that Shuppim was the great-grandson
of Benjamin. In Num. xxri. 39, he and his
brother are called Shupham, and Hupham, while in
1 Chr. viii. 6 they appear as Shephuphan and Hu-
ram, sons of Bela, and in Gen. xlri. 21 as Mup-
pim and Huppim, sons of Benjamin. To avoid
the difficulty of supposing that Benjamin had a
great-grandson at the time he went down to
Egypt, Lord A. Hervey conjectures that Shuppim
or Shephuphan was a son of Benjamin, whose
family was reckoned with that of Ir or Iri.
[Muppih.]
* 2. (Rom. Vat omit; Alex. 2«4>i«ip: Sephim.)
A Levite who, with Hosah, had charge of the gate
Shallecheth (1 Chron. xxri. 16). A.
SHUR ("fltt? [waiq <t : %oip, rtXap^oip \
[Alex, in Gen. xxv. 18 SownA, 1 Chr. xxrii. 8, r«-
^<uurovp:] Sur), a place just without the eastern
border of Egypt Its name, if Hebrew or Arabic,
signifies "a wall," and there can be tittle doubt
that it is of Shemitic origin from the position of
the place. The LXX. seems to have thus inter-
preted it, if we may judge from the obscure render-
ing of 1 Sam. xxvii. 8, where it must be remarked
the extraordinary form TtKofifoip is found. This
word is evidently a transcription of the words
rf-fltP .... Dy W§| the former, save the in-
itial particle, not being translated.
Shur is first mentioned in the narrative of Ha-
gar'a flight from Sarah. Abraham was then in
southernmost Palestine, and when Hagar fled she
was found by an angel " by the fountain in the way
to Shur " (Gen. xvi. 7). Probably she was en-
deavoring to return to Egypt, the country of hex
birth — she may not have been a pure Egyptian - -
and had reached a well in the inland caravan route.
Abraham afterwards " dwelled between Kadesh and
Shur, and sojourned In Gerar" (xx. 1). From
this it would seem either that Shur lay in the ter-
ritory of the Philistines of Gerar, or that this pas-
toral tribe wandered in a region extending from
Kadesh to Shur. [Gekab.] In neither case can we
ascertain the position of Shur. The first clear in-
dication of this occurs in the account of Iahmael'a
posterity. " And they dwelt from Hsvilah unto
Shur, that [is] before Egypt ss thou goest toward
Assyria " (xxv. 18 ). With this should be compared
of the two gnat Codices : Vat (Mai), XovraV, X*ii*r
Sovpar; Alex. Inmfi, TWrafiar, SuvKsi [Bom
Sowafi, Smpoji, XMfLar.)
* The ancient name, says Dietrich, still exists In th
Jtbel es-Sur which stretches from the southwest e
the desert et-Tih towards Egypt (Ges- "*• #! *■ «■
p. 867). ■
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SHUSHAN
foe mention of the extent of the Amaieklte terri-
tory, given in tfaii passage, " And Saul imote the
Amaleldtes from Havilah [until] thou contest to
Shur, that [U] over against Egypt" (1 Sam. zv.
71. It U also important to notice that the Geshu
rite*, Gesritea, and Amalekites, whom David smote,
ace described as " from an ancient period the in
habitanta of the land, as thou coraeat to Shur, even
onto the land of Egypt " (zxvii. 8). The Wilder-
ness of Shur was entered by the Israelites after
they bad croased the Red Sea (Ex. zv. 23, 33). It
was also called the Wilderness of Etham (Num
xxxiii. 8 ). The first passage presents one difficulty,
upon which the LXX. and Vulg. throw no light,
in the mention of Assyria. If, however, we com-
pare it with later places, we find TTTWH il^3
here, mmarkaUy like TTTttt? ^^3 in 1 Sam.
xzvii. 8, and "AT tTHIS in zv. 7, as though the
same phrase had been originally found in the first
as a gloat, but it may have been there transposed,
and have originally followed the mention of Havi-
lah. In the notk« of the Amalekita and Isbmael-
ile region, in which the latter succeeded the former,
there can be no question that a strip of northern
Arabia ia intended, stretching from the Isthmus of
Suez towards and probably to the Persian Gulf.
The name of the wilderness may perhaps indicate a
somewhat southern position. Shur may thus have
been a fortified town east of the ancient head of
the Bed Sea, but in the hands of the Arabs, or at
one time the Philistines, not of the Egyptians.
From its being spoken of as a limit, it was prob-
ably the last Arabian town before entering Egypt.
The hieroglyphic inscriptions have not been found
to throw any light upon this question. The
8HARA or SHALA mentioned in them is an im-
portant country, perhaps Syria. R. 3. P.
SHUSHAN flBflttJ : Xoica, [Sovai*:] Sa-
tan) is said to have received its name from the
abundance of the lily (Shithnn or Sliittanah) in
its neighborhood (Atien. xii. 613). It was one of
the most important towns in the whole East, and
requires to be described at some length.
L History. — Susa was originally the capital of
the country called in Scripture Elam, and by the
classical writers, sometimes Cissia (Kitrtrla), some-
time* SusLs or Susiana. [Rlam.] Its foundation
Is thought to date from a time anterior to Chedor-
laomer, aa the remains found on the site have often
a character of very high antiquity. The first dis-
tinct mention of the town that has been as yet
found is in the inscriptions of Auhur-bani-pal, the
son and successor of Ksax-Haddon, who states that
he took the place, and exhibits a ground-plan of it
spaa his sculptures (Layard, JVi'n. naif Bab. pp.
(52, 453). The date of this monument is about
a. c. 080. We next find Susa in the possession of
fee Babylonians, to whom Kiam had probably
passed at the division of the Assyrian empire made
•y Cyaxares and Nabopolassar. In the last year
If Bdahazzar (». a 638), Daniel, while still a
Jabylonian subject, is there on the king's business,
sod " at Shnshan in the palace " sees his famous
vision of the ram and he-goat (Dan. vlii. 3). The
i of Babylon by Cyrus transferred Susa to
i Persian dominion ; and it was not long before
SHUSHAN
8028
Hat ear/ went the pa s ssi duaoult, but they were
I of sanl-lnsjspsndent tribes, who 1st-
the Achasmenian princes determined to make It the
capital of their whole empire, and the chief place
of their own residence. According to some writers
(Xen. Cgrop. viii. 6, § 22; Strab. zr. 3, $ 3), the
change was made by Cyrus; according to others
(Ctes. Exc Ptrt. § 9 ; Herod, iii. 80, 66, 70), it
had at any rate taken place before the death of
Cambyses ; but, according to the evidence of the
place itself and of the other Achsemenian monu-
ments, it would seem most probable that the trans
fer was really the work of Darius Hyataspis, who ia
found to have been (as Pliny said, B. N. vi. 27)
the founder of the great palace there — the building
so graphically described in the book of Esther (i. 6,
6). The reasons which induced the change are
tolerably apparent. After the conquest of Baby*
Ionia and Egypt, the western provinces of the em-
pire were become by far the most important, and
the court could no longer be conveniently fixed
east of Zagros, either at Ecbatana (Hamadan) or
at Pasargads (ifurgaub), which were cut off from
the Mempotamian plain by the difficulty of the
passes for fully one half of the year." It was ne-
cessary to find a capital west of the mountains, and
here Babylon and Susa presented themselves, each
with its peculiar advantages. Darius probably pre-
ferred Susa, first, on account of its vicinity to Per-
sia (Strab. xr. 3, § 2); secondly, because it was
cooler than Babylon, being nearer the mountain -
chain ; and thirdly, because of the excellence of the
water there ( Gtograph. Jmtrn. ix. 70). Susa ac-
cordingly became the metropolis of Persia, and is
recognized as such by jEschylus (Pert. 16, 124,
Ac.), Herodotus (v. 25, 49, Ac.) Ctesias (Per:
Exc. passim), Strabo (xr. 3, § 2), and almost all
the best writers. The court must have resided
there during the greater part of the year, only
quitting it regularly for Ecbatana or Persepolis in
the height of summer, and perhaps sometimes
leaving it for Babylon in the depth of winter (see
Rawlinson's Herodotut, iii. 266). Susa retained
its preeminence to the period of the Macedonian
conquest, when Alexander found there above twelve
millions sterling, and all the regalia of the Great
Ring (Arrian, Exp. Alex. iii. 16). After this it
declined. The preference of Alexander for Baby-
lon caused the neglect of Susa by his successors,
none of whom ever made it their capital city. We
hear of it once only in their wars, when it falls into
the power of Antigonus (b. c 316), who obtains
treasure there to the amount of three millions and
a half of our money (Diod. Sic. xix. 48, § 7).
Nearly a century later (b. c. 221) Susa was at
tacked by Molo in his rebellion against Antiochus
the Great; he took the town, but failed in his at-
tempt upon the citadel (Polyb. v. 48, § 14). Wo
hear of it again at the time of the Arabian con-
quest of Persia, when it was bravely defended by
Hormuzan (Loftus, Chnldaa and Susiana, p. 844).
3. Podtion, etc. — A good deal of uncertainty
has existed concerning the position of Susa. While
most historians and comparative geographers have
Inclined to identify it with the modern Sut or Shuth,
which is in lat. 33° W, long. 48° 26' E. from
Greenwich, between the Shapur and the river of
Dizful, there have not been wanting some to main-
tain the rival claims of Shutter, which it situated
on the <ef> bank of the Kuran, more than half •
led a toll on all pssseofsrs, era the Persian
thaosalvas (Strab. z-. 8, , 4).
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SHUSHAN
degree further to the eastward. A third candidate
for the honor has even been atarted, and it haa
oeen maintained with much learning and ingenuity
that Susan, on the right bank of the same stream,
50 or 60 miles above Shutter, is, if not tiie Sum
of the Greeks and Romans, at any rate the Shushan
of Scripture (Geogr. Journ. ix. 85). But a care-
ful examination of these several spots has finally
caused a general acquiescence in the belief that Sut
alone is entitled to the honor of representing at
once the Scriptural Shushan and the Susa of the
classical writers (see Loftus, Chaldaa and Sutiana,
p. 338; Smith, Dictionary of Geography, sub voc ;
Kawlineon, Herodotus, in. 254). The difficulties
caused by the seemingly confused accounts of the
ancient writers, of whom some place Susa on the
Choaspes (Herod, v. 49, 62; Strab. xv. 8, § 4; Q.
Cart. v. 2), some on the Euueus (Arr. Exp, Al.
vii. 7; Ptol. vi. 3; Plin. H. JV. vi. 27), have been
removed by a careful survey of the ground, from
which it appears that the Choaspes (Kerkhah) orig-
inally bifurcated at Pai Put, 20 miles above Susa,
the right arm keeping its present course, while the
left flowed a little to the tost of Sua, and, absorb-
SHTJSHAN
; ing the Shapur about 13 miles below the
flowed on somewhat east of south, and Joined thai
JCarun (Pasitigris) at Ahwat, The left branch of
the Choaspes was sometimes called by that name,
but more properly bore the appellation of Eulseus
(Ulai of Daniel). Susa thus lay between the twc
streams of the EuUeus and the Shapur, the latter
of which, being probably joined to the Euueus by
canals, waa reckoned a part of it; and hence Pliny
said that the EuUeus surrounded the citadel of
Susa (L s. c.). At the distance of a few miles
east and west of the city were two other streams —
the Coprates or river of Dizful, and the right arm
of the Choaspes (the modern Kerkhah). Thus the
country about Susa was most abundantly watered ;
and hence the luxuriance and fertility remarked
alike by ancient and modern authors (Athen. xii.
513; Geograph. Jnurn. ix. 71). The Kerkhah
water was moreover regarded as of peculiar excel-
lence ; it was the only water drunk by the Great
King, and was always carried with him on his
journeys and foreign expeditions (Herod, i. 188;
Plut. de EziL ii. 601, D; Athen. Deipn. ii. 171,
Ac.). Even at the present day it is celebrated for
Scale of teet
L Rulni of Snaa.
1 The hleh mound or
8. The palace.
4. The great platform.
J. Hauuortlwattjr.
cn
No. 1. Flan of the Ruins of So
tightness and purity, and the natives prize it above
that of almost all other streams (Geogr. Journ. ix.
70, 8»).
8. Genera*" Description of the Ruins. — The
ruins of Susa cover a space about 6,000 feet long
from east to west, by 4,500 feet broad from north
to south. The circumference of the whole, exclu-
sive of outlying and comparatively insignificant
mounds, is about three miles. According to Mr.
loftus, " the principal existing remains consist of
four spacious artificial platforms, distinctly separate
front each other. Of these the western mound is
ths smallest in superficial extent, but considerably
the most lofty and important. .... Its highest
point Is 119 feet above the level of the Sbaoor
(Shapur). In form it is an irregular, obtuse-an-
gled triangle, with its corners rounded off, and ita
base facing nearly due east. It is apparently con-
structed of earth, gravel, and sun-dried brick, see
tions being exposed in numerous ravines produced
by the rains of winter. The sides are so perpen-
dicular as to be inaccessible to a horseman except
at three places. The measurement round the sum-
mit is about 2,850 feet In the centre is a deep,
circular depression, probably a large court, sur-
rounded by elevated piles of buildings, the fall o*
which baa given the present configuration to tin
surface. Hero and there are exposed in the rannst
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SHUSHAN
traces nt Lriek wall*, which ahow that the present
elevation o." the mound has been attained by much
subsequent superposition " ( Chnldaa and Stuutnn,
p. 343). Mr. I-oflua regarda this mound aa indu-
bitably the remaina of the famous citadel {tutpa or
iucf&roXis) of Susa, to frequently mentioned by
the ancient writera (Herod, iil. 68; Polyb. t. 48,
§ 14; S'rab. xv. 3, § 2; Arr. Exp. At, tti. 16, Ac).
" Separated from the citadel on the weat by a
channel or ravine, the bottom of which ia on a
level with the external desert, ia the great central
platform, covering upu-nrda of sixty acres (No. 8
on the Plan )■ The highest point is on the south
side, where it presents generally a perpendicular
escarpment to the plain, and rises to an elevation
of about 70 feet; on the east and north it don not
exceed 40 or 50 feet. The east face measures 8,000
feet in length. Enormous ravines penetrate to the
very heart of the mound " (Loftus, p. 345). The
third, platform (No. 3 on the Plan) lies towards the
north, and is " a considerable square mass,' about
a thousand feet each way. It abuts on the central
platform at its northwestern extremity, but
i» separated from it by " a slight hollow," t*
which " was perhaps an ancient roadway "
(Loftus, ML). These three mounds form
together a lozenge shaped mass, 4,500 feet
long and nearly 3,000 feet broad, pointing in
its longer direction a little west of north.
East of them is the fourth platform, which is
very extensive but of much lower elevation
than the rest (No. 4 on the Plan). Its plan
is very irregular: in its dimensions it about
equals all the rest of the ruins put together, q
Beyond this eastern platform a number of
low mounds are traceable, extending nearly O
to the Dixfnl river; hut there are no remains
of walla in any direction, and no marks of '■'
any buildings west of the Sbapur. All the q
ruins are contained within a circumference of
about seven miles (Gtograpk. Journ. ix. 71) O
G. R.
Abchitectche. — The explorations un- °
dertaken by General, now Sir Fenwick Wil- (
Gams of Kara, in the mounds at Susa, in the
year 1851, resulted in the discovery of the
bases of three columns, marked 5, 6, and 7
on the accompanying plan (wood-cut No. 2). These
were found to he 27 feet 6 inches apart from centre
to centre, and as they were very similar to the
bases of the great hall known popularly as the Chel
Miner ai Peraepolis, it was assumed that another
row would lie found at a like distance inwards.
Holes were accordingly dug, and afterwards trenches
driven, without any successful result, as it hap-
pened to he on the spot where the walls originally
stood, and where no columns, consequently, could
have existed. Had any trustworthy restoration of
the Persepolitan hall been published at that time,
the mistake would have been avoided, but as none
then existed the opportunity was nearly lost for our
besoming acquainted with one of the moat interest-
ing ruins connected with Bible history which now
exist oot of Syria. Fortunately in the following
year Mr. Loftus resumed the excavations with more
liter aa, and ascertained the position of all the 72
aohnnna of which the original building was eom-
soeed. Only one base had been entirely removed,
tad aa that was in the midst of the central pha-
ses. Ha absence threw no doubt on any part of the
arrangement- On the bases of four of the columns
feat uncovered (shade) darker on the plan, and
BHTJSHAK 8025
numbered 1, 2, 3, 4) were found trilingual inscrip-
tions in the languages adopted by the Achemeniao
kings at Behistun and elsewhere, but all were so
much injured by the fall of the superincumbent
mass that not one was complete, and unfortunately
the Persian text, which could hare been read with
most certainty, was the least perfect of any. Not-
withstanding this, Mr. Edwin Norris, with his usual
ingenuity, by a careful comparison of the whole,
made out the meaning of the first part certainly,
of the latter half with very tolerable precision.
As this inscription contains nearly oil we know of
the history of this building, we quote it entire from
Journ. A: Soc., vol xv. 162: '■ Says Artaxerxes
(Mnemon), the Great King, the King of Kings, the
King of the Country, the King of the Earth, the
•on of King Darius — Darius was the son of King
Artaxerxes — Artaxerxes was the son of Xerxes
— Xerxes was the son of King Darius — Darius
was the son of Hystaapes the Achtemenian —
Darius my ancestor anciently built this temple,
and afte rwards it was repaired by Artaxerxes
Ou.
Oot
OO
O
O
O
700ft
>°
D
□
□
D
I 4 O D~£rV<~0 O
D D
d a
□ D
D D
D □
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D D
D □
□ a
o o
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IPOS?
No. 2. Plan of the Great Palace at Suss.
my grandfather. By the aid of Onnsxd I placed
the effigies of Tanaites and Mithra in this tem-
ple. May Ormasd, Tanaites, and Mithra protect
me, with the other Gods, and all that I have
done . . . . "
The bases uncovered by Mr. Loftus were arranged
as on the wood-cut No. 2, reduced from that given
at page 366 of his Chaldosa and Sutinnn, and most
fortunately it is found on examination that the
building was an exact counterpart of the celebrated
Chel Minor at Peraepolis. They are in fact mora
like one another than almost any other two build-
ings of antiquity, and consequently what is wanting
in the one may safely be supplied from the other, if
it exists there.
Their age is nearly the same, that at Suaa having
been commenced by Darius Hystaspis, that at Per-
aepolis — if one may trust the inscription on its
staircase (J. A. S. x. 326) — was built entirely by
Xerxes. Their dimensions are practically identical,
the width of that at Susa, according to Mr. Loftus,
being 345 feet, the depth N. and S. 244. The cor-
responding dimensions at Peraepolis, according to
Flandin and Caste's survey, are 357.6 by 254.6, o»
from 10 to 12 fret in excess; bur the dinktww*
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8026
SHTJSHAN
may arise u much from imperfect surveying at
from any real discrepancy.
The nnmber of columns and their arrangement
are Identical in the two buildings, and the details
of the architecture are
practically the same ao
far aa they can be made
out But aa no pillar
ia standing at Susa, and
no capital was found
entire or nearly so, it is
not easy to feel quite
sure that the annexed
restoration (wood-cut
No. 8) ia in all respects
correct. It is reduced
from one made by Mr.
Churchill, who accom-
panied Mr. Loftus in
his explorations. If it
is so, it appears that
the great difference be-
tween the two buildings
was that double bull
capitals were used in
the interior of the cen-
tral square hall at Suaa,
while their use was ap-
propriately confined to
the porticoes at Persep-
olis. In other respects
the height of the capi-
tal, which measures 28
feet, is very nearly the
same, but it is fuller,
Bo. 8. Restored elevation and looks somewhat too
of capital at Suss. neaTT fo r u,, , hafl tn »t
supports it. This defect was to a great extent cor-
rected at Persepolis, and may have arisen from
those at Suaa being the first translation of the
Ninevite wooden original into stone architecture.
The pillars at Persepolis vary from 60 to 67 feet
in height, and we may therefore assume that those
at Susa were nearly the same. No trace of the
walls which enclosed these pillars was detected at
Susa, from which Mr. I-oftus assumes, somewhat
too hastily, that none existed. As, however, be
rould not make out the traces of the walla of any
other of the numerous buildings which he admits
once existed in these mounds, we ought not to be
surprised at hia not finding them in this instance.
Fortunately at Persepolis sufficient remains still
exist to enable us to supply this hiatus, though
there also sun-burnt brick was too much used for
the walls, and if it were not that the jambs of the
doors and windows were generally of stone, we
should be as much at a loss there as at Susa. The
annexed wood-cut (No. 4), representing the plan of
the hall at Persepolis, is restored from data so com-
plete as scarcely to admit of doubt with regard to
any part, and will suffice to explain the arrange-
ment of both."
Both buildings consisted of a central hall, aa
nearly as may be 200 feet square, and consequently,
so far as we know, the largest interior of the an-
cient world, with the single exception of the great
hall at Karnac, which covers 68,300 square feet,
while this only extends to 40,000. Both the Per-
■ lor details of this reatsraUou, as* TV Palacrt of
Tfmtveh and Peromelia Jiiw<e**tf . Br Jas. Verguaaon
♦ ihuatwd in UU.
SHTJSHAJT
sian halls are supported by 86 columns, upwards ol
60 feet in height, and spaced equidistant from one
another at about 27 feet 6 inches from centre to
centre.
On the exterior of this, separated from it by
walk* 18 feet in thickness, were three great porches,
each measuring 200 feet in width by 66 in depth,
and supported by 12 columns whose axes were co-
incident with those of the interior. These were be-
yond doubt the great audience halls of the palace,
and served the same purposes as the House of the
Forest of Lebanon in Solomon's palace, though its
dimensions were somewhat different, 160 feet by 76.
These porches were also identical, as far as use and
arrangement go, with the throne-rooms in the pal-
aces of Delhi or Agra, or those which are used at
this day in the palace at Ispahan.
The we s t e r n porch would be appropriate to morn-
ing ceremonials, the eastern to those of the after-
noon. There was no porch, aa we might expect in
that climate, to the south, but the principal one,
both at Susa and Persepolis, was that which freed
the north with a slight inclination towards the
east It was the throne-room, par excellence, of
the palace, and an inspection of the Plan will show
how easily, by the arrangement of tbe stairs, a
whole army of courtiers or of tribute-bearers
could file before the king without confusion or in-
convenience. The bassi relievi in the stairs at
Persepolis in fact represent permanently the pro-
cession that on great festivals took place upon
their steps; and a similar arrangement of stairs
was no doubt to be found at Susa when the palace
was entire.
It is by no meana so clear to what use the cen-
tral hall was appropriated. The inscription quoted
above would lead us to suppose that it was a tem-
ple, properly so called, but tbe sacred and the sec-
ular functions of the Persian kings were so inti-
mately blended together that it ia impossible for us
to draw a line anywhere, or say how far " tempi*
cells " or •> palace hall " would be a correct desig-
nation for this part of the building. It probably
was used for all great semi-religious ceremonies,
such ss the coronation or enthronization of the
king — at such ceremonies as returning thanks or
making offerings to the gods for victories — for any
purpose in fact requiring more than usual state or
solemnity ; but there seems no reason to suppose it
ever was used for purely festal or convivial purposes,
for which it is singularly ill suited.
From what we know of the buildings at Persep-
olis, we may assert, almost with certainty, that the
■> King's Gate," where Mordecai sat (Kslh. ii. 21),
and where so many of the transactions of the book
of Esther took place, was a square ball (wood-cut
No. 6), measuring probably a little more than 100
feet each way. and with its roof supported by four
pillars in the centre, and that this stood at a dis-
tance of about 160 or 200 feet from the front of
the northern portico, where its remains will proba-
bly now be found when looked for. We may also
be tolerably certain that the inner court, where)
Father appeared to implore the king's favor (Esth.
v. 1), was tbe space between the northern portico
and this square building, the outer court being the
space between the " King's Gate " and the north-
ern terrace wall. We may also predicate with tol-
erable certainty that the "Royal House" (I. 9)
and the ' House of the Women" (ii. 9, 11) wen
situated behird this great hall to the southward,
or between it and the citadel, and having a direst
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SHTJSHAN
eomniunicatlon with it either by means of a bridge
•nr the ravine, or a covered way tinder ground,
•KMt probably the former.
There seems also no reasonable doubt but that it
*at in front of one of the lateral portiooea of this
wilding that Kaaj Ahaaneraa (Xaneo)
SHUSHAN-EDTJTH
3027
feast unto all th« people that were present tn Sha-
shan the palace, both unto great and small, seven
days in the court of iht garden of Ike Hng't paU
not ; where were white, green, and blue hangings,
fastened with cords of Una linen and purple to silver
rings and pillars of marble: the beds wen of gold
^ii'Tirr II iGiHi
i
& s e m m g
Q Q g @ I 1
a o m si ■ q
a ss m b q m
a m u ss s ^
mti&
9
3 !P^3 E/3.1
No. 4. Isstarei plan of Great Hall of Xenaa at ParaspoUs.
sod aQftr npon a pavement of red and blue and
■bite and black marble " (Esth. 1. 5, 6). From
Una it is evident that the feast took place, not In
the interior of any
rafl MSBB kail, but out of doors,
SB H in tents erected in
|B] one of the courts of
gfiS the palace, such as we
K2| iated in front of either
LQ Q WM the eastern or western
3 porches of the great
KM central building.
nfl fm&dpx The whole of this
H [H wB^m great group of build-
^ " ings was raised on an
Re S- Bastored plan of the artificial mound, near-
_■ King's O ats " at palace of ly ^^^ m pulni
^T^?i_*. . v measuring about
Seal. 100 ft*, to aa Inch. 1|000 fcet eich way,
•md rising to a height apparently of 50 or 80 feet
•oove the plain. As the principal building must,
6Ve those at Persepolis, have had a hilar or raised
platform [Temple] above its roof, its height could
M have been less than 100 or ISO feet, and its
iteration above the plain must consequently have
Ken 170 or 300 feet.
It would be difficult to conceive anything much
pander in an architectural point of view than sueb
a baJkUng, rising to such a bright out of a group
if sahordinate palace-building*, interspersed with
trees and shrubs, and the whole baaed on such a
terrace, rising from the flat but fertile plains that
are watered by the Eukeus at its base. J. F
SHU'SHAN-E'DUTH. " To the ohief mu-
sician upon Shushan-Eduth " (PPHV . ,D$)B?)
is plainly a musical direction, whatever else may
be obscure about it (Ps. lx.). In Ps. lux we
have the fuller phrase " Shoshannim-eduth," of
which Roediger regards Shuahan-eduth as an ab-
breviation (Geaen. Thct. p. 1385). As it now
stands it denotes '■ the lily of testimony," and pos-
sibly contains the first words of some Psalm to the
melody of which that to which it was prefixed was
sung; and the preposition TJ, 'al (A. V. "upon")
would then signify " after, in the manner of," in-
dicating to the conductor of the Temple-choir the
air which be was to follow. If, however, Roediger
is correct in bis conjecture that Shuahan-eduth ia
merely an abbreviation for Shoshannini-edutb, the
translation of the words above given would be in-
correct. The LXX. and Vulgate appear to have
read D^ttJp'by, for they render roit aAXotei-
ffno-o/ifrovr and pro hit qui mmutabwitur respec-
tively. In the LXX., nTTO, 'AMt*, becomes
TW, 'W, fri. There does not appear to be much
support for the view taken by some (aa by Joel
BrU) that Shushan-eduth is a musical instrument,
so called from lta resemblance to a 1'ly in
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*
3028 SHUTHALHITES, THE
(Simonis), or from having lily-shaped ornaments
upon It, or from ill six (tilth) string*. Flint, in
tonsistency with hit theory with respect to the
titles of the Psalms, regard* Shuahan-ednth as the
name of one of the twenty-four divisions of singers
appointed by David, so called after a band-master,
Shushan, and having its headquarters at Eduth,
which he conjectures may be the same as Aditbaim
in Josh. zv. 36 (Handwb. ». v.)- As a conjecture
this is certainly ingenious, but it has the disadvan-
tage of introducing as many difficulties as it re-
move*. Simonia (Lex. a. v.) connect* 'Mith with
the Arabic i>«X, '*/, a rate," or kind of guitar
played with a plectrum, and consider* it to be the
melody produced by this instrument; so that in
hi* view Shnshan-eduth indicates that the lily-
shaped cymbals were to be accompanied with play-
ing on the lute. Gesenius propose* to render
'edxUh a " revelation," and hence a psalm or song
revealed ; but there seems no reason why we should
depart from the usual meaning a* above given, and
we may therefore regard the words in question as
a fragment of an old psalm or melody, the same in
character as Ayeleth Shahar and others, which con-
tained a direction to the leader of the choir.
W. A.W.
SHUTHALHITES, THE CnVn»n
[pair., see below] : 6 2ov0aAof; [Vat. lovraXaef,
Alex. ttovo-aAa?:] SuthalnVa). The descendants
of Shuthelah the son of Ephraitn (Num. xxvi. 88).
SHUTHEXAH (nbi^iaJ [noue of break-
ing, Gem,] : [in Num.,] Xmtaki, [Vat. iovraka,]
Alex. [Bwcrovo-aAa,] BovaaXai [in Chr., 2o»fla-
\de (Alex. 2«floAa), SstfcW:] Svlhala). Head
of an Ephraimite family, called after him Shuthal-
hites (Num xxvi. 85), and lineal ancestor of Joshua
the son of Nun (1 Chr. vii. 20-27). Shuthelah
appears from the former passage to be a son of
Ephraim, and the father of Eran, from whom
sprung a family of Eranites (ver. 36). He appears
also to have had two brothers, Becher, father of
the Bachrites, and Tahan, father of the Tahan-
ites. But in 1 Chr. vii. we have a further notice
of Shuthelah, where he appear* first of all, as in
Num., ss the son of Ephraim ; but in ver. 21 he
is placed six generations later. Instead, too, of
Bedher and Tahan, ss Shuthelah's brothers, we find
Beted and Tahath, and the latter twice over; and
instead of Eran, we find Eladah ; and there is this
strange anomaly, that Ephraim appears to be alive,
and to mourn for the destruction of his descendants
ji the eighth generation, and to have other children
born after their death. And then again at ver. 25,
the genealogy is resumed with two personages, Re-
phah and Keaheph, whose parentage is not dis-
tinctly stated, and Is conducted through Telah, and
another Tahan, and Laadan, to Joshua the son of
Nun, who thus appears to be placed in the twelfth
generation from Joseph, or, as some reckon, in the
eighteenth. Obviouil), therefore, the text in 1
Chr. vii. is corrupt. The following observations
will perhaps assist us to restore it
1. The names that are repeated over and Over
again, either in identical or in slightly varied forms,
• With tha article, el Hid I* the origin of the Ital.
tats, fr. tela, and English hue.
• Tha Samarltar text, followed by the LXX. and
SHUTHELAH
represent probably only oxe person. Hence, £**
dah, ver. 20; KUad, ver. 21; and Laadan, ver. M
are the name* of one and the same person. And
a comparison of the last name with Num. xxvi. 36.
where we have "of Eran," will further show that
Eran ia also the same person, whether Eran* ot
Laadan be the true form of the name. So again,
the two Takatht in ver. 20, and Tahan in ver. 25.
are the same person a* Tahan in Num. xxvi. 35;
and Shuthelah in w. 20 and 21, and Telah in ver
25, are the same as the Shuthelah of Norn, xxvi
35, 36; and the Bend of ver. 20, and Zabad ot
ver. 21, are the same a* the Becher of Num. xxvi
35. The names written in Hebrew an subjoined
to make thia clearer.
nnn, xabath.
)rV\ Taken.
-13a,Bsehsr.
TOI, «nd Bared
•Vii, fcbsd.
pS 1 ?, of 1
msbrv
-TSbS, Bead.
rivfllB, Shuthelah.
nbni, and Telah.
2. The words "his son" are improperly added
after Bercd and Tahath in 1 Chr. vii. 20.
8. Tahan is Improperly inserted in 1 Chr. vii.
25 as a son of Shuthelah, a* appears from Num.
xxvi. 35, 36. The result is that Shuthelah's line
may be thus restored : (1) Joseph. (2) Ephraim.
(3) Shuthelah. (4) Eran, or Laadan. (5) Ammi-
hud. (6) Elisharaa, captain of the host of Ephraim
(Num. i. 10, ii. 18, vU. 48). (7) Nun. (8) Joshua;
a number which agrees well with all the genealo-
gies in which we can identify individuals who were
living at the entrance into Canaan; as Phinehas,
who waa sixth from Levi ; Salmon, who was seventh
from Judah; Bezaleel, who was seveuth; Achan,
who was sixth ; Zelophehad's daughter seventh, etc
As regards the interesting story of the destruc-
tion of Ephraim'a son* by the men of Gath, which
Ewald (Uetch. i. 491), Bunsen (Egypt, vol. L p.
177), Lepsius (Letter! from Egypt, p. 460), and
others, have variously explained [Ephraim ; Be-
iuah], it is impossible in the confused state of the
text to speak positively as to the part borne in it by
the house of Shuthelah. But it seems not unlikely
that the repetition of the names in 1 Chr. vii. 20,
21, if it was not merely caused by vitiated MSS-
like 2 Sam. v. 14-16 (LXX.), arose from their hav-
ing been really repeated in the MS., not as addi-
tional link* in the genealogy, but as having borne
part, either personally or in the persons of their de-
scendants, in the transaction with the men of Gath.
If so, we have mention first in ver. 20 of the four
families of Ephraim reckoned in Num. xxvi., namely
Shuthelah, Bend or Becher, Tahath or Tahan, and
Eladah or Eran, the son of Shuthelah : and we are
then, perhaps, told bow Tahath, Bend, and Shu-
thelah, or the clans called after them, went to help
(TTO) Laadan (or Eran;, Shuthelah's son, and
were killed by the men of Gath, and how their
father mourned them. Thia leads to an account of
another branch of the tribe of Ephraim, of which
Beriah was the head, and whose dfcdghter or lister
(for it is not clear which was meant) was Sheraa
tha Brriat, and two or three Heb. HSS., lead Etfaav
and one Htb. MS. reads Sdan for Uedan at 1 0k.
vll. 28 Turlington, OeneaL laMal
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SHUTHELAH
P"???)? who built the upper end lower Beth-
koroo (on the border of Benjamin end Epbraim),
ud Uaaen-Sherah, a town evidently ao called from
ber (Sherah's) ear-ring. The writer then return!
to hie genealogy, beginning, according to the LXX,
with Laadan. But the fragment of Shuthelah's
name in ver. 35, clearly ahows that the genealogy
of Joahua which is here given, is taken up from
that name in ver. 20. 6 The clause probably be-
gan, "the sons of Shuthelah, Laadan (or, of Eran)
bis son," etc But the question remains whether
the transaction which was so fatal to the Ephraim-
ites occurred really in Ephraim's lifetime, and that
of his sons and grandson, or whether it belongs to
'.he times after the entrance into Canaan ; or, in
jther words, whether we sre to understand, by
Ephraim, Shuthelah, etc., the individuals who bore
those names, or the tribe and the families which
sprung from them. Ewald and Bunsen, under-
standing the names personally, of course refer the
transaction to the time of the sojourn of the Israel-
ites in Goshen, while Lepaius merely points out the
confusion and inconsistencies in the narrative,
though he apparently suspects that the event oc-
curred in Palestine after the Exodus. In the 6r'e-
ne/ii of our Lord Jesmt Christ, p. 305, the writer
of this article had suggested that it was the men of
6ath who bad come down into Goshen to steal the
cattle of the Israelites, in order to obviate the ob-
jection from the word "came down." [See too
Ephbatah.] But subsequent consideration has
suggested another possible way of understanding
the passage, which is also advocated by Bertheau,
in the Kurxg. ezeget. Himdb. z. A. T. Accord-
ing to this view, the slaughter of the Ephraimites
took place after the settlement in Canaan, and the
event related in 1 Chr. viii. 13, in which Beriah
also took part, had a close connection with it. The
names therefore of the patriarch, and fathers of
families, must be understood of the families which
sprung from them [Nkhemiah, iii. 2096 a], and
Bertheau well compares Judg. xxi. 6. By Ephraim
(1 Chr. vii 22, 23), we must in this case under-
stand the then head of the tribe, who was probably
Joshua,' and this would go far to justify the eon-
.eetara in Qtneahg. p. 864, that Sberah (= tTV^)
was the daughter of Joshua, arrived at by compar-
ison of Josh. xix. 49, 50; 1 Chr. vii. 30, and by
observing that the latter passage is Joshua's gene-
alogy. Beriah would seem, from 1 Chr. viii. 13, to
have obtained an inheritance in Benjamin, and also
in Aaher, where we find him and " his sister Serah "
(rptp) in 1 Chr. vii. SO. It is, however, impos-
sible to apeak with certainty where we have such
scanty information. Bertheau's suggestion that
Beriah was adopted Into the family of the Ephra-
imites, is Inconsistent with the precision of the
statement (1 Chr. vii. 33), and therefore inadmis-
sible. Still, putting together the insuperable diffi-
culties in understanding the passage of the literal
Ephraim, and his literal sons and daughter, with
the fact that the settlements of the Ephraimites in
the mountainous district, where Beth-horon, Gezer,
SIBMAH
3029
Ttmnath-Serah, etc., lay, were exactly suited for ■
descent upon the plains of the Philistine country
where the men of Gath fed their cattle, and with
the further facts that the Ephraimites encountered
a successful opposition from the Canaanites in
Gezer (Josh. xvi. 10; Judg. i. 29), and that they
apparently called in later the Benjamites to help
them in driving away the men of Gath (1 Chr.
viii. 13), it seems best to understand the nairativt
as of the times after the entrance into Canaan.
A. C. H.
• 8HUTTLB. [Haitdicbaft; Wiavino.]
SI'A (H^D: 'AoWa; [FA. lao-ouia;] Alex.
Siala: flSoa). "The children of 8ia" were •
family of Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabei
(Neh. vii. 47). The name is written Siaba in
Est. U. 44, and Sud in 1 Esdr. v. 29.
SI'AHA (NnS" 1 ?: 3iai ; [Vat a»i,Ai]
Alex. Ao-oa: Siaa) = Sia (Ear. ii. 44).
SIB'BECAI [3 syl.] 0J3D: Xe$o X 4 [?**•
Otfax*] i° Sam., XofioYtu in Chr.; Alex. 2«-
Poxati, So0oyoI '■ Sobochat). SlBBECHAi the
Hushathito (2 Sam. xxi. 18; 1 Chr. xxvii. 11).
SIB'BECHAJ. [8 syl.] 0J21D: Jo/8o X of;
[FA. in 1 Chr. ix., JofloYt;] Alex." *oP&ox<u in 1
Chr. xx. 4: SoMocAru", ixbochai). OneofDavid's
guard, and eighth captain for the eighth month of
24,000 men of the king's army (1 Chr. xi. 29,
xxvii. 11). He belonged to one of the principal
families of Judah, the Zarhites, or descendants
of Zerah, and is called "the Hushathita," prob-
ably from the place of his birth. Joeephus (Ant.
vii. 12, § 2) calls him "the Hittite," but this is no
doubt an error. Sibbechai'a great exploit, which
gave him a place among the mighty men of David's
army, was his single combat with Sapb, or Sippai,
the Philistine giant, in the battle at Gezer, or Gob
(2 Sam. xxi. 18; 1 Cbr. xx. 4). In 3 Sam. xxiii.
27 his name is written Mebuxnai by a mistake of
the copyist. Joseph us says that he slew " many "
who boasted that they were of the descent of the
giants, apparently reading D\3n for ^SD in 1
Chr. xx. 4. [SlBBBCAl.]
SIB'BOLBTH (H^at?: Siiboleth). The
Ephraimite (or, according to the text, the Eph-
rathite) pronunciation of the word Shibboleth
(Judg. xii. 6). The LXX. do not represent Sib
boleth at all. [See Shibbolkth.] G.
SlBTtfAH (TTipytp [tViiiam-pfaee, Fiirst]:
tffiauA; In Jer. [Bom. 'AwpT)/jA, FA. 1 n<r<piuiot,
Vat. FA. 8 ] aMTsraua: Bahama). A town on the
east of the Jordan, one of those which were taken
and occupied by the tribe of Reuben (Josh. xiii.
19). In the original catalogue of those places it
appears as Shbbam and Shibmah (the latter
merely an inaccurate variation of the A. V.).
Like most of the Transjordanio places, Sibmah
disappears from view during the main part of the
Jewish history. We, however, gain a parting
glimpse of it in the lament over Moab pronounced
by Isaiah and by Jeremiah (Is. xvi. 8, 9; Jer. xlvliL
• It aetata highly improbable, not to say Impoasl-
k, that a literal daughter or granddaughter of
■jilirahn should nave built these cities, which must
tan baea built altar the entrant Into Oanaao.
* It etas not appear whs Btpk th and Batbepb art.
■at to a* atpeetad out of its place, as in the
Alex. iXX. It is after laadan, there corrupted late
; There Is i o mention elstwhtrt of any posterity at
Joshua. The Jewish tradition aaVgnad him a wtk
and children. [hahas.]
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3080
SIBRAIM
32). It mi then a Moabite place, fanied for the
abundance and excellence of iU grape*. The;
must have been remarkably good to hare been
thought worthy of notice by thoee who, like Isaiah
and Jeremiah, lived cloae to and were familiar with
the renowned vineyards of Sorek (la. v. 3, where
" choieeat vine " ia " vine of Sorek "). Its vine-
yards were devastated, and the town doubtless de-
stroyed by the "lords of the heathen," who at
some time unknown appear to have laid waste the
whole of that once smiling and fertile district.
Sibmah seems to have been known to Euaebius
(Onomatticon, "Sabema"),* and Jerome (Com-
ment. <n Itaiam, lib. v.) states that it was hardly
100 paeas distant from Heahbon. He also speaks
as* It as one of the very strong cities ( Urbit va-
Sdiukna) of that region. No trace of the name
has been discovered more recently, and nothing
resembling it is found in the excellent lists of Dr.
Eli Smith (Robinson, BibL Rtt. ed. 1, App. 169,
170). G.
SIBRAIM (OyTpP [a twofM hope]:
-*B(Kk)» 'E£papn(\taVi |Alex. -07)pa)s Eippau'-
»(Afiau,; Comp. 2a0ap{p:] Sabartm). One of
the landmarks on the northern boundary of the
Holy Land as stated by Esekiel (xlvii. 16). It
occurs between Berothah and Hazarhattieon, and
is described in the same passage as lying between
the boundary of Damascus and that of Hamath.
It has not been identified — and in the great
obscurity of the specification of this boundary it
k.u.po-bl.to-ywne^eit-.ouldb.^h^
SI CHEM (Bptj?, i «. Shechem [tkoulder,
vWoe] : 3»x^M : "SicAess). 1. The same well-known
name — identical in the Hebrew — with that which
in all other places in the O. T. is accurately ren-
dered by our translators Shkchkm. Here (Gen.
xii. 6) its present form arises from a too close ad-
herence to the Vulgate, or rather perhaps from its
non-correspondence with the Hebrew having been
Terlooked in the revision of 1611.
The uuusual expression " the place of Sichem "
may perhaps indicate that at that early age the
city did not exist. The "oak* of Moreh" were
there, but the town of Shechem as yet was not,
Its "place" only was visited by the great pa-
riarch.
9- («V iuclfuuf- •" Siehimu.) Ecclus. 1. 36.
The Greek original here is in the form which is
xcasionallv found in the O. T. aa the equivalent
af Shechem. If there could be any doubt that
!he son of Sirach was alluding in this paaaage to
ie Samaritans, who lived as they still live at
Shechem, it would be disproved by the character-
ise pun which he has perpetrated on the word
Horeh, the ancient name of Shechem : " that fool-
ah people (Aaij uttpit) that dwell in Sichem."
G.
SICKLE. [Agriculture, vol. 1. p. 48.]
SICYON UurucSr). A city mentioned with
several others [see Phabelu] in 1 Mace. xv. 38.
Jbe name ia derived from a Punic root (sot, lit,
or so*), which always implies a periodical market;
• The statement of this paesags that Sibmah was
1 m Oifead," coupled with tta distance bom Haahbon
as given by Jerome, supports the local tradition which
assess Mount Ollaad south of the Jabbofc. if the Worfy
Israw hs the Jsbbok.
SICYON
and the original settlement was prctably one ts
which the inhabitants of the narrow strip of highly
fertile soil between the mountains and the southern
shore of the Corinthian Gulf brought their produce
for exportation. The oldest name of the town on
the coast (the Sicyon of the times before Alex-
ander) was said to have been AtyuUq, or AryuAof.
This was perhaps the common native name, and
Sicyon that given to it by the Phoenician traders,
which would not unnaturally extrude the other aa
the place acquired commercial importance. It ii
this Sicyon, on the shore, which was the seat of
the government of the Orthagorirts, to which tht
Cleisthenea celebrated by Herodotus (v. 67) be-
longed. 6 But the Sicyon referred to in the book
of Maccabees is a more recent city, built on the
site which served ss an acropolis to the M one,
and distant from the shore from twelve to twenty
stadea. Demetrius Polioroetes, in the year 30*
B. c^ surprised the garrison which Ptolemy had
five years before placed there, and made himself
master of the harbor and the lower town. The
acropolis wss surrendered to him, and he then per-
suaded the population, whom he restored to inde-
pendence, to destroy the whole of the buildings
adjacent to the harbor, and remove thither; the
site being one much more easily defensible, espe-
cially against any enemy who might attack from
the sea. Diodorus describes the new town as in-
cluding a large space so surrounded on every side
by precipices aa to be unapproachable by the ma-
chines which at that time were employed in sieges,
and as possessing the great advantage of a plentiful
supply of water within its circuit. Modern trav-
ellers completely confirm his account. Hr. Clark,
who, in 1857, descended upon Sicyon from "a
ridge of hills running east and west, and command-
ing a splendid prospect of both the [Corinthian
and Saronic] gulfs and the isthmus between," after
two hours and a half of riding from the highest
point, came to a ruined bridge, probably ancient,
at the bottom of a ravine, and then ascended the
right bank by a steep path. Along the crest of
this hill he traced fragments of the western wall
of Sicyon. The mountain which he had descended
did not fall towards the sea in a continuous slope,
but presented a succession of abrupt descents and
level terraces, severed at intervale by deep rents
and gorges, down which the mountain-torrenta
make their way to the sea, spreading alluvium over
the plain, about two miles in breadth, which Ik*
between the lowest cliffs and the shore. " Between
two such gorges, on a smooth expanse of table-
land overlooking the plain," stood the city of
Demetrius. " On every side are abrupt clifls, and
even at the southern extremity there is a lucky
transverse rent separating this from the next pla-
teau. The ancient walls may be seen at interval!
along the edge of the cliff on all sides." It is
easy to conceive bow these advantages of position
must at once hare fixed the attention of the great
engineer of antiquity — the besieger.
Demetrius established the forms of republican
government in his new city ; but republican gov-
ernment had by that time become an impossibility
in Hellas, In the next half-century a number of
» lbs eou uu a ml al conna o llon of the Bfeyon of the
Orthsflorids with Phonueta Is shown by the quaaUt?
of lurtcsrioii brass m the treasury of ins Orthagorn
Myron at Olympia. The PhomMau (OanhaginJas
treasury was next to It (Pausanlas, vt lu, 1 1).
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BIDDIM, THE VALE OF
8081
one mother, maintaining them
■shea bj the aid of mercenaries, and by temporiz-
ing with the rival sovereigns, who each endeavored
to •score the hegemony of tut Grecian race. Thia
state uf things received a temporary check by the
snorts of Aratos, himself a native of Sicyon, of
which hia father Cleiniaa for a time became dynast.
In his twentieth year, being at the time in exile,
fie contrived to recover possession of the city and to
unite it with the Achasan league. Thia was in the
year 251 b. c, and it appears that at this time the
Dorian population waa so preponderant aa to make
the addition of the town to a confederation of
Aeheauia a matter of remark. For the half-century
before the foundation of the new city, Sicyon had
tooted the anti-Lacediemonian party in Pelopon-
nese, taking active part with the Hessenians and
Argivea in support of Megalopolis, which Epsrni-
ooodaa had founded aa a counter-check to Sparta.
The Sicyonian territory is described ss one of
singular fertility, which was probably increased by
artificial irrigation. In the changeful times which
preceded the final absorption of European Hellas
by the Romans it was subject to plunder by who-
ever had the command of the sea; and in the year
808 B. c. the Soman general Sulpichu, who had a
squadron at Naupactua, landed between Sicyon and
Corinth (probably at the mouth of the little river
Kemea, which was the boundary of the two states),
sud was proceeding to harass the neighborhood,
when Philip king of Macedonia, who was then at
Corinth, attacked him and drove hint back to hia
ships. But very soon sfter this, Roman influence
began to prevail in the cities of the Achann league,
which were instigated by dread >f Nabis the dynast
of Lac ed araon to seek Roman protection. One
congres s of the league waa held at Sicyon under
the presidency of the Romans in 198 B. c, and
another at the same place six years later. From
this time Sicyon always appears to hare adhered to
the Roman aide, and on the destruction of Corinth
by Mummius (b. c. 118) was rewarded by the
victors sot only with a large portion of the Corin-
thian domain, but with the management of the
Isthmian games. This distinction was again lost
when Julius Caesar refounded Corinth and made it
a Roman colony; but in the mean while Sicyon
enjoyed for a century all the advantages of an entre-
pot which had before accrued to Corinth from her
position between the two teas. Even in the days
of the Antonines the pleasure-grounds (rsprrosl'of
the Sicyonian tyrant Cleon continued appropriated
to the Roman governors of Achats ; and at the
time to which reference is made in the Maccabees,
It wss probably the most important position of
aD over which the Romans exercised influence in
(Diodorua Sieulus, xr. 70, xx. 87, 103; Polyb-
kra, 8. 43; Stnbo, viii. 7, $ IS; Uvy, xxxU. 15,
19, xxxv. S5; Pausaniaa, ii. 8, v. 14, 9, vi. 19, §J
1-8, x. 11, J 1 ; Clark, Pekpamestu, pp. 838 if.)
J. W. B.
BUVDIM, THE VAXE OF (PJJj"
O'TJFrt [see below]: r) «>a><ry{ * oAvarft and
• The Mlowioc sra the eqnr-alsnts of the name
(ttaa to the ancient Terdons : Bam. Vers., "Itl^D
Tp*?n i Onketos, Hjbfpn "Ig^g i Arable, vurj
r) koiMu r) oAimf): VaOu BthtdrU). A phot
named only in one passage of Genesis (sir. 8, 8,
10); a document prouounoed by Ewald and other
eminent Hebrew scholars to be one of the oldest, if
not the oldest, of the fragments of historical record
of which the early portion of the book is composed
The meaning of the name is very doubtful Gese-
nius says truly ( Tkn. p. 1891 a) that every one of
the ancient interpreters has tried his hand at it,
and the results are so various ss to compel the be-
lief, that nothing is really known of it, certainly
not enough to allow of any trustworthy inferences
being drawn therefrom as to the nature of the spot.
Gesenius expresses hia conviction (by inference from
the Arabic Ju», an obstacle) that the real
log of the words Asset hm-Siddbn is " a plain cut
■p by stony channels which render it difficult of
transit ; " and with this sgree Fiirst (Handab. ii
411 •) and Kalisch (6'enent, p. 865).
Prat Stanley oonjecturea (<S. <f P.) that Siddim
is connected with S&dthfi and thus that the signif-
ication of the name was the " valley of the fields,'
so called from the high state of cultivation in which
it was maintained before the destruction of Sodom
and the other cities. This, however, is to identify
it with the Ciccar, the "circle (A. V. 'plain') of
Jordan," which there does not appear to be any
warrant fordoing.
Aa to the spot itself : —
1. It was one of that class of valleys which the
Hebrews designated by the word tmelc This term
appears to have been assigned to a broad flattish
tract, sometimes of considerable width, enclosed on
each aide by a definite range of hills. [Valley.]
The only ernes; which we can identify with any
approach to certainty is that of Jezreel, namely,
the valley or plain which lies between Gilboa and
Little Herniou.
2. It was so far a suitable spot for the combat
betweeu the four and five kings (ver. 8); but,
3. It contained a multitude of bitumen-pita,
sufficient materially to affect the issue of the battle.
4. In this valley the kings of the five allied cities
of Sodom, Gomorrah, Adman, Zeboiim, and Beta,
seem to have awaited the approach of the invaders.
It is therefore probable that it waa in the neighbor-
hood of the " plain, or circle, of Jordan " in which
those cities stood. But this we can only infer; it
is not stated, and scarcely implied.
6. So much may be gathered from the passage
as it appears originally to hare stood. But the
words which more especially bear on the subject of
this article (ver. 8) do not form part of the original
document. That venerable record has — with a
care which shows bow greatly it was valued at a
very early date — been annotated throughout by a
later, though still very ancient, chronicler, who has
added what in his day were believed to be the equiv-
alents for names of places that had become obsolete.
Bela is explained to be Zoar; En-Miahpat to he
Kadeah; the Emek-Shaveh to be the Valley of the
King; the Emek hes-Siddim to be the Salt Sea,
that is, in modern phraseology, the Dead Sea.
Ajd when we remember how persistently the no-
AituUa, K. m mptrstuw ; 87mm. and Thsod., K.
w *A«*r (=■ mtPN); Jossphus, «»td>a oo44l-
tov : Jerome (Qusut. in Gen.) fallu SUeurum.
Perhaps re. m accurately with SbUut, M to harrow. 1
Pasttto. IftVf- tflt lr>vn\ . *» KaUscb ( Oct. p. 8» a, , who, however, disapproval
■wnv, fA*v*»J *►■ *'»■ ^ » of swh a dMvatton, and adbsTM to that of
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3035
8IDDIM, THE VALE OF
tkn hat Men entertained for the but eighteen cen-
turies," that the Dead Sea coven a district which
before its submersion wag not only the Valley of
Biddim but also the Plain of the Jordan, and what
an elaborate account of the catastrophe of its sub-
mersion has been constructed eren very recently by
one of the most able scholars of oar day, we can
hardly be surprised that a chronicler in an age tar
less able to interpret natural phenomena, and at
the same time long subsequent to the date of the
actual event, should have shared In the belief. Re-
cent investigation, however, of the geological evi-
dence furnished by the aspect of the spot itself, has
Dot hitherto lent any support to this view. On the
contrary, it seems to contradict it. The northern
and deeper portion of the lake unquestionably be-
longs to a geological era of very much older date
than the time of Abraham; and as to even the
southern and shallower portion, if It has undergone
any material change in historic times, such change
would seem to be one rather of gradual elevation
than of submersion. 6
If we could venture, as some have done, to in-
terpret the latter clause of verse 3, » which is near,"
or '• which is at, or by, the Salt Sea," then we
might agree with Dr. Robinson and others in iden-
tifying the Valley of Siddim with the inclosed plain
which intervenes between the south end of the lake
and the range of heights which terminate the GkAr
and commence the Wndy Arabak. lids is a dis-
trict in many respects suitable. In the ditches and
drains of the Sabkhah are the impassable channels
of Gesenius. In the thickly wooded Ghbr a-Safieh
are ample conditions for the fertility of Prof. Stan-
ley. The general aspect and formation of the plain
answers fully to the idea of an emek,' But the
original of the passage will not bear even this slight
accommodation, and it is evident that in the mind
of the author of the words, no less than of the
learned and eloquent divine and historian of our
own time already alluded to, the Salt Sea coven
■Jkie actual space formerly occupied by the Vale of
Siddim. It should be remembered that if the
cities of the plain were, as there is much reason to
believe they were, at the north end of the Dead
Sea, it is hardly probable that the five kings would
have gone so far from home as to the other end of
the lake, a distance of more than forty miles, espe-
cially as on their road they must hare passed Haa-
ozon-Tamar, the modem iin Jidy, where the
Assyrians were then actually encamped (ver. 7).
The course of the invaders at this time was appar-
ently northwards, and it seems most probable —
though after all nothing but conjecture on such a
point is possible — that the scene of the engage-
ment was somewhere to the north of the lake, per-
haps on the plain at its northwest corner. This
plain is in many of its characteristics not unlike the
Sabkhah already mentioned, and it is a proper and
uferal spot for the inhabitants of the plain of
lericbo to attack a hostile force descending from
•he passes of Am Jidy. O.
• The discussion of this site is so interwoven
with the question rf the basin of the Salt Sea, and
the submersion of a portion of the valley, that they
a Jossphus states it emphatically. Hit words {Ant.
•) an, " They enwnped In tha valley called the
Talis of \tphalt ; aw at that time then wan wells In
■hat spot; bat now that the city of the Sodomites has
Usapfmnd, that vauay has become a lake which It
Sat also Stmbo, zvl. 76*.
cannot be separated. We dissent from tha writer's
positions as presented in the article, Salt Ska,
and repeated in this. But instead of repeating out
argument in reply, we refer the reader to the former
article (Amer. ed.), for our reasons so tar as they
relate to the submersion of the plain and the site of
the Vale of Siddini. And for an examination of
bis theory respecting the site of the cities of the
plain, as north of the Sea, which Mr. Grove also
introduces here, we refer the reader to the articles
Sodom and Zoar (Amer. ed.). See also Bib.
Sacra, xxv. 112-149.
Relative to the inroad of Chedorlaomer and his
allies, we remark that the northern invaders, after
making the distant circuit of the valley on the east
and south, came up on the west and smote En-gedi
and secured that pass. The cities and tLeir ILigt
ware in the deep valley below, whether north or
south, or opposite, is wholly immaterial, so far as
we can discover, in relation either to the previous
route of conquest or to the subsequent course of the
victors. Between the cities, wherever situated, and
En-gedi, lay the Vale of Siddim, in which the bat-
tle was fought Neither the narrative of the inva-
sion, nor that of the conflagration of the cities and
the plain, as viewed by the patriarch Abraham from
a hill near Hebron, appears to us to throw decisive
light on any disputed theory respecting their site.
If the eminence about three miles east of Hebron,
the highest in that part of the country, now known
as Beat Na'im, and where, according to Muslim
tradition, is the tomb of Lot, was the spot where
Abraham stood before the Lord, as claimed by Je-
rome, it would dearly favor the received theory.
Robinson speaks of the southern sand-banks of the
sea as visible from it " through gaps in the western
mountains, by which the eye could penetrate into
its deep bosom " (Bibl Ret. ii. 186).
With reference to the view expressed in the arti-
cle above, respecting the bed of the sea, that " ii
it has undergone any material change hi historic
times, such change would seem to be one rather of
gradual elevation than of submersion," we com-
mend to the reader the pertinent suggestion of Mr.
Warington, that the elevation of the salt mountain
within the historic period would account both for
the present saltness of the waters, and the rise of
their level more than fifty feet, through the salt
which they hold in solution. The occurrence <*f
river ihehe, not marine, such as are now found in
the Jordan, along the ancient beaches of the tea,
he regards as proof that " the sea was at one time
frtth water, not salt; " and be says, " if the salt
were removed, the water would be found to occupy
only nine-tenths of its present bulk " (Journal «j
Sacred Literature, April 1866, p. 47). This would
leave the southern portion of the present bed dry,
with ample room on the tide for the passage of the
patriarch and his nocks, north and south. In a
letter to the writer of this (March 7, 1868), Mr.
Tristram says, « My belief is that the Jtbel (le-
dum has been recently elevated. This I judga
from the layers of stratified marl corresponding
with the adjacent deposits on its top. Mr. War-
ington suggests that the influx of salt has so in-
• Tbs pounds of this cortlnslon an stated under
8u,id8au.
c This is the plain which Dr. Robinson and others
would Identify with the Valley of Bait, go mtfaee. r>
is hardly poarinl* that It can be both an tnuk aoa s
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SIDE
stmti the volume of inter, by the Introduction of
•jfld matter, that it mint bars raiaed ita level at
'east 18 feet t* »ome 56 feet']. This would admit
of the overflow over the southern lagoon, and would
admit generally of an easy paaaage by the margin
of the lake on the wot aide. I must aaj the ex-
planation is satisfactory to my own mind." [Ska,
The Salt, Amer. ed.] S. W.
SI'DE GtfJij: Side). A city on the coast of
PimphjlU, iu kit 36° 46', long. 31° 27', ten or
twelve miles to the east of the river Eurymedou.
It is mentioned in 1 Mace. zv. 83, among the list
of places to which the Roman senate sent letters
in favor of the Jews [see Piiasklis]. It was a
tvluny of Cunueans. Iu the time of Strabo a tem-
ple < f Athene stood there, and the name of that
goddess a ss ociat e d with Apollo appears in an in-
scription of undoubtedly late times found on the
•pot by Admiral Beaufort. Side was closely con-
nected with Aradus in Phoenicia by commerce,
nren if there was not a considerable Phoenician
dement in the population; for not only are the
towns placed in juxtaposition in the passage of the
Maccabees quoted above, but Autiocbus's ambas-
sador to the Achaean league (Uvy. xxxv. 48), when
boasting of his master's navy, told bis hearers that
the left division was made up of men of Side and of
Amdmt, as the right was of those of Tyre and of Si-
don, qmtt ytnUi nulla uaqwtm nee arte nee tir-
tule navali aqwiuent. It is possible that the name
has the same root as that of Sidon, and that it (as
well as the Side on the southern coast of the lim-
ine, Strabo, xii. 3) was originally a Phoenician set
dement, and that the Cuniamn colony was some-
thing subsequent In the times. in which Side
appears in history it had become a place of consid-
erable importance. It was the station of Anti-
ochus's navy on the eve of the battle with the
Khodian fleet described by Uvy (xxxvii. 23, 24).
The remains, too, which still exist are an evidence
of its former wealth. They stand on a low penin-
sula running from N. E. to S. W., and the mari-
time character of the former inhabitants appears
from the circumstance that the walls towards the
sea were but slightly built, while the one which
faces the land is of excellent workmanship, and re-
mains, in a considerable portion, perfect even to
this time. A theatre (belonging apparently to the
Roman times) is one of the largest and best pre-
ferred in Asia Minor, and is calculated to hsve
been capable of containing more than 16,000 spec-
tators. This is so prominent an object that, to
persons approaching the shore, it appears like an
acropolis of the city, and in fact, during the Middle
Ages, was actually occupied as a fort. Tbesuburlie
of Side extend to some distance, but the greatest
length within the walls does not exceed 1300 jards.
Three gates led into the town from the sea, and
sue, on the northeastern side, into the country.
From this last a paved street with high curbstones
conduct* to an agora, 180 feet in diameter, and
Cjruerry surrounded «ith a double row of columns,
of which only the bases remain. In the centre is a
large ruined p edestal , as if for a colossal statue, and
in the southern side the ruins of a temple, prob-
VJy the one spoken of by Strabo. Opposite to
Jui a street ran to the principal water-gate, and on
the fourth side of the agora the ave— :e from the
•tod-gate was continued to the front of the theati ;.
SIHON
8088
• la this puna* the form Xiteriu Is ussd.
* Ban Uw aajeeuve Is employed — lieWiM.
lai
Of this hat the lower half is, after the manner o>
Roman architects whenever the site permitted, ex-
cavated from the native rock, the upper half built np
of excellent masonry. The seats for the spectators,
most of which remain, are of white marble beauti-
fully wrought.
The two principal harbors, which at first seem
to have been united in one, were at the extremity
of the peninsula: they were dosed, and together
contained a surface of nearly 600 yards by 200.
Besides these, the principal water-gate on the N. W.
side was connected with two small piers of 150
feet long, so that it is plain that vessels used to
lie here to discharge their cargoes. And the ac-
count which Uvy gives of the sea-fight with
Antiochus above referred to, shows that shelter
could also be found on the other (or S. E.) side
of the peninsula whenever a strong west wind was
blowing.
The country by which Side is backed is a broad,
swampy plain, stretching out for some miles beyond
the belt of sand-hills which fringe the sen shore.
Low hills succeed, and behind these, far inland, are
the mountains which, at Mount Climax 40 miles to
the west, and again alxnit the same distance to the
east, come down to the coast. These mountains
were the habitation of the Pisidians, against whom
Antiochus, iu the spring of the year 192 B. c, made
an expedition ; and as Side was in the interest of
Antiochus, until, at the conclusion of the war, it
passed into the hands of the Romans, it is reason
able to presume that hostility was the normal rela-
tion between its inhabitants and the highbinders, to
whom they were probably objects of the same jeal-
ousy that the Spanish settlement* on the African
sealioard inspire in the Kabyles round about them
This would not prevent a large amount of traffic, to
the mutual interest of both parties, but would hin-
der the people of Side from extending their sway
into the interior, and also render the construction
of effective fortifications on the land side a neces-
sity. (Strabo, xii., xiv.; Uvy, xxxv., xxxvii.;
Beaufort, Kttramamag Cicero, Epp. ad Fan. xii.
«.) J. W. B
SIDON. The Greek form of the Phoenician
name Zidon, or (more accurately) Taidon. As such
it occurs naturally in the N. T. and Apocrypha of
the A. V. CWW,.; [Sin. in 1 Mace. SueWr:] Si-
don: 2 Eadr. i. 11; Jud. ii. 28; 1 Mace. v. 15;
Matt xi. 21, 22, xv. 91; Mark iu. It, vu. 24, 31 ;
Luke iv.o 26, vi. 17, x. 13, 14; Act* xii. 20.»
xxviii. 3). It is thus a parallel to Sins.
But we also find it in the O. T., where it imper-
fectly represents the Hebrew word elsewhere pre-
sented ss ZlDO* (Gen. x. 15, 19; ] > T , S : %,t&,
Sidon). [Zidon.] G.
SIDO'NIANS (D , 3T«S; in Judg. ^*TS
[inkabilrmU of Zidon]: SsiMnoi; in Deut +oi
«•!*«»: hi Judg. SiSaVior: Sidimii, Sidwtiiui
The Greek form of the word Ziuoniaxs, usually
so exhibited in the A. V. of the O. T. It oc-
curs Deut. iii. 9; Josh. xHL 4, 6; Judg. iii. 3;
• K. v. 6. G
• SIEVE. [AGRICULTURE.]
» SIGNET. [OiWAMExra: Ring; Seal.]
3ITION 'in"P» and fVTO' [,me wk*
<• This form Is found faequMtly, though not sir 1st-
s>ruy,tn the book* subsequent to the Ponuteucb la
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8084
BIHOR
mxtpt itmif, Gee.] : Samar. JlrTS; 2n<er; [in
loth. xiii. 21, Alex. Ii)»p, and in but port of nne,
Koni. SiAv, Vat. Sciwy;] Joseph. 7,tx&r' Stkon,
[Stun] ). King of the Amorites when Israel ar-
rived on the bordera of the l*romi»ed Land (Mum.
xxi. 21 ). He waa evidently a man of great courage
and audacity. Shortly before the time of Israel's
arrival he bad dispossessed the Moaliitei of a splen-
did territory, driving them south of the natural
bulwark of the Anion with great slaughter, and the
loss of a great number of captives (xxi. 26-29).
When the Israelite boat appears, be does not hesi-
tate or temporize like lialak, but at once gathers
hia people together and attacks them. But the
battle was his last, lie aud all his host were de-
stroyed, and their district from Arnon to Jabbok
became at once the possession of the conqueror.
Joeepbus (Ant. iv. ft, § 2) has preserved some
singular details of the battle, which have not sur-
vived hi the text either of the Hebrew or LXX.
He represents the Aniorite army as containing
every man iu the nation fit to bear arms. He
states that they were unable to fight when away
from the shelter of their cities, and that being es-
pecially galled by the slings and arrows of the He-
brews, and at last suffering severely from thirst,
they rushed to the stream and to the shelter of the
recesses of the ravine of the Anion. Into tbeae re-
cesses they were pursued by their active enemy and
slaughtered in vast numbers.
Whether we accept these details or not, it is
plain, from the manner in which the name of Si-
hon « fixed itself in the national mind, and the
apace which bis image occupies in the official rec-
ords, and in the later poetry of Israel, that he was
a truly formidable chieftain. U.
SI'HOR, accurately SHIHOR, once THE
shihor P'TPttf, nSnoJ, I'ntP [««<*,
tuMJ] : i) ao(Virro« h koto wacVenror AryiWov,
Pn&¥' jiunus turbulm, Nihu, (input) turbldn): or
JHIHOR OF EGYPT (D^IVO "lirTB?:
Via Ai7*»ro»: Sihor Aigypti), when unqualified,
i name of the Nik. It is held to signify " the
ibjck" or "turbid," from ~>ntr, '< he or it waa
or became black ; " a word used in a wide tense for
different degrees of dark color, as of hair, a face
tanned by the sun, a skin black through disease,
uid extreme blackness. [Nius, vol. iii. p. 2149.]
Several names of the Nile may be compared. Nth
Voi itself, if it be, as it generally supposed [ ?], of
.ranian origin, signifies "the blue," that is, "the
dark " rather than the turbid ; for we must then
compare the Sanskrit ailn, " lilue,'' probably espe-
cially " dark blue," also even " black," as nila-
Dtfutfl, " black mud. 1 ' The Arabic rrsrriir, "blue,"
signifies " dark " in the name Bnhr el-Atrak, or
lilue Kiver, applied to the eastern of the two great
confluents of the Nile. Still nearer is the ljatin
JUdo, from fiiXat, a name of the Nile, according
to Fertus and Serviua ((Jtorg. iv. 291; ACn.i.
745, iv. 246 ) ; but little stress can be laid upon
such a word resting on no better authority. With
the danical writers, it is the soil of Egypt that is
blaek, lithar than ita river. So too in hieroglyph -
the Pent. Itself it occurs four tunas, two of which an
m the song, Num. xxi. 27, 29.
a It Is poHnibl* that a trace of the cams may still
remain iu the Jtbrl 8tiihhan, a lofty and conspicuous
oouatam Just to the south of the Wady Mcjtt.
SILAS
lea, the name of the country, KEM, means " tht
black; " but then it no name of the Kile of like
signification. In the ancient painted sculptures,
however, the figure of the Nile-god is colored differ
ently according at it represents the river during the
time of the inundation, aud during the rest of the
year, in the former case red, in the latter blue.
There are but three occurrences of Shihor in the
Bible, and but one of Shihor of Egypt, or Shibor-
Mizraim. It it spoken of at one of the limits of
territory which was still unconquered when Joshua
was old. " This [it] the land that yet remaiueth:
all the regione of the Philistines, and all Geahuri,
from the Shihor ("TirTttn), which [is] before
Egypt, even unto the borders of Ekron northward,
it counted to the C'anaanite " (Josh. xiii. 2, 3*.
The enumeration of the Philistines follows. Hen,
therefore, a district lying between Egypt and the
most northern Philistine city teems to be intended.
With this passage must be compared that in which
Shihor-Mizraim occurs. David is related to hare
" gathered all Israel together, from Shihor of Egypt
even unto the entering of Hamath " (1 Chr. xiii.
6). There is no other evidence that the Israelites
ever spread westward beyond Gaza; it may teem
strange that the actual territory dwelt in by them
in David's time should thus appear to be spoken of
at extending as far at the easternmost branch of
the Nile, but it must lie recollected that more than
one tribe at a later time had spread beyond even
ita first boundaries, and also that, the limits may be
those of David's dominion rather than of the land
actually fully inhabited by the Israelite*. The
stream may therefore be that of the Wadi-l-' Arttth.
That the stream intended by Shihor unqualified
was a navigable river it evident from a passage in
Isaiah, where it is said of Tyre, " And by great
waters, the sowing of Shihor, the harvest of the
river ( YeSr, vty, [is] her revenue " (xxiii. 3).
Here Shihor is either the same as, or compared
with. Year, generally thought to be the Nile
[Nile], but in this work suggested to be the ex-
tension of the lied Sea, [Rku Ska.] In Jere-
miah the identity of Shihor with the Nile seems
distinctly stated where it is said of Israel, " And
now what hast thou to do in the way of Egypt, to
drink the waters of Shihor? or what hast thou to
do in the way of Assyria, to drink the waters of
the river? " «'. e. Euphrates (ii. IS). In consider-
ing these passages it is important to distinguish be-
tween " the Shihor which [is] before Egypt," and
Shihor of Egypt, on the one hand, and Shihor
alone, on the other. In articles Niut and Kiveb
of Egyit it is maintained too strongly that Shi-
hor, however qualified, it always the Nik*, 'lite
later opinion of the writer it expressed here under
Siiihom op Eoyit. The latter it, be thinks, un-
questionably the Nile, the former two probably, but
not certainly, the same. K. 8. P.
BI'LAS UfAtu- : Sflnj). An eminent member
of the early Christian Church, described under that
name in the Acta, but at Silranus » in St. Paul's
Epistles. He first appears as one of the leaders
(riyov/jLtvoi) of the Church at Jerusalem (Acts xv.
22), holding the office of an inspired teacher (wooeV
b The Alexandrine writers adopted somewhat boll
abbreviations of proper names, such as Zauat for Se
Dodorua, Apollos for Apollonlus, Hennas for Hereto
dorus. The method by which they arrived at thee
forms is not vary apparent
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SILK
SILLA
3036
trts, ir. 12). His name, de.ived from tne Latin
sen, "wood," betokens him a Hellenistic Jew, and
k appears to have been a Retuii citizen (Act* zvi.
37). Hems appointed aa a delegate to aceoiu-
pmy Paul and Barnabas en their return to Antioch
sith the decree of the Council of Jerusalem (Acta
i>. a, 32). Having accomplished this minion,
be retained to Jerusalem (Acts xt. 33; the follow-
ing verse, Bof « 8« re? 2<Aa eViusivai auroO, b
iceidcdlr an interpolation Introduced to harmonize
the passage with xv. 40). He must, however,
bare immediate!/ revisited Anttoch, for we find
bin selected by St. Haul as the companion of his
Mod missionary journey (Acta xt. 40-xxi. 17).
At bents be was' left behind with Timothy while
st Paul proceeded to Athens (Acts zvii. 14), and
st bear nothing more of his movement* until he
njoined tiu Apostle at Corinth (AoU xviiL 5).
Whether be had followed Paul to Athens in obedi-
«Kt to the injunction to do so (Acts zvii. 16), and
luJ bam sent thence with Timothy to Thessalouica
, 1 These- in. 2), or whether his movements were
sUUy independent of Timothy's, is uncertain
;Coojb. and How*. Sl Paul, i. 458, note 3). His
(jrraeuce at Corinth is several times noticed (S Cor.
i. U; 1 Tbess. i. 1 ; 2 Thews, i. 1), He probably
returned to Jerusalem with St Paul, and from that
lime the connection between them appears to have
tanuioated. Whether lie was the Silvanus who
isuTCjed St Peter's First Kpistie to Asia Minor
II Fat. v. 12) is doubtful; the proliabilities are in
ntw of the identity; the question is chiefly inter-
etting as bearing upon the Pauline character of St
Peter's epistles (Ue Wette, tUleii. § 4). A tra-
dition of very slight authority represents Silas to
but become bishop of Corinth. We have finally
to notice, for the purpose of rejecting, the theories
which identify Silas with Tertiua (Rom. zvi.
Hi through a Hebrew explanation of the name
(CrblT), and again with Luke, or at all events
with the author of the Acts (Alford's PivkgotL i*
Ati, L § 1). W. L. B.
SILK (o-npiiroV}- The only undoubted notice
»f silk in the Bible occurs in Bev. xviiL 12, where
it is nentioued among the treasures of the typical
Babylon. It is, however, in the highest degree
probable that tlie texture was known to the He-
brews from the time that their commercial relations
were extended by Solomon. For, though we have
oo historical evidence of the importation of the raw
msterUl to the shores of the Mediterranean earlier
dun that of Aristotle (H. A. v. 19) In the 4th
eentery b. c, yet that notice, referring as it does
to the island of Cos, would justify the assumption
that it had been known at a for earlier period in
Western Asia.- The commercial routes of that
netioent are of the highest antiquity, and an indi-
eet testimony to the existence of a trade with China
n the age of Isaiah is probably afforded us in his
sssasssjeii ej to the Sinim. [SutlM.] The well-known
Tzsasal name of the aubstanee (e-noiasV. sr-tcum)
doss not oeeoT in the Hebrew language, • but this
may lie accounted for, partly on- the ground that
the Hebrews were acquainted only with the texture
and not with the raw material, and partly on the
supposition that the name seiicwu reached the
Greeks by another channel, namely, through Ar-
menia. 'I "be Hebrew terms which have been sup-
posed to refer to silk are merit » and drmttkdc*
The former occurs only in Ez. xtL 10, 13 (A. V.
"silk") and is probably connected with the root
mAskah, •• to draw out," as though it were made
of the fiiiest drawn silk in the manner described b)
Pliny (vi. 20, xi. 26): the equivalent term in the
I JCX. (rpixoirroy), though connected in point of
etymology with hair as its material, is nevertheless
ezplained by Hesycbius and Suidas as referring to
silk, which may well have been described as resem-
bling hair. The other term demesne* occurs in
Am. iil. 12 (A. V. "Damascus"), and has been
supposed to refer to silk from the resemblance of
the word to our "damask," and of this again to
" Damascus," as the place where the manufacture
of silken teztures was carried on. It appears, how-
ever, that " damask " is a corruption of dimakto,
a term applied by the Arabs to the raw material
alone, and not to the manufactured article (Pusey's
.Win. /Vu/rfi. p. 183). We most, therefore, con-
sider the reference to silk as extremely dubious.''
We have notice of silk under its classical name in
the Mishna (KU. 9, § 2), where Chinese silk is dis-
tinguished from floss-silk. The value set upon silk
by the Romans, as implied in Kev. xviii. 12, is no-
ticed by Joeepbus (B. J. vii. 5, § 4), as well as bj
classical writers (e. o. Sueton. Calig. 62; Mart xi.
9).
W. L.B.
SII/LA (M^D [twig, basket]: [Rom. SeAei;
Vat.] rooAAai Alex. raAaaS; [Comp. JeAAtt:}
StUa). " The house of Millo, which goeth dowu to
Silla," was the scene of the murder of king Joasb
(2 K. xii. 20). What or where Silla was is en-
tirely matter of oonjecture. Millo seems most prob-
ably to have been the citadel of the town, and situ-
ated on Mount Zion. [See iii. 1937 a.] Silla must
have been in the valley below, overlooked by that
part of the oitadel which was used as a residence.
The situation of the present so-called Pool of Siloam
would be appropriate, and the agreement between
the two names is tempting; but the likeness exists
in the Greek and Knglish versions only, and in the
original is too slight to admit of any iiifirence.
Gesenius, with less than his usual caution, affirms
Silla to be a town in the neighborhood if Jeru-
salem. Others (as Thenius, in Kung. Extij.
Hnndb. on the passage) refer it to a plsce on
cr connected with the causeway or flight of steps
(nbpO) which led from the oentral valley of the
city up 'to the court of the Temple. To indulge in
such confident statements on either side is at
entire mistake. Neither in the parallel passage of
Chronicles,' in the lists of Nehenriah iii. and xii..
the Jewish Commentator/ the LXX., in Josephiv
• Cahaet eoajsoturad that rPjTTip (Is. xls 9,
t T. "fas") was nonnsessd wttb smewM.
* the a. T. sontouads WX6 wttb suk ts Prov.
ota,
some curious variations from that of the Kings, but
passing over the place of the murder «s* »*-a«to.
/ The reading or the twr great MSS. of tho LXX. —
aer— 'ng In the r as the commeacaiaent of tbe name
— Is remarkable, and prompts tbe suggestion the; tie
Hebrew nams may originally haTS begun wtih r%
|tfj» mm | MMBVSWi* !—■■■■■ — ^j ■■•«'' V — «•
• I Car. xslv. 25. a passage tinged with the usual a ravine (as Oe-hlnnom). The rcaTo^sVovra of the
<**r of the narrative of Chronicles, and containing ' Alex, ts doubtless s corruption of uraatorerra
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3036 SILOAH, THE POOL 07
lor in Jerome, do we find the smallest clew; rod
.here U therefore no alternative but to remain for
the prewnt in ignorance. G.
SILOAH, THE POOL OP (D?19
ITJJjjn I** 8 below]: KoAvp0*)<V>a raw KttStmri
FA. 1 k. rw tfcrov 2<AaHu; [Couip. *. rou 2r
\w£:] Piscina Silut). This uame i» nut accu-
rately represented in the A. V. of Neh. iii. 15 —
the oulv pottage in which this particular form oc-
cur*. It ahould be Shelach, or rather has-Shelach,
liuce it is given with the definite article. This
ww possibly a corrupt form of the name which is
first presented as Shiloach, then as Siloam, and is
Dow Sctwan. The meaning of Shelach, taken at
Hebrew, is " dart." This cannot be a u'auie given
to the stream on account of its swiftness, because it
is not now, nor was it in the days of Isaiah, any-
thing but a very soft and gentle stream (Is viii. 6).
It is probably an accommodation to the popular
mouth, of the same nature as that exemplified in the
name Dart which is now borne by more than one
river in Kngland, and which has nothing; whatever
to do with swiftness, but is merely a curniptiou of
the ancient word which also appears in the various
forma of Derweut,* Darent, Trent. The last of
these was at one time supposed tu mean " thirty; "
and the river Treut was believed to have 30 tribu-
taries, 30 sorts of fish, 30 convents on its banks,
etc. : a notion preserved from oblivion by Milton iu
his lines: —
" And Trent, that like some earth-born giant spreads
His thirty arms along the indented meads."
For the fountain and pool, tee Siloam. G.
SILOAM (ir^iyri, BkUoack, Is. viii. 6;
nbrjf)n, Shelach, Neh. iii. IS [see above]; the
change in the Masoretic punctuation indicating
merely perhaps a change in the pronunciation or
in the spelling of the word, sometime during the
three centuries between Isaiah and Nehemiah.
Uabbinicai writers, and, following them, Jewish
travellers, both ancient and modern, from Deiya-
min of Tudela to Schwarz, retain the earlier Shilo-
uch hi preference to the later Shelach. The
Kabbis give it with the article, as in the Bible
(nrVtCn, Dacha's Codex Talmudicut, p. 367).
rhe LXX. gives ZiAudu [Vat. Sin. aeiAawu] in
Isaiah; but in Nehemiah KokuuBtiBpa rw x-woW,
the pool of the sheepskins, or " fleece-pool ; " per-
haps because, in their day, it was used for washing
ihe fleeces of the victims.' 1 The Vulgate has uni-
formly, both in Old and New Testaments, Siloe ;
st the Uld calling it piscina, and in the New nntn-
'oriu. Tbi Latin Fathers, led by the Vulgate,
hare nlwaji Siloe; the old pilgrims, who knew
nothing bit the Vulgate, SUoe or Syloe. The
Greek Fiithuns, adhering to the LXX., have Silonm.
The word does not occur in the Apocrypha. Jo-
tephus gives both Silmm and Siltxit, generally the
former.)
« Derweni appean to be the oldast of these tonus,
and to be derived from dmeyn, an ancient British
word, meaning " to wind about. 1 ' On the Continent
Ihe name Is round in the following forms : Fr. Da-
nnie ,* Germ. Drewenz ; It. Trento ; Ross. Duna
yis f i ra so n 's Hirer Names, etc.).
» In Taliuudtwl Hebrew Shelach signifies "a skin
Levi's lingua Sacra) ; and the Alexandrian timnsia-
8ILOAM
Siloam is one of the few undisputed loeaalaa
(though Belaud and some others misplaced it) in
the topography of Jerusalem; still retaining it*
old name (with Arabic modification, Silicon), while
every other pool has lost its Bible-designation.
This is the more remarkable as it is a mere sub-
urban tank of no great sixe, and for many an age
not particularly good or plentiful in its waters,
though Joeephus tells us that in his day they were
both "sweet and abundant" (B. J. v. 4. § 1).
Apart from the identity of name, there is an un-
broken chain of exterior testimony, during eighteen
centuries, connecting the present Birkel Silicon
with the Shikxih of Isaiah and the Siloam of St.
John. There are difficulties in identifying the Bir
Eyitb (the well of Salah-cd-din, Ibn Ayno, the
great digger of wells, Jalal-Addin, p. 239), lot
none in fixing Siloam. Joeephus mentions it fro
quently in bis Jewish War, and his references in-
dicate that it was a somewhat noted place, a sutt
of city landmark. From him we learn that it was
without the city (((« t»S tun-tat, B. J. v. 8, § 4);
that it was at this pool that the " old wall took a
bend and shot out eastward " (avaxdfirroy fir or-
aroKit*, to. v. 8, § 1); that there was a valley under
it (tV (nth ZiA»d/i ipdpayya, ibid. vi. 8, $ 5), and
one beside it (t» a-ara t V StAwo^i ipdpayyi, ibid.
v. 12, § 2); a hill (Ao'dus) right opposite, appar-
ently on the other aide of the Kedrou, hard by a
cliff or rock called Feristereon (ibid.); that it was
at the termination or mouth of the Tyropaeon
{ibid. v. 4, § 1); that close beside it, apparently
eastward, was another pool, called Solomon's pool,
to which the " old wall " came after leaving Siloam,
aud past which it went on to Ophlas, where, bend-
ing northward, it was united to the eastern arcade
of the Temple. In the Antonine Itinerary (A. u.
333) it is set down in the same locality, but it is
said to be "juxta murum," as Joeephus implies;
whereas now it is a considerable distance — up-
wards of 1200 feet — from the nearest angle of the
present wall, and nearly 1,900 feet from the south-
ern wall of the Haram. Jerome, towards the be-
ginning of the 5th century, describes it as *• ad
radices montis Moriah " (in Matt, x.j, and tells '
(though without indorsing the fable) that the
stones sprinkled with the blood (rubra saxa) of the
prophet Zechariah were still pointed out (t'n Mutt.
xxiii.) He speaks of it as being in the Valley of
the Son of Hionom, as Joeephus does of its being
at the mouth of the Tyropoeou (in Jer. ii.); and
it is noticeable that he (like the Rabbis) never
mentions the Tyropteou, while he, times without
number, speaks of the Valley of the Son of Hie-
nom. He speaks of Hinnom, Tophet, with their
proves and gardens, as watered by Siloam (in Jer.
xix. 6, and xxxii. 36). " Tophet, quae est in valle
filii Ennom, ilium locum significat qui Siloe fonti-
bus irrigatur, et est amounts atque iieniorosus, ho-
dieque hortorum pnebet deliciax " (m Jer. viii ).
He speaks of Siloam as dependent on the rains,
and as the only fountain used in his day: " Una
fonte Siloe et hoc non perpetuo utitur civile* ; et
ton attached this meaning to it ; they and the earlier
Babble considering Nehemlah's Shelach as a differ™'
pool from Siloam ; probably the same as Betheeda, b;
the Sheep Gate (John v. 2), the rpofianr>i «oAvf<0i?pe
of Kueeblus, the peohatiea piscina of Jerome. If sa
then It is Betheeda, and not siloam, that Is wishes*
by Nehemiah.
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SILOAM
axrae in pneteutem diem sterilita* pluviarum, dob
■faun frugum sed et bibendi inopiam tacit " (ro
Jer. xiv.). "Sow, though Jerome ought to hare
known well the wster-eupplies of Jerusalem, aeeing
be lived the greater part of hit Hfe within aix miles
jf it, yet other authorities, and the modern water-
provision of the city, ahow ua that it never could
bare been wholly dependent on its pooU. Ua in-
numerable bottle-necked private cisterns kept up a
•upply at all time*, and hence It often happened
that it wai the bttitgert, not the bedeged, that
raftered moat; though Joseph u» records a memora-
ble instance to the contrary, when — relating a
speech he made to the Jew3,standing, beyond their
darts, on a part of the southeastern wall which
the Komans had carried — he speaks of Siloam as
overflowing since the Romans had got access to it,
whereas before, when the Jews held it, it was dry
(B. J. v. 9, § 4). And we may here notice, in
pasting, that Jerusalem is, except perhaps in the
very heat of the year, a well-watered city. Dr.
Barclay says that " within a circuit swept by a
radius of seven or eight miles there ore no less than
thirty or forty natural springs " (City of the Great
King, p. 295); and a letter from Consul Finn to
the writer adds, " This I believe to be under the
truth ; but they are almost all found to the S. and
8. \V. : in those directions there does not appeir
to be a village without springs." "
In the 7th century, Antoninus Martyr mentions
Siloam as both fountain and pool Uemhard the
monk speaks of it in the 9th, and the annalists of
the Crusades mention it* site in the fork of two
valleys, as we find it. Benjamin of Tudela (a. d.
1173} speak* of " the great spring of Shilooch
which runs into the brook Kedrou " (Asber'a ed.
vol i. p. 71); and he mentions " a large building
npan it " (?37), which he says was erected in the
days of bis fathers. Is it of this building that the
present ruined pillars are the relict ? Caumont (a.
d. 1418) speaks of the Valley of Siloah, « ou est
Is footeyne ou le (nic) vierge Marie lavoit let dra-
pellez de son enfant," and of the fountain of Si-
loam aa close at hand ( Voyage doultremer en
JktnutUm, etc., Paris edition, p. 68). Felix
Fabri (a. d. 1484) describes Siloam at tome
length, and seems to have attempted to enter the
subterraneous passage ; but failed, and retreated in
dismay after filling his flasks with its eye-healing
water. Arnold von Harff (a. d. 1496) also (denti-
nes the spot (Dit rUyerfahrt, p. 180, Col. ed.).
After this, the references to Siloam are innumera-
ble: nor do they, with one or two exceptions, vary
in their location of it. We hardly needed these
testimonies to enable ua to fix the site, though
some topographers have rested on these entirely.
Scripture, If it does not actually sat it down in the
mouth of the Tyropojon at Josephus does, brings
us very near it. both in Nebemiah and St. John.
The reader who compares Neb. iii. 15 with Neh.
xii. 37, will find that the pool of Siloah, the Foun-
tain Gate, toe stain of the city of David, the wall
above the boose of David, the Water Gate, and the
ting's garden*, were all near each other. The Evan-
gelist's narrative regarding the blind man, whose
ryes the Lord miraculously opened, when carefully
SILOAM
3037
■ Serein's statement la that Jerusalem Itself was
nek* but w* U watered (rivtpor), but all the region
trtsaat was barren and waUu lass (tartar eat *W-
IttvK b. xvi. eh. *, moI 96.
examined, leads us to the conclusion thai Slkum
was somewhere in the neighborhood of iatr Templa
The Kabbuiical traditions, or hittorirt, at they
doubtless are in many cases, frequently refer to
Siloam in connection with the Temple service. It
was to Siloam that the Invite was sent with the
golden pitcher on the " last and great day of the
feast" of Tabernacles; it ws* from Siloam that be
brought the water which was then poured over the
sacrifice, in memory of the water from the rock of
Rephidim ; and it was to this Siloam water that
the Lord pointed when He stood in the Temple on
that day and cried, " If any man thirst, let him
come unto me and drink."
The Lord sent the blind man to wash, not in,
aa our version has it, but at (sjj) the pool of Si
loam ; * for it was the day from his eyes that ni
to be washed off; and the Evangelist is careful l«
throw in a remark, not for the purpose of telling
ua that Siloam meant an " aqueduct," as sonic
think, but to give higher significance to thn mira-
cle. "Go wash at Siloam," was the command ;
the Evangelist adds, " which is by interpretation.
bknt." On the inner meaning here — the paral-
lelism between "the Sent One" (Luke ir. 18:
John x. 36) and " the Sent water," the missioned
One and the missioned pool, we say nothing far-
ther than what St Basil said well, in his exposition
of the 8th of Isaiah, ris oi» 6 aneraAueVor «al
cuf*cxprrr\ jiimy ; *, irtpl ou ffprjrei, itipios aWir-
raA.W fit- Kal TaAi», oiin ipiott ow6i npairyivti !
That " Sent " it the natural interpretation is evi-
dent, not simply from the word itself, but from
other passages where 1)7127 it used in connection
with water, a* Job r. 10, " he lemleth tcalert upon
the fields ; " and Kg. xxxi. 4, " she tent out her
little rivers unto all the trees of the field." The
Tnlmudists coincide with the Evangelist, and say
that Shiloach was so called because it sent forth its
waters to water the gardens (I.*vi's Lingwi ftn
cm). We may add Homer's line: —
'Iw<tw 4* et nlx<x bi jtiav (if. xll. 26).
A little way below the Jewish burying-ground,
but on the opposite side of the valley, where the
Kedron turns slightly westward, and widens itself
considerably, is the fountain of the Virgin, or
Um tii-Deraj, near the beginning of that saddle-
shaped projection of the Temple-hill supposed to
be the Ophicl of the Bible, and the Opkliit of Jo-
sephus. [Es-Rooel.] At the back part of this
fountain a subterraneous passage begins, through
which the water flows, and through which n man
may make hit way, as did Robinson and Barclay,
sometime* walking erect, sometimes stooping, son_>-
times kneeling, and sometimes crawling, to Siloam.
This rocky conduit, which twists considerably, but
keeps, in general, a southwesterly direction, it, ac-
cording to Robinson, 1,750 feet long, while thi
direct distance between Siliean and Um ed-ihraj
is only a little above 1,300 feet. In former diys
this passage was evidently deerer, a* it* bed fa) sand
of tome depth, which has been accumulating for
ages. This conduit hat had tributaries, which
hare formerly sent their waters down from the city
pools it Temple-wells to sweB Siloam. Barclay
writes " In exploring the subterraneous channel
t> Set Wof/li Curat, tte. Or fit gets Its tores from
faayt, rtyat coming between the verb and Its prspo*
■"lor parenthaoealiT, « Oo to the peel aai. was*
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8088
SILOAM
sonveying the water from the Virgin's Fount to
Siloam. I discovered * similar channel entering
torn tbe north, * few yards from ita commence-
ment; and on tracing it up near tbe Mugrabin
Gate, where (t became ao choked with rubbish that
it could he traversed no farther, I there found it
tum to the west, in tbe direction of tbe south end
of the cleft or saddle of Zion j and if this channel
was not constructed for the purpose of conveying
to Siloam the surplus waters of Hexekiah's aque-
duct, I am unable to suggest any purpose to which
it could have been applied " ( OJy of the Ureal
King, p. 309). In another place be tells us some-
thing more: " Having loitered In tbe pool [Virgin's
SILOAM
Fount] till the coming down of he oaten, T toot
found several widely separated places where it
gaiued admittance, besides the opening under the
steps, where alone it had formerly been supposed
to enter. I then observed a large opening entering
the rock-hewn channel, just below the puol, which,
though once a copious tributary, is now dry. Ueing
too much choked with tessera and rubbish to be
penetrated far, I carefully noted its position and
bearing, and, on searching for it above, soon identi-
fied it on the exterior, where it assumed an upward
direction towards tbe Temple, and, entering through
a breach, traversed it for nearly a thousand fort
erect, sometimes bending, sotnetimo
»TMB»aks*shbytST. 8.0. Malaa.
Inching my way snake-fashion, till at last I reached
a point near tbe wall where I heard tbe donkeys
tripping along over my head. I was satisfied, on
subsequently locating our course above ground with
tbe theodolite, that this canal derived its former
» • Lieut. Warreu'» researches have shown that
Dr. Barclay was stngulariy mistaken In the statements
sere quoted. The subterranean passage conoerted
sitta the aqueduct and pool, which the latter supposed
9* Aid " Identified on the exterior," was ascertained
B.v the latter to be about 40 feet below the surface of
t« roe k. The passage which Barclay mistook for ttiln,
isrl eateriuf from theuer-vor, " traversed It lor Dearly j
supply of water, not from Moriah, but from Zkjn "■
(C%p.523).
This conduit enters Siloam at the northwest
angle; or rather enters a small rock-cut chamber
which forms the tesiiinfe of Siloam, about five or
a thousand test," Is, according to Warren, " the mala
drain of the town, which Is built of masonry, ant
generally only a lew lest below the surface of the mads
earth." The nubterranoan passage, moreover, was not
as Barclay supposed, a tributary to the fountain, but
a conduit to a shaft, of which, ar explored by War
ran, some account Is given at thf sod of this artkk
(Aster, ed.k *v
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8ILOAM
■x feat brad. To this yon descend by ■ few rode
■tent, under which the water pours itself into the
main pool {Narrative of Miuiun to the Jcici, rot.
L p. 907). This pool if oblong; eighteen pace* in
length according to Laffi ( Itngyio al Simla Stpci-
cro, A. I>. 1678); fifty feet according to Barclay;
and fifty-three according to Robinson. It is eigh-
teen feet broad, and nineteen feet deep, according
to Robinson; but Barclay gives a more minute
measurement, " fourteen and a half at the Hirer
(eastern) end, and seventeen at the upper; its
western end side being somewhat bent ; it is eigh-
teen and a half in depth, but never filled, the
water either passing directly through, or being
maintained %t a depth of three or four feet; this
Is effected by leaving open or dosing (with a few
handfuls of weeds at the present day, but formerly
by a flood-gate) an aperture at the bottom ; at a
height of three or four feet from the bottom, its
dimensions become enlarged a few feet, and the
water, attaining this level, fells through an aper-
ture at its lower end, into an tduet, subterranean
at Ant, but soon appearing in a deep ditch under
the perpendicular cliff of OpheL. and is received
into a few small reservoirs and troughs " {City, p.
634).
The small basin at the west end, which we have
described, is what some old travellers call « the
fountain of Siloe ' (F. Fiibri, vol. i. p. 430). " In
boot of this,'' Kabri goes on, " there is a bath sur-
rounded by walls and buttresses, like a chister.
and the arches of these buttresses are supjiorted
by marble pillars," which pillars he affirms to be
the remains of a monastery built above the pool.
The present pool is a ruin, with no moss or ivy to
make it romantic; Its sides falling in; Its pillars
broken ; its stair a fragment; its walls giving way ;
the edge of every stone worn round or sharp by
time; in some parts mere debris; once Siioam,
now, like <he city whfoh overhung it, a beap;
though around its edges, >' wild flowers, and, among
ether plants, tbe caper-tree, grow luxuriantly"
[Narrative of Miuiun, vol. i. p. 307 ). The gray
crumbling limestone of the stone (as well as of tbe
surrounding rocks, which are almost verdureless)
gives a poor and worn-out aspect to this venerable
relic. Tbe present pool is not tbe original build-
ing; the work of crusaders it may be; perhaps
•ven Improved by Saladin, whose affection for wells
•nd pools led him to care for all these things;
perhaps the work of later days. Yet the spot is
the same. Above it rises tbe high rock, and be-
yond it the city wall ; while eastward and south-
ward the verdure of gardens relieves the gray
monotony of the scene, and beyond these the
Kedron vole, overshadowed by the third of the
three heights of Olivet, '■ tbe mount of corruption "
(1 K. xi. 7; 2 K. xxiil. IS), with the village of
SiUcAn jutting out over its lower slope, and look-
ing into the pool from which it takes its name and
draws its water.
This pool, which we may eall tbe steomi, seems
vnciently to have poured its waters into a third,
'More it proceeded to water the royal gardens,
rbis third is perhaps that which Josephus calls
"Solomon's pool" (B. J. v. 4, § 8), and which
Nehemiah calls "the King's pool" (u 14); for
this must have been somewhere about " the king's
tardea " (Josephus s fituri\utot waodoWot, Am.
AL 14, J 4); sad we know that this was by "the
«*H of the pool of Siloah " (iii. 16). The Auto-
sine Itinerary speaks of it iu connection with
SILO AM
8039
Siloa, as " alia piscina grandia Corns." It is now
known as the Birktt eUHamra, mi may be per
bops some fire times the size of Birket et-SUaAn
Barclay speaks of it merely as a "depressed fig-
yard ; " but one would like to see it cleared out.
Siioam is in Scripture always called a pool It
is not an OJ& that is, a marsh-pool (Is. xxzt. 7);
nor a njJJ), a natural hollow or pit (Is. xxx. 14);
nor a nj|7D, a natural gathering of water (Gen.
i. 10; Is. uU. U)| nor a "n^, a well (Gen. xvl.
14); nor a TI2, a pit (Lev. xl. 36); nor an )?7,
a spring (Gen. ivi. 7); but a i"!3"39, a regularly
built pool or tank (9 K. xx. 30; Neh. iii. 16; Eccl.
ii. 6). This hut wrd is still retained in the
Arabic, as any traveller or reader of travels knows.
While Nehemiah calls it a pool, Isaiah merely
speaks of it ss " the waters of Shiloah ; " while the
New Testament gives noKvu&bipa, and Josephus
■mrrh- The Rabbis and Jewish travellers call il
a fountain ; in which they are sometimes followed
by the European traveller* of oil ages, though
more generally they give us piscina, natatoria, and
stagnum.
It is the least of all the Jerusalem pools ; hardly
the sixth part of the Birket ei-MnmiUit ; hanlly
the tenth of the Birket et-StUtim, or of the lowest
of tbe three pools of Solomon at eUBumk. Vet
it is a sacred spot, even to tbe Moslem ; much more
to tbe Jew; for not only from it was the water
token at the Feast of Tabernacles, but the water
for the ashes of the red heifer (Dacha's Tulm. BabyL
p. 380). Jewish tradition makes Gibon and Si-
loam one (Lightfoot, C'en(. Choi: in Matt. p. 61;
Schwats, p. 366), as if Gibon were " tbe bursting
forth " (IT?) to break out), and Siioam the re-
ceptacle of the waters "sent.' If this were tbe
case, it might be into Siioam, through one of tbe
many subterranean aqueducts with which Jerusa-
lem abounds, and one of which probably went down
the Tyropaeon, that Hezekiah turned the waters on
the other side of the city, when he " stopped the
upper watercourse of Gibon, and brought it straight
down to the west side of tbe city of David " (3
Chr. xxxii. 30).
The rush of water down these conduits is re-
ferred to by Jerome ("per terrarum concurs et
antra saxi duriasimi cum msgno aonltu venit," In
It. viii. 6), as heard in his day, showing that the
water was more abundant then than now. The
intermittent character of Siioam is aim noticed by
him; but in a locality perforated by so many
aqueducts, and supplied by so msny Urge wells
and secret springs (not to speak of the discharge
of the great city-baths), this irregular flow is easily
accounted for, both by tbe direct and the siphon",
action of the water. How this mturnl Interntil-
teucy of Siioam could be made identical with the
miracvloui troubling of Bethesda (John v. 4) one
does not see. The Lick of water in the pool now
is io proof that there was not the great abundance
of which Josephus speaks (B. J. v. 4, § 1): and us
to tbe "sweetness" he speaks of, like the "oqust
dukes " of Virgil ifitvrg. iv. 01), or the Old Testa-
ment pity (Ex- xt. 36), which is used both In
reference to tbe sweetness of tb« Marsh waters
(Ex. xv. 96), and of tbe "stolen waters" of the
foolisc woman (Prov. tx. 17). it simply mass*
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8040
SILO AM
fresh <» pleasant in opposition to bitter (""SJ:
wi*go»).
The expression in Isaiah, "waters of Sliiloah
that go softly," seems to point to the slender
rivulet, flowing gently, though onee very profusely,
out of Siloam into the lower breadth of level, where
the king's gardens, or "royal paradise," stool,
and which is still the greenest spot about the Holy-
City, reclaimed from sterility into a fair oasis of
olive-groves, fig-trees, pomegranates, etc., by the
tiny rill which flows out of Siloam. A winter-
torrent, like the Kedron. or a swelling river like
the Euphrates, carries havoc with it, by sweeping
off soil, trees, and terraces; but this Siloam-fed rill
flows softly, fertilizing and beautifying the region
through which it passes. As the Euphrates is used
by the prophet as the symbol of the wasting sweep
of the Assyrian king, so Siloam is taken as the
SILOAM
type of the calm prosperity of Isruel under Mes-
sianic rule, when " the desert rejoices and blossoms
as the rose." The word softly or secretly (ttS 1 ')
does not seem to refer to the secret transmission
of the waters through the tributary viaducts, but,
like Ovid's " molles aqiue," " hlandes aqua-," and
Catullus' " molle fluinen," to the quiet gentleness
with which the rivulet steals on its mission of
besjficence, through the gardens of the king. Thus
" Siloah's brook " of Milton, and " cool Siloam's
shady rill," are not mere poetical fancies. The
" fountain " and the " pool," and the " rill " of
Siloam, are all visible to this day, each doing its
old work beneath the high rock of Mcriah, aad
almost beneath the shadow of the Temple wall.
East of the Kedron, right opposite the rough
gray slope extending between Dtraj and Mlw&n,
above the kitchen-gardens watered by Siloam which
KS«i=3^SSS5xSsS«-"«-
supply Jerusalem with vegetables, is the village
which takes iU name from the pool, Ke/r-
Silicdn. At Dtrnj the Kedron is narrow, and the
village is very near the fountain. Hence it is to
it rather than to the pool that the villagers gen-
erally betake themselves for water. For as the
Kedron widens considerably in its progress south-
ward, the Ktfr is at some little distance from the
Bukth. This village is unmentioned in ancient
times: perhaps it did not exist. It is a wretched
place for filth and irregularity; its square hovels
all huddled together like the lairs of wild beasta,
or rather like the tombs and caves in which savages
or demoniacs may be supposed to dwell. It lies
near the foot of the third or southern height of
Olivet; and in all likelihood marks the s|wt of the
Idol-shrines which Solomon built to Chemosh, and
Aahtorath and Miloom. ThU was " the mount of
corruption " (2 K. xxiii. 13), the hill that is before
(east; brfort in Hebrew geography means entt)
Jerusalem (I K. xi. 7); and these "abomination!
of the Moabitea, Zidonians, and Ammonites " were
built on " the right hand of the mount," that is,
the muthtrn part of it- This is the •' opprobrious
hill" of Milton (Par. L. b. i. 403)! the "mom
oflensionis " of the Vulgate and of early travellers,
the MotrtiB of the Sept. (see Keil On Kingt); and
the Berg des .Srgeniisees of German maps. In
Ramboux' singular volume of lithographs (Col.
1858) of JertunkiH and itt //o/y Plnea, in imita-
tion of the antiqne, there is a sketch of an old
monolith tomb in the village of SitwAn, which few
travellers have noticed, but of which De Saulcy has
given us both a cut and a description (roL ii. p
216); setting it down as a relic of Jebusite woik
manship. One would like to know mora ab «*
Digitized by CjOOQIC
BILOAM, TOWER IN
Mi rilkye «nd mbout the pedigree of iU inhab-
tants." H. &
* The roek-eiit passage between the Fountain
J the Virgin and Siioam wu traversed and care-
(ully surveyed by Lieut Warren. He found two
passages leading into it from the northwest, the
largest being about 50 feet from the entrance to
the pool. It wu filled with hard mud, the deposit
of centuries, which with much difficulty was dug
out and carried through the passage and pool, and
up the steps to the outside. At the end of 17 feet
he reached a shaft leading upwards for more than
40 bet, with smooth sides, cut out of the solid
:ock, and averaging 6 feet in length and 4 in
width. By constructing a scaffolding with three
landings he mounted to the top. In the masonry
overhanging it he found an iron ring, through which
a rope might hare passed, and from this he inferred
that the shaft was " the ancient draw-well of
Opbel." Connected with it, near the top, he dis-
covered and explored extended passages and cham-
bers cut iu the rock, and found glass lamps of
curious construction and water-vessels of red pot-
tery, showing that tbe pL-ice had " evidently been
used as a refuge." The other passage, 40 feet from
tbe entrance, extended but 9 feet. Lieut. W. also
excavated 4 feet under the lowest step of the Vir-
gin's Fount, to ascertain the source of supply, and
reached a hard substance, "either masonry or
rock," but in that depth of water could proceed no
further. " The other point of entrance of the water
is a deep hole in the middle of the pool, at which
nothing can be done." Warren is inclined to the
belief, contrary to Barclay, that there is a con-
nection between the Hummim tsh-8htfa and the
Virgin's Fount; but tbe point is not yet ascer-
tained. S. W.
SILCKAM, TOWER IN. Co ripyot cV t£
SiAatdV, Luke xiii. 4.) Of this we know nothing
definitely beyond these words of the Lord. Of the
tower or its fell no historian gives us any account;
and whether it was a tower in connection with tbe
pool, or whether " in Siioam " refers to the valley
near, we cannot say. There were fortifications hard
by, for of Jotham we read, " on the wall of Ophel
be built much " (S Chr. xxvii. 3) ; and of Manasseh
that " he compassed aliout Ophel " (ibid, xxxiii.
14); and, in connection with Ophel, there is men-
tion made of •' a tower that tieth out " (Neb. iii.
98); and there is no unlikelihood in eonuecting
this projecting tower with the tower in Siioam,
while one may be almost excused for the conjecture
that its projection was the cause of its ultimate
fnIL " H. B
SILVER
8041
a • Ths later publication of the Orilnamrt Surrey
if Jerusalem (Load. 1866) enables us to satisfy In part
Ibis cariosity- " KnterlDg Siioam on the norta, then
If on tbe left s high cliff, which bears evident signs
of having been worked as a quarry ; on the right
hand side is the curious monolith with rhe heavy
Kgypcian cornice ; the exterior of the cliff is quite
•at, but the interior is sloping like a tent ; la front
Is a small cistern. The present village of SU"*m oc-
> the site of an old quarry ; the houses an often
i simply by tbe walling up of the excavation, and
I they cling on the scarped face of the rock :
ene excavation was of considerable extent, and similar
si character to that near tbe Damascus gate, though
let nearly so large ; several ulnars were left to sustain
las root Tbe stone from this quarry Is * malakl *
sf m vary suit kind ; higher up, by the monolith, a
d,' and the upper bed of < uialaki ' are found.
SILVA'NTJS. [Silas.]
SILVER (IPS. catph). In very early times,
according to the Bible, silver was used for orna-
ments (Gen. xxiv 53), for cups (Gen. xliv. 9), for
the sockets of the pillars of the Tabernacle (Ex.xxvi.
19, 4c), their hooks and fillets, or rods (Ex. xxvii.
10), and their capitals (Ex. xxxviii. 17); for dishes,
or chargers, and bowls (Num. vii. 13), trumpets
(Num. x. 2), candlesticks (1 Chr. xxviii. 15), tables
(1 Chr. xxviii. Iii), basins (1 Chr. xxviii. 17), chains
(la, xl. 19), the settings of ornaments (Prov. xxv.
11), studs (Cant. i. 11), and crowns (Zech. vi. 11).
Images for idolatrous worship were made of silver
or overlaid with it (Ex. xx. 2-1; Hos. xiii. 2; Hab.
ii. 19; Bar. vi. 3D [or Epiet. of Jer. 3!)]), and the
manufacture of silver shrines for Diana was a trade
in Ephesus (Acts six. 24) [Dkmktkiuu.] But
its chief use was as a medium of exchange, and
throughout the O. T. we Bud ce$eph, " silver," used
for money, like the Fr. argtnt. To this general
usage there is but one exception. (See Mktaia
iii. 1910.) Vessels and ornaments of gold and
elver were common in Egypt in the times of
Osirtasen I. and Tliotlimes III., the contemporaries
of Joseph and Moses (Wilkinson, Ane. Kg. iii. 225).
In the Homeric poems we find indications of the
constant application of silver to purpurea of orna-
ment and luxury. It was used for basins ( Od. 1.
137, iv. 53), goblets (/I. xxiii. 741), baskets (Oil.
iv. 125), coflers (IL xviii. 413), sword-hilts (/(. i.
219; Od. viii. 404), door-handles (Od. i. 442), and
clasps for the greaves (It. iii. 331). Door-posts
(Od. vii. 89) and lintels (Od. vii. 90) glittered with
silver ornaments; baths (CM. iv. 128), tables (Od.
x. 355), bows (IL L 49, xxiv. 605), scabbards (//.
xi. 31), sword-belts (IL xviii. 698), belts for tbe
shield (IL xviii. 480), chariot-poles (IL v. 72U) and
the naves of wheels (IL v. 729) were adorned with
silver; women braided their hair with silver -thread
(IL xvii. 52), and cords appear to have been made
of it (Od. x. 24); while we constantly find that
swords (IL li. 45, xxiii. 807) and sword-belts (IL
xi. 237), thrones, or chairs of state (Od. viii. 65),
and bedsteads (Od. xxiii. 2J0) were studded with
silver. Thetis of the silver feet was probably so
called from tbe silver ornaments on her sandals
(IL 1. 538). The practice of overlaying silver with
gold, referred to iu Homer (Od. vi. 232, xxiii. 169),
is nowhere mentioned in the Bible, though inferior
materials were covered with silver (Prov. xxvi. 23).
Silver was brought to Solomon from Arabia
(2 Chr. ix. 14) and from Torahish (2 Chr. ix. 21),
which supplied the markets of Tyre (Ez. xxvii. 13).
From Tarahiah it came in the form of plates (Jer.
A large portion of the quarrying at Siioam lias been
in ths ( missal' beds, and throughout the village the
deep vertical cuts made by the quarrymeu may be
seen exactly corresponding to those found Iu all the
quarries ; steps cut in the rock lead to different parts
of tbe village ; Ant made for the convenience of the
workmen, they have now been made to serve as streets
There ant a lew tombs In the village, but not as mauy
as has generally been supposed. Tbe slate ot the
houses and streets was worse than anything seen about
Jerusalem, and they were swarming with vermin ; still
the village is highly Interesting, and deserves more
notice from travellers than has generally been be*
stowed upon It " (p. $1 f.).
For some very recent discoveries which wo te
eonnec. Siioam irlth Zoaasm sse Cn the lalav nsass
(Anur. ed.). Ii
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3042
8ILVERLING8
« 9), like those on which the sacred books of tin
Singhalese are written to this day (Tennent's Cey-
4>n, ii. 102). The silver bowl given u a prize by
Achillea was the work of Sidonian artists (IL xxiii.
743; comp. Od. iv. 618). In Homer (IL H. 857),
Alylie is called the birthplace of silver, and was
probably celebrated for it* mines. But Spain ap-
pears to have been the chief source whence silver
was obtained by the ancients. [Mines, Ui. 1939 A.]
Possibly the hills of Palestine may have afforded
some supply of this metal. " When Volney was
amniu; the Druses, it was mentioned to hira that
an ore affording silver and lead had been discovered
on the declivity of a hill in Lebanon " (Kitto, Phys.
Hut. oj 'Palatine, p. 73).
For an account of the knowledge of obtaining
and refining silver possessed by the ancient He-
bft-ws, see the articles Lkad and Minks. The
•hole operation of mining is vividly depicted in
Job xxviii. 1-11 ; and the process of purifying
metals is frequently alluded to (Ps. xii. 6; Prov
uv. 4), while it is described with some minuteness
in Ex. xxii. 20-22. Silver mixed with alloy is re-
ferred to in Jer. vi. 30, and a finer kind, either
purer in itself, or more thoroughly purified, is men-
tioned in rrov. vffi. 19. \V. A. W.
SILVEKLINGS (P/lffl : <rU\of. argentem,
ticlut understood), a word used once only in the
A. V. (Is. vii. 23), as a translation of the He-
brew word «m/jA, elsewhere rendered " silver " or
"money." [PiKCt of Silver.] R. S. P.
SIMALCITE" ([Rom] EifrnXxoval ; [Sin.
l/m\it»vt : Alex.] luf/taAxoini ; [Comp. it/ta\-
tunti:} HmnlehutL, Mniclim: 1/ldXxos, Joseph.),
an Arabian chief who had charge of Antiochus, the
young son of Alexander Daks, before he was put
forward by Tryphon as a claimant to the Syrian
throne (1 Mace. xi. 39). [Aktiociius VI., vol.
i. p. 117.] According to Diodorus (f:'clog. xxxii. 1)
the name of the chief was Diocles, though in an-
other place (Frag. xxi. MuUer) he calls him Jam-
blichus. The name evidently contains the element
Unlet, " king," but the original form is uncertain
comp. Grotius and Grimm on 1 Mace L c).
B. F. W.
SIM'EON (VypOJ [a hearing, lulening]:
3ufie<iy; [in 1 Chr.'iv. 24, Rom. if/xtdv (mis-
print V Vat. Alex, here as elsewhere Su/itai/) :]
Simeon). The second of Jacob's sons by Leah.
His birth is recorded in Gen. xxix. 33, and in the
explanation there given of the name, it is derived
from the root shnnui', to hear" — " ' Jehovah hath
heard (tli&trm') that I was hated.* .... and she
called his name Shime'on." b This metaphor is
not carried on (as in the case of some of the other
names) in Jacob's Blessing; and in that of Moses
■11 mention of Simeon is omitted.
The first group of Jacob's children consists, lie-
tides Simeon, of the three other sons of l.eah —
Utubeu, I-evi, Judah. With each of these Simeon
is mentioned in some connection. " As Reuben
and Simeon are mine," says Jacob, "so shall Jo-
<■ rdrsi (Handub. II. 472) inelinw to the interpreta-
ion " famous " (nJimreicher). Badslob (AUUll. Ifa-
M>, Ui), on the other hand, adopting the Arabic
L**** 1
considers the name to mean n sons of
1 or " bondmen."
8IMBON
seph's sons Ephraim and Manaseeh be loin* ' (Gen
xlviii. 5). With Levi, Simeon was associated ii
the massacre of the Shechemitea (xxxiv. 26) — a
deed which drew on them the remonstrance of theii
father (ver. 30), and perhaps ' also his dying curs*
(xlix. 5-7). With Judah the connection was drawn
still closer. He and Simeon not only " went up '
together, side by side, in the forefront of the nation,
to the conquest of the south of the Holy Laud
(Judg. i. 3, 17), but their allotments lay together
in a more special manner than those of the other
tribes, something in the same manner as Beigamin
and Ephraim. Besides the massacre of Sfaechem
— a deed not to be judged of by the standards of
a more civilized and less violent age, and, when
fairly estimated, not altogether discreditable to its
perpetrators — the only personal incident related
of Simeon is the fact of his being selected by Jo-
seph, without any reason given or implied, as the
hostage for the appearance of Benjamin (Gen. xlii.
19,21, 36; xliii. 23).
These slight traits are characteristically amplified
in the Jewish traditions. In the Targum Parado-
jouathan it is Simeon and Levi who are the ene-
mies of the lad Joseph. It is they who counsel his
being killed, and Simeon binds him before he is
lowered into the well at Uothan. (See further
details in Fabricus, Cod. Pteud. i. 535.) Hence
Joseph's selection of him as the hostage, his bind-
ing and incarceration. In the Midrash the strength
of Simeon is so prodigious that the Egyptians are
unable to cope with him, and his binding is only
accomplished at length by the intervention of Ma-
nssseh, who sets ss the house-steward and inter-
preter of Joseph. His powers are so great that at
the mere roar of his voice 70 valiant Egyptians fall
at his feet and break their teeth (Weil, Bib. Leg.
88). In the " Testament of Simeon " bis fierce-
ness and implacability are put prominently forward,
and he dies warning his children against the indul-
gence of such passions (Kabricius, Cod. Pteudep. i.
533-543).
The chief families of the tribe are mentioned in
the lists of Gen. xlvi. (10), in which one of them,
bearing the name of Shaiil (Saul), is specified as
'•the son of the Canaanitoss " — Num. xxvi. (12-
14), and 1 Chr. Iv. (24-43). In the latter passage
(ver. 27) It is mentioned that the family of one of
the heads of the tribe " had not many children,
neither did they multiply like to the children of
Judah." This appears to have been the case not
only with one family but with the whole tribe. At
the census at Sinai Simeon numbered 59,300 fight-
ing men (Num. i. 23). It was then the most nu-
merous but two, Judah and Dan alone exceeding
it; but when the second census was taken, at Shit-
tim, the numbers had fallen to 22,200, and it was
the weakest of all the tribes. This was no doubt
partly due to the recent mortality following the
idolatry of Peor, in which the tribe »f Simeon ap-
pears to have taken a prominent share, but there
must have been other causes which have escaped
mention.
The connection between Simeon and Levi im-
6 The name Is given In this Its more oomct fbrm
in the A. V. in connection with a later Israelite la
Bar. x. 81.
e It is by no means certain that Jacob's words al
lode to the transaction at Shacbem. Thejr apnea!
rather to r»ftr to some other act of the brothers wbjet
has escaped direst mooed.
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SIMEON
•Bad bi the Blessing of Jacob (Gen. xlix. 5-7), has
Men already adverted to. Toe passage relating to
Ibem a thus rendered : —
Bhimeon and Levi are brethren,**
Ixstruments of violence are their maehinatloni (or
their 6 swords).
Into their Kent council come not my tool !
Unto their assembly Join not mine honor !
for In their wrath they alew a man,
And In their Mir-wlll they hongbed an « ox.
Caned be their wrath, tor It is fierce,
And their auger, tor U la cruel !
I will divide them In Jacob,
And scatter them In Israel.
The terms of this denunciation seem to imply a
closer bond of union between Simeon and Levi,
and more violent and continued exploits performed
under that bond, than now remain on record. The
expressions of the closing lines also seem to necessi-
tate a more advanced condition of the nation of
Israel than it could have attained at the time of
the death of the father of the individual patriarchs.
Taking it however to be what it purports, an actual
prediction by the individual Jacob (and, in the
present state of our knowledge, however doubtful
this outy be, no other conclusion can be safely ar-
rived at), it has been often pointed out how differ-
ently the same sentence was accomplished in the
oases of the two tribes. Both were " divided "
and "scattered." But how differently! The dis-
persion of the Levites arose from their holding the
foal of honor in the nation, and being spread, for
the purposes of education and worship, broadcast
over the face of the country. In the case of Sim-
eon the dispersion seems to have arisen from some
corrupting element in the tribe itself, which first
reduced its numliers, and at last drove it from its
allotted seat in the country — not, as Dan, because
it could not, but because it would not stay — and
thus in the end caused it to dwindle and disappear
entirely.
The non-appearance of Simeon's name in the
Rleaeing of Moses (l>eut. xxxiii. 6 *) may be ex-
plained in two ways. On the assumption that the
Bleating was actually pronounced in its present
form by Moses, the omission may be due to his
displeasure at the misbehavior of the tribe at Sbit-
tini. On the assumption that the Messing, or
this portion of it, ia a composition of later date,
then it may be due to the fact of the tribe having
by that time vanished from the Holy Land. The
latter of these ia the explanation commonly adopted.
During the journey through the wilderness Sim-
eon was a member of the camp which marched on
SIMEON 8043
the eeuth side of the Sacred Tent. Hie associates
were Reuben and (iad — not bis whole brothers,
but the aona of Zilpah, l-eah's maid. The head of
the tribe at the time of the Exodus, was Shelumiel,
son of Zurishaddai (Num. i. 6), ancestor cf its
one heroine, the intrepid Judith. [Salasadai.]
Among the apiea Simeon was represented by Sha-
phat eon of Horl, «'. e. Horite, a name which per-
haps, like the '• Canaanitesa " of the earlier list,
reveals a trace of the tax tendencies which made
the Simeonites an easy prey to the licentious rites
of Peer, and ultimately destroyed the permanence
of the tribe. At the diviaion of the land his rep-
resentative was Shemuel,* son of Ammihud.
The connection between Judah and Simeon al-
ready mentioned teems to hare begun with the
Conquest. Judah and the two Joseph-brethren
were first served with the lion's share of the land ;
and then, the (.'anaanitea having been sufficiently
subdued to allow the Sacred Tent to be established
without risk in the heart of the country, the work
of dividing the remainder amongst the seven in-
ferior tribes was proceeded with (Josh, xviii. Ml).
Uenjamin had the first turn, then Simeon (xix. 1).
By this time Judah had discovered that the tract
allotted to him was too larje (xix. 9), and also too
much exposed on the west and south for even his
great powers/ To Simeon accordingly was allotted
a district out of the territory of his kinaman, on
its southern frontier, which contained eighteen or
nineteen cities, with their villages, spread round
toe venerable well of Ueer-sheba (Josh. xix. 1-8;
1 Chr. iv. 28-33). Of these places, with the help
of Judah, the Simeonites possessed themselves
(Judg i. 3, 17/; and here they were found, doubt-
less by Joab, residing in the reign of David (1 Chr.
ir. 31). During his wandering life David must
have been much amongst the Simeonites. In fact
three of their cities are named in the Hat of those
to which he sent presents of the spoil of the Ama-
lekitea, and one (Ziklag) was his own private*
property. It is therefore remarkable thai the num-
bers of Simeon and Judah who attended his in-
stallation aa king at Hebron should have been so
much below those of the other tribes (1 Chr. xii.
23-37). Possibly it is due to the fact that the
event waa taking place iu the heart of their own
territory, at Hebron. Thia, however, will not ac-
count for the curious faot that the warriors of
Simeon (7,100) were more' numerous than those
of Judah (8,800). After David's removal to Jeru-
salem, the head of the tribe was Shephaiiah sou of
Maachah (1 Chr. xxvii. 16).
What part Simeon took at the time of the divis-
« The word la DVTS, meaning "brotbera " in the
raJeat, strictest mm. In the Targ. Pseudojon. It Is
reaulered nrhin ulamiit, " brothers of the womb."
» Identified by some (Jerome, Talmud, etc.) with
the Greek pax<ufx»- Th « " habitations " of the A. T.
k> awrlvad from Klmchl, but ia not countenanced by
later aeholar*.
e A. T. " digged down a wall ; " following Onkeloa,
woo reads TIB? ~ "fltt, " a town, a wall."
* The Alexandrine BUB. of the LXX. adds Slmeoo'e
*me in thia passage — " Let Reuben live and not die,
A let Simeon be few in number." In K doing It
ajeca not onV flom the Vatican MS. but also from
•be Hebrew text, to whieh thia MS. naoally adheres
asses closely than the Vatican does. The insertion la
etoetad ha the Oomplntanalan and Aldine editions of
fas LXX bat does not appear In any of the other
• It la a onrioua coincidence, though of conns
nothing more, that the scanty records of Simeon
should diacloM two names so Ulustriooa In ltreeata
history aa Saul and Samuel.
/ This la a different account to that supplied to
Judg. i. The two are entirely diatlnct documents.
That of Judges, from lta fragmentary and abrupt
oharacter, baa the appearance of being the mora an
dent of the two.
» " The parts of Idunuea which border on Arabia
and Egypt " (Joseph. AM. v. 1, § 22).
A It bad been first taken from Simeon by the Philis-
tines (1 Sam. xxvil. 6), if Indeed he ever got rossaaakm
of It.
i "oeslbly became the Simeonites were warriors
and nothing else, Instead of huabanasaan, alt , bast
the men of Jodah.
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3014
SIMEON
job of the kingdom we are not told. The tribe
was probably not in a sufficiently strong or com-
pact condition to have shown any northern tenden-
cies, even had it entertained them. The only thing
which can be interpreted into a trace of its having
taken any part with the northern kingdom are the
two casual notices of 2 Chr. xv. 9 and xxxiv. 6,
which appear to imply the presence of Simeonites
there. in the reigns of Asa and Josiah. But this
may hare been merely a manifestation of that
vagrant spirit which was a cause or a consequence
of 'be prediction ascribed to Jacob. And on the
other hand the definite statement of 1 Chr. iv. 41-
43 (the date of which by Hezekiah's reign seems
to show conclusively its southern origin) proves
that at that time there were still some of them re-
maining in the original seat of the tribe, and ac-
tuated by all the warlike lawless spirit of their
progenitor. This fragment of ancient chronicle
relates two expeditions in search of more eligible
territory. The first, under thirteen chieftains,
leading doubtless a large body of followers, was
made against the Hamites and the Mehunim, a a
powerful tribe of Bedouins, "at the entrance of
(jedor at the east side of the ravine." The second
was smaller, but more adventurous. Under the
guidance of four chiefs a band of 600 undertook an
expedition against the remnant of Amalek, who
had taken refuge from the attacks of Saul or Da-
vid, or some later pursuers, in the distant fast-
nesses of Mount Seir. The expedition was suc-
cessful. They smote the Amalekites and took
posse ssi on of their quarters; and they were still
living there after the return of the Jews from
Captivity, or whenever the First Book of Chroni-
cles was edited in its present form.
The audacity and intrepidity which seem to
have characterized the founder of the tribe of
Simeon are seen in their fullest force in the last of
his descendants of whom there is any express men-
tion in the Sacred Record. Whether the book
which bears her name be a history or a historic
romance, Judith will always remain one of the
most prominent figures among the deliverers of her
nation. Bethulia would almost seem to have been
a Simeonite colony. Ozias, the chief man of the
:ity, was a Simeonite (Jud. vi. 16), and so was
Manasaes the husband of Judith (viii. 2). She
herself bad the purest blood of the tribe in her
veins. Her genealogy is traced up to Zurishad-
dai (in the Greek form of the present text Salasa-
dai, viii. 1 ), the head of the Simeonites at the time
of their greatest power. She nerves herself for her
tremendous exploit by a prayer to " the Lord God
of her father Simeon " and by recalling in the
most characteristic manner and in all their details
the incident* of the massacre of Shechem (ix. 2).
Simeon is named by Ezekiel (xlviii. 25) and the
uthor of the Book of the Revelation (vii. 7) in their
atetogues of the restoration of Israel. The former
removes the tribe from Judah and places it by the
side of Benjamin.
2. {TLvnt&v' Simeon.) A priest of the family
of Joarib — or in its full form jKiioiARtu — one
of tbe nncestors of the Maccabees (1 Mace. li. 1).
3. Son of Juda and father of Levi in the gene-
tlogy of our Lord (Luke iii. 30). Tbe Vat. MS.
(ires the name Xi/itiiv. [This is an error. — A.]
4. [Simon] That is, Simon Peter (Acts xv.
■ AT." habitations." Be* Mxarami.
SIMEON NIGER
14). Tbe use of the Hebrew form of the nam* k>
this place is very characteristic of the speaker is
whose mouth it occurs. It i* found once again
(2 Pet. i. 1), though here there is not the same
unanimity in the MSS. Lachniann, with B, here
adopts " Simon." G.
S. [Simeon.] A devout Jew inspired by tbe
Holy Ghost, who met the parents of our Lord in
the Temple, took Him in his arms, and gave thanks
for what he saw and knew of Jesus (Luke ii- S5~
36). In the apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus, Sim-
eon is called a high-priest, and the narrative of >ur
Lord's descent into Hell is put into the mouths of
Charinus and Lenthius, who are described as two
tons of Simeon, who rose from the grave after
Christ's resurrection (Matt xxvii. 63) and related
their story to Annas, Caiaphas, Nicodemus, Joseph,
and Gamaliel.
Kabban Simeon, whose grandmother was of the
family of David, succeeded his father Hillel as pres-
ident of the Sanhedrim about A. D. 13 (Otbo,
Lexicon Rnbb. p. 697), and his son Gamaliel was
the Pharisee at whose feet St. Paul was brought up
(Acts xxii. 3). A Jewish writer specially notes
that no record of this Simeon is preserved in the
Mishna (Ijghlfoot, flora Heb. Luke ii. 25). It
has been conjectured that he (Prideaux, Cotmtction,
anno 37, Micbaelis) or his grandson (Schottgen,
ffura ffrb. Luke ii. 26 1 of tbe same name, may
be the Simeon of St Luke. In favor of the iden-
tity it is alleged that the name, residence, time of
life, and general character are the same in both
cases; that the remarkable silence nf tbe Mishna,
and the counsel given by Gamaliel (Acts v. 38),
countenance a suspicion of an inclination on the
part of the family of the Rabban towards Christian-
ity. On the other hand, it is argued that these
facts fall far short of historical proof; and that
Simeon was a very common name among the Jews,
that St Luke would never have introduced so cel-
ebrated a character as the President of the Sanhe-
drim merely as "a man in Jerusalem," and that
his son Gamaliel, after all, was educated as a Phar-
isee. The question is discussed in Witsius, Hit-
ctttanm Sacra, i. 21, §§ 14-16. See also Wolf, Co-
ra Philaloyica, Luke ii. 36, and BibL Ilebr. ii.
682. W. T. B.
• It is customary to speak of Simeon &u/it4r)
as aged; he may have been so, though the proof
of this is by no means so explicit (Luke ii. 26, 29)
as in the case of Zacharias (Luke i. 18) and of
Anna the prophetess (ii. 36). Simeon's language,
" Now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace "
(rOV iaroXitit to» oovAoV itov), is simply declara-
tive, and not a prayer as some mistake it to be.
The words which the Spirit prompted Simeon to
utter, as he blessed the child Jesus and the par-
ents, are remarkable for the breadth of Messianic
view which they disclose. In his announcement
of the universality of Christ's mission as destined
to bless Gentiles as well as Jews, he seems to have
gone forward as by a single step to tbe full teach-
ing of the apostolic period (ii. 31, 32). There is a
noticeable difference between his degree of Ularr—
nation and that apparent in the songs of Elizabetn.
Mary, and Zacharius. It has been justly remarkeo
that they evince a rhetorical and psychologies*
diversity which stamps as authentio this prelim-
inary history of Christ in which they an found
Luke only records these discourses. 11
SIM'EON NrGER. Act* ilii. 1 [Niohl
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tnHua
8ITHOS'. \_liuif- Simon.] A name of fre-
|oaoi occurrence in Jewish history ir the post-
Babytooian period. It is doubtful whether it m
burrowed from the Greek*, with whom it wai not
uncommon, or whether it waa a contraction of the
Hebrew Shimeon. That the two names were re-
garded as identical appears from 1 Mace. it. 65.
Perhaps the Hebrew name was thus slightly altered
in order to render it identical with the Greek.
1. Son of Mattathias. [Maccabees, § 4, toI.
ii. p. 1711]
3. Son of Onias the high-priest (itpevt S pt-
■yat), whose eulogy closes the " praise of famous
men " in the book of Eoelesiasticus (ch. L). [Kc-
cubiasticus, toI. 1. p. 681.] Fritzsche, whose
edition of Kcclesiasticus (Extg. ffandb.) has ap-
peared (1860) since the article referred to was writ-
ten, maintains the common view that the reference
ia to Simon II., but without bringing forward any
new arguments to support it, though he strangely
nnderrates tlie importance of Simon I. (the Just).
Without laying undue stress upon the traditions
which attached to this name (Henfeld, Getch. Isr.
h 195), it is erident that Simon the Just was pop-
ularly regarded as closing a period in Jewish his-
tory, as the hat teacher of "the Great Synagogue."
Yet titers is in fact a doubt to which Simon the
title "the Just" was given. Henfeld (1. 877,
378) has endeavored to prove that it belongs to Si-
mon II., and not to Simon I., and in this be is fol-
lowed by Jost ( Gach. d. JudenOi. i. 95). The later
Hebrew authorities, by whose help the question
should be settled, are extremely unsatisfactory and
confused (Jost, 110, Ac.); and it appears better to
adhere to the express testimony of Josephus, who
identifies Simon I. with Simon the Just (Ant xtt.
8, § 4, Ac), than to follow the Talmndic traditions,
which are notoriously untrustworthy in chronology.
The legends are connected with the title, and Hen-
feld and Jost both agree in supposing that the ref-
erence in Kcclesiasticus is to Simon known as " the
Just," though they believe this to he Simon II.
(compare, for the Jewial anecdotes, Raphall's Hist,
ef Jets, i. 115-134; Prideaux, Connection, ii. 1).
3. " A governor of the Temple " in the time of
Seleocus Philopator, whose information as to the
treasures of the Temple led to the sacrilegious
attempt of Heliodoms (3 Mace. lii. 4, Ac.). After
this attempt failed, through the interference of the
high-priest Onias, Simon accused Onias of conspir-
acy (iv. 1,3), and a bloody feud arose between their
two parties (iv. 3 ). Onias appealed to the king, but
nothing ia known as to the result or the later his-
tory of Simon. Considerable doubt exists as to the
exact nature of the office which he held {rpoarirns
rev Upov, 3 Mace. Hi. 4). Various interpretations
are given by Grimm (Exeg. Handb. ad toe). The
chief difficulty lies in the fact that Simon is said to
have been of "the tribe of Benjamin " (3 Mace iii.
4). while the earlier " ruler of the house of God "
(4 iryoiutros oUou toS eVov (ttvpfov), 1 Chr. ix.
II; 3 Chr. xxxi. 13; Jer. xz. 1) seems to have
teen always a priest, and the "captain of the
/"emple" (arparnybs rev Itpov, LukexxiL 4, with
Ugbtfbot's note ; Acta It. 1, v. 34, 36) anr> the
keeper of the treasures (1 Chr. xxvi. 24 ; 3 Chr.
txxL 13) must have been at least Levites. Hen-
feld (Gach. Isr. i. 818) conjectures that Benjamin
■ an error for Minjnmm, the bead of t priestly
mane (Neh. xtt. 5, 17). In support of this view
at may he observed that Menelaus, the usurping
nigh pri est, is said to have been a brother of Simon
SIMON
8045
(3 Mace. Iv. 33), and no intimation la anywhere
given that he waa not of priestly descent At the
same time the corruption (if it exist) dates from an
earlier period than the present Greek Vxt, for
■' tribe " (<t>u&4> oouId not °* used for " faiuly "
(of*o»). The various reading ayoparofiiai ("reg-
ulation of the market") for mpayopias ("disor-
der," 3 Maes, iii. 4), which seems to be certainly
correct, points to some office in connection with the
supply of the sacrifices; and probably Simon was
appointed to carry out the design of Seleucus, who
(as is stated in the oontext) had undertaken to de-
fray the cost of them (2 Mace. iii. 3). In this caat
there would be less difficulty in a Benjamite ictirg
as the agent of a foreign king, even in a matter
which concerned the Temple-service. B F. W.
4. Simon the Brother or Jesus. — The
only undoubted notice of this Simon occurs in Matt,
xiii. 55, Mark vi. 3, where, in common with James,
Joses, and Judas, he is mentioned as one of the
"brethren" of Jesus. He has been identified by
some writers with Simon the Canaanite, ar>d etUl
more generally with Symeon who became bishop
of Jerusalem after the death of James, A. D. 63
(Euseb. H. E. iii. 11, ir. 33), and who suffered
martyrdom in the reign of Trajan at the extreme
age of 130 years (Hegeslppus, ap. Euseb. H. E.
iii. 33), in the year 107, or according to Burton
{Lectures, ii. 17, note) in 104. The former of
these opinions rests on no evidence whatever, nor
is the latter without its difficulties. For in what-
ever sense the term "brother," ia accepted — a
vexed question which hss been already amply dis-
cussed under Brother and James, — it ia clear
that neither Eusebius nor the author of the so-called
Apostolical Constitutions understood Symeon to
be the brother of James, nor consequently ths
"brother" of the Lord. Eusebius invariably de-
scribes Junes ss "the brother" of Jesus (//. E. 1
12, ii. 1, al), but Symeon as the son of Clopss,
and ths cousin of Jesus (iii. 11, ir. 22), and the
same distinction is made by the other author
(Const. ApotL vii. 46).
6. Simon the Canaanite, one of the Twelve
Apostles (Matt x. 4; Mark iii. 18), otherwise de-
scribed as Simon Zelotes (Luke vi. 15; Acts i. 13).
The latter term (ftiA£rni), which is peculiar to
Luke, is the Greek equivalent for the Chaldee term °
preserved by Matthew and Mark bcaravtrns, as in
ttxL recept., or trararaibf , ss hi the Vulg., Cana-
nams, and in the best modem editions). Each of
these equally points out Simon as belonging to the
faction of the Zealots, who were conspicuous for
their fierce advocacy of the Mosaic ritual. The
supposed references to Canaan (A. V.) or to Cane
(Luther's version) are equally erroneous. [Canaan-
itp..] The term mravWrii appears to have sur-
vived the other as the distinctive surname of Simon
{Const. Apnst. vi. 14, viii. 37). He has been fre-
quently identified with Simon the brother rf Jesus :
but Eusebius (H. E. Hi. 11) clearly distinguishes
between the Apostles and the relations of Jesus.
Still less likely is it that be was identical with
Symeon, the second bishop of Jerusalem, ss stated
hy Sophronius {App. nd f Heron. CatnL). Simon
the Canaanite ia reported, on tile doubtful author-
ity of the Pseudo-Dorotheas and of Nieepborna
CaDMus, to have preached in Egypt, Cyrano, and
Mauritania (Burton's Lectures, i. 888, nots), and,
"WB-
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1046
SIMON
to the equally doubtful authority of in annotation
preserved iu an original copy of the Aputloiicil
(JoiutiMioat (viii. 37), to hare been crucified iu
Judas* in the reign of Domitian.
6. Simon or Cykknk. — A Hellenistic Jew,
bom at Cyrene on the north coast of Africa, wbo
was present at Jerusalem at the time of the cruci-
fixion of Jesus, either as an attendant at the feast
(Acts ii. 10), or as one of the numerous settlers at
Jerusalem from that place (Acts ri. B). Meeting
the procession that conducted Jesus to Golgotha, as
he was returning from the country, he was pressed
into the service diyyipewm*, a military term) to
hew the cross (Matt, xxvii. 32; Mark xv. 31;
talks xxiii. 26), when Jesus himself was unable to
bear it any longer (corap. John xix. 17). Mark
describes him as the father of Alexander and Rufus,
perhaps because this was the Rufus known to the
Roman Christians (Kom. xvi. 13), for whom he
more especially wrote. The Basilidian Gnostics
beliered that Simou suffered in lieu of Jesua (Bur-
ton's Ledum, ii. 64).
7. StMo.N this Leper. — A resident at Beth-
any, distinguished as " the leper," not from his
baring leprosy at the time when he is mentioned,
but at some previous period. It is not Improbable
that he had been miraculously cured by Jesus. In
bis house Mary anointed Jesus preparatory to his
death and burial (Matt. xxvi. 6, Ac. ; Mark xiv. 3,
Ac.; John xii. 1, &c.).° Lazarus was also present
as one of the guests, while Martha served (John
xii. 2): the presence of the brother end his two
sisters, together with the active part the latter took
in the proceedings, leads to tho inference that Si-
mon was related to them: but there is no evidence
of this, and we can attach no credit to the state-
ment that be was their father, as reported on apoc-
ryphal authority by Nicephorus (II. E. i. 27), and
still leu to the idea that he was the husband of
Mary. Simon the Leper must not be confounded
«fith Simon the Pharisee mentioned in Luke vii. 40.
8. Simos Magus. — A San>aritan living in the
Apostolic age, distinguished as a sorcerer or " ma-
gician," from his practice of magical arts (^aryttW,
Acts viii. 9). His history is a remarkable one:
be was born at Gittou,* a village of Samaria (Jus-
tin Mart. ApoL i. 26), identified with the modem
Kurytt JU, near NAbuhu (Robinson's BibL Ra.
ii. 308, note). He was probably educated at Alex-
andria (as stated in Clement. Horn. ii. 22), and
there became acquainted with the eclectic tenets of
the Gnostic school. Either then or subsequently
- a • On the chronological difficulty relating to the
tune of the feast in Simon's house see vol. it. p. 1372,
note a (Amer. ed.). fi.
b Some doubt has been thrown on Justin's state-
ment from the fkot that Josephus (Ant. xx. 7, $ 2)
mentions a reputed magician of the same name and
about the same date, who was bom In Cyprus. It
has been suggested that Justin borrowed his informa-
tion from this source, and mistook Cltiom, a town of
Cyprus, fnr Qltton. IT the writers had respectively
used the gentile forms Kirwife and TirrMx, the simi-
larity would have favored such an idea. But neither
loss Josephus mention Cittum, nor yet does Justin
ee the gentile form. It Is far more probable that
Josephus would oe wrong than Justin, in any point
rupee ting Samaria.
c The A. V. omits the word KoAovpfo), and renders
£» words " the great power of God." But this Is to
pee the whole point of the designation. The Samar-
feas aereiibed tbs angels as tmjuw, D 1 " vTl, i. «.
SIMON
he was a pupil of Dositheus, wbo preceded nun as
a teacher of Gnosticism in Samaria, and whom he
supplanted with the aid of Cleobius ( CotutiL Apoe-
loL ri. 8). He is first introduced to us in the Bible
as practicing magical arts in a city of Samaria,
perhaps Sychar (Acta viii. 5; cocup. John iv. 5),
and with such success, that he was pronounced tc
be "the power of God which is called great" «
(Acts viii. 10). The preaching and miracles of
Philip having excited his observation, he became
one of bis disciples, and received baptism at bis
hands. Subsequently he witnessed the effect pro-
duced by the imposition of hands, as practiced i y
the Apostles Peter and John, and, being desirous .4
acquiring a similar power for himself, he offered a
sum of money for it His object evidently was to
apply the power to the prosecution of magical arts
The motive and the means were equally to be rep-
robated ; and his proposition met with a severe de-
nunciation from Peter, followed t>y a petition on
the part of Simon, the tenor of which bespeaks
terror but not peniteuce (Acts viii. 9-24). The
memory of his peculiar guilt has been perpetuated
in the word simony, as applied to all traffic in spir-
itual offices. Simon's history, subsequently to hi*
meeting with Peter, is involved in -difficulties.
Early Church historians depict him as the perti-
nacious foe of the Apostle Peter, whose movement*
he followed for the purpose of seeking encounters,
in which be was signally defeated. In his jour-
neys he was accompanied by a female named Hel-
ena, who bad previously been a prostitute at Tyre,
but who was now elevated to the position of his (r-
voin d or divine intelligence (Justin Mart. ApoL i.
26; Euseb. //. E. ii. 13). His first encounter
with Peter took place at Csasarea Stratonis (ac-
cording to the CorutUulumet ApotloUca, vi. 8),
whence he fulkm.xl the Apostle to Rome. Euse-
bius makes no mention of this first encounter, but
represent* Simon's journey to Rome as following
immediately after the interview recorded in Scrip-
ture (//. K. ii. 14); but his chronological state-
ments are evidently confused ; for in the very same
chapter he states that the meeting between the two
at Home took place in the reign of Claudius, some
ten years after the events in Samaria. Justin
Martyr, with greater consistency, represents Simon
as having visited Kome in the reign of Claudius,
and omits all notice of an encounter with Peter.
His success there was so great that be was deified,
and a statue was erected in his honor, witb the in-
scription •• Simoni Deo Sancto " « ( ApoL i. 26, 56)
uncreated influences proceeding from God (Gieeeler,
Eat. Hat. 1. 48, note 6). They intended to distin-
guish Simon from such an order of beings by addlDg
the words " which is called great," meaning thereby
the source of all power, In other words, the Supreme
Deity. Simon was recognised as the Incarnation of
this power. He announced himself as in a special
sense " some great one " (Acts rill. 9) ; or to use his
own words (as reported by Jerome, on Matt, xiilv. 6(.
" Ego sum sermo Dei, ego sum speciosus, ego Panicle-
tus, ego Omnipotens, ego omnia Del."
d In the cVvom, as embodied in Helena's person, we
recognise the dualisuc element of Gnosticism, derivul
from the Msnichean system. The Gnostics appear ts
have recognized the evrafuc and the frrouu as the tr«
original princlplee from whose junction ail brings em
anated. Simon and Helena were the Inca rn a tio ns is,
whieh these principles resided.
« Justin's authority has been Impugned in rsspseS
to this statement, on the ground that a tablet was dts>
covered in 1674 on the Ttotrimo insula, which answns
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BIMOir UHOSAMJBTJ9
Its shoes statements can be reconciled only by |
tmauag that Simon mule two expeditions to
Rome, the tret in the reign of Claudiua, the second,
in *meh he encountered Peter, in the reign of
Xero." about the jeer 68 (Burton's Lecture; i.
iM. 318): and eren this takes for granted the dis-
piled fact of St. Peter's visit to Rome. [Peter.]
Mis death is associated with the meeting in ques-
tion: according to Hippolytus, the earliest author-
ity on the subject, Simon was buried alive at his
own request, in the confident assurance that he
would rise agaiu on the third da; {Adv. liner, rl.
JO). According to another account, he attempted
tody in proof of his supernatural power; in sin-
ner to the prayers of Peter, he fell and sustained
» fracture of hie thigh and ankle bones (Conttilul.
ApmtoL ii. 14, vi. 9); overcome with vexation,
be committed suicide (Arnob. Ada Gent. ii. 7).
Whether this statement is confirmed, or, on the
other hand weakened, by the account of a similar
•Kempt to fly recorded by heathen writers (Sue-
too. Her. 12; Jot. So. iil 79), is uncertain. Si-
mon's attempt may have supplied the basis for this
report, or this report may have been erroneously
placed to his credit. Burton (Lectures, i. '295)
rather favors Use former alternative. Simon is
generally pronounced by early writers to hare teen
the founder of heresy- It is difficult to understand
now he was guilty of heresy in the proper sense of
the term, inasmuch as he was not a Christian : per-
bsps it refers to his attempt to combine Christian-
ay with Gnosticism. He is also reported to have
farted works professing to emanate from Christ
sod his disciples (Conttitut. Apottul. vi. 16).
0. Sracnr Pctkk. [Pktkr.]
10. Smost, a Pharisee, in whose house a penitent
soman anointed the head and feet of Jesus (Luke
rii.40).
11. Simon the Tashek. — A Christian con-
vert Sting at Joppa, at whose house Peter lodged
(Acts ix. 43). The profession of a tanner was
regarded with considerable contempt, and even as
tpproaching to uncleanness, by the rigid Jews.
[Tasxeb.] That Peter selected such an abode,
samrd the diminished hold which Judaism had
an him. The home was near the sea-side (Acts z.
6. 8), for the convenience of the water.
13. Si mo.*, the father of Judas Iscariot (John
«i 71, xiii. 9, 96). W. U B.
STOON CHOSAIrTJETJS (Jf/ner X«ra-
asier: Simon). Smimeoh, and the three follow-
ing names in Est. x. 31, 32, are thus written in
the LXX. (1 Esdr. ix. 33). The Vulgate has cor-
rectly » Simon, Benjamin, et Malchus, et Marras.' 1
" Chaeamasua " is apparently formed by combining
the last letter of Malluch with the first part of the
following name, Shemariah.
snr
3041
•> the locality dsserlbsd by Justin (h rj Tf/hpt «o-
rv4 mr»fv »r> No y+iipth), and bearing an lnsmip-
ooo, ths Ant words of which are " Swnonl aaneo deo
"V" This inscription, which really applies to the
stone Hsreulas Saneiu Smo, is supposed to have
baas mistaken by Justin, In his Ignorance of Latin,
far ess In honor of Simon. If the Inscription bad
boon wa ned to ths words quoted by Justin, such a
■ l sn a.i l might have been conceivable ; bat It gees on
V amis fibs name of the giver and other particulars :
" sasnoi aanoo rjto Fldlo sacrum Sex. Pompefus. Sp.
*. ON. Maasmnua Qrfaqaennatts deeus BMsn talis do-
rsa esaU." That Justin, a man of literary aoqulrs-
asvs, shoaid be utuNe to translate sash an lasorlp-
«a fisst bs shouU mssqaate It in an Apology duly
SIM"RI 010?' [uxrteA/W] r» vvAdVo-orrsi:
Semri). Properly " Shimri," son of Hosah, a
Merarite Levite in the reign of David (1 Chr. xxvi.
10). Though not the first-born, his father made
him the head of the family. The LXX. read
"Hipt27, thtmirt, "guards."
SIN (I'D [mire]: Hi,, Sufivni [in ver. 15,
Alex. Tom:] Pclusium), a city of Kgypt, men-
tioned only by Ezekiel (xxx. 19, 16). The name
is Hebrew, or, at least, Sbeinitic. Gesenlus sup-
poses it to signify " clay," from the unused root
T*D, probably " he or it was muddy, clayey." It
is identified in the Viilg. with Pelusium, rir \o&-
trior, " the clayey or muddy " town, from irnKh !
and seems to be p reset le d in the Arab?* £'*- 1'eent t,
SjuuaJli which forms part of the names of F%m
et-Teeneh, the Month of Et-Teeneh, the supposed
Pelusiac mouth of the Nile, and Burg or Kaha et-
Teeneh, the Tower or Castle of AH- Teeneli, in the im-
mediate neighborhood, '* teen " signifying •* mud,"
etc., in Arabic. This evidence is sufficient to show
that Sin is Pelusium. The ancient Egyptian name
Is still to be sought for: it has lieen supposed that
Pelusium preserves traces of it, but this is very im-
probable. ChampoUion identifies Pelusium with
the nepenovJi, Hepejutujit (the
second being a variation held by (juatremere to be
incorrect), and UttpeJULOTJl, of the Copts,
El-Farma, LoJLM, of the Arabs, which was in
the time of the former a boundary-city, the limits
of a governor's authority being stated to have ex-
tended from Alexandria to Pilak-h, or Phils, and
Peremoun (Acts of St. Sarapamon MS. Copt. Vat.
67, fol. 90, ap. Quatreinere, Memvirea Gioij. el Hist,
tur tUgtpte, i. 259). ChampoUion ingenbusly
derives this name from the article cj^, Cpy " to
be," and 0411, "mud" (Vggypte, ii. 82-87;
eomp. Brugsch, Geoyr. Inxlir. i. p. 297). Brugseh
compares the ancient Egyptian HA-KEM, which
he reads Pe-rema, on our system, PE-REM, " th»
abode of the tear," or " of the fish rem " (Geoijt.
Intchr. i. I. a, pi. lv. r°. 1679). Pelusium, he
would make the city SAMHAT (or, as he reads it
Sim-hud), remarking that "the nome of the city
SAruhud " is the only one which has the determina-
tive of a city, and, comparing the evidence of the
Koman nonie-coins, on which the place is apparently
treated as a nome; but this la not certain, for there
may have been a Pelusiac nome, and the etymology
prepared at Boms for the eye of a Roman auipeior )
and that the mistake should be repeated by otbef
wu*ly writers whose knowledge of Latin Is unquestioned
(lrenteus, Ada. Horn. I. 20; Tertulllan, Apoi. 13), —
these assumptions form a series of improbaMMtite*
amounting almost to an Impossibility, [ifee Norton's
Evidenres of the inn. of the Gosp*k, 2d sd., vol. H
pp. lli.-xjiii. (Addt. Notes).]
it This later date Is to a certain extent connrnwd
by the account of Simon's death p rese i ved by lllppo-
.ytos {Ado. Hrr. vi. 30) ; for the event Is stated to
nave occurred while Peter and Paul (the term est*
wnSAoic evidently implying the pfsssaas of ska lanmr)
at]
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8048
SIN
»f the name SAMHAT U unknown (Id. p. 138;
PL zxviii. 17).
Tlie site of Peludum U as jet undetermined. It
aas been thought to be marked by mounds near
Burg tt- Tteneh, now called el-Farmi and not el-
Ttttuh. This is disputed by Captain Spratt, who
supposes that the mound of Aboo-Khttijar indicates
where it stood. This Is further inland, and ap-
parently on the west of the old Pelusiac branch, as
was l'elusium. It is situate between Fnrmi and
Tet-Dtfennek." Whatever may have been its exact
position, Pelusium must hare owed it? strength not
to any great elevation, but to its being placed in
the midst of a plain of marsh-land and mud, never
easy to traverse. The ancient sites in such alluvial
tracts of Egypt are in general only sufficiently
raised above the level of the plain to preserve them
from being injured by the inundation.
The antiquity of the town of Sin may perhaps
be inferred from the mention of " the wilderness
J Sin " in the journeys of the Israelites (Ex. xvi.
1; Num. xxxiii. 11). It is remarkable, however,
that the Israelites did not immediately enter this
tract on leaving tbe cultivated part of Egypt, so
that It is held to have been within the Sinaitic
peninsula, and therefore it may take its name from
some other place or country than the Egyptian Sin.
[Sin, Wildehsess op.]
Pelusium is mentioned by Ezekiel, in one of tbe
prophecies relating to the invasion of Egypt by
Nebuchadnezzar, as one of the cities which should
then suffer calamities, with, probably, reference to
their later history. The others spoken of are Noph
(Memphis), Zoan (Tanis), No (Thebes), Aven
(Heliopolis), Pi-beseth (Biibastis), and Tehaphnehes
(Daphne). All these, excepting the two ancient
capitals, Thebes and Memphis, lay on or near the
eastern boundary; and, in the approach to Memphis,
an invader could scarcely advance, after capturing
Pelusium and Daphne, without taking Tanis,
Bubastis, and Heliopolis. In the most ancient
times Tanis, as afterwards Pelusium, seems to have
been the key of Egypt on the east. Bubastis was
an important position from its lofty mounds, and
Heliopolis as securing the approach to Memphis.
The prophet speaks of Sin as " Sin the stronghold
of Egypt " (ver. 15). This place it held from that
time until the period of the Romans. Herodotus
relates that Sennacherib advanced against Pelusium,
and that near Pelusium Cambyses defeated Psam-
menitus. In like manner the decisive battle in
which Ochus defeated the last native king, Nectane-
bos, NEKHT-NEBF, was fought near this city,
It is perhaps worthy of note that Ezekiel twice
mentions Pelusium in the prophecy which contains
the remarkable and signally-fulfilled sentence :
■' There shall be no more a prince of tbe land of
Egypt" (ver. 13). As he saw the long train of
calamities that were to fall upon the country,
Pelusium may well hare stood out as the chief place
)f her successive humiliations. Two Persian con
quests, and two submissions to strangers, first to
Alexander, and then to Augustus, may explain the
especial misery foretold of this city : " Sin shall
suffer great anguish " (ver. 16).
We find in the Bible a geographical name, which
bis the form of a gent, noun derived from Sin, and
u usually held to apply to two different nations,
■ Uapi. Spratt's reports have unfortunately been
printed only In abstract (" Delta of the Nile," eta. ;
n, House of Commons, »th Fab. 1890), with a
SIN, WILDERNESS OF
neither connected with the city Sin. In the flat
of the descendants of Noah, the Sinite, TO.
occurs among the sons of Canaan (Gen. x. 17;
1 Chr. i. 15). This people, from its place between
tbe Arkite and the Arvadite has been supposed to
have settled in Syria, north of Palestine, where
similar names occur in classical geography and
hare been alleged in confirmation. This theory
would not, however, necessarily imply that tbe whole
tribe was there settled, and the supposed traces of
the name are by no means conclusive. On the
other hand, it must be oliserved that some of the
ewtero towns of lx>wer Kgypt hare Hebrew as well
as Egyptian names, as Heliopolis and Tanis; ttat
those very near the border seem to have Ixarne only
Hebrew names, as Migdol; so that we hare an
indication of a Sheinitic influence in this part of
Egypt, diminishing in degree according to the dis-
tance from the border. It is difficult to account
for this influence by the single circumstance of the
Shepherd invasion of Egypt, especially as it is
shown ret more strikingly by tbe remarkably strong
characteristics which have distinguished the in-
habitants of northeastern Egypt from their fellow-
countrymen from the days of Herodotus and Achilles
Tatius to our own. And we must not pass by tbe
statement of the former of these writers, that the
Palestine Syrians dwelt westward of the Arabians
to the eastern boundary of Egypt (iii. 5, and above
p. 2736, note a). Therefore, it does not seem a
violent hypothesis that the Sinites were connected
with Pelusium, though their main body may per-
haps have settled much further to the north. The
distance is not greater than that between the Hit-
tites of southern Palestine and those of the valley
of the .Oroiites, although the separation of the leas
powerful Hivites into those dwelling beneath Mount
Hermon and the inhabitants of the small confed-
eracy of which Gilieon was apparently the head, is
perhaps nearer to our supposed case. If the Wil-
derness of Sin owed its name to Pelusium, this is
an evidence of the very early importance of the
town and its connection with Arabia, which would
perhaps be strange in the case of a purely Egyptian
town. The conjecture we have put forth suggests
a recurrence to the old explanation of the famous
mention of «' the land of Siniin," B*3*D V^?i
in Isaiah (xliv. 12), supposed by some to refer to
China. This would appear from the context to be
a very remote region. It is mentioned after the
north and the west, and would seem to be in a
southern or eastern direction. Sin is certainly not
remote, nor is the supposed place of the Sinites to
the north of Pidestine; but the expression may ho
proverbial. The people of Pelusium, if of Canaanite
origin, were certainly remote compared to most of
the other Canaanites, and were separated by alien
peoples, and it is aim noticeable that they were to
the northeast of Palestine. As tbe sea bordering
Palestine came to designate tbe west, as in this
passage, so the land of Sinim may have passed into
a proverbial expression for a distant and separated
country. See, however, Srsmc, Stum.
R. S. P.
SIN, WILDERNESS OF (VD—iaiO :
IpiMiot Mr [Vat. Sew]: duerlum Sin). The
my Insumclent map. In M. Llnanfi map we
discover Aboo-Kkttytr (Pcrremenl <U Plilhmt ah
Atlai, Caru IbpegrapMeM).
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SIN-OFFERING
cam of a tract of the wilderness which the Israel-
ites reached after leaving the encampment by the
Red Sea (Num. xxxiii. 11, 13). Their next halt-
ing-place (Ex. xri. 1, xvii. 1 ) m Rephidim, prob-
ably the Wady Feu an [Rephidim]; on which
sappoaition it would follow that Sin moat lie be-
tween that wad; and the coast of the Gulf of Suea,
and of course wett of Sinai. Since they were by
this time gone more than a month from Egypt, the
locality muat be too far towards the S. E. to receive
ita name from the Egyptian Sin of Ei. xxx. 16,
called sJus by the LXX., and identified with Pelu-
aiaui (aee previoua article). In the wildernesa of
Sin the Manna was first gathered, and those who
•oVipt the supposition that this was merely the
natural product of the Inrfa bush, find from the
abundance of that shrub in Wady tt-Sheikk, S. E.
of W. GTrarewdei, a proof of local identity. [Elim.]
At all events, that wady if as probable as an;
H. H.
SIN-OFFERING
8049
SIN-OFFERING (HH^rl: iuapria, re
tt}» ifiaprtat, wepl oiuurruu: pro peecato). The
ein-oAeruig among the Jews was the sacrifice in
which the ideas of propitiation and of atonement
tor tin were moat distinctly marked. It is first
directly enjoined in Lev. iv., whereas in oo. i.-iii.
the burnt-offering, meat-offering, and peace-offering
are taken for granted, and the object of the Law is
to regulate, not to enjoin the presentation of them
to the Lord. Nor is tie word chntlith applied to
any sacrifice in ante-Mosaic times. 6 It is there-
ton peculiarly a sacrifice of the Law, agreeing with
the dear definition of good and evil, and the stress
laid on the "sinfulness of sin," which were the
main objects of the Law in itself. '11m idea of
propitiation was no doubt latent in earlier sacri-
tVoes, but it was taught clearly and distinctly in
the Levities! sin-offering.
The ceremonial of the sin-offering is described in
Lev. iv. and vi. The animal, a young bullock for
the priest or the congregation, a male kid or lamb
far a ruler, a female kid or lamb for a private per-
son, in all eases without blemish, was brought by
the saerifieer to the altar of sacrifice; his hand was
laid upon ita head (with, as we learn from later
Jewish authorities, a confession of sin, and a prayer
that the victim might be its expiation); of the
blood of the slain victim, some was then sprinkled
■even times before the veil of the sanctuary, some
pot on the horns of the altar of incense, and the
rest poured at the foot of the altar of sacrifice;
the tat (as the choicest part of the flesh) was then
burnt on the altar as a burnt-offering; the re-
saalndef of the body, if the sin-offering were that
of the priest himself or of the whole congregation,
ana carried out of the camp or city to a " clean
plies" and there burnt; but if the offering were
that of an individual, toe flesh might be eaten by
the primal alone in the holy place, aa being "most
■oh/."
• • lev. I. W. Holland (.Journal ofikt /is*. Otogr.
Stiff, vol. xxxrlli. p. 266) proposal to identfr/ the
WlUs — of Sin with the plain of a Styh, which
Has brasath the TU rant*. It Is rather a •accession
of sue* basins than one plain, and altar rein Its fcr-
CJdsy Is gre e t and Its watsreupply abundant, for an
ihslra it of this Important article (On «W PtHMtUa of
Ot*m) sse the addition to Sou] (Amer. ed.). H.
» las technical use la Gen. iv. 7 is asserted, and
by blah authority. JJot the word here
188
The Trespabs-ofkeriho (Dtt?^: tAwus*-
Aiio, to r*is wAiuiueAsfar: pro delicto) is closely
connected with the sin-offering in I-eviticus, but at
the same time clearly distinguished from it, being
in some cases offered with it as a distinct part of
the same sacrifice; as, for example, in the cleansing
of the leper (I*v. xiv.). The victim was in each
case to be a ram. At the time of offering, in all
cases of damage done to any holy thing, or to any
man, restitution was made with the addition of a
fifth part to the principal; the blood was sprinkled
round about upon the altar, as in the burnt-offer-
ing; the fat burnt, and flesh disposed of as in the
sin-offering. The distinction of ceremonial clearly
indicates a difference in the idea of the two sacri
floes.
The nature of that difference is still a subject
of great controversy. Looking first to the deriva-
tion of the two words, we find that JTHt3n is de-
rived from fc^pn, which is, properly, to " miss ''
a mark, or to " err " from a way, and secondarily
to "sin," or to incur "penalty;" that DB^? is
derived from the root 3^, which is properly to
"fail," having for its "primary idea negligence,
especially in gait " (Get.). It is dear that, so far
as derivation goes, there appears to be more of
reference to general and actual sin in the former,
to special cases of negligence in the latter.
Turning next to the description, in the book of
Leviticus, of the circumstances under which each
should be offered, we find one important passage
(Lev. v, 1-13) in which the sacrifice is called first
a "trespass-offering" (ver. 6), and then a "sin.
offering " (vv. 7, 9, 11, 12). But the nature of
the victims in ver. 6 agrees with the ceremonial
of the latter, not of the former; the application of
the latter name is more emphatic and reiterated;
and there is at ver. 14 a formal introduction of the
law of the trespass-offering, exactly as of the taw
of the sin-offering in ir. 1. It is therefore safe to
conclude that- the word OB7N is not here used in
its technical sense, and that toe passage ia to be
referred to the sin-offering only
We find, then, that the sin-offerings were- —
A. Regular.
1. For Iht whok people, at the New Moon,
Passover, Pentecost, Feast of Trumpets, and Feast
of Tabernacles (Num. xxvill. 15-xxix. 38), besides
the solemn offering of the two goats on the Great
Day of Atonement (Lev. xri.).
8. For the Priatt and LevUet at their conse-
cration (Ex. xxlx. 10-14, 36); beside* the yearly
sin-offering (a bullock) for the high-priest on the
Great Day of Atonement (Lev. xvi.). c
B. Special.
1. For any tin of "ignorance" against the
probably means (as In the Vulg. and A. T.) "am."
The faot that II la never used In application to any
other sacrifice in Qanesla or Exodus, alone makes the
t-Mislation " stn-offcring " here very Improbable.
e To these may be added the aacrifloe of the ret
belter (ooodncted with the ceremonial of a sta-onVrrarf,
from the ashes of which was made the "water of
separation," ussd in septate sssss ef c
tfcm. See Haas. znt.
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8050 SIN-OFFERING
oommandment of the Lord, on the put of print,
people, ruler, or private men (Lor. iv.).
2. For refusal to bear witnttt under adjuration
(Lev. t. 1).
3. For ceremonial defilement not willfully con-
tracted (Lev. t. 2, 3), under which may be claned
the offerings at the purification of women (xii. 6-8J,
at the cleansing of leprosy (xiv. 19, 31), or the un-
cleannesa of men or women (xv. 15, 30), on the
defilement of a Nazarite (Num. vi. 6-11) or the
expiration of his row (ver. 16).
4. For the breach of a rath oath, the keeping
of which would invoke sin (Lev. r. 4).
The trespass-offerings, on the other hand, were
always special, as —
1. For tacrikge "in ignorance," with com-
pensation for the harm done, and the gift of a fifth
part of the value besides to the priest (Lev. v. 15,
18).
2. For ignorant tramgretnon against some defi-
nite prohibition of the Law (v. 17-19).
3. For fraud, tupprtuion of the truth, or per-
jury against msn, with compensation, and with
the addition of a fifth part of the value of toe
property in question to the person wronged (vi.
1-6).
4. For rape of a betrothed elate (Lev. xix. 80,
81).
6. At the purification of the leper (Lev. xiv.
12), and the polluted NatariU (Num. vi. 12),
offered with the sin-offering.
From this enumeration it will be clear that the
two classes of sacrifices, although distinct, touch
closely upon each other, as especially in B. (1) of
the sin-offering, and (2) of the trespass-offering.
It is also evident that the sin-offering was the only
regular and general recognition of sin in the ab-
stract, and accordingly was far more solemn and
symbolical in its ceremonial; the trespass-offering
was confined to special cases, most of which related
to the doing of some material damage, either to
the holy tilings or to man, except in (5), where the
trespass-offering is united with the sin-offering.
Joeepbus (Ant. iii. 9, § 3) declares that the sin-
offering is presented by those "who fall into sin in
ignorance" (*«-' hyvolav), and the trespass-offer-
ing by " one who has sinned and is conscious of
his sin, but has no one to convict him thereof."
From this it may be inferred (as by Winer and
others) that the former was used in cases of known
sin against some definite law, the latter in the case
of secret sin, unknown, or, if known, not liable to
judicial cognizance. Other opinions have been en-
tertained, widely different from, and even opposed
to one another. Many of them are given in
Winer's Reahe. " Schuldopfer." The opinions
which suppose one offering due for sins of omis-
sion, and the other for sins of commission, have no
foundation in the language of the Law. Others,
with more plausibility, refer the sin-offering to sins
of pure ignorance, the trespass offering to those of
a more sinful and deliberate character; but this
does not agree with Lev. v. 17-19, and is con-
tradicted by the solemn contrast between sins of
Ignorance, which might he atoned for, and <• sins
of presumption," against which death without
mercy is denounced in Num. xv. 30. A third
opinion supposes the sin-offering to refer to sins
for which no material and earthly atonement could
he made, the trespass-offering to those for whioh
material compensation was possible. This theory
4m something to support it in the fact that in
SIN-OFFERING
some cases (see Lev. v. 16, 16, vi. 1-6) nmpeojsr
tion was prescribed as accessory to tie sacrifice
Others seek more recondite distinctions, supposing
(e. c.) that the sin-offering had for id object the
cleansing of the sanctuary or the commonwealth,
and the trespass-offering the cleansing of the indi-
vidual; or that the former referred to the effect
of sin upon the soul itself, the latter to the effect
of sin as the breach of an external law. Without
attempting to decide so difficult and so contro-
verted a question, we may draw the following con-
clusions: —
First, that the sin-offering was far the rmra
solemn and comprehensive of the two sacrifices.
Secondly, that the sin-offering looked mora to
the guilt of the sin done, irrespective of its son-
sequences, while the trespass-offering looked to the
evil consequences of sin, either against the service
of God, or against man, and to the dnty of atone-
ment, as far as atonement was possible. Hence the
two might with propriety be offered together.
Thirdly, that in the sin-offering especially we
find symbolized the acknowledgment of sinfulness
as inherent in man, and of the need of expiation
by saerifloe to renew the broken covenant between
man and God.
There is one other question of some interest, as
\o the nature of the sins for which either sacrifice
could be offered. It is seen at once that in the
Law of Leviticus, most of them, whioh are not
purely ceremonial, are called sins of " ignorance ''
(see Heb. ix. 7); and in Num. xv. 80, it is ex
pressly said that while such sins can be atoned
for by offerings, " the soul that doeth aught pre-
nmptuoutty »' (Heb. train a high hand) "shall be
cut off from among his people." .... "Hh)
iniquity shall be upon him " (comp. Heb. x. 46).
But there are sufficient indications that the sins
here called " of ignorance " are more strictly those
of '• negligence " or " frailty," • repented of by the
unpunished offender, as opposed to those of de-
liberate and unrepentant sin. The Hebrew word
itself and its derivations are so used in Ps. exiz.
67 (eVAqsute'Atnra, LXX.) ; 1 Sam. xxvi. 91
HryvinKa); Pa. xix. 13 (nptnrrAium); Job xix.
4 (w\eVor). The words iyrinua and Irrnia
have a corresponding extent of meaning in the
N. T. ; as when, in Acts iii- 17, the Jews, in their
crucifixion of our Lord, are said to hare acted
wot' ayvoiuy ; and in Eph. iv. 18; 1 Pet. i. 14,
the vices of heathenism, done against the light of
conscience, are still referred to Ityvota, The net
of the word (like that of iyprnfioreir in classical
Greek) is found in all languages, and depends en
the idea that goodness is man's true wisdom, and
that sin is the failing to recognize this truth. If
from the word we turn to the sins actually referred
to in Lev. iv., v., we find some which certainly an
not sins of pure ignoranoe: they are indeed few
out of the whole range of sinfulness, but they an
real sins. The later Jews (see Outran, De Saeri-
fcUe) limited the application of the sin-offering to
negative sins, sins in ignorance, and sins in action,
not In thought, evidently conceiving it to apply to
actual sins, but to sins of a secondary order.
In considering this subject, it must be remem-
bered that the sacrifices of the Law had a temporal
a From the not 23JH, or Hattf, stgasfrsec ts
" srr " or " wandsr nut of the way, mjfcaos la sssw
to the root of the word asottoM ltastt
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SINA, MOUNT
m «*w, at » «piritu»] signiAoanoe and effect. They
restored an offender to hi* place in the eommon-
areahh of lend; they were therefore en atonement
to the king of Iarael for the infringement of nil
law. It ia dear that this muat hare limited the
extent of their legal application; for there are
nine for which the interest and very eziatenee
af a society demand that there should be no pardon.
Bat so far at the sacrifice* had a spiritual and
typical meaning, so far as they were sought by a
repentant spirit at a sign and means of reooneile-
jtent with Hod, it can hardly be doubted that they
bad a wider scops and a real spiritual effect so long
as their typical character remained. [See Sacri-
ncB.)
For the more solemn sin-offerings, see DAT or
AxoaiNaarr; Lkpbost, etc. A. B.
SrNA, MOUNT (re tpotXtra; [Vat Sin.
Alex, in Jud., J«im:] mum Sinn). The Greek
form of the well-known name which in the 0. T.
auiTereally, and as often as not in the Apocr. and
NT. T., ia giren in the A. V. Sinai. Sina occurs
Jod. t. U;« AcU rii. 30, 38. G.
SrNAI [isyL] CJ"*? fjaoo^/kSo/ols/U,
Flint] : SwS; [Vatl 3«ira:] Sinnf ). Nearly in the
centre of the peninsula which stretches between the
boms of the Red Sea lies a wedge of granite, grun-
stein, and porphyry rocks, rising to between 8,000
and 9,000 feet above the sea. Its shape resembles
a scalene triangle, with a crescent cut from its
northern or longer side, on which border Russeg-
gers map gives a broad, skirting tract of old red
sandstone, reaching nearly from gulf to gulf, and
traversed by a few ridges, chiefly of a tertiary for-
mation, running nearly N. W. and S. E. On the
S. W. side of this triangle, a wide alluvial plain —
narrowing, howev e r , towards the N. — lines the
coast of the Gulf of Suez, whilst that on the eastern
or Akahah coast is so narrow as almost to disap
pear. Between these alluvial edges and the granitic
-uses a strip of the same sandstone Is interposed,
the two strips converging at Aft Mohnmmtd, the
southern promontory of the whole. This nucleus
jf plutonic rocks is said to bear no trace of volcanic
action since the original upheaval of its masses
(Stanley, pp. 31, 22). Uborde (Tnrntt, p. 105)
thought he detected some, but does not affirm it.
Its general configuration runs into neither ranges
•or peaks, but is that of a plateau cut across with
intersecting wadies,* whence spring the cliffs and
mountain peaks, beginning with a very gradual
and terminating in a very steep ascent. It has
been arranged (Stanley, 8. <f P. p. 11) in three
chief masses as follows : —
1. The N. W. cluster above Watty Fori*; Its
greatest relief found in the fire-peaked ridge of
cfcrMf, at a height of 6,843 feet above the sea.
(For aa account of the singular natural basin into
•Web the waters of this portion of the mountain
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mast are received, and its probable connection with
Scriptural topography, tee Kkfhidim.)
2. The eastern and central one; its highest point
the Jtbtl Kutkerin, at a height of 8,068 (Riippell)
to 8,168 (Kusaegger) feet, and including the Jebtl
Mum, the height of which is variously set (by
Schubert, Ruppell, and Russegger) at 6,796, 7,033,
and 7,097 feet
3. The S. E. one, closely connected, however,
with i; its highest point, Un Skmmer, being that
also of the whole.
The three last-named peaks all lie very neuiy
in a line of about 9 miles drawn from the most
northerly of them, M&ta, a little to the W. of S.;
and a perpendicular to this line, traced on the map
westwards for about 20 miles, nearly traverses the
whole length of the range of Serbil. These lines
show the area of greatest relief for the peninsula,"
nearly equidistant from each of its embracing gulfs,
and also from its northern base, the range of et-
71a, and its southern apex, the RAt Mohammtd.
Before considering the claims of the individual
mountains to Scriptural notice, there occurs a ques-
tion regarding the relation of the names Horeb
and Sinai. The latter name first occurs as that
of the limit on the further aide from Egypt of the
wilderness of Sin (Ex. xvi. 1), and again (xix. 1, i)
as the " wild ernes s " or " desert of Sinai," before
Mount Sinai ia actually spoken of, as in ver. 11
soon alter we find it But the name " Horeb " ''
is, in the case of the rebuke of the people by God
for their sin in making the golden calf, reintro-
duced into the Sinaitio narrative (rxxiii. 6), having
bean previously most recently used in the story of
the murmuring at Rephidim (xvii. 6, " 1 will stand
before thee there upon the rock in Horeb"), and
earner as the name of the scene of the appearance
of God in the " burning bush " (iii. 1). Now,
since Rephidim seems to be a desert stage apart
from the place where Israel " camped before the
mount " (Sinai, xix. 3), it is not easy to scoount
for a Horeb at Rephidim, apparently as the specific
tpot of a particular transaction (so that the refuge
of a " general " name Horeb, contrasted with Sinai
as a special one, is cut off), and a Horeb in the
Sinaitio region, apparently a tyiionym of the moun-
tain which, since the scene of the narrative is fixed
at it, had been called Sinai. Lepaius removes the
difficulty by making SerbAl Sinai, but againtt this
it will be seen that there are even stronger objec-
tions. But a proper name given from a natural
feature may recur with that feature. Such ia
" Horeb," properly signifying " ground left dry by
water draining off." Now both at Rephidim and
at Kadesh Heribab, where was the " fountain of
judgment" (Gen. xiv. 7), it la expressly mentioned
that " there was no water; " and the inference is
that some ordinary supply, expected to be found
there, had failed, possibly owing to drought " The
rock in Horeb" was (Ex. xvii. 6) what Moses
• In (Ms passes* fa* present "Jre*k tart of both
HS8 , reads •!* U6r, not Spot, rrv Znri. But the
not* la the margin of th* A. V. of Mil Is, notwith-
standing, wrong, — " (hat, htto Mm way of the wilder-
■ass ef Sina ; » that being nearer to th* Tulg. darrla
S t n m saestit mt m pavuu nt.
» 8*e Robinson's " Memoir en th* Maps" (vol. IH
awn III 1, pp. 82-89), a most Important oomuwnt on
the eaawient soorest of authority for different portions
af tee region, and th* weight due to eaeh, and eem-
aaasweT a Jest caution regarding the Indications of
varan* asset* grren by Laborda.
e Dr. Stanley (p. 77) notices another " vary high
mountain 6. W. of Dtn~8Mm'r, apparently calculated
by Riippell to be the highest In the peninsula . . .
possibly that called by Burekhardt THommar, or «V
KolyS But this ieemi only to eflset an extension of
the area of the relief In th* direction indicated.
<* Dr. Stanley has spoken of two of the three pas-
sages In bodus In which Horeb ooeure (IK. 1. xvll. fj
as " doubtful," and of th* third (xxxfll. 6) as « aav
btguout;" but be doss not lay on what pva>
(S. * f». p. *>, not*).
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It probably ttood on the exact spot when
the water was expected to be, but waa not. Now
Lepsias ( Tour, April 22, tranal. by CottreU, p. 74)
found in ffadg Feirin, which be identifiea with
Rephidim, singular alluvial banks of earth which
ma; hare once formed the bottom of a lake since
dried. 8 If this waa the acene of the miracle [tee
RKf hidim], the propriety of the name Horeb, aa
applied to it, becomes clear. Further, in all the
place* of Deut. where Horeb ia found [aee Houkb],
it aeema to be used in reference to the people aa
the place where they atood to receive, rather than
whence God appeared to give the Lew, which ia
apparently in the same book of Dent, indicated by
Sinai (xxxiii. 2); and in the one remaining passage
of Eiod., where Horeb ocean in the narrative of
the same events, it ia used also in reference to the
Cple (xxxiii. 6), and probably refers to what they
I previously done in the matter of the golden
calf (xxxB. 2, S). If this be accepted, there remains
in the Pentateuch only Ex. Hi. 1, where Moees led
the flocks of Jethros" to the mountain of God, to
Horeb; " but this form of speech, which seems to
identify two local names, ia sometimes not a strict
apposition, but denotes an extension, especially
where the places are so close together that the
writer tacitly recognizes them aa one.* Thus Horeb,
strictly taken, may probably be a dry plain, valley,
or bed of a wady near the mountain; and yet
Mount Horeb, on the " vast green plain " of which
was doubtless excellent pasture, may mean the
mountain viewed in reference thereto,? or its side
abutting thereon. The mention of Horeb in later
books («. g. 1 K. viii. 9, xix. 8) seems to show that
it had then become the designation of the moun-
tain and region generally. The spot where the
yeuple themselves took part in the greatest event
if their history would naturally become the popular
name in later designations of that event. " Thou
•tcodeat before the Lord thy God in Horeb " was
a literal foot, and became the great basis of all
traditions of it By this they recognised that they
bad been brought into covenant with God. On
the contrary, in Neb. ix. 13, we read, « Thou
earnest down upon Mount Sinai."
But beyond the question of the relation which
these names mutually bear, there remains that of
site. Sinai is clearly a summit distinctly marked.
Where are we to look for it? There are three
principal views in answer to this question: —
I. That of Lepsius, above mentioned, favored
also by Burckhardt ( Trcn. p. 609), that Scroti ia
Sinai, some 30 miles distant westward from the
Jeiel Mini, but close to the Wady Feirin and eU
Htttue, which be identifies, as do most authorities,
with Rephidim (Lepsius, p. 74), just a mile from
be old convent of Faran. On this view Israel
> " Alluvial mounds " an visible at the toot of the
aodern Horeb cliCb in the plain tr-KaJtth ; just aa
Lepsius noticed others at the Wady F'irfm. (Oomp.
Stanley, 8. If P. p. 40, Lepsius, p. 84.)
• So in Gen. xltl. 8, Abram goes " to Bethel, unto
the place when his tent had been at the beginning,
Mtmen Bethel and Hal j « i. t. nauj to Bethel, and
somewhat further.
i It ought not to be left unnoticed that different
tribes of the desert often seem to give different names
to the same mountain, valley, etc., or the same assess
ftp different mountains, ete., because, perhaps, they
fade* of them by Die way hi which leading features
poop themselves to the eye, and which varies with
I point of view (Lepsius, p. 04).
SINAI
would have reached Sinai the same day that tbej
fought with Amafok: "the decampment occurred
during the battle " (ibid. p. 86) — an unlikely thing
since the contest waa evidently fierce and okas, and
lasted till sunset. Serbil is the moat magnificent
mountain of the peninsula, rising with a erown of
five peaks (rem the maritime plain on one aide, and
from the Wady Feirin on the other, and showing
its full height at once to the eye; and Bitter
( Geogr. xir. 734-736 ) has suggested <* that it might
have been, before the actual Exodus, known as
" the mount of God " to the Amalokite Arabs, and
even to the Egyptians.* The earliest traditions an
in its favor. " It ia undoubtedly identified with
Sinai by Eusebius, Jerome, and Cosraas that is,
by all known writers to the time of Justinian,'' aa
confirmed by the position " of the episcopal city of
Paran at its foot " (Stanley, 8. f P. p. 40).
But there are two main objections to this: (1.)
It is clear, from Ex. xix. 9 (oomp. xvii. 1), that tbe
interval between Rephidim and Sinai waa that of a
regular stage of tbe march. The expressions in the
Hebrew are those constantly used for decamping
and encamping in the books of Ex., Num., and
Deut.; and thus a Sinai within a mile of Rephidim
ia unsuitable. (2.) There ia no plain or wady of
any sufficient sir* near Serial to offer camping
ground to so large a host, or perhaps the tenth part
of them. Dr. Stewart (Tht Tent and the Khan,
p. 146) contends for Serbil aa tbe real Sinai, seek-
ing to obviate objection (1), by making Rephidim
"no higher up than flethuik" [Rkphidui], and
(9), by regarding Wady Aleiat and Wady Bimm
as capacious enough for the boat to camp in (ibid.
p. 145); a very doubtful assertion.
II. The second is that of Bitter/ that, allowing
Serbil tbe reverence of an early sanctuary, tbe
Jtbel Mita ia Sinai, and that the Wady et-
Sebayeh, which its 8. E. or highest summit over-
hangs, is tbe spot where the people camped before
tbe mount; but the second objection to Serbil
applies almost in equal force to this — the want of
space below. The wady is " rough, uneven, and
narrow " (Stanley, & o« P. p. 76) ; and then seems
no possibility of tbe people's " removing (Ex. xx.
18) and standing afar off," and yet preserving any
connection with the acene. Further, thia site otters
no such feature as a " brook that descended out of
the mount " (Deut. ix. 21).
III. Tbe third is that of Robinson, that the
modern Horeb of the monks — namely, the N. W.
and lower face of the Jtbel Mita, crowned with a
range of magnificent cliffs, tbe highest point called
Rat Satifek, or Siftafdi, aa spelled by Robinson —
overlooking the plain er-Rahah, is the scene of the
giving of the Law, and that peak the mountain
into which Moses ascended. In thia view, also,
Strauss appears to coincide (Sinai and (ioigotha,
p. 116). Lepsius objects, but without much fores
(since be himself climbed it), that tbe peak Satafei
* Kobmsoo. on the other hand (1- 78, 78), ■
that StrtbU d-Kkadim (or Oaten), lying north of
Smbat, was a place at pilgrimage to the ancient Egyp-
tians, and a supposable object of Moses' p i o pu ses
" three days' Journey into the wilderness." Bnt tha
pilgrimage was an element ia the nftgion of anciea
■gypt stems at least doubtful.
• So Dr. Stewart (Ta< Tntt and the Khun, p. 147
save, " that It was a place of Molstaous worship betas
tbe passage of tbe children of Israel Is extreanly peat
able." He renders the name by « Lord Haas."
/ Ossgr. xiv. (tfl.
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SINAI
able. It ia more to the purpose to
jbeerre that the whole Jtbtl Jftta is, compara-
tively with adjacent mountains, insignificant; " ite
aroo p e ct limited in the east, south, and west, by
higher mountain* " (RilppaU," qnotad bjr Kobioaon,
i. 109, note; oomp. Seetcen, Anise*, vol. ii. p. 98);
that it ia -'remote and almost eoneealed." Bat
the high gioand of Strbil being rejected for the
ebon reasons, and no voice having ever bean raised
in favor of the Urn Shmmtr? the highest point in
the pminoola, lying 8. W. of the Mum, some sneh
secondary and overshadowed peak must be aesnmed.
The oonjnrietion of mountain with plain ia the
gtesUoct foatnre of this site; in cbooaing it, we lose
m the moontain, as compared with SeWxSi, but we
gain in the plain, of which Strbdl has nothing.
Tat the view from the plain appears by no means
wanting in features of majesty and awe («S. o* P.
pp. 4a, 43). Dr. 8tanley remarkal (S. f P. p. 48)
aome alluvial moands at the foot of the cliff
*• which exactly answered to the bounds " set to
restrain the people. In this long retiring sweep of
tr-Rakak, the people could "remove and stand
emr off; " for it " extends into the lateral valleys,"
and ao joins the IVady u-Skeykh (ibid. p. 74). Here
too Mo ats, if be came down through one of the
oblique gullies which Sank the Rat Sntaftk on the
N and 8 , might not see the camp, although he
ought catch its noise, till he emerged from the
Wndy td-Dtir, or the Watly Lrjd, on the plain
Itself In the latter, also. Is found a brook in clow
eonneotiou with the mountain.
Still there is the name of the Jtbtl Mima be-
longing to the opposite or S. E. peak or precipice,
overhanging a-Stbayeh. Lapaius treats this as a
m .« l n»ii legend unknown before the convent; but
there as the name Wudy Shouaib (valley of Hobab
or Jethro, & d- P. p. 33), the Wady Iaj& and
Jtbtl FmrdA (perhaps from the forms in Arabic
legend of the names of his two daughters Lijn and
Snfwrin= Zipponih), forming a group of Mosaic
tradition. Is it not possible that the Jtbtl Hit >,
or loftiest southeastern peak of that block of which
the modem Horeb is the lower and opposite end,
may have been the spot to which Moses retired,
leaving the people encamped in er-Rnhnh below,
from which it* diatanee is not above three miles ?
That the spot is out of sight from that plain is
hardly a difficulty, for " the moontain burning
with fire to the midst of heaven " was what the
people saw (Dent. iv. 11); and this would give a
reasonable diatanee for the spot, somewhere mid-
way, wbenM the elders enjoyed a partial vision of
God (Ex. xxiv », 10).
Tradition, no doubt in this case purely monkish,
haw fixed on a spot for Elijah's visit — " ike cave,
w> which he repaired; but one at Strbdl would
•qasJiy soit (S. e» P. p. 49). That on the Jtbtl
Mima if called the chapel of St. Ellas. It has
bean thought possible that St Paul may have vis-
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8061
a It should be added tbat Kuppell (Iapeins, p. 12)
teok l7«6rf Kaikerin tor Horeb, but that then are
fewer statures m its savor, as compared with the his-
tory, than almost any other site (Robinson, 1. 110).
» Though Dr. Stanley (A f P. p. 89, note) slates
•hat fee ha* earn "explored by Mr. Hogg, who tells me
that It meet* none of the special requirements."
« See the work of Pronator Bwr of Lelptic on thlt
pr i on s question. Mr. Vontter'i attempt {foict of
Insal fitm tht Rtkt of Sinai) to regard them as
t eeweseapecary record of the Bxodut by the Israelites
■ r u ts to this anachronism : the events of the fortieth
ited Sinai (Gal L 17), and been familiar with tea)
name Itajar (« <Vfa») as given commonly to H,
signifying "a rack." (Ewald, cVfinicAra&en, p.
493.)
It may be added that, supposing Wady Tayibtk
to have been the eneampment •' by the sea," a*
stated in Nam xxxiii. 10, three routes opened
there before the Israelites: the most southerly one
(taken by Shawe and Pocooke) down the plain tt-
Kin to Tir ; the moot uortherly (Robinson's) by
the Sarbit tt-Kkadem (either of which would have
left Serbal out of their line of march); and the
middle one by IVouty Feir&n, by which they would
paw the foot of Sab&L, which therefore in this
case alone could possibly be Sinai (Stanley, 8. <f
P. pp. 3d, 37). Just east of the Jtbtl Mutci, across
the narrow ravine named Shouaib, Ilea td-Ddr, or
the convent mountain, called also, from a local
legend (Stanley, p. 46; Robinson, i. 98), "the
Mount of the Burning Bush." Tradition has
also fixed on a hollow rock in the plain of the
Wady rt-Shtykh, oil which the modern Horeb
look*, as " the (mould of the) head of the cow,"
t. t. in which the golden calf was shaped by Aaron.
In the ravine called I*ja, parallel to Shouaib on
the western side of- the Jtbtl Muta, lies what is
called the rock of Moses (see Rkphidim); and a
bole in the ground near, in the plain, is called, by
manifest error, the " pit of Koran," whose catas-
trophe took place far away (Robinson, 1. 113; Lep-
sius, p. 19).
The middle route aforesaid from W. Tayibtk
reaches the W. Ftir&n through what is called the
W. Mokatleb, or " written valley," from the in-
scriptions on the rocks which line it," generally
considered to have been the work of Christian
hands, but whether those of a Christian people
localized there at an unknown period, as Lepsiua *
(p. 90) thinks, or of pasting pilgrims, as is the
more general opinion, is likely to continue doubtful.
It is remarkalilc that the names of the chief .
peaks seem all borrowed from their peculiarities of
vegetation: thus Urn Shdmr' ( ■ , -■ ■»() mean*
"mother of fennel;" Hit Satiifeh (properly
S&ftafth, tJuaJue) is >• willow-head," a group
of two or three of which trees grow in the i
of the adjacent wady ; ao Serial ia perhaps from
JbwM ; and. from analogy, the name " Sinai,"
now unknown amongst the Arabs (unless Sena,
given to the point of the Jtbtl Furtid, opposite to
the modern Horeb (Stanley, p. 42), contain a tree*
of it), may be supposed derived from the LLui
and Luv, the tree of the Burning Bush, The
year — «. jr. the plague of fiery serpents —are repre-
sented at recorded close on the tame spot with what
took place before the people rtaabed Sinai ; and ai-
tnough the route which they took cannot be traced In
a_ its parts, yet all the evkVoee and all the probabil-
ity of the question Is clearly against their ever having
returned from Kadesh and the Arebeh to the valleys
wastofSluai.
•t Arguing from the fact that these Inscriptions or.
our not only on roads leading out of Egypt, but In lbs
most secluded spots, and on rocks lying quits oat of
the main reeds.
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8064 Sinai
MWkni* of tie peninsula ia moat copious at tU
Wady, near Tur, on the ooaat of the Gulf of Suez,
In the Wady Frirdn [see RErRimx], the two
oasee of its waste, and " in the nucleus of springs
in the Gebel Mousa" (Stanley, p. 19). For •
fuller account of its flora, see Wilderness op
the Wakdkkisg. As regards its fauna, Seetzen
(iii. 20) mentions the following animals as bund
at er-Hnmleh, near Sinai: the wild goat, the wub-
ber, hyena, fox, hare, gazelle, panther (ran), field-
mouse (et-DealiHrdy, like a jerboa), and a lizard
called tl-£bab, which is eaten. II. H.
* The nanus Horeb and Sinai are used inter-
changeably. At the first Horeb had precedence,
lieing " the mountain of God " to Moses prior to
the giving of the Law (Ex. iii. 1, 18, iv. 27, xvii.
«, xviii. 6). Sinai is first mentioned after the
battle of Rephidim (Ex. xix. 1,2); and this name
is thenceforth prominent until the breaking up of
the encampment in that wilderness, as recorded in
Mum. x. 12. But in the recapitulation of this
Journey by Moses, Horeb is spoken of as the point
of departure (Deut. i. 2, 6, 19). Horeb is named
as the mountain from which " the I-ord spake out
of the midst of the fire," and upon which lie
wrote the ten commandments (Deut. iv. 10, IS).
Horeb also was the soene of the transgression in
the golden calf (Deut. ix. 8). The covenant was
made at Horeb (Deut. xxix. 1). In the books of
Kings and Chronicles (1 K. viii. 9, xix. 8; 2 Chr.
r. 10), Horeb is named ss the scene of the Law;
while in the Psalms both names are used for the
same place; Sinai in Ps. lxviii. 8, 17, and Horeb
Ps. cvi. 19. Mountains thus closely identified
with the same aeries of events could not have been
far apart; and the best solution of the Biblical
usage in respect of these names appears to be that
which makes Horeb the central mass or ridge, of
which Sinai was a prominent peak. See Bitter,
xiv. 743; Hengstenberg, Pentateuch, ii. 32S ; Rob-
inson, I. 691 ; Kurtz, iii. 79 ; Kalisch, Cumin, on
£xodw. Bunsen, Bibeluerk, gives the name
Horeb to the group of which Sufmfth and Jebel
Muta are peaks, and places Sinai opposite to Sufi
taftk, on the northern side of the plain.
The Rev. F. W. Holland, Fellow of the Royal
Geographical Society, in a paper read before the
Society in 1868, gave an interesting account of his
minute and careful exploration of the Sinaitio re-
gion. A compendium of his results will shed light
upon several points hitherto somewhat in doubt or
dispute.
Fertility of the Deterl. — " The lower portion
of Wady (Ihurundel is one of the most fertile in
the whole peninsula. It is nearly 300 yards broad
in many places, and thickets of tamarisks, palms,
and beds of bulrushes and reeds abound, and wild
ducks, with many kinds of smaller birds, frequent
the pools, formed here and there by a clear stream
of running water, which never fails.
« Manna and gum Arabic appear to be found in
very small quantities. The latter exudes from the
boughs of the mimosa, or shittim-trre, after the
young shoots hare been lopped off in spring to
feed the goats.
« Water is not nearly so scarce In the granitic
cbitriet as most travellers have supposed. There
b saw t. far larger amount of vegetation than usu-
ally described. [This was in October and No-
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vember.] The basins on the summits as* the
mountains generally afford good pasturage, sod
even the mountain sides, which look so barren
from the wadies below, are often covered with
numerous plants on which the goats delight to
feed. Many of the smaller wadies, too, arc aston-
ishingly fertile, and in former days, when fairly
cultivated by the monks, must hare yielded abun-
dance of fruit, vegetables, and even com, for I
found traces in several spots of terraced plota evi-
dently laid out for growing corn. I can readily
believe that at one time 6,000 or 7,000 monks and
bernilta lived, as we are told, in these mountains,
and were enabled in great measure, perhaps alto-
gether, to support themselves by the cultivation of
the soil. In W. Jldk alone, in addition to a fin*
grove of olives near the ruins of an old monastery,
there is for three milet a constant succession of
gardens, each garden having in it two good weUs
which never fail, and producing olives, pears, ap-
ples, Tinea, figs, palms, nebk, carroub, apricot,
mulberry, pomegranate, and poplar trees; white
above and below these gardens runs a stream of
water which affords here and there a pool large
and deep enough to awim in."
All this confirms the view that the sustentation
of the Israelites in the desert was not exclusively
miraculous, but the resources of nature were sup-
plemented by special intervention, from time to
• lor a foil account of the climate sod ngetation,
laaakcrt (Jbisc*, U. 861) may to consulted.
Tht AmaletUei—Vl. Holland discovered in
the neighborhood of Jebel HadOd, "the Iron
Mountain," remarkable ruins of buildings and
tombs. These were constructed of undressed
stones, of large size, laid together without mortar.
The buildings were apparently designed for store-
houses, having no windows; the tombs contained
human bones. From the extent of these struc-
tures, aud their massive work m a n s h ip, Mr. Hol-
land concludes that they must have been built by
a large and powerful people; and he is disposed to
refer them to the Amalekites.
The Trite Sinni. — After a careful exploration
of each point, Mr. Holland rejects Serial and
Odjmth as the Biblical Sinai, since " in the neigh-
borhood of the former there is no plain, in ths
latter range there ia no one distinct mountain."
He suggests sa a possible competitor to Jebel
Muta, Jebel UmAlowee, " the Mother of Heights."
The road to the two is the same up to the test firs
or six miles; both rise almost precipitously from
the plains beneath them; but J. UmAlacee has
the advantage of much the larger plain — Sennrd,
which contains about thirty square miles of good
camping ground.
Route of the Jtraetittt. — Ui. Holland is of
opinion that Aim Butherah, commonly identified
as Hascroth, could not bare been one of the sta-
tions of the Israelites, since it bes in a cnl-de-sae,
and can be approached only by a steep narrow
pass. " After crossing the Red Sea somewhere in
the neighborhood of Suez, the Israelites took the
lower road down the plain along the coast as far
as Am Smouweira, which may possibly mark the
locality of Marah. Tbey then turned intend tc
Klim, which I would place at Am Bouara. Thei-
next encampment was by the sea, possibly near the
mouth of W. GffvnmoW, where was abundance
of water." The wilderness of Sin is the plain of
et-Seyh. Dofhkah was in the neighborhood of
W. Keneh, near Lib-el-chrir. Amah, at IT. el
A*h, a broad wady muting with W. Bentk, DPI
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8JNIM
ar4o.iT. ttSktitk. Bephidim, Mr. Holland
hstlt point in W. t*-S„eikk about 10 mils
(ron Jdtl Alma, at the gorge of the " Mokad
.Vfti Um," the "teat of the Prophet Moaea."
rhk would have given the Amaiekites strategic
Kfcantages for anrpriaing the Israelites on their
imreh.
h was mainly at the inatanoe of Mr. Holland,
md under the atimulua of his energetic example,
Hat a scientific corps was sent out in 1869, to
spam the peninsula of Arabia Petrsea. The re-
pit of this expedition must give light upon many
baaed points, but it cannot be obtained in time
b aw u this article. J. P. T.
SISIM (D^^P: [n*>rai: ttrra aiufrnfu]),
■ people Deticed in Is. xlix. 12, as living at the
ettranity of the known world, either in the south
« cart. The majority of the early interpreters
■dopted the former view, but the LXX. in giving
Uiprm favors the Utter, and the weight of modern
•otherity is thrown into the same scale, the name
being identified by (jesenius, Hitzig, Knobel, and
■hers, with the fir mini Sims, the inhabitants of
the southern part of China. No locality in the
until equally commends itself to the judgment:
&. tbe classical JMusium, which Bochart {Phattg,
i'. ill suggests, is too near, and Syene (Michaelis,
SpiaL ii. 33) would have been given in its well-
born Hebrew form. There is no d priori im-
probability in the name of the Sinai being known
la the inhabitants of Western Asia in the age of
leah; (or though it is not mentioned by the
lira*, geographers until the age of Ptolemy, it is
certain that so inland commercial route connected
tbe extreme East with the West at a very early
period, ud that a traffic was maintained on the
frontier of China between the Sinn and the Scyth-
ians, in the manner still followed by the Chinese
ud the »"— i-py at Kiachttt. If any name for
the* Chinese traders travelled westward, it would
probably be that of tbe Sins:, whoee town Thiiiae
(mother form of the Sine) was one of the great
emporiums in the we st e rn part of China, and is
npraeoted by the modem Thtin at Tin, in the
pronwe of SehauL The Sine attained an inde-
pendent position in Western China aa early as the
*h century b. c, and in the 3d century B. c.
obbhsbed their sway under the dynasty of Tsin
ore the whole of the empire, lite Rabbinical
tame of China, Tm, aa well as "China" itself,
■at derived from this dynasty (Gesen. The*, a. v.).
W.L.B.
SIHITB CO*D: Vte-etvour; [in Chr., Bom.
VsL omit:] JBmt). A tribe of Canaanites
(lies. 1 17; 1 Chr. i. 16), whose position is to be
■cgot for in the nortliarn part of the Lebanon
ietriet. Various localities in that district bear a
■slain amount of resemblance to the name, par-
twnrly Siiroa, a mountain fortress mentioned by
Stnbo (iri. p. 755); Sinnm or Sini, the ruins of
which existed in the time of Jerome ( Quasi, in
<«». L c); Saw, a village mentioned in tbe 15th
■story as near the river Area (Gesen. The*, p.
Ml); and Dunmuek, a district near Tripoli (Rob-
Ma's Ratnrcka, ii. 484). Tbe Targumi rf On-
*■» sad Jonathan give Orthosis, a town ol the
■a* to the northeast of Tripoha. W. L. B.
STON, MOUNT. J- flr*» in [lofts
■■a*]: Samar. 7 HCU7 "in : to Ipoi toC »)«.»:
•*» <Ne»V One of the various names of Mount
SIPFAl
8055
Hermou whioh an fortunately preserved, ail not
improbably more ancient than « Hermon " itself.
It occurs in Deut. iv. 48 only, and is interpreted
by the lexicographers to mean " lofty." Fiirs
conjectures that these various appellations were the
names of separate peaks or portions of the moun-
tain. Some have supposed that Zion in Ps. cxxxiiL
3 is a variation of this Sion ; but there is no war-
rant for this beyond the fact that so doing over-
comes a difficulty of interpretation in that pas-
sage."
SI. (to Spot Site*; in He& Sioik fipoj: moat
Sum.) The Greek form of the Hebrew name
Zion (Taion), the fatuous Mount of the Temple
(1 Mace it. 37, 60, v. 54, vi. 48, 62, vii. 38, x. 11,
xiv. 37; Heb. xii. 33; Rev. xiv. 1). In the
books of Maccabees the expression is always Mount
Sion. In the other Apocryphal Books the name
Sion is alone employed. Further, in the Maooa-
bees the name unmistakably denotes the mount on
which tbe Temple was built; on which the mosque
of the Aha, with its attendant mosques of Omar
and the Mogrebbins, now stands. The first of the
passages just quoted is enough to decide this. If
it can be established that Zion in the Old Testa-
ment means the same locality with Sion in the
books of Maccabees, one of the greatest pussies of
Jerusalem topography will be solved. This will be
examined under Zion. G.
* There can be scarcely a question that in the
passages above quoted from Maccabees, Sion is
synonymous with Jerusalem — as in lea. ii. 3:
" for out of Zion shall go forth tbe law, and the
word of the Ixwd from Jervtalem," and in Ps.
cxlvii. 13: " Praise the Lord, O Jerusalem, praise
thy God, O Zion " — where the words are parallel,
and each clause has the same meaning. Accepting
Sion in the books of Maccabees, aa the aame local-
ity with Zion in the Old Testament used in this
general sense, we have no great puzzle of Jerusalem
topography to be solved. The examination pro-
posed in the last line was for some reason not insti-
tuted. S. W.
SIPH'MOTH (n'lD?67 [fruitful placet,
Flint]: [Rom. laipf; Vat] 2ad>«; Alex. XkJw-
umf. Sephnmoth). One of the places in the south
of Judah which David frequented during his free-
booting life, and to his friends in which be sent a
portion of tbe spoil taken from the Amaiekites. It
is named only in 1 Sam. xxx. 28. It is not named
by Eusebius or Jerome. No one appears yet to
hare discovered or even suggested an identification
of it. G.
• In 1 Chr. xxvil. 87, Zabdi, one of David's pur-
veyors, is called tbe Shiphmite, not improbably
because be belonged to Siplimoth. The commuta-
tion of th and t is easily made, and a few MSS.
actually read Shipruoth instead of Siphmoth in
1 Sam. xxx. 28. Thenius suggests on this last
passage (BUcher Samuelt), that Siphmoth may be
the same as Shepbam (Num. xxxiv. 10, 11) in tbe
east part of Judah. This is a mare oonjeoture,
though it agrees with 1 Chr. xxvii. 37, for Zabdi'a
office would require him to be at no great distant*
from David's court. H.
SIPTPAI [8 eyl,] 0§9 I?** •W* *•»•]»
Soever; Aknc. 2«M»: Baphat). One of the sons
a • This supposition, Instead of
dlffloulty, only adds another and greater, a** ■■»
■ox. vol. it. a. 1047, nets a (am**, ed.i. 8. W
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BIBAOH
of the Rephaim, or " the gbnta," slain by Stbbe-
chai toe Hushathite it Goer (1 Chr. xx. 4). In
i Sam. xxL 18 he U called Saph.
SITIACH (Seipdx, ^H^X' Brack: ™ B**-
binio writen, rTVD), the lather of Jens (Joshua),
the writer of the Hebrew original of the Book of
EoelesiasUcus. [Ecclesiasticus; Jesus, the
Son OK SlKACH.] B. F. W.
SI'BAH [departmrt, apostasy], THE WELL
of (n^ujn "n?: TH ^^ TOv 2<cipd>, in
both MSS. : dttti-na Sira). The ipot from which
Abner waa mailed by Joab to hia death at Hebron
(2 Sam. iii. 26 only). It waa apparently on the
northern road from Hebron — that by which Abner
would naturally return through Bahnrini (ver. 16)
to Hahanaim. There is a spring and reservoir on
the western side of the ancient northern road,
about one mile out of Hebron, which ia called Ain
Snra, and gives ita name to the little valley in
which it lie* (an Dr. Rosen's paper on Hebron, in
the Zeiuclmft dtr D. it. G. jrii. 486, and the
excellent map accompanying it). Tina may be a
relic of the well of Sirah. It is mentioned aa far
back as the 12th century by Kabul Petechia, but
the correspondence of the name with that of Sirah
seems to have escaped notice. G.
SIBTON O^ltP," i. e. Siryon, in Dent, but
in Pa. xxix. ^"Jt?, Shiryon [see below] : Samar.
Y^VJ; Sam. Ten. p"l : Xaruip; [Comp. 3o-
pufi>:] Sarion). One of the various namea of
Mount Hermon, thai by which it was known to
the Zidoniana (Ueut. iii. 9). The word is almost
identical with that (1"HD) which in Hebrew de-
notes a " breastplate " or >' cuirass," and Geseniua
therefore expresses his belief that it was applied in
this sense to the mountain, just as the name Thorax
« Mo variation from {27 to 07, or the ravens, Is
notaood in Ddderletn and Helsner, on either oeenrranoi
of the name. [It exists, however; see M l ohs e lis's
AM. Htbr. on Deut. Ul. 9. — A.]
b • Gapt. Warren reports some later observations
respecting Sirion or Hbimox, sod corrects several minor
inaccuracies of previous travellers. He makes the
height or Hermon 9,000 feet above the level of the
Mediterranean, and not 10,000 as in Hurray's Hand-
book, H. 466. The curious line of stones around the
southern peak of the three summits is oval and not
riradar, and inaj have been for the same purpose as
-he Kaaba at Mecca. The existing temples on Hermon
irob\bly were not devoted to the older sun-worship
(standing in tact when the sun Is not visible until
hours after It has risen), and the entrances are not on
the west so as to bring the worshipper's race toward
the son-rising sa to a kiotth, bnt all of them open
toward the out The Inscriptions on the temples
about Harmon are meetly Grecian, nearly all of them
so defaced that only a few letters in each line can be
deciphered. (Athenmm, Feb. 12, 1870, and (jaartniy
Hrport of the Pol. Xrpl. Buna, No. It., 1869.) H.
e Qeseuius (Lex. s. v.), by comparison with the
Syrtec, interprets the name as " battle-array." Flint,
on the other hand (Handwb. II. 279), gives as its
equivalent rcrmuisbni*/, the nearest approach to which
is perhaps " lieutenant." As a Canaanlte word Its real
Ugatkation la probably equally wide of either.
*° The site of HuosHxra has not yet been Identified
Vina vwtafoty. But since the publication of vol. 1.
he writer observes that Dr. Thomson {Land and Boot,
*. aate.) haa suasastsd a site which seems possible.
SISKKA
(which haa the same meaning) waa given ■> •
mountain in Magnesia. This is not supported by
the Samaritan Version, the rendering in which —
Rabban — seems to be equivalent to Jeoef eat-
SheylA, the ordinary, though not the only modern
name of the mountain. [Hekmos, vdL iL p
1048.]
'tote nae of the name in Pa. xxix. 6 (sEghtly
altered in the original — Sbirion instead of Sb-ion",
is remarkable, though, bearing in mind the occur-
rence of Sbenir in Solomon's Song, it can hardly
be used aa an argument tor the antiquity of the
psalm.' O-
SIS'AMAI [8 syl.] C^QD [dMnoittUd,
Fiirst] : loo-opat : Saamoi). ' A descendant at
Sbeahan in the line of Jenhmeel (1 Chr. ii. 40).
SI8ERA (rTip^Dc [perb, battk-arraf,
Gee.] : Ituripa, 3i<rapa ; Joseph, i luripni .
Sisara). Captain ("HP) of the army of Jabin
king of Canaan who reutned in Haior. He him-
aelf resided in Haroeheth' of the Gentiles. The
particulars of the rout of Megiddo and of Sierra's
flight and death are drawn out under the beads of
Babak, Deborah, Jael, Kehites, Kishos,
Mantle, Tent. They have been recently elabo-
rated, and combined into a living whole, with gnat
attention to detail, yet without any sacrifice of
force, by Professor Stanley, in hia Ltcturt* on tie
But. of the Jewish Church, Lect. xiv. To that
accurate and masterly picture we refer our readers.
The army waa mustered at the Kiahon on the
plain at the foot of the slopes of Lrjj&n. Partly
owing to the furious attack of Barak, partly to the
impassable condition of the plain, and partly to the
unwieldy nature of the host itself, which, amongst
other impediments, contained 900 « iron chariots —
a horrible confusion and rout took place. Siaen
deserted hia troops and fled off on foot. He took
and Invites further examination. This Is a Tell or
monnd on the north side cf the Kishon, In the S. M.
eoroer of the plain of Akka, Just behind the hills which
separate It tram the larger plain of Jasraat. The Tell
advances close to the mot of Carmel, and allows only
room for the passage of the river between them. Ire
name Is variously given as Hirothlth (Thomson),
HarUujjch (Sebuls). Hwskiyk (Robinson), Harti (Vex
de Telde), and ei-Hartiytk. The latter is the form
given in the ofllclsl list made tor the writer In 1861 by
Consul Rogers, and is probably eeewate. Dr. Thom-
son — apparently the only traveller who has examined
the spot — speaks of the Tell as "covered with the
remains of old walls and buildings," In which he sees
the relics of the ancient castle of Stsera. [rtutosKxnt,
Amer. ed.)
e The number of Jabtn's standing army Is given by
Josephns (Ant. v. 6, § 1) ss 800,000 footmen, lOJJOC
horsemen, and ajOOO chariots. Then numbers an
large, bnt they an nothing to those of the Jewish
legends. Sisera " had 40.000 generals, every one of
whom had 100,000 men under blm. He was thirty
ysan old, and had conquered the whole world : and
then was not a place the walls of which did not tall
down at bis voice. When he shouted the very I
of the field wen riveted to their places. 900 I
went in his chariot »(Jalic*t ad toe.). «
kings (camp. Josh. xtt. 24) went with Hem and wan
killed with htm. Tbsjr thirsted after the water* of
the land of Israel, and they asked snd prayed rfcasn
to lake then with bun without farther reward '
(comp. Jndg. v. 19k (Btr. Sat. ch 28.) Tba wristi
b Indebted to the kindness of Mr. Dtutsch tor tfaaa
extracts.
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8ISINNES
* port nan at direction, possibly througn Nazareth
■ad Safed, or, if that direct road was closed to him,
stole along by more circuitous routes till be found
himself before the tents of Heber the Kenite, near
Kedesh, on the high ground overlooking the upper
basin of the Jordan Valley. Here he met his death
from the hands of Jael, Habere wile, who, although
" at peace " with him, was under a much more
stringent relation with the house of Israel (Judg.
tv 2-23, r. 20, 20, 28, 30). [Kk.vitks, vol. U. p.
1530 ] His name long survived as a word of fear
and of exultation in the mouths of prophets and
psalmists (1 Sam. xii. 9; Ps. lxxxiii. 8).
It is remarkable that from this enemy of the
.lews should have sprung one of their most eminent
characters. The great Kabbi Akiba, whose father
was a Syrian proselyte of justice, was descended
from Sisera of Harosheth (Uartolocci, iv. 272).
The part which he took in the Jewish war of in-
dependence, when he was standard-bearer to Bar-
eocba (Otho, HitL doci. Mint. 134 note), shows
that the warlike force still remained in the blood
of Sisera.
8. (Surdpo, XurapdS; Alex. Xiaapaa, IfierapaS',
fjn Err., Vat omits; in Neb., Vat. FA. IttrttfnB).)
After a long interval the name reappears in the
lists of the Nethinim who returned from the Cap-
tivity with Zerubbabel (Ear. ii. S3; Neh. vii. 55).
Hie number of foreign, non-Israelite names ° which
occur in these invaluable lists has been already
noticed under Mehuhihs (iii. 1875). Sisera is
another example, and doubtless tells of Canaanite
captives devoted to the lowest offices of the Temple,
even though the Sisera from whom the family de-
rived its name were not actually the same person
as the defeated general of Jabin. It is curious
that it should occur in close companionship with
the name Marsha (ver. 52) which irresistibly recalls
Harosheth.
In the parallel lilt of 1 Esdr. v. 32 Sisera ii
jiven aa Askkek. G.
SISIN'NES (Sio-frrnt: Suennes). A governor
trf Syria and Phoenicia under Darius, and a con-
temporary of Zerubbabel (1 Esdr. vi. 3). He at-
tempted to stop the rebuilding of the Temple, but
was ordered by Darius, after consulting the archives
at Cyrus's reign, to adopt the opposite course, and
to forward the plans of Zerubbabel (ibid. vi. 7,
vii. 1). In Eera he is called Tathai.
• SISTERS BON. 'AWd-ioi, so translated
(Jot- iv. 10 (A V.), should be rendered " cousin "
in accordance with its use both in the LXX. and
in classic Greek. See Num. xxxvi. 11, and LXX.
(Heb. D-'T'T ^).
It has been suggested (EUicott, CoL It. 10,
IVntuL) that the term "sister's son" in the
A. V. may be an archaism, as having been formerly
aaad like the German GucluoitUrkind, in the sense
of "cousin." Similarly the word nephew where-
rasr it occurs in the A. V. (Judg. xii. 14; Job
slavic 8057
xviii. 19; Is. xlv. 22; 1 Tim. v. 4), la used is the
now obsolete sense of grandchild, dactndimi.
D. S. T.
SITTNAH (njlptP [aeauatkm, $trife]i t x
Splat Joseph. SirtmC: IniiuieUice). The second ol
the two wells dug by Isaac in the valley of Gerar,
and the possession of which the herdmen of the
valley disputed with him (Gen. xxvi. 21). Like
the first one, Eskk, it received its name from the
disputes which took place over it, Sitmih meaning,
as is stated in the margin, " hatred," or more
accurately "accusation," but the play of expression
has not been in this instance preserved in the He
brew.' The LXX., however, have attempted it:
iKplyom .... i\8pia. The root of the name
is the same as that of Satan, and this has been
taken advantage of by Aquila and Symmacbus,
who render it respectively a>ria-fi/i«Vn and «W-
tIcktis. Of the situation of Eeek and Sitnah
nothing whatever is known. [Gebak.] G.
SIVAN. [Mouth.]
* SKIN. [Badger Skihs; Bottle; Leath-
er.]
* SKIKTS, Ps. exxxiii. 2. See Oiktment,
voL iii. p. 2214 4.
SLAVE.* The institution of slavery was rec-
ognized, though not established, by the Mosaic Law
with a view to mitigate its hardships and to secure
to every man bis ordinary rights. Repugnant as
the notion of slavery is to our minds, it is difficult
to sec how it can be dispensed with in certain
phases of society without, at all events, entailing
severer evils than those which it produces. Ex-
clusivenesa of race is an instinct that gains strength
in proportion as social order is weak, and the rights
of citizenship sre regarded with peculiar jealosy
in communities which are exposed to contact with
aliens. In the case of war, carried on for conquest
or revenge, there were but two modes of dealing
with the captives, namely, putting them to derli
or reducing them to slavery. The same ma} be
said in regard to such acts and outrages as dia>.
qualified a person for the society of his fellow-
citizens. Again, as citizenship involved the con
dition of freedom and independence, it was almost
necessary to oner the alternative of disfranchisement
to all who through poverty or any other contin-
gency were unable to support themselves in inde-
pendence. In all these cases slavery was the mildest
of the alternatives that offered, and may hence lie
regarded as a blessing rather than a curse. It
should further be noticed that a laboring class, in
our sense of the term, was almost unknown to the
nations of antiquity; hired service was regarded as
incompatible with freedom; and hence the slave in
many cases occupied the same social position as
the servant or laborer of modern times, though
differing from him in regard to political status.
The Hebrew designation of the slave ahows thai
service was the salient feature of his condition ; for
the term tbtd, d usually applied to him, is derived
MuuNUf, Naruusut, Huau,
In the A. ▼. of w. 10, 21, two entirely distinct
words are each rendered " strive."
* The word " slave" occurs In the English Bible
la Jar. U. 14, and Bev. xrlii. 18, and tour lines
» Apocrypha, as th* word was not unoommox
of the epoch to which our version belong*
to hare been a special reason lor tbi* ex-
Treoeh aoggeeta (Atahoriztd Version, p. 104)
may hare kit that thai modern
term conveys an idea of degradation and contempt
wbj-h the Hebrew and Greek equivalents do not con*
vey aa applied to the ancient syatem of servitude.
Sara (softened front attorn) was originally a national
appellation, Sldavonic or Sclavonic. On toe etymology
of the word see SchmUthsitoer's V/lsrUrt.filr J0r*mp(-
srw, etc., p. 447, and Oibbon's Dulino and JtU of lt»
Raman Mmpirt y th. Is. !L
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3058
SLATE
from » verb signifying " to work," and the very
Mine term is used in reference to offices of high
trust held by free men. In short, service and
slavery would have ben to the ear of the Hebrew
equivalent terms, though he fully recognized grades
of servitude, according as the servant was a He-
brew or a non-Hebrew, and, if the latter, according
as he was bought with money (Gen. xvii. 12; Ex.
xii. 44) or born in the bouse (Gen. xiv. 14, xv. 3,
xvii. 23). We shall proceed to describe the con-
dition of these classes, as regards their original
reduction to slavery, the methods by which it might
be terminated, and their treatment while in that
state.
I. Hebrew Stares.
1. The circumstances under which a Hebrew
might be reduced to servitude were — (1) poverty;
(3) the commission of theft; and (3) the exercise
of paternal authority. In the first ease, a man who
had mortgaged his property, and was unable to
support his family, might sell himself to another
Hebrew, with a view both to obtain maintenance,
and perchance a surplus sufficient to redeem his
property (I.ev. xxv. 25, 39). It has been debated
whether under this law a creditor could seize his
debtor and sell him as a slave: ° the words do not
warrant such an inference, for the poor man is said
in Lev. xxv. 89 to tell himttlf (not as in the A. V.,
"be sold;" see Gesen. The: p. 787), in other
words, to enter into voluntary servitude, and this
under the pressure not of debt, but of poverty.
The instances of seizing the children of debtors in
2 K. ir. 1 and Xeh. v. 5 were not warranted by
law, and must be regarded as the outrages of law-
less times, while the case depicted in the parable of
the unmerciful servant is probably borrowed from
Roman usages (Matt, xviii. 25). The words in Is.
1. 1, " Which of my creditors is it to whom I hare
sold you ? " have a prima fade baring upon the
question, but in reality apply to one already in the
condition of slavery. (2.) The commission of theft
rendered a person liable to servitude, whenever res-
■ titution could not be made on the scale prescribed
by the Law (Ex. xxii. 1, 3). The thief was bound
to work out the value of his restitution money in
the service of him on whom the theft had been
committed (for, according to Josephus, Ant xvi. 1,
§ 1, there was no power of selling the person of a
thief to a foreigner); when this had seen effected
he would be free, as implied in the expression " sold
for his theft," i. e. for the amount of his theft.
This law contrasts favorably with that of the Ro-
mans, under which a thief became the actual prop-
erty of his master. (3.) The exercise of paternal
authority was limited to the sale of a daughter of
tender age to be a maid-servant, with the ulterior
view of her becoming a concubine of the purchaser
(Ex. xxi. 7). Such a case can perhaps hardly be
regarded as implying servitude in the ordinary
vese of the term.
3. The servitude of a Hebrew might be termi-
aated in three ways: (1) by the satisfaction or the
remission of all claims against him ;• (2) by the
reei Trenee of the year of Jubilee (Lev. xxv. 40),
« Hchaeus (Cmur.nu. HI. 9, } 128) decides in the
sBnnadve.
• This Is Implied In the statement of the cases which
gave rise to the servitude : Indeed without snob an
isramptfan the words "for his theft "(Xx. xill. 8)
weald be inmeanlnf . The BabMnists gave their sanc-
tion to inch a view (Malmon. Mad. 2, f | 8, 11).
SLAVE
which might arrive at any period of hi* servHiide
and (3), failing either of these, the expiration oi
six years from the time that his servitude com
menced (Ex. xxi. 2; Deut xv. 12). There can bt
no doubt that this last regulation applied equally
to the cases of poverty and theft, though Rabbinic*,
writers have endeavored to restrict it to the former.
The period of seven years has reference to the Sal>-
batical principle in general, but not to the Sabbat-
ical year, for no regulation is laid down in reference
to the manumission of servants in that year (Lev.
xxv. 1 ff; Deut xv. 1 IT.). We hare a single in-
stance, indeed, of the Sabbatical year being cele-
brated by a general manumission of Hebrew slaves,
but this was in consequence of the neglect of the
law relating to such cases (Jer. xxxiv. 14 e ). (4. )
To the above modes of obtaining liberty the Rab-
biniats added as a fourth, the death of the master
without leaving a son, there being no power of
claiming the slave on the part of any heir except a
son (Maimon. Abad. 2, § 12).
If a servant did not desire to avail himself of th-
opportunity of leaving his service, he was to signify
bis intention in a formal manner before the judges
(or more exactly at the place of judgment "), and
then the master was to take him to the door-post,
and to bore his ear through with an awl (Ex. xxi.
6), driving the awl into or " onto the door," as
stated iu Dent xv. 17, nnd thus fixing the servant
to it. Whether the door was that of the master's
house or the door of the sanctuary, as Ewald {AI-
ttrth. p. 245) infers from the expression el kaelohim,
to which attention is drawn above, is not stated ;
but the significance of the action is enhanced by
the former view; for thus a connection is estab-
lished between the servant and the bouse in which
be was to serve. The boring of the ear was prob-
ably a token of subjection, the ear being the organ
through which commands were received (Ps. xl. 6).
A similar custom prevailed among the Mesopota-
mians (Juv. i. 104), the Lydians (Xen. Anab. iii.
1, § 31), and other ancient nations. A serwnt
who hail submitted to this operation remained, so
cording to the words of the Law, a azrrant " for
ever" (Ex. xxi. 6). These words are, however,
interpreted by Josephus (Ant. iv. 8, § 28) and by
the Rabbinists as meaning until the year of Jubi-
lee, partly from the universality of the freedom that
was then proclaimed, and partly perhaps because it
was necessary for the servant then to resume the
cultivation of his recovered inheritance. The lat-
ter point no doubt presents a difficulty, but the in-
terpretation of the words " for ever" in any ether
than their obvious sense presents still greater diffi-
culties.
8. The condition of a Hebrew servant was by no
means intolerable. His master was admonished to
treat him, not " as a bond-servant, but as an hire.1
servant and as a sojourner," and, again, " not to
rule over him with rigor" (Lev. xxv. 89, 40, 43).
The Rabbinists specified a variety of duties as com-
ing under these general precepts; for instance, com-
pensation for personal injury, exemption from me-
nial duties, such as unbinding the master's sandals
! The rendering of the A. V. « ea Uu emt of sere*
years " Iu this passage Is not wholly cornet The
meaning rather Is " at the end of a Sabbatical petted
of years," the whole of the seventh year t«mg regarded
ss the end of the period.
" nTrbjSTT-btfi w** «*r*> „,l»x
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SLAVE
retrrrhar, him in a Utter, the use of gentle lan-
pare ob the part of the muter, and the niainte-
■hc of the servant's vile and children, though
uk master waa not allowed to exact work from
tfcdn (Mielziiier, SUiitenbti dm Htbr. p. 31). At |
uk termination of hia servitude the master waa en-
joined not to " let him go away empty," but to re-
munerate him liberally out of hia flock, his floor,
acd hia wine-urea* (Deut. xt. 13, 14). Such a cus-
tom would stimulate the servant to faithful service,
issuDoch aa the amount of the gift was left to the
(ulster's discretion ; and it would also provide him
«ith DMns wherewith to start in the world afresh.
In the event of a Hebrew becoming the servant
af a » stranger," meaning a non-Hebrew, the ser-
vitude eoold be terminated only in two ways,
tamely, by the arrival of the year of Jubilee, or by
the repayment to the master of the purchase-money
paid for the sen-ant, after deducting a sum for the
nine of his services proportioned to the length of
his serritnde (Lev. xxv. 47-58). The sen-ant might
t* redeemed either by himself or by one of his re-
lations, and the object of this regulation appears to
bare been to impose upon relations the obligation •
of faceting' the redemption, and thus putting an
sod to a state which must hare been peculiarly
piling to the Hebrew.
A Hebrew woman might enter into voluntary
wrritnde on the score of poverty, and in this case
ihe was entitled to her freedom alter six years* ser-
rioe, together with the usual gratuity at leaving,
jost as m the ease of a man (Deut xv. 12, 13).
According to Rabbinical tradition a woman could
sot be condemned to aervitude for theft; neither
enld she bind herself to perpetual servitude by
bring her ear bored (Mielziiier, p. 43).
Thus oar we have seen little that is objectionable
in the condition of Hebrew servants. In respect
to marriage there were some peculiarities which,
to uor ideas, would be regarded as hardships. A
master might, for instance, give a wife to a He-
brew servant for the time of his servitude, the wife
being in this case, it must be remarked, not only a
save bat a non-Hebrew. Should he leave when
sis term hats expired, his wife and children would
main the absolute property of the master (lix
m. 4, a). The reason for this regulation is, evi-
dently, that the children of a female heathen slave
•ere staves: they inherited the mother's disqualifl
mm. Such a condition of man-} ing a slave would
be regarded as an axiom by a Hebrew, and the
sate is only incidentally noticed. Again, a father
night sell bis youne daughter * to s Hebrew, with
» new either of [hia] marrying her himself, or of
[Ins] giving her to his son (Ex. xxi. 7-9). It di-
ainuhes the apparent harshness of this proceeding
if we look on the purchase-money aa in the light of
a dowry given, aa was not unusual, to the parents
af the bride; still more, if we accept the Rabbin-
ical view (which, however, we consider very doubt-
ml> that the consent of the maid was required be-
fore the marriage could take place. But even if
this consent were not obtained, the paternai author-
ity would not appear to be violently strained ; for
SLAVE
8059
• la tbs A. V the Sanaa of obligation Is not con-
tsfst; Instead of "may » In TV. 48 49. <*a# ought
to ka ssbsdratid.
• the toads slave was la this <aa> termed TTDH,
si Satar* (ram nTTJJB?, appssd to tbs ordinary
among ancient nations that authority was generally
held to extend even to the life of a child, much
more to the giving of a daughter in marriage.
The position of a maiden thus sold by her father
*ae subject to the following regulations: (1.) She
could not " go out as the men-servants do," »'. ft.
she could not leave at the termination of six yean,
or in the year of Jubilee, if (as the regulation as-
sumes) her master was willing to fulfill the object
for which he had purchased her. (2.) Should ha
not wish to marry her, he should call upon her
friends to procure her release by the repayment of
the purchase-money (perhaps, as in other cases,
with a deduction for the value of her services).
(3.) If he betrothed her to his son, he was bouti
to make such provision for her as lie would for on*
of his own daughters. (4.) If either he or bis son,
having married her, took a second wife, it should
not be to the prejudice of the first. (5.) If neither
of the three first specified alternatives took place,
the maid was entitled to immediate and gratuitous
liberty (Ex. xxi. 7-11).
The custom of reducing Hebrews to servitude
appears to have fallen into disuse subsequently to
the Babylonish Captivity. The attempt to enforce
it in Nehemiah's time met with decided resistance
(Neb. v. 5), and Herod's enactment that thieves
should be sold to foreigners, roused the greatest
animosity (Joseph. AnL xvi. 1, § 1). Vast num-
bers of Hebrews were reduced to slavery aa war-
captives at different periods by the Phoenicians
(Joel iii. 6), the Philistines (Joel iii. 6; Am. i. 6),
the Syriaus (1 Mace. iii. 41; 2 Mace. viii. 11), the
Egyptians (Joseph. Ant. xii. 2, § 3), and, above
all, by the Romans (Joseph. B. J. vi. 9, § 3). We
may form some idea of the numbers reduced to
shivery by war from the single fact that Nicauor
calculated on realizing 2,000 talents in one cam-
paign, by the sale of captives at the rate of 90 for a
talent (2 Mace. viii. 10, 11), the number required
to fetch the sum being 180,000. The Phceniciaus
were the most active slave-dealers of ancient times,
purchasing of the Philistines (Am. i. 9), of tb<
Syrians (2 Mace. viii. 11), and even of the *-it<*
on the shores of the Euxine Sea (Ez. xxvii. 13),
and selling them wherever they could find a mar
ket about the shores of the Mediterranean, and
particularly in Joel's time to the people of Javan
(Joel iii. 6), it being uncertain whether that name
represents a place in South Arabia or the Greeks
of Asia Minor and the peninsula. It was probably
through the Tynans that Jews were transported
in Obadiah's time to Sepharad or Sardis (Ob. 20).
At Rome vast numbers of Jews emerged from the
state of slavery and became freedmen. The pries
at which the slaves were offered by Nicauor was
considerably below the ordinary value either iu
Palestine or Greece. In the former country it
stood at 30 shekels (= about £3 8s.), as stated
below, in the latter at about 1} minas (= about
£b Is. oa*.), this being the mean between the ex-
tremes stated by Xenophon (Mem. ii. 6, § 2) as
the ordinary price at Athens. The price at which
Nica..or offered them was only £i 15s, 4V/. s head.
household slave. The distinction Is marked In regard
to Hagar, who la described by the latter term before
the birth of Iahmael, and by the former after that
even*, (romp. Oen. xvl. 1, xxi. 10). The relative rains
of the terms Is expressed in AblgaU'a address, « U1
thin* handmaid *>sU) be a servant (aMpfeaoaj re
wash," ate. (1 nam. xxv. 41).
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J060
SLAVE
Occasionally slaves were told aa high ai a talent
(.£243 16*.) each (Sen. L c; Joseph. Ant xii.
».5»)-
If. Nun-Hebrew Slaves.
1. The majority of non-Hebrew slaves were war-
captives, either the Canaanitcs who had survived
the general extermination of their race under Joahua,
or auch as were conquered from the other surround-
ing nations (Num. xxxi. 26 ff.). Besides these,
man}- were obtained by purchase from foreign slave-
dealers (Lev. xxr. 44,45); and others ma; hare
been resident foreigners who were reduced to this
state either by poverty or crime. The Babbiniata
further deemed that any parson who performed the
services of a slave became ipso facto a slave (Mishn.
Ktilush. 1, § 3). The children of slaves remained
flares, being the class described aa " born in the
bouse" (Gen. xiv. 14, xvii. 19; Eccl. Ii. 7), and
hence the number was likely to increase as time
went on. The only statement aa to their number
applies to the post-Babylonian period, when they
amounted to 7,337, or about 1 to It of the free pop-
ulation (Ear. ii. 65). We have reason to believe
tbat the number diminished subsequently to this
period, the Pharisees in particular being opposed to
the system. The average value of a slave appears
to have been thirty shekels (Ex. xxi. 32), varying
of course according to age, sex, and capabilities.
The estimation of persons given in Lev. xzvii. 3-8
probably applies to war-captives who bad been ded-
icated to the Lord, and the price of their redemp-
tion would in this case represent the ordinary value
of such slaves.
2. Tbat the slave might be manumitted, appears
from Ex. xxi. 26, 27; Lev. xix. 20. As to the
methods by which this might be effected, we are
told nothing in the Bible; hut the Kabbinlata spe-
cify the following four methods: (1) redemption
' by a money payment, (2) a bill or ticket of free-
dom, (3) testamentary disposition, or, (4) any act
that implied manumission, such as making a slave
one's heir (Mielziner, pp. 65, 66).
3. The slave is described as the " possession " of
his master, apparently with a special reference to
the power which the latter had of disposing of him
to his heirs as he would any other article of per-
sonal property (Lev. xxv. 45, 46); the slave is also
described as his master's " money " (Ex. xxi. 21),
i. e. as representing a certain money value. Such
expressions show that he was regarded very much
in the light of a tnnncipium or chattel. But on
the other band, provision was made for the protec-
tion of his person : willful murder of a slave entailed
the same punishment as in the case of a free man
(Lev. xxiv. 17, 22). So again, if a master inflicted
so severe a punishment as to cause the death of his
servant, he was liable to a penalty, the amount of
which probably depended on the circumstances of
*e ease, for the Rabbinical view that the words
hj shall be surety punished," or, more correctly,
U is to be avenged," imply a sentence of death,
U (holly untenable (Ex. xxi. 20). No punishment
at all was imposed if the slave survived the punish-
ment by a day or two (Ex. xxi. 21), the loss of the
Have" being regarded as a sufficient punishment in
this case. A minor personal injury, such aa the
fees of an eye or a tooth was to be recompensed by
giving the servant his liberty (Ex. xxi. 96, 97).
SLIME
The general treatment of slaves appears Ic hat*
been gentle — occasionally too gentle, aa wo hritr
from Solomon's advice (Prov. xxix. 19, 21), ncr da
we hear more than twice of a slave running away
from his master (1 Sam. xxv. 10; 1 K. II. 39).
The slave waa considered by a conscientious mattes
as entitled to justice (Job xxxi. 13-15) and honor-
able treatment (Prov. xxx. 10). A slave, according
to the Rabbinista, had no power of acquiring prop-
erty for himself; whatever he might become entitled
to, even by way of compensation for personal injury,
reverted to his master (Mielxiner, p. 55). On the
other hand, the master might constitute him hia
heir either wholly (Gen. xv. 3), or jointly with hia
children (Prov. xvii. 2); or again, he might give
him his daughter in marriage (1 Chr. ii. 85).
The position of the slave in regard to religious
privileges waa favorable. He waa to be circum-
cised (Gen. xvii. 12), and hence was entitled to
partake of the Paschal sacrifice (Ex. rii. 44), aa
well aa of the other religioua festivals (Deut. xii.
12, 18, xvi. 11, 14). It is implied that every slave
must have been previously brought to the knowl-
edge of the true God, and to a willing acceptance
of the tenets of Judaism. This would naturally
be the case with regard to all who were " born in
the house," and who were to be circumcised at the
usual age of eight days; but it is difficult to under-
stand how those wHb were " bought with money,"
as adults, could be always induced to change theii
creed, or bow they could be circumcised without
having changed it- The Mosaic Law certainly pre-
supposes an universal acknowledgment of Jehovah
within the limits of the Promised Land, and would
therefore enforce the dismissal or extermination of
slaves who persisted in heathenism.
The occupations of slaves were of a menial char-
acter, as implied in Lev. xxv. 39, consisting partly
in the work of the house, and partly in personal
attendance on the master. Female slaves, for in-
stance, ground the com in the handmill (Ex. xi. 5;
Job xxxi. 10; Is- xlvii. 2), or gleaned in the bar-
rest field (Ruth ii. 8). They also baked, washed,
cooked, and nursed the children (Mishn. OtaerV.
5, § 6). The occupations of the men are not
specified; the most trustworthy held confidential
posts, such as tbat of steward or major-domo (Gen.
xv. 9, xxiv. 2), of tutors to sons (Prov. xvii. %),
and of tenants to persons of large estate, for auch
appears to have been the position of Ziba (2 Sam
ix. 2, 10). W. L. B.
* For a translation of the work of Mielziner
(Copenhagen, 1859) referred to in this article, see
Amer. Thiol Review for April and July, 1861
(vol. iii.); compare Saalachutz's Das Uosaische
Redd (Berl. 1853), ch. 101, translated by Dr. E.
P. Barrows In the Bibl Sacra for Jan. 1862, and
an art. by Dr. Barrows, The Bible and Slavery,
ibid. July, 1862. See also Albert Barnes, /novM-a,
into the Scriptural Views of Slavery, Phila. 184 8 .
G. B. Cheever, Historical and Legal Judgment of
the O. T. against Slavery, In the Bibl Sacra for
Oct. 1855, and Jan., April, and July, 1856 (one-
sided); and J. B. Bittirger, Hebrew Servitude, ii
the New Englander for May, 1860. A.
SLIME. The rendering in the A. V. of tit
(i
Heb. T£P, chtmdr, the .*». (ifoimitnr) if tht
Thar* is an apparent disproportion between this
I tha following regulation, arising probably out of
; clronmitenoes under whioh tht injury
was enacted. In this oast tha law la speaking ef to
gltimate punbhmant « wt'h a rod ; " mtsjasnxt a*
violent assault.
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SLIME
Ink, translated eWoATOi by the LXi., and
bbjvn in the Vulgate. That our translator!
nlcnfawd by this word the substance now known
u bitumen, it evident from the following parages
n Uoihnd's Pliny (ed. 1634): "The very clammy
iliae Bitumen, which at certaine timet of the yen
latin and awimmeth upon the lake of Sodom,
ol>d Asphaititea in Jury" (rii. 15, vol. i. p.
133). "The Bitumen whereof I speake, ia in
a>nt pates* in manner of a muddy $lime; in
jitstn, very earth or minerall " (zzxv. 16, vol. ii.
► M7).
The three inataooea in which it ia mentioned in
uc 0. T. are abundantly illuatrated by travellera
iad oMoriana, ancient and modern. It ia firat
spotn of aa used for cement by the builders in the
■Mis of Sbinar, or Babylonia (Geu. xi. 3). The
nuuseu pita in the vale of Sidditu are mentioned
ia uk ancient fragment of Cunaanitiah history
'.Gen- iir. 10); and the ark of papyrus in which
Mutes am placed waa made impervious to water by
t eating of bitumen and pitch (Ex. ii. 3).
Herodotus (i. 179) tell* u* of the bitumen found
it It, a town of Babylonia, eight data' journey from
Baujlou. The captive Eretriajja (Her. vi. 119)
ten sent by Darius to collect asphaltum, salt, and
til at America, a place two hundred and ten
■alia from Sua*, in the district of Cisaia. The
towa of Is waa attainted on a riajer, or email stream,
<t the sum name, which flowed into the Euphrates,
•ad carried down with it the lumps of bitumen,
which was used in the building of Babylon. It is
probably the bitumen apringa of Ia which are de-
aribed iu Strabo (xvi. 743). Eratosthenes, whom
at quote*, says that the liquid bitumen, which is
called mpMh. ia found in Suaiana, and the dry in
Babjlonia. Of the latter there ia a apring near
u* Euphrates, and when the river ia flooded by
lee melting of the snow, the apring also is filled
ud overflows into the river. The masses of bitu-
>a> that produced are fit for buildings which are
"ude of baked brick. Diodorua Siculua (ii. 12)
apeak* of the abundance of bitumen iu Babylonia.
Ii proceeds from a apring, and ia gathered by the
pwple of the country, not only for building, but
*ben dry for fuel, instead of wood. Aimniaous
liateiUnoa (xxiii. 8, § 23) telle us that Babylon
•at built with bitumen by Semiraoiia (comp. Plin.
tuv. SI; Beroeua, quoted by Joe. Ant. x. 11, § 1,
t- Jpim. i. 19; Arrian, Exp. AL rii. 17, § 1, Ae.).
n>t town of la, mentioned by Herodotus, ia with-
it doubt the modem Hit or Sett, on the west or
right bank of the Euphrates, and four days' jour-
ney, N. W„ or rather W. N. W., of Bagdad (Sir
B- Ker Porter's Trav. ii. 361, ed. 1822). The
•rioopal bitumen pit at Heet, says Mr. Kich (Me-
•Mr m du Alios of B'tbyim, p. 63, ed. 1815),
**• two source*, and ia divided by a wall in the
*ati», on one aide of which the bitumen bubble*
% fid on the other the oil of naphtha. Sir R.
S- Porter (it 315) observed "that bitumen was
tbiefly confined by the Chaldean builders, to the
^•oditions and lower part* of their edifices; for
»* purpose of preventing the ill effect* of water."
" With regard to the use of bitunieu," he add*,
* 1 taw no vestige of it whatever on any remnant
•I bajlditg ot> the higher ascent*, and therefore
'ner regions." Ihis view is indirectly confirmed
ty Mr. Kich, who aay* that the tenacity >f bitumen
**» so propor t ion to that of mortar. The use
' hkonm appears to have been confined to the
•tbjiuuiaos, for at Nineveh, Mr. Layard obaervea
BtilMK
8061
(Xin. ii. 278), "bitumen and reeds were not em-
ployed to cement the layers of bricks, aa at Baby-
lon; although both materials are to be found in
abundance in the immediate vicinity of the city."
At Nimroud bitumen waa found under a pavement
(If in. 1. 29), and " the sculpture retted simply
upon the platform of sun-dried brick* without any
other substructure, a mere layer of bitumen, about
an inch thick, having been placed under the plinth "
(Nin. f Bab. p. 208). In his description of the
firing of the bitumen pit* at Nimroud by his Arab*,
Mr. Layard fall* into the language of our trans-
lator*. " Tongue* of flame and jet* of gat, driven
from the burning pit, shot through the murky
canopy. As the fire brightened, a thousand fan-
tastic form* of light played amid the smoke. To
break the cindered crust, and to bring freah tlimt
to the aurface, the Arab* threw large atones into
the spring. .... Iu an hour the bitumen
was exhausted for the time, the dense smoke grad-
ually died away, and the pale light of the moon
again ahone over the black abate pill " (Nin. d>
Bab. p. 202).
The bitumen of the Dead Sea is described by
Strabo, Joaephua, and Pliny. Strabo (xvi. 763)
give* an account of the volcanic action by which
the bottom of the sea was disturbed, and the
bitumen thrown to the surface. It waa at first
liquefied by the heat, and then changed into a
thick viscous aubstauce by the cold water of the
sea, on the surface of which it floated in lumps
(0m\oi). These lumps are described by Joaephua
(B. J. iv. 8, $ 4) aa of the size and ahape of a
headless ox (comp. Plin. vii. 13). The semi-liquid
kind of bitumen ia that which Pliny says is found
in the Dead Sea, the earthy in Syria about Sidou.
Liquid bitumen, such as the Zacynthion, the Baby-
lonian, and the Apolloniatic, be adds, is known by
the Greeks by the name of pis-aephaltttni (comp.
Ex. ii. 3, IJCX.). He tell* us moreover that it waa
used for cement, and that bronze vessels and statues
and the heads of nails were covered with it (Plin.
xxxv. 51). The bitumen pita by the Dead Sea ar»
described by the monk Brocsrdus (Deter. Ten.
Simct. c. 7, in Ugolini, vi. 1044). The Arab* of
the neighborhood have perpetuated the story of ita
formation as given by Strabo. " They aay that it
forma on the rocks in the depths of the sea, and
by earthquakes or other submarine concussions is
broken off in Urge masses, and rises to the sur-
face" (Thomson, Land and Book, p. 223). They
told Burckhardt a similar tale. " The asphaltum
a >
(.!"»■), Bommar, which ia collected by the Arabs
of the western (bore, ia said to come from a moun-
tain which block* up the passage along the eastern
Ghoi; and which is situated at about two hours
south of Wady Mojeb. The Arab* pretend that
it oozes up from fissures in the cliff, and collects in
large pieces on the rock below, where the mas*
gradually Increases and hardens, until it is rent
asunder by the beat of the sun, with a loud explo-
sion, and, falling into the ae*, ia carried by the
wave* in considerable quantities to the oppoai.e
shores" (Trav. in Syria, p. 394). Dr. Thomson
tells us that the Arabs still call these pita by the
name biArtt ktnvnar, which strikingly resemble*
the Heb. ietrttk ehimdr of Gen. xiv. 10 (Land
and Boot, p. 224).
Strabo says that in Babylonia boats were mad*
of Ticker-work, and then covered with bitumen, to
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8062
SLING
keep out the water (zvi. p. 743). In the tune
my the ark of rush* or papyrus in which Mows
was placed was plastered over with a mixture of
bitumen and pitch or tar. Dr. Thomson remarks
(p. 224): "This is doubly interesting, as it reveals
the process by which they prepared the bitumen.
The mineral, as found in this country, melts readily
enough by itself; but then, when cold, it is as
brittle as glass. It must be mixed with tar while
melting, and in that way forms a hard, glossy wax,
perfectly impervious to water." We know from
Strabo (xvi. p. 764) that the Egyptians used the
bitumen of the Dead Sea in the process of em-
balming, and Pliny (vi. 35) mentions a spring of
the same mineral at Columbia in Ethiopia.
W. A. W.
SLING (V^R: ff<t>tvS6v7i-- fundn). The sling
lias been in all ages the favorite weapon of the
shepherds of Syria (1 Sam. xvii. 40 ; Burckhardt's
Notet, i. 57 ), and hence was adopted by the Israel-
it isli army, as the most effective weapon for light-
armed troops. The fienjamites were particularly
expert in their use of it: even the left-handed could
" sling stones at an hair and not miss " (Judg. xx.
IK; coinp. 1 Chr. xii. 2). According to the Tar-
gum of Jonathan and the Syriac, it was the weapon
of the Clieretbites and Pelethites. It was advan-
tageously used in attacking and defending towns
(2 K. iii. 25; Joseph. 13. J. iv. 1, § 8), and in
skirmishing (B. J. ii. 17, § 5). Other eastern
nations availed themselves of it, as the Syrians (1
Mace. ix. 11), who also invented a kind of artificial
sling (1 Mace. vi. 51); the Assyrians (lud. ix. 7;
Layard's If in. ii. 344) ; the Egyptians (Wilkinson,
i. 357); and the Persians (Sen. Aunb. iii. 3, § 18).
The construction of the weapon hardly needs de-
scription: it consisted of a couple of strings of
Egyptian Slingars. (Wilkinson.)
i >ew or some fibrous substance, attached to a
leathern receptacle for the stone in the centre,
which was termed the caph," i. e. pan (1 Sam. xxv.
89): the sling was swung once or twice round the
bead, and the stone was then discharged by letting
go one of the strings. Sling-stones b were selected
for their smoothness (1 Sam. xvii. 40), and were
*!?• • » l ?ir , 33H.
d Other words besides those mentioned in toL II. p.
Ml f., are: —
1. ">3DO: 4 ovykAWW: editor (2 K. xxlr. 14),
■ban c&Arai* la also uaad, thus iWnnUng a workman
■ i
SMYKNA
recognized as one of the ordinary niunitiou of wsa
(2 Cbr. xxvi. 14). In action the stones wen either
carried in a bag round the neck (1 Sam. xvii. 40)
or were neaped up at the feet of the combatant
(Layard's JVi'm. ii. 344) The violence with which
the stone was projected supplied a vivid image of
sudden and forcible removal (Jer. x. 18). The
rapidity of the whirling motion of the sling round
the bead, was emblematic of inquietude (1 Sam.
xxv. 29, " the souls of thine enemies shall be tokirl
round in the midst of the pan of a sling "); while
the sling-etones represented the enemies of God
(Zech. ix. 15, "they shall tread under foot the
sling-stones"). The term margimah* in Pror.
xxvi. 8 is of doubtful meaning; Geseoins (The*.
p. 1263) explains of "a heap of atones,'' it in
the margin of the A. V., the LXX. ; Ewald, and
Hitaig, of "a sling," as in the text. W. L. B.
• SLUICES. The word so translated P3JP>
in It. xix 10 teems to have been entirely misap-
prehended by our English translators, after tht
example of some of the ancient versions. It meant
hire, wnga, and the last clause of the verse should
be rendered, " and all those who work for wages
shall be of a sad heart." On the origin of the
error and the true meaning, see Gesenius ( Oman.
u. den Jetaia, in toe.). R. D. C. R-
SMITH. 1 ' The work of the smith, together
with au account of hit tools, is explained it
Handicraft, vol. ii. p. 992 f. A description of
a smith's workshop is given in Ecclua. xxxviii. 28
H. W. P.
SMYRTJA [Ifivpm, myrrh: Smyrna]. Tht
city to which allusion is made in Revelation ii.
8-11, was founded, or at least the design of found-
ing it was entertained, by Alexander the Great toon
after the battle of the Granicus, in consequence of
a dream when he had lain down to sleep after tht
fatigue of hunting. A temple in which two god-
desses were worshipped under the name of N jnetet
stood on the hill, on the sides of which thr new
town was built under the auspices of Antigonut
and Lysimachus, who carried out the design of the
conqueror after his death. It was situated twenty
stadet from the city of the same name, which
after a long series of wars with the Lydiant had
been finally taken and sacked by Halyattes. Tne
rich lands in the neighborhood were cultivated by
the inhabitants, scattered in villages about the
country (like the Jewish population between tht
times of Zedekiah and Ezra), for a period which
Strabo, speaking roundly, calls 400 years. The
descendants of this population were reunited in the
new Smyrna, which toon became a wealthy and
important city. Not only was the soil in the
neighborhood eminently productive — so that tht
vines were even said to have twv crops of grape* —
but its position was such as to render it the natural
outlet for the produce of the whole valley of tht
Hermus. The Pramnean wine (which Nestor in
the Iliad, and Circe in the Odyssey, are represented
as mixing with honey, cheese, and meal to make t
2. B?tt1? : a^vpox&ra: malleolar: a ham merer
a term applied to Tubal-Oatn, Oen. Iv. 22 (Ota. By
580, 766; Saalschntx, Ann. Htb. I. lit). [Total
Ota.)
8. taVin: 4 r*m»: ht that nam (the tall
] ny§, •*••*, faau), Is. UL 7.
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SMYRNA
dad of salad dressing) grew even down to the time
•f Pliny in the immediate neighborhood of the
temple of the Mother of the god* at Smyrna, and
doul.tless played iu part in the orgiastic rites both
of that deity and of Dionysus, each of whom in
the times of Imperial Home possessed a guild of
worshippers frequently mentioned in the inscrip-
tions as the Itpk crvvotos \uxrim itrfrpbt Inru-
*arx}s and the Itpi <rivotos siimttsV col t«x«"'tm>'
Atorvaou. One of the most remarkable of the
chtft if outre of Myron which stood at Smyrna,
representing an old woman intoxicated, illustrates
the prevalent habits of the population.
The inhabitants of New Smyrna appear to have
possessed the talent of successfully divining the
course of events in the troublous times through
which it was their desriny to pass, and of habitu-
ally securing for themselves the favor of the victor
(or the time being. Their adulation of Seleucus
and bis son Antiochus was excessive. The title 6
>"**» col acrrhp is given to the Utter in an extant
inscription ; and a temple dedicated to his mother
"tratouice, under the title of 'Ad)0oorrn troara-
dMYHNA
3063
mtis, was not inly constituted a tauctuary itself,
but the same right was extended in virtue oi it to
the whole city. Yet when the tide turned, a ten>-
pk) was erected to the city Rome as a divinity in
time to save the credit of the Stnyrnceans as zeal-
ous friends of the Roman people. Indeed, thougb
history is silent as to the particulars, the existence
of a coin of Smyrna with the head of Mithridates
upon it, indicates that this energetic prince also, for
a time at least, must have included Smyrna within
the circle of his dependencies. However, during
the reign of Tiberius, the reputation of the Smyr-
nieans for an ardent loyalty was so unsullied, that
on this account alone they obtained permission to
erect a temple, in behalf of all the Asiatic cities, to
the emperor and senate, the question havirg been
for some time doubtful as to whether their city or
Sardis [Saudis] — the two selected out of a crowd
of competitors — should receive this distinction.
The honor which had been obtained with such dif-
ficulty, wss requited with a proportionate adulation.
Nero appears in the inscriptions as <r«rri)a rai
orvunarros iyiptmlou yirout.
•"Jiillt*^^
The Casus and Port of Smyrna. (Labords.)
It seems not impossible, that just sa St. Paul's
/lustrations in the Epistle to the Corinthians are
lesi will from the Isthmian games, so the message
to the Church in Smyrna contains allusions to the
-itnal of the pagan mysteries which prevailed in
Just city. The story of the violent death and re-
vrriscenee of Dionysus entered into then to such
m extent, that Origen, in his argument against
CrJsus. does not scruple to quote it sa generally ac-
cepted by the Greeks, although by them interpreted
metaphysically (iv. 171, ed. Spencer). In this view,
'He words i irp&rot frol & lo^oror, 6s iyivrro
rearoos ral ((r/aty (Rev. ii. 8) would come with
peculiar rbrce to ears perhaps accustomed to bear
them ir. a very different application. The same
may be said of Sowo> o-oi tot ariQavov rijt (tcrii,
it having been a usual practice at Smyrna to pre-
sent a crown to the priest who superintended the
religious ceremonial at the end of his year of office.
Several persons of both sexes have the title of crrr
4>ayri<piuoi in the Inscriptions; and the context
shows that they possessed great social consider-
ation.
In the time of Strabo the ruins of the Old
Smyrna still existed, and were partially inhabited,
but the new city was one of the most beautiful in
all Asia. The streets were laid out as near as
might be at right angles ; but an unfortunate over-
sight of the architect, who forgot to make under-
ground drains to carry off the storm rains, occa-
sioned the Hooding of the town with the filth and
refuse of the streets. There was a large public li-
brary there, and also a handsome building sur-
rounded with porticoes which served as a museum.
It wss consecrated as a heroum to Homer, whom
the Sniynueana claimed as a countryman. Tl.ere
was also an Odeum, and a temple of the Olympian
Zeus, with whose cult that of the Roman emperors
was associated. Olympian games were celebrated
here, and excited great interest. On one of I "
< This Is the mors likely from the superstitions n- Km Ufir Just abort the city
mtd m which the Bmyrosauis held chanos phrases which this mode of divination was
'rtsjlfcii) as a material tor sufury. Tber bad a sAa- (Panssnias, U. 11, J 7).
the walk, ke
the ord sassy — s
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3064
SMYRNA
aceaaiona (in the year A. D. 68) a Rhodian youth
of the name of Artemidorua obtained grater dis-
tinctions than any on record, under peculiar cir-
cumstances, which Panaauias relates. He waa a
pancratiast, and not long before bad been beaten
at Eli» from deficiency in growth. But when the
Smymean Olympia next came round, his bodily
strength had ao developed that he was victor in
three trials on the same day, the first against his
former competitors at the Peloponnesian Olympia,
the second with the youths, and the third with the
men ; the last contest having been provoked by a
taunt (Pauaaniaa, v. 14, § 4). The extreme inter-
est excited by the games at Smyrna may perhaps
account for the remarkable ferocity exhibited by
the population against the aged bishop Polycarp.
It was exactly on such occasions that what the pa-
gans regarded as the unpatriotic and anti-aocial
spirit of the early Christiana became most apparent ;
and it waa to the violent demands of the people as-
sembled in the stadium that the Roman proconsul
yielded up the martyr. The letter of the Smyr-
■ueana, in which the account of his martyrdom is
contained, represents the Jews as taking part with
the Gentiles in accusing him as an enemy to the
state religion, — conduct which would be inconceiv-
able in a sincere Jew, but which was quite natural
in those whom the sacred writer characterises as
•' a synagogue of Satan " (Kev. ii. 9).
Smyrna under the Romans was the seat of a con-
ventui juruiicut, whither law cases were brought
from the citizens of Magnesia on the Sipylua, and
also from a Macedonian colony settled in the same
country under the name of Hyrcani. The last are
probably the descendants of a military body in the
service of Seleucus, to whom lands were given soon
after the building of Mew Smyrna, and who, to-
gether with the Hagnesiana, seem to have had the
Suiyrnoan citizenship then bestowed upon them.
The decree containing the particulars of this ar-
rangement is among the marbles in the University
of Oxford. The Romans continued the system
which they found existing when the country passed
over into their hands.
(Strabo, xiv. 188 ff; Herodotus, i. 16; Tacitus,
Atmal. in. 63, iv. 66; Pliny, H. A*, v. 28; Boeckh,
Jntcript. Crrcec. " Smynueao Inscriptions," espe-
cially Noa. 3163-3176; Pauaaniaa, toca tit., and
iv. 81, § 5; Macrobiua, Saturnalia, I 18; [Prof.
G. M. Lane, art. Smyrna, in BibL Sacra for Jan.
1858.]) J. W. B.
* Smyrna is about 40 miles from Ephesus, and
now connected with it by a railroad. [Ephesus,
Amer. ed.] The Apostle John must often have
passed between the two places during his long life
at Ephesus. Paul's ministry at Ephesus (Acts xx.
M) belongs no doubt to an earlier period, before the
gospel had taken root in the other city. The spot
where Polycarp is supposed to have been burut at
the stake is near the ruins of a itadium on the hill
jehind the present town. It may be the exact spot
or certainly near there, for it is the place where the
people were accustomed to meet for public specta-
cles. Ignatius, bishop of Antioch, touched at
Smyrna on bis voyage to Rome, where he was
thrown to wild beasts in the amphitheatre, about
A. D. 108. Two of his extant letters were addressed
to Polycarp and to the Smyrnoans. Smyrna is the
only one of the cities of the seven churches which
retains any importance at the present day. Its
population in stated to be 160,000, nearly one half
ef whom are Mohanunedana. On the import of
SNOW
the Rerelator'a message to the Church at Saayraa
may be mentioned Stier'a Supplement to his M*~
dtn /era, pp. 139-137, and Archbishop Trench'!
Commentary on the Spittle* to tht Seven
Churches, pp. 133-162 (Amer. ed.). H.
SNAIL. The representative in the A V. of
the Hebrew words thablit and chumtU
1. ShabhU (W??E7: xnoh; |Wep«, Aq.:
xtptor, Syni.: eera) occurs only in Pa. lviii. 9
(8, A. V.): "As a thabUU which melteth let (the
wicked) pass away." There are various opinions
as to the meaning of thia word, the most curiotv
perhaps, being that of Symmachua. The LXX
read " melted wax," similarly the Vulg. The ren-
dering of the A. V. (•< snail ") is supported by tht
authority of many of the Jewish Doctors, and is
probably correct. The Chaldee Paraphr. explain!
thabUl by thWala (nV»YI), i. e. « a snail or a
slug," which waa supposed by the Jews to con-
sume away and die by reason of its constantly
emitting slime as it crawls along. See SchoL ad
Gem. Mold Katun, 1, foL 6 B, as quoted by Bo-
chart (Hierot, iii. 660) and Gesenius (.The*, p
212). It is needless to observe that thia is not a
zoological fact, though perhaps generally believed
by the Orientals. The term tliablil would denote
either a Umax or « helix, which are particularly
noticeable for the slimy track they leave behind
them.
2. Ckdmet (tS&n : oavpa: lacerta) occurs only
as the name of some unclean animal in Lev. xi. 80.
The LXX. and Vulg. understand some kind of
Heard by the term; the Arabic versions of Er-
penius and Saadias give the chamtleon as the ani-
mal intended. The Veneto-Greek and the Rab-
bins, with whom agrees the A. V., render the
Heb. term by " snail." Bochart (Men*. U.
600) has endeavored to show that a species oi
small sand lizard, called chnlaen by the Arabs, is
denoted; but his argument rests entirely upon
some supposed etymological foundation, ai d proves
nothing at all. The truth of the mattet is thai
there is no evidence to lead us to any commdou ,
perhaps some kind of lizard may be intended, aa
the two moat important old versions conjecture.
W. H.
• SNARES OF DEATH. The rendering
of the A, V. in 2 Sam. xxii. 6; Pa. xviii. 5, '• The
sorrows of hell compassed me about, the snares of
death prevented me," needs correction and expla-
nation. The paaaage may be thus translated * —
" The cords of the underworld (Sktolj wen east
around me;
The snares of death had caught me."
The psalmist describes himself, in metaphors bot
rowed from hunting, as caught in the toils of bia
enemies, and in imminent danger of his life. A.
SNOW (abfj? : xtt \y; tpioot in Prov. xxvi.:
ww). The historical books of the Bible contain
only two notices of snow actually falling (3 Sam.
xxiii. 30; 1 Mace. xiii. 33), but the allusions in
the poetical books are ao numerous that there can
be no doubt as to Its being an ordinary occurrence)
in the winter months. Thus, for instance, tiki
snow-storm is mentioned among the ordinary oper-
ations of nature which are illustrative of the Cre-
ator's power (Pa. cxlvii. 16, cxlviii. 8). We have)
again, notice of the beneficial effect of snow on tht
soil (Is. iv. 10). Its color is adduced aa an <«
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SNOW
sf tsrObncy (Dtn. vil. 9; Matt xxviU. 3; Rev. 1.
14), of puritj (If. i. 18 i Lam. It. 7, in reference
to the white robes of the princes), and of the
blanching effects of leprosy (Ex. ir. 6 ; Num. zii.
10; 9 K. v. 27). In the book of Job we hare ref-
erences to the supposed cleansing effects of snow-
water (ix. 30), to the rapid melting of snow under
the sun's rays (xxir. 19), and the consequent flood-
ing of the brooks (vt 16). The thick falling of the
flakes forms the point of comparison in the obscure
passage in Ps- lzviii. 14. The snow lies deep in the
ravines of the highest ridge of Lebanon until the
tninmer is tar adranced, and indeed never wholly
disappears (Robinson, iii. 631); the summit of Her-
on u also perpetually glistens with frozen snow
(Robinson, ii. 437). From these sources probably
the Jews obtained their supplies of ice for the pur-
post of cooling their beverages in summer (Prov.
or. 13). The *' snow of Lebanon " is also used as
au expression for the refreshing coolness of spring
water, probably iu reference to the stream of Si-
kam (Jer. xviii. 14). Lastly, in Pror. xxxi. 21,
■now appears to be used as a synonym for winter or
cold weather. The liability to snow must of course
vary considerably in a oountry of such varying alti-
tude as Palestine. Joeephus notes it as a peculiar-
ity of the low plain of Jericho that it was warm
there (yen when snow was prevalent in tbe rest of
the country (B. J. iv. 8, § 3). At Jerusalem snow
,]ftec falls to the depth of a foot or more in Janu-
ary and February, but it seldom lies (Robinson, i.
439). At Nazareth it falls more frequently and
deeply, and it has been observed to full even in the
maritime plain at Joppa and aliout Caruiel (Kitto,
Phyt, Wat. p. 210). A comparison of the notices
rf snow contained in Scripture and in the works of
modern travellers would, however, lead to the con-
clusion that more fell in ancient times than at the
present day. At Damascus, snow falls to the depth
H nearly a foot, and lies at all events for a few
lays (YVartabet's Syria, i. 215, 236). At Aleppo
t folia, but never lies for mora than a day (Russell,
. 69). W. L. B.
• The " time of harvest" (Prov. xxv. 13) an-
i to oar summer rather than the autumn. At
■now procured from Anti-Lebanon is
SO
8065
kept for sole in the bazaars during the bit months,
and being mixed with the juice of pomegranates,
with sherbet and other drinks, forms a favorite bev-
erage. " In the heat of the day," says Dr. Wil-
son, "the Jews at Hatbttd, in northern Galilee,
offered us water cooled with snow from Jebel etlt-
Bktiik, the modern Hernion '' (Lands of the Bible,
ii. 186). "Countless loads of snow," says Dr.
Schulz (Jerutaltm, tine Vorltumy, p. 10), "are
brought down to Beirut from tbe sides of Stmnia,
one of the highest peaks of Lebanon, to freshen the
water, otherwise hardly fit to drink." (See also
Volney, Voynge en £yypte et en Syrie, p. 262.)
The practice of using snow in this manner existed
also among the Greeks and the Romans. The
comparison in the proverb therefore is very signif-
icant. The prompt return of the messenger with
good tidings refreshes the heart of the aiuiounly
expectant like a cooling draught in the heat of
lumuier. H.
» SNUFF-DISH. [Cesser; Fire-pas.]
SO (WD [Egypt. Serech or Sertc, an Egyptian
deity, Flint] : Xtryiipi [Alex. Sua; Comp. Xoui-]
Sun). " So king of Kgypt " is ouce mentioned in
the Bible. Hoshea, the last king of Israel, evi-
dently intending to become the vassal of Egypt,
sent messengers to him, and made no present, as
had been the yearly custom, to the king of As-
syria (2 K. xvii. 4). The consequence of this
step, which teems to hare been forbidden by the
prophets, who about this period are constantly
warning tbe people against trusting iu Kgypt and
Ethiopia, was the imprisonment of Hoshea, the
taking of Samaria, mid the carrying captive of the
ten tribes.
So has been identified by different writers with
the first and second kings of the Ethiopian XXV'th
dynasty, called by Manetho, Sabakon and Sebi-
chos. It will be necessary to examine the chronol-
ogy of the period in order to ascertain which of
these identifications is the more prob»ble- We
therefore give a table of the dynasty (see below),
including the third and last reign, that of Tirbv
kah, for the illustration of a later article. [Tin-
HAKAH.]
TABU or DYNASTY XXV.
Istkiah Dam.
Hnoiw Data.
ova.
Manetho.
Monunumu.
Gomel
reigns?
a. o.
Amis.
R9
TO7
•6
AMeanat.
Yrs.
1 Sabakon 8
ISebiehoiU
S-Tarkos 18
jnusMus.
Yrs.
1. Sabakon 13
2. BeUchos 12
8. Tarakos 20
Order.
1. 8HEBEK .
2. SHEBETIK
8. TEHARKA
Highest
Tr.
xn.
xxn.
12
12
26
dr. 728 or 70S.
dr. 708 or 688?
Hoshea's treaty wttsi
St
War with Sennacherib.
The accession of Teharka, the Tirbokah of Scrip-
tore, may be nearly fixed on the evidence of an
Apis-tablet, which states that one of the bulls Apis
sras born in hit 46th year, and died at the end of
tbe 2Cth of Psammetichus I. This bull lived more
than 90 years, and the longest age of any Apis
■rated i» 36. Supposing the latter duration, which
would allow a short interval between Teharka and
193
Psammetichus II., as seems necessary, the i
■ion of Teharka would be b. c. 695. If we assign
24 years to the two predecessors, the commence-
ment of the dynasty would he b. c. 719. But it
is not certain that their reigns were continuous.
The account which Herodotus gives of the war of
Sennacherib and Sethos suggests that Tirhakah
was not ruling In Egypt at the time of the dettnie-
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8066
SOAP
tun of the Am) run arm;, so that we may either
conjecture, aa Dr. Hindu has done, that the reign
if Sethoi followed that of Shebetek and preceded
that of Tirhakah over Egypt (Juurn. Stic. Lit.,
January, 1863), or else that Tirhakah waa king of
Ethiopia while Shebetek, not the same as Sethos,
ruled in Egypt, the former hypothesis being far the
more proliable. It seems impossible to arrive at
any positive conclusion as to the dates to which
the mentions in the Bible of So and Tirhakah
refer, but it must be remarked that it is difficult
to overthrow the date of ». c. 721, for the taking
of Samaria.
If we adopt the earlier dates So must correspond
to Shebek, if the later, perhaps to Shebetek; but
il it should be found that the reign of Tirhakah is
dated too high, the former identification might still
be held. The name Sbebek is nearer to tbe lie-
brew name than Shebetek, and if tbe Masoretic
points do not faithfully represent the original pro-
nunciation, as we might almost infer from the con-
sonants, and the name was Sewa or Seva, it is not
very remote from Sbebek. We cannot account for
tbe transcription of the LXX.
From Egyptian sources we know nothing more
of Shebek than that he conquered and put to death
Bocchoris, the sole king of the XXIVth dynasty,
as we learn from Manetho's list, and that he con-
tinued the monumental works of the Egyptian
kings. There is a long inscription at El Kamak
in which Sbebek speaks of tributes from " the king
of the land of Kuala (Shaka)," supposed to
be Syria. (Brugech, Hituirt ctgi/yit*, i. 344.)
This gives some slight confirmation to the identi-
fication of this king with So, and it is likely that
the founder of a new dynasty would have en-
deavored, like Shishak and Psammetichua I., the
latter virtually the founder of the XXVIth, to re-
store the Egyptian supremacy in the neighboring
Asiatic countries.
The standard inscription of Sargou in his palace
at Khursabad states, according to M. Oppert, that
after the capture of Samaria, Hanon king of Uaza,
and Setiech sultan of Egypt, met the king of As-
syria in battle at Kapih, Kaphia, and were defeated.
Sebech disappeared, but Hanon was captured.
Pharaoh king of Egypt was then put to tribute.
(Lit InicriptioH* Auyricnntt ati Snryonidn, etc.
p. 32.) This statement would appear to indicate
that either Shebek or Shebetek, for we cannot lay
great stress upon the seeming identity of name
with the former, advanced to the support of Hoshea
and his party, and being defeated Bed into Ethiopia,
tearing the kingdom of Egypt to a native prince.
This evidence favors the idea that the Ethiopian
kings were not successive. K. S. P.
soap (rrnin, -12 : «.«v- *«•&«, *. ion**).
The Hebrew term bdrith does not in itself bear the
specific sense of soap, but is a general term for any
substance of clennung qualities. As, however, it
appears in Jer. ii. 23, in contradistinction to ntiher,
which undoubtedly means " nitre," or mineral
alkali, it is fair to infer that bdrilh refers to vege-
table alkali, or some kind of potash, which forms
sue of the usual ingredients in our soap. Numer-
ous plants, eapable of yielding alkalies, exist in
Palestine and the surrounding countries; we may
notice one named Hubdbeh (the talsota kaU of
botanists), found near tbe Dead Sea, with glass-
tike leaves, the ashes of which are called tl-Kvli
from their strong alkaline properties (Robinson,
SOC'H
BiU. Bttnixhet, i. 505); the Ajtnm, found now
Sinai, which when pounded serves a* a substitute
for soap (Robinson, i. 84); tbe yilloo, or "soat
plant" of Egypt (Wilkinson, ii. 100); and tbe
heaths in the neighborhood of .loppa (Kitto's Piigt.
Hilt. p. 867). Modern travellers have also noticed
the Saponavin officinalis and tbe Mtumbrynn-
themum nodijiorutn, both possessing alkaline prop-
erties, as growing in Palestine. From these sources
large quantities of alkali have been extracted ic
past ages, as tbe heaps of ashes outside Jerusalem
and Nubtit testify (Kobinson, ill. 201, 299), and
an active trade in the article is still prosecuted nitb
Aleppo iu one direction (Russell, i 79), and Arabia
iu another (Kurckliardt, i. 66). We need not as
sume that the lulies were worked up in the foro.
familiar to us ; tor no such article was known to the
Egyptians (Wilkinson, i. 186). Tbe uses of soap
among the Hebrews were twofold : (1 ) for cleansing
either the person (Jer. ii. 23; Job. la. 80, where
for " never so clean," read " with alkali ") or the
clothes; (2) for purifying metals (Is. i. 35, where
for >* purely," read " as through alkali " ). Hitzig
suggests that bdrWt should be substituted for btritk,
" covenant," in Ez. xx. 37, and Hal. iu. 1.
W. L.B.
so'cho (yyw [»«»»<•*«»].• i«, A *v: *«*•».
1 Chr. iv. 18. Probably the town of Socob in
Judab, though which of tbe two cannot be ascer-
tained. It appears from its mention in this list,
that it was colonized by a man or a place named
Helper. Tbe Targum, playing on the passage after
the custom of Hebrew writers, interprets it as re-
ferring to Moses, and takes the names Jered, Soco,
Jekuthiel, as titles of him. He was "the Rabba
of Soco, because he sheltered ("723) tbe bouse of
Israel with his virtue." 6.
SO'CHOH (nbt£7 [Brandies] : [Rom. *m-
vat;] " Alex. Sox*" : Soccho). Another form of
the name which is more correctly given in tbe A. V.
as Socuu, but which appears therein under no less
than six forms. The present one occurs in the list
of King Solomon's commissariat districts (1 K. ir
10), and is therefore probably, though not certain!} ,
the town in tbe Shefelrth, that being the great corn-
growing district of the country. [Socoh, 1.]
SO'COH (nbltT [see above]). Tbe nan*
of two towns in the tribe of Judab.
L 0Ea»x<4: Alez - S"X» : &Kk°-) I" the dT»-
trict of tbe Sheftlah (Josh. xr. 85). It is a
member of the same group with Jarmuth. Ankah.
Shaaraim, etc. The same relative situation is im-
plied iu the other passages in which the place
(under slight variations of form) is mentioned. At
Ephes-dammim, between Socob and Azekafa (1 Sam.
xvii. 1 ), the Philistines took up their position fo»
the memorable engagement in which their champion
was slain, and the wounded fell down in the road
to Shaaraim (ver. 53). Socho, Adulbun, Azekab,
were among tbe cities in Judah which Reboboan*
fortified after the revolt of tbe northern tribra
(2 Chr. xi. 7), and it is mentioned with others of
the original list as being taken by the Philistine*
in tbe reign of Ahaz (3 Chr. xxviii. 18).
In the time of Eusebius and Jerome (Ommum.
" Soccho ") it bore tbe name of Soceboth, and Uj
a The ttxt of the Vat. MS. Is so corrupt as to sae
rent any name being recognised.
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SOD
„,„_j 8 and 9 Roman miles from Elentheropolis,
to the road to Jerusalem. Paula passed through it
to her road from Bethlehem (?) to Kgypt (.lorome,
Ep. Paulm, $ U). As is not unfrequently the case
in this locality, there were then two villages, an
upper and a lower (OnomatL). Dr. Robinson's
identification of Socoh with cih-Shuoeittli ■ in the
western pvt of the mountains of Judah is very
prolable [Bill Bet. ii. 21). It lies about I mUe to
the north of the track from Beit Jitnin to Jerusa-
lem, between 7 and 8 English miles from the former.
To the north of it within a couple of miles is Ynr-
wirJfc, the ancient .larmuth. Diimun, perhaps Ephes-
damniim, is about the same distance to the east,
snd although Azekah and Shaaraim have not been
dentinal, there is no doubt that they were in this
seighborhood. To complete the catalogue, the
ruins — which must be those of the upper one of
F.nsebius's two villages — stand on the southern
slope of the Wmly et-Sumt, which with great prob-
ability is the Valley of Elah, the scene of Goliath's
death. (See Tobler, 3tte Wnndermy, p. 122.)
Xo traveller appears to have actually visited the
■pot, but one of the few who have approached it
describes it as '• nearly half a mile above the bed
of the Wady, a kind of natural terrace covered
t itb green fields (in spring), and dotted with gray
ruins" (Porter, Htmtlbk. p. 249 «).
From this village probably came " Antigonus of
Soco," who lived about the commencement of the
3d century b. c. He was remarkable for being the
earliest Jew who is known to have had a Greek
name; for being the disciple of the great Simon,
■untamed the -lust, whom he succeeded as president
of the Sanhedrim ; for being the master of Sadok
the reputed founder of the Sadducees; but most
truly remarkable as the author of the following
saying which in given in the Mishna (Pirkt Abvth,
i. 3) as the substance of his teaching, " Be not ye
like servants who serve their lord that tbey may
receive a reward. But be ye like servants who
sene their lord without hope of reoeiving a reward,
but iu the fear of Heaven "
Socoh appears to be mentioned, under the name
of Stxhvs, in the Acts of the Council of Sice,
though its distance from Jerusalem as there given
a not sufficient for the identification proposed above
iRebuid, i'-'/.p. 1019).
». (Js»x<»: Alex.*» X o»: Soeolli.) Also a town
A Judah, but in the mountain district (Josh. xv.
48).'' It is one of the first group, and is named
in company with Auab, Jattir, Eshtemoh, and
others. It has been discovered by Dr. Robinson
(jKW. Ha. i. 49i) in the Wady eUKhaU, about 10
wiles S. W. of Hebron; bearing, like the other
Socoh, the name of uli-Sliiuetikth, and with Auab,
Semoa, 'Attir, within easy distance of it. G.
• SOD, the preterite of uttlte ; « And Jacob
tod pottage," Gen. xxv. 29; and see also 9 Cbr.
sxx». 18. H -
• SODDEN, past participle of « seethe " (Ex.
fJL 19). [Soo.] H.
80DI OT® [a confidant, /aeoriie]: 2ov8t;
sodom 8067
[Vat. Soviet:] Sodi). The father of Gad KeU the
spy selected from the tribe of Zebulun (Num. xiii.
10).
SOD'OM (0*17* t. e. Sedoni fees note be-
low]: [to] 2itona\ Joseph. $ wi\it Sotoiurir'-
Sodoimt. Jsrome vacillates between singular and
plural, noun and adjective. He employs all the
following forms, Sodomam, in SodomU, &idimior mi,
Snduma, Sodonula). One of the most ancient
cities of Syria, whose name is now a synonym for
the most disgusting and opprobrious of vices. It
is commonly mentioned in connection with Gomor-
rah, but also with Adiuah and Zeboim, and on ont
occasion (Gen. xiv.) with Bela or Zoar. Sodom
was evidently the chief trwn iu the settlement. Its
king takes the lead and the city is always named
first in the list, and appears to be the most im-
portant. The four are first named in the ethno-
logical records of Gen. x. 19, as belonging to the
Cauaanites: "The border of the Canaanite w»a
from Zidon toward« Gerar unto Azzah: towards
Sedoni and Amorah and Admah and Tsebolni unto
Lasha." The meaning of which appears to be that
the district in the hands of the Cauaanites formed
a kind of triangle — the apex at Zidon, the south-
west extremity at Gaxa, the southeastern at Lasha.
Lasha, it may lie remarked in passing, seems most
probably located on the Wady Zurka Main, which
enters the east side of the Dead Sea, about uiue
miles from it* northern end.
The next mention of the name of Sodom (Gen
xiii. 10-13) gives more certain indication of Um
position of the city. Abram and Lot are standing
together l*tween Bethel and Ai (ver. 3), taking, as
any spectator from that spot may still do, a survey
of the land around and 1 elow them. Eastward of
them, and alisolutely at their feet, lay the " circle
of Jordan." It was in all its verdant glory, that
glory of which the traces are still to be seen, and
which is so strangely and irresistibly attractive to a
spectator from any of the heights in the neighlior-
hood of Bethel — watered by the copious suppli »
of the Wady KeU, the Ain Sultan, the Ain /Mt.
and the other springs which gush out from tt i
foot of the mountains. These abundant wateis
even now support a mass of verdure before they art
lost in the light, loamy soil of the region. But st
the time when Abram and tat beheld them, they
were husbanded and directed by irrigation, after
the manner of Egypt, till the whole circle was cne
great oasis — "a garden of Jehovah " (ver. 10). la
the midst of the garden the four cities of fiodoin,
Gomorrah, Admah, and Zeboim appeal to have
been situated. To these cities Lot descended, and
retaining his nomad habits amongst the more civ-
ilized manners of the Canaanite settlement •« pitched
his tent" by* the chief of the four. At a later
period he seems to have been living within the
walls of Sodom. It is necessary to notice how
absolutely the cities are identified with the district.
In the subsequent account of their destruction
(Gen. xix.), the topographical terms are employed
with all the precision which is characteristic of
such early times. " The CiccAr," the " land of Uw
a amatUuh Is a dhnlnutlrs of Sto****. as Murtikhy
s-Jbrtaos.ete.
• The Km to this passage reads 13107, «. •• Soco.
« It Is perhaps doubtful whether the name had not
tkn the form 7TQ'"i?, Sedomah, whloh appears in
las. z 18. lbs t ufflx may to this eat* b. only the
PI of motion, but the forms adopted by LXX. ana
Tolg. ovvor the belief tha. t may be part cf the
d The word Is TJ, " at," not « towards," « In tea
a. V. Lunette, ttfui; LXX. In^mfl b SsM
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SODOM
Oteekr," " dixdr of Jordan," recurs again and
again both in chaps, xiii. and \ix.. and " the citiei
of the Ciccdr" ia the almost technical designation
of the towns which were destroyed in the catastrophe
related in the latter chapter. The mention of the
Jordan is conclusive as to the situation of the dis-
trict, for the Jordan ceases where it enters the
Dead Sea, and can have no existence south of that
point But, in addition, there ia the mention of
the eastward direction from Bethel, and the fact
of the perfect manner in which the district north of
the Lake can be seen from the central highlands
of the country on which Alirxm and Lot were
standing. And there is still further corroboration
'in Deut. xxxiv. 3, where " the Ciccdr" is directly
connected with Jericho and Zoar, coupled with
the statement of Gen. x. already quoted, which ap-
pears to place Zoar to the north of Lasha. It
may be well to remark here, with reference to what
will be named further on, that the southern half
of the Dead Sea is invisible from this point; not
merely too distant, but shut out by intervening
heights.
We have seen what evidence the earliest records
afford of the situation of the five cities. Let us
now see what they say of the nature of that catas-
trophe by which they are related to have been de-
stroyed. It is described in Gen. xix. as a shower
of brimstone and fire from Jehovah, from the skies
— " The I^ord rained upon Sodom, and upon Go-
morrah, brimstone and fire from the l.ord out of
heaven ; and he overthrew those cities, and all the
plain, and all the inhabitants of the cities, and that
which grew upon the ground "...." and lo !
the smoke of the land went up like the smoke of a
furnace." " It rained fire and brimstone from
heaven " (Luke xvii. 29). However we may inter-
pret the words of the earliest narrative one thing is
certain, that the lake was not one of the agents in
the catastrophe. Further, two word* are used in
Gen. xix. to describe what happened : JTrtEJn,
lo throw down, to destroy (w. 13, 14), and TJpn,
to overturn (21, 25, 29). In neither of these is the
presence of water — the submergence of the cities
or of the district in which they stood — either
mentioned, or implied. Nor is it implied in any
>f the later passages in which the destruction of
the cities ia referred to throughout the Scriptures.
Quite the contrary. Those passages always speak
of the district on which the cities once stood, not
«s submerged, but as still visible, though desolate
ind uninhabitable. " Brimstone, and salt, and
burning .... not sown, nor beareth, nor any
grass groweth therein " (Deut xxix. 23). " Never
lo be inhabited, nor dwelt in from generation to
feneration ; where neither Arab should pitch tent
■or shepherd make fold " (Is. xiil. 20). •' No man
ibiding there, nor son of man dwelling in it " (Jer.
tlix. 18; 1. 4X1). "A fruitful land turned into
ialtness " (Ps. evil. 34). >' Overthrown and burnt "
(Amos iv. 11). "The breeding of nettles, and
sltpits, and a perpetual desolation " (Zeph. ii. 9).
<■ Josephus regarded this passage as his main state-
ment of the event See Ant. I. 11, 4 4.
b These passages are given at length by T>b Saulcy
; Vorr. 1. 448).
- " The only expression which seems to Imply that
C « rise rf the Tm-%A Set was within historical times, is
k»at <L-mta!n«< *i Uen. xlv. 8 — ' the Tale of Siddim,
■ web w (he -»lt Sea.' Bat this phrase may merely
SODOM
" A waste lapd that smoketh, and plants bearii.g
fruit which never cometh to ripeness " ( Wiad. x.
7). "Land lying in clods of pitch apd heaps ol
ashes " (S Esdr. ii. 9). " The cities turned into
ashes" (2 Pet. ii. 6, where their destruction by fin
is contrasted with ibe Deluge).
In agreement with this is the statement of Jo-
sephus (B. J." ir. 8, § 4). After describing the
lake, he proceeds: ■' Adjoining it is Sodomitis, once
a blessed region abounding in produce and in cities,
but now entirely burnt up. Tbey say thai it was
destroyed by lightning for the impiety of its inhab-
itant*. And even to this day the relics of the Di-
vine fire, and the traces of five cities are to be seen
there, and moreover the ashes reappear even in tha
fruit" In another passage (B. J. v. 13, $ 6) ha
alludes incidentally to the destruction of Sodom,
contrasting it, like St- Peter, with a destitution by
water. By comparing these passages with Ant. i.
9, it appears that Joseph us believed the vale of
Siddim to have lieen submerged, and to bate been
a distinct district from that of Sodom in which the
cities stood, which latter was still to be seen.
With this agree the accounts of heathen writers,
as Straho and Tacitus; who, however vague their
statement*, are evidently under the belief that the
district was not under water, and that the remains
of the towns were still to be seen. 6
From all these passages, though much is obscure,
two things seem clear.
1. That Sodom and the rest of the cities of the
plain of Jordan stood on the north of the Dead
Sea.
3. That neither the cities nor the district were
submerged by the lake, but thai the cities were
overthrown and the land spoiled, and that it may
still be seen In its desolate condition.
When, however, we turn to more modern views,
we discover a remarkable variance from these con-
clusions.
1. The opinion long current, that the five cities
were submerged in the lake, and that their remains
— walls, columns, and capitals — might lie still di«-
cerned below the water, hardly needs refutation
after the distinct statement and the constant impli-
cation of Scripture. Reland {Pal. p. 257) showed
more than two centuries ago how baseless was such
a hypothesis, and how completely it it contradicted
by the terms of the original narrative. It has since
been assaulted with great energy by I)e Saulcy.
Professor Stanley (S. c* P. p. 289) has lent his
powerfu 1 aid in the same direction,? and the theory,
which probably arose from a confusion between the
Vale of Siddim and the plain of the Jordan, wilt
doubtless never again be listened to. Hut
2. A more serious departure from the terms of
the ancient history is exhibited in the prevalent
opinion that the cities stood at the south end of
the I-ake. This appears to have been the belief
of Josephus and Jerome (to judge by their state-
ment) on the subject of Zoar). It seems to have
been universally held by the mediaeval historians
and pilgrims, and it ia adopted by modern topog-
mean that the region in question bora both namas ; as
in the similar expressions (vr. 7 and 17) — ' Bn Mlan-
pat, which is K&desh ; ' ' Shaveh, which Is the King's
Dale * It should, however, be observed that the wore
1 Emek,' translated t vale,' Is usually employed tor a
long broad valley, such as in this connection woetii
naturally mean the whole length of the Dead Bast *
(Stanley, & a; P. p. 289 notsl.
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SODOM
, probab.y without exception. In the words
if one of the matt able and careful of modern trav-
ellers. Dr. Kobinaon, " The cities which were de-
stroyed mutt have been aitualed on the aouth end
of the lake as it then existed " (Bibl Ret. ii. 188).
Thia is also the belief of M. De Saulcy, except with
regard to Gomorrah ; and, in fact, is generally ac-
cepted. There are several grounds for this belief;
but the main point on which Dr. Robi'ison rests
his argument is the situation of Zoar.
(a.) <« Lot," says he, in continuing the passage
just quoted, "fled to Zoar, which was near to
Sodom; and Zoar lay almost at the southern end
of the present sea, probably in the mouth of the
Wad) Kerak, where it opens upon the isthmus of
the peninsula. The fertile plain, therefore, which
Lot chose for himself, where Sodom was situated
... lay also south of the lake ' as thou comest
ante Zoar ' " (BM. Rtt. ibid.).
Zoar is said by Jerome to hare been " the key
of Moab." It is certainly the key of the position
which we are now examining. Its situation is more
properly investigated under its own bead. [Zoar.]
It will there be shown that grounds exist for be-
lieving that the Zoar of Josephus, Jerome, and the
Crusaders, which probably lay where Dr. Kobinaon
places it, was not the Zoar of Lot. On such a
point, however, where the evidence is so fragment-
ary and so obscure, it is impossible to speak other-
site than with extreme diffidence.
In the mean time, however, it may be observed
that the statement of Gen. xix. hardly supports the
inference relative to the position of these two places,
which is attempted to be extorted trom it. For,
assuming that Sodom was where all topographers
seem to concur iu placing it, ut the salt ridge of
Dtdam, it will be found that the distance between
that spot and the mouth of the Wndy Keruk,
where Dr. Kobinaon proposes to place Zoar, a dis-
tance which, according to the narrative, was trav-
ersed by Lot and his party in the short twilight of
an eastern morning (Gen. xix. 15, 23), is no less
than 16 miles."
Without questioning that the narrative of Gen
six. is strictly historical throughout, we are not at
pi tat nt in possession of sufficient knowledge of the
topography and of the names attached to the sites
of this remarkable region, to enable any profitable
conclusions to be arrived at on this and the other
kindred questions connected with the destruction of
toe five cities.
(4.) Another consideration in favor of placing tbe
cities at the southern end of the lake is the exist-
ence of similar names in that direction. Thus, the
name Utlam, attached to tbe remarkable ridge of
salt which lies at the southwestern corner of the
lake, fa) usually accepted as tbe representative of
Sodom (Kobinaon, Van de Velde, De Saulcy, etc.,
ate). But there is a considerable difference be-
» o*
tween the two words D \0 and a (Xw I > and at
CWMfc
8068
« at Ds Sauliy has not overlooked this consider
attoo (Jwmtm, i. 412). His own proposal to place
Soar at Zvwtirah la however Inadmissible, for reasons
sealed under the bead of Zoar. If Utdum be Sodom,
then tbe site which baa most claim to be Identified
with tbe sits of Zoar Is the 7UI ttm-Zaghal, which
bet w een the north end of JEsossm Cfc/vm and
Bat Zoar, the cradle of Moab and Amnion,
raat safety have bean on the east stds cf the I*ko.
• It "sweety" was tor other reasons than thai It
any rate the pou.'. desert w Vrtber investigation
The name 'Amran (5j*je0, i "t "ch is attached tc
a valley among ths mountain). ■ o <h of Masada
(Van de Velde, <L 99, and Map), it an almost ex-
act equivalent to tbe Hebrew of Gomorrha* ('Am-
orah). The name Dra'a (&C» j), and much
more strongly that of Zoyhal (JJtjj), recal.
Zoar.
(c.) A third argument, and perhaps the weight-
iest of the three, is the existence of the salt moun-
tain at the south of the lake, and its tendency h'
split off in columnar masses, presenting a rude re
semblance to the human form. But with reference
to this it may be remarked that it is by no means
certain that salt does not exist at other spots round
the lake. In fact, as we shall tee under the liead
of Zoar, Thietinar (A. i>. 1317) stales that he ear
the pillar of Lot's wife on tbe east of Jordan at
about a mile from the ordinary ford : and wherever
such salt exists, since it doubtless belongs to the
same formation as the Khathm Utdiun, it will pos-
sess tbe habit of splitting into the same shapes as
that does.
It thus appears that on the situation of Sodom
no satisfactory conclusion can at present be come
to. On tbe one hand the narrative of Genesis
seems to state positively that it lay at tbe norther*
end of tbe Dead Sea. On the other hand the long-
eontinued tradition and the names of existing spots
seem to pronounce with almost equal poaitiveness
that it was at its souMern end. How the geolog-
ical argument may affect either side of the propo
sition cannot be decided in the present condition <l
our knowledge.
Of the catastrophe which destroyed the city and
the district of Sodom we can hardly hops ever to
form a satisfactory conception. Some catastrophe
there undoubtedly was. Not only does the nam
tive of Gen. xix. expressly state that the cities wen
miraculously destroyed, but all the references to tbe
event in subsequent writers in tbe Old and New
Testaments bear witness to the same met. Bet
what secondary agencies, besides fire, were employed
in the accomplishment of the punishment, cannot
be safely determined in the almost total absence of
exact scientific description of the natural features
of tbe ground round the lake. It is possible, that
when the ground has been thoroughly examined by
competent observers, something may be discovered
which may throw light on tbe narrative. Until
then, it is useless, however tempting, to speculate.
Hut even this is almost too much to hope for ; be-
cause, as we shall presently tee, there is no warrant
for imagining that the catastrophe was a geological
one, and in any other case all traces of action must
at this distance of time have vanished.
It was formerly supposed that the overthrow of
Sodom was caused by the convulsion which formed
was "ths eredle" of there tribes. [Zona, Amur
ed" S-W.
» The 3 here Is employed by the Greeks tor the
dUBcult guttural am of the Hebrews, which they were
unable to pronounce (com p. OothaUsh rbr Athanah,
etc.). Tbu, however, would not be the case In Arable
wnere die ois Is very common, and therefore D* SauV
ey'a Wendrkatlon of Ooumran with Oomomh lots ts
the ground, ss tai st least, as etymotafj to com.
osmed.
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8070
SODOM
the Dad Sea. This theory is stated by Dean
Milman in his 1/atmg of tit J turn (i. lb, 16) with
mat spirit and clearness." " The valley of the
Jordan, in which the cities of Sodom, Goniorrah,
Ad ma, and Taeboim were situated, was rich and
highly cultivated. It is most prolable that the
river then flowed in a deep and uninterrupted chan-
nel down a regular descent, and discharged itself
into the eastern gulf of the Ked Sea. The cities
stood on a soil broken and undermined with veins
of bitumen and sulphur. These inflammable sub-
stances, set on fire by lightning, caused a tremen-
dous convulsion : the watercourses, both the river
and the canals by which the land was extensively
Irrigated, burst their banks; the cities, the walls
of which were perhaps built from the combustible
materials of the soil, were entirely swallowed op by
the fiery inundation ; and the whole valley, which
had been compared to Paradise, and to the well-
watered cornfields of the Nile, became a dead and
fetid lake." But nothing was then known of the
lake, and the recent discovery of the extraordinary
depression of its turface below the ocean level, and
its no less extraordinary depth, has rendered it
Impossible any longer to hold such a theory. The
changes which occurred when the limestone strata
of Syria were split by that vast fissure which forms
the Jordan Valley and the basin of toe Salt Lake,
must not only have taken place at a time long
anterior to the period of Abraham, but must have
been of such a nature and on such a scale as to
destroy all animal life far and near (Dr. Buist, in
Tram, of Bombay Gtogr. Soc. xii. p. xvi. ).
Since the knowledge of these facts lias rendered
the old theory untenable, a new one has been
broached by Dr. Robinson.' He admits that "a
lake must have existed where the Dead Sea now
lies, into which the Jordan poured its wuters long
before the catastrophe of Sodom. The great de-
pression of the whole broad Jordan Valley and of
the northern part of the Arabii/i, the direction of
its lateral valleys, as well as the slope of the high
western district towards the north, all go to show
that the configuration of this region in its main
features is coeval with the present condition of the
surface of the earth in geneml, and not the effect
of any local catastrophe at a subsequent period.
.... In view of the fact of the necessary ex-
istence of a lake before the catastrophe of Sodom ;
the well-watered plain toward the south, in which
were the cities of Sodom and Gomorrah, and not
far off the sources of bitumen ; as also the peculiar
character of this part of the lake, where alone
aaphaltum at the present day makes its appearance
— I say, in view of all these facts, there is but a
step to the obvious hypothesis, that the fertile plain
Is now in part occupied by the southern bay lying
south of the peninsula; and that, by some convul-
sion or catastrophe of nature connected with the
miraculous destruction of the cities, either the sur-
face of this plain was scooped out, or the bottom of
the lake heaved up so as to cause the waters to
overflow and cover permanently a larger tract than
formerly " (BtW. So. ii. 188, 189).
• This cannot bs said of the sceonnt given by
roller In Ms PugaAiigto of Pnltuint (bk. S, ch. 18),
which seems to combine every possible mistake with
an amount of bad taste and unseem ly drollery quite
■mulshing even In Felhw.
• Ifeb Is the mount of the Koran (at. Mil "We
BODOM
To this very ingenious theoiy two objections
may be taken. (1.) The " plain of the Jordan.'-
in which the cities stood (as has been stated) eat
hardly have been at the south end of the lake.
and (2.) The geological portion of the theory does
not appear to agree with the facts. The whole of
the lower end of the lake, including the plain which
borders it on the south, has every appearance not
of having been lowered since the formation of the
valley, but of undergoing a gradual process of fill-
ing up. This region is in fact the delta of the
very large, though irregular, streams which diain
the highlands on its east, west, and south, and
have drained them ever since the valley was a val
ley. No report by any observer at all competent
to read the geological features of the district will
be found to give countenance to the notion that
any disturbance has taken place within the his
torical period, or that anything occurred there since
the country assumed its present general conforma-
tion beyond the quiet, gradual change due to the
regular operation of the ordinary agents of nature,
which is slowly filling up the chasm of the valley
and the lake with the washings brought down by
the torrents from (be highlands on all sides. The
volcanic appearances and marks of fire, so often
mentioned, are, so far as we have any trustworthy
means of Judging, entirely illusory, and due to
ordinary, natural causes.
But in fact the narrative of Gen. xix. neither
states nor implies that any convulsion of the earth
occurred. The word hn/ilwe, rendered in the A. V
"overthrow." is the only expression which sug-
gests such a thing. Considering the character of
the whole passsge, it msy be inferred with almost
absolute certainty that, bad an earthquake or con-
vulsion of a geological nature been a main agent
in the destruction of the cities, it would have been
far more clearly reflected in the narrative than it
is. Compare it, for example, with the forcible
language and the crowded images of Amos and
the I'saliuist in reference to such a visitation. If
it were possible to speculate on materials at once
so slender and so obscure as are furnished by that
narrative, it would be more consistent to suppose
that the actual agent in the ignition and destine
tion of the cities had been of the nature of a tre-
mendous thunderstorm accompanied by a discharge
of meteoric stones.'
The name Seddm has been interpreted to mean
" burning " (Geseuius, The:' p. 939 n). This is
possible, though it is not at ail certain, since Ue-
seniue himself hesitates between that interpretation
and one which identify* it with a similar Hebrew
word meaning " vineyard," and Furst (l/andwb. ii.
72), with equal if not greater plausibility, con-
nects it with a root meaning to inclose or for-
tify. Simonis again ( Onomnit. p. 363) renders it
"abundance of dew, or water," Hiller (Onomam.
p. 176) " fruitful land," and Chytrseuj " mystery."
In fact, like moat archaic names, it may, by a little
ingenuity, be made to mean almost anything. Pro-
fessor Stanley (8. o) P. p. 289) notices the first of
these interpretations, and comparing it with the
tamed those class upside down and we rained <
them stones of based elsjr."
c Taking D*Tp - H^ltF, sad oast s
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SODOM
fields'' in the Campagna »t Romi
ays that " the name, if not derived from the sub-
■esaaot catastrophe, shows that the marks of Are
sad already passed over the doomed valley." Ap-
parent - marks of Are " there are all orer the neigh-
borhood of the Dead Sea. The; have misled many
BweDen into believing them to be the tokens of
i and Tolcanic action ; and in the aune
' it ia quite ponible that the; originated the
nune Stdum, for they undoubtedly abounded on
the shores of the lake long before even Sodom was
founded. But there is no warrant for treating
those appearances as the tokens of actual conflagra-
tioo or volcanic action. The; are produced b; the
gradual and ordinary action of the atmosphere on
lbs racks. They are familiar to geologists in many
other places , and the; are found in other puts of
Palestine where no fire ha* ever been suspected.
The miserable fate of Sodom and Gomorrah is
BtU up a* a warning in numerous passages of the
Ud and New Testaments. By St. Peter and St.
Jade it is made " an eossmple to those that after
sbesU lhw ungodly," and to those " denying the
only Lord God, and our Lord Jesus Christ" (2
Pet. U. 6; Jade, 4-7). And our Lord himself,
•ken describing the fearful punishment that will
befall those that reject his disciples, says that " it
■tall be mora tolerable for Sodom and Gomorrah
in the day of judgment than for that tity " (Mark
vi. 11: eomp. Matt. i. 16).
The name of the Bishop of Sodom.— " Severus
Sodonwram " — appears amongst the Arabian pret-
ties who signed the acts of the first Council of
Siesta. Behind remonstrates against the idea of
the Sodom of the Bible being intended, and sug-
gests that it is a mistake for Zuzuraaon or Zo-
nulas, a see under the metropolitan of Uostra
{PnL p. 10-20). This M. De Saulcy (Jfarr. i. 464)
refuse s to admit He explains it by the fact that
Duay sees still bear the names of places which have
vanished, and exist only in name and memory,
each as Troy The Coptic version to which be
refers, in the edition of M. Lenormant, does not
throw any light on the point. G.
* The theory which is propounded in this artl-
a> respecting the catastrophe of the cities and the
nbmergence of the district, is examined in the
snides. Sea, The Salt (p. 8897 f.) and Siddim,
The Vale or (p. 3033 f., Ainer. ed.). Theargu-
samt whieh would locate the cities north of the sea,
is refuted, so far as it relates to Zoar, in the article
Zoab (Amer. rd.). For the reason above named,
that Zoar is " the key of the positron," its site
sctermines tost of Sodom, whieh was so near It
that it could be reached by flight between the early
sawn and the broad daylight after the sun had
■an over the mountains, and it was exposed to
v* same catastrophe being saved by special inter-
position. If Zoar was in the district in which
•t have placed it, Sodom was south, and not
aorlh, of the sea. But on this point we offer
farther and eomulstlve evidence relating especially
to Sodom.
The etymological import of the word "133 is
ant settled. In an able article on " The Site of
*odem and Gomorrah," published in the Jownii
f Saertd literature, April, 1866 (pr. 86-67),
targe vtarington, Esq., offers forcible reasons
If translating the term, " hollow," and for apply*
Eg it to the entire crevasse, of whieh the vallej
< ths Jordan sad the Dead Sea an hut a part.
SODOM
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In this view he is supported by the analogous facts
that Hit entire valley was designated by Jerome
and Eujebius as the Avian = the ravine, and that
it ia now called by the Arabs the 6'Aor = the de
presaion.
The argument from the Scripture narrative (Gen
xiii.) given in this article is, in substance, this:
that Abraham and Lot, standing on some eminence
between Bethel and Ai, surveyed the fruitful plain
of the Jordan on the east — the region north of
the sea being visible from that point, while what
is now the southern end of the sea would be in-
visible; and that Lot selected the plain thus visible
below him as his residence, and descending to it
pitched his tent near Sodom, one of the cities
pknled amid its verdure.
The scene of the conference between Abraham
and Lot is not stated by the sacred writer, but
would seem to have been near the spot above
named. The inference stated is also natural, and
if there were no special reason to question it, it
would pass unchallenged. But the location of the
cities is not so definitely given as to compel us to
accept the inference. Nor is it fairly implied in
the narrative that Lot's view took in the whole
valley: be surveyed a section of it, which in its
fruitl'ulness represented the whole. The argument
assumes that there has been no essential change in
the plain and the sea since that day, except what
would result in the former from dimise of the arti-
ficial irrigation which then made it so fruitful.
But the phrase " before the Lord destroyed," etc.,
plainly indicates a marked change in consequence
of the event; and there certainly is nothing in the
Scripture narrative inconsistent with the general
belief that the catastrophe of the cities, wli'd"
destroyed also "the country," wrought a gves
and general change in "the land of Sodom and
Gomorrah," thus turned "into ashes." If the
cultivated plain or valley, with or without a lake
of fresh water in a part of the present bed of the
sea, then extended as far as the present southern
limit of the sea and adjacent plain, and the cities
were in that section of it, the fact would not con-
flict with the sacred record. If the passage cited
(Gen. xiii.) does not countenance this view, neitlier
does it contradict it. The host of writers, ancient
and modem, who have firmly held it, baie newt
felt that this passage offered any objection to it
Of the reasons which we now offer additional to
the site of Zoar, whieh in itself is conclusive, the
first two are conceded above.
1. The names suggestive of Identity with tbo
original sites which adhere to the localities around
the southern end of the sen, and of which we have
no certain traces around the northern end.
3. The existence and peculiar features of thi
salt mountain south of the sea, with no correspond •
ing object north of it, which is certainly remark-
able in connection with the sacred narrative, ar.d
irresistibly associates the flight of Lot and the fate
of bis wife, with this locality.
3. The living fountains and streams of fresh
water whieh flow into the plain south of the sea,
correspondent with its original features, if it wsa
ths southern extremity of the plain of Jordan which
Lot surveyed, " well-watered everywhere, before the
Lord destroyed Sodom and Gomorrah, even as the
garden of the Lord, like the land of Egypt, as thou
comes! unto Zoar" (Gen. xiii. 10). This Is s
feature which Dr. Robinson specially noted : " Kves.
to the present dsy more Vving streams flat- iatr
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8072 sodom
the Gkbr, at the south end of the sea, from wadiea
rf the eastern mountains, than are found so near
together in all Palestine besides" (Phyt. Geog.
p. 334). Mr. Tristram's observations of the soil
below the surface, both at the foot of Jebcl Vtdum
and in the salt marsh, confirm the theory that the
whole region was once fruitful. He says: " We
collected specimens of the soil at the depth of two
feet from the surface, where it is a rich greasy
loam, but strongly impregnated with salt." " At
the depth of eighteen inches in the plain, the soil
was a fat, greasy loam " (Land of Israel, pp. 322,
336). Before this rich alluvial soil was covered
with the saline incrustation of the marsh and water
»f the lagoon, we have an image of the fertility
and beauty of the whole expanse, in Mr. Tristram's
description of the present luxuriance of the oasis on
the eastern border: >' All teemed with a prodigality
of life. It was, in fact, a reproduction of the oasis
of Jericho, in a far more tropical climate, and with
yet more lavish supply of water For
three miles we rode through these rich groves,
revelling in the tropical verdure and swarming
ornithology of its labyrinths " (.Ibid. p. 836).
4. The testimony of unbroken tradition, ancient
and modern. Strabo, Josephus, Tacitus, Galen,
Jerome, Eusebius, "medieval historians and pil-
grims, and modern topographers, without excep-
tion," — is the formidable array which Mr. Grove
proposes to turn aside by an interpretation, plausi-
ble in itself, of a single passage of Scripture,
which oners no bar to their unanimous verdict,
and which seems to us even to require it. (The
reader will find these cited in the BibL Sacra,
xxv. 147.) The whole series, of course, does not
amount to positive proof, but it is so universal and
unvarying that it has not a little value as cor-
roborative evidence.
5. There remains a combined topographical and
historical argument which to us appears conclusive.
No event has perhaps occurred on the globe more
Itted to leave a permanent scar on its surface than
the conflagration of the cities of the plain and the
plain together. Of no recorded occurrence except
perhaps the Deluge, might we reasonably look for
dearer traces. It was a catastrophe so dire that
it became a standing comparison for signal and
overwhelming destruction, and would naturally
leave a perpetual mark on the valley which bore
it. This impression, which every reader would
receive from the original narrative, is confirmed by
every succeeding notice of it and of the locality.
The event occurred alout nineteen centuries before
Christ, and the fertile and populous plain was at
once made desolate and tenantless. This is the
record : " Then the Lord rained upon Sodom and
upon Gomorrah brimstone and fire from the Lord
out of heaven ; and be overthew those cities, and
all the plain, and all the inhabitants of the cities,
and that which grew upon the ground " (Gen. xix.
24, 25). About four and a half centuries later,
Moses, warning the Israelites against apostasy, ad-
monishes them that the judgments of God for
idolatry would make their country so desolate that
a visitor would find its condition portrayed in these
words: "And the whole land thereof is brimstone
and salt and burning, that it is not sown, nor
beareth, nor any grass groweth therein; like the
overthrow of Sodom and Gomorrah, Admab and
Zeboim, which the Lord overthrew In his auger and
in his wrath " (l)eut. xxix. 23). The aliove is a
picture of the site o* Sodom as it appeared at
SODOM
that period. The testimony which exhibits it stil
deserted and desolate in the subsequent centuries,
as furnished by the prophecies of Isaiah, Jercniiah,
and Zephaniah, by the apocryphal books of Esdnu
and the Wisdom of Solomon, and by the ancient
authors, Strabo, Josephus, and Tacitus, togethei
with the New Testament allusions, are partially
quoted above, and more fully in BiU. Saam, xxv.
146-148. No historic proof can be more cleat
and complete, than that the site of Sodom, from
the time of its destruction to the Christian era
and subsequently, was a blasted region, an utter
desolation.
With these historical and physical delineations
before us, it is only necessary to call attention to
the aspect of the two sites to settle the question
of identity. The south end of the sea and its
surroundings present at this day such an appear-
ance as the Scriptural statements would lead us to
expect. The entire southwest coast and adjacent
territory from above Sebbth round to the fertile
border of the Ghdr ei-SQfieh on the extreme south-
east, relieved at a single point by the verdure of
the small oasis of Zuatirah, is, and baa been, from
the time of Sodom's destruction, the image, of
enthroned desolation. The sombre wHdiiesa and
desolateness of the whole scene: the tokens of vol-
canic action, or of some similar natural convul-
sion ; the Sodom mountain, a mass of crystallized
salt, furrowed into fantastic ridges and pillars; the
craggy sunjmrut precipices and ravines on the
west; the valley below Utdum, with the mingled
sand, sulphur, and bitumen, which bare been
washed down the gorges; the marshy plain of
the adjacent Sal/lcah, with its briny diaininga,
" destitute of every species of vegetation ; " the
stagnant sea, with its border of dead driftwood;
the sulphurous odors; "the sterility and death-
like solitude" (Kobiuson); "desolation, elsewhere
partial, here supreme; " "nothing in the Sahara
more desolate" (Tristram); " the uumit gated
desolation" (Lynch); "scorched and desolate
tract" (W.); "desolation which, perhaps, i an not
be exceeded anywhere upon the face of the earth "
(Grove) ; " utter and stern desolation, such as the
mind can scarcely conceive" (Porter); theso and
the like features impress all visitors as s fit me-
morial of such a catastrophe as the sacred w-iters
have recorded. Whether we accept or not a rUin
localities as particular sites, the Unit tnttmbU is a
most striking confirmation of the narrative.
The more detailed explorations of the legion
confirm the impression which its general appear-
ance conveys. Mr. Tristram, who bestowed upon
the whole locality a careful scientific examii ation,
thinks that he discovered in the deposits of L_u
Wady iliiliawat, a broad deep ravine at the nortli
end of Jebtt Utdum, traces of the agency wbicni
destroyed the cities. He says: —
" lliere are exposed on the aides of the wady,
and chiefly on the south, large masaeu of bitumen
mingled with gravel. These overlie a thin stratum
of sulphur, which again overlies a thick stratum
of sand, so strongly impregnated with sulphut
that it yields powerful fumes on being spnnkleO
over a hot coal. Many great blocks of the bitu-
men have been washed down' the gorge, and lis.
scattered on the plain below, along with hug*
boulders and other traces of tremendous floods
The phenomenon commences about half a mils
from where the wady opens up on the plain, au
may be traced at irregular intervals fcr newly .
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SODOM .
sJIs tether np. The bitumen has maby small
water-worn stones and pebbles embedded in it"
" Again, the bitumen, unlike that which we pick
ap on the shore, is strongly impregnated with sot
phur, and yields an overpowering sulphurous odor;
shove all, it ia calcined, and bears the marks of
baring been subjected to extreme heat"
" I have a great dread of seeking forced cor-
roborations of Scriptural statements from ques-
tionable physical evidence, for the skeptic is apt to
imagine that when he lias refuted the wrong argu-
ment adduced in support of a Scriptural statement,
be has refuted the Scriptural statement itself; but,
•o far as I can understand this deposit, if there be
any physical evidence left of the catastrophe which
destroyed Sodom and Gomorrah, or of similar
occurrences, we have it here. The whole appear-
ance points to a shower of hot sulphur and an
irruption of bitumen upon it, which would nat-
urally be calcined and impregnated by it* fumes;
and this at a geologic period quite subsequent to
all the diluvial and alluvial action of which we
have such abundant evidence. The vestiges remain
exactly as the last relics of a snow-drift remain in
spring — an atmospheric deposit The catastrophe
must have been since the formation of the wady,
siuce the deposition of the marl, and while the
water was at its present level ; therefore probably
during the historic period " (Land of /trad, pp.
354-367).
Our only surprise is, that the intelligent ob-
server who finds these probable tokens "of the
catastrophe which destroyed Sodom and Gomor-
rah" in the very locality near which on other
grounds we think these cities must have stood,
should himself place them full fifty miles distant
He haa proved to his own satisfaction that the
tooke which Abraham saw ascended from the
northern end of the sea; but if his interesting
discovery is reliable, there must have been soma
" smoke," as well as " extreme heat,'' at the south-
era end. If in these and similar features we have
not physical evidence of the visitation which de-
stroyed Sodom, we have just such material phe-
nomena aa we should naturally look for in a terri-
tory which had been the theatre of such a catas-
trophe, and whose subsequent condition bad been
described in the passages which have been cited."
We tarn now to the other proposed site, the
•wintry north of the sea, and we find neither
lames of the places nor traces of the events etu-
oraesd in the Scriptural record. Instead of a
territory scathed as by hot thunderbolts, we find a
district teeming with all the elements of fruitful-
nees. In the very year that Moses describes the
site of the destroyed cities as brimstone and salt
and burning, Joshua brings the hosts of Israel to
the territory, which Mr. Grove proposes as the site
of these cities, and finds there forests of palm and
needs of bark*/, " old corn and parched com," sup-
plies of grain and fruit for the multitude, which
enable them to dispense with the manna. Through
be succeeding centuries important cities stood on
"lis territory. It was here that the assembled
.fationj with iacrifhi.il ofierint^ and rejoicings, in-
vested £»ul with the kingdom (1 Sam. xi. 1ft);
end here were gathered schools of the prophets (9
C h. 6, iv. 3d). Josephus gives glowing deserip-
' vTs ban private advices that Mr. Tristram has does to which h« had published his i
" " »l the theory impacting the sits of the accepts ths other view.
SODOMITES 8078
tions of the exuberant productiveness of this vet}
district, speaks of the variety of its trees and herbs.
and refers to the revenue which it yielded (/Int. xv
4, J S), describes it as the garden of Palestine
and even calls it a "divine region" (B. J. ir. 8,
J 3). This plain or valley is now marked by a
belt of luxuriant vegetation along the sweet waters
of the river, while the interval between it and the
highlands on each aide, though arid in the dry
season from the great heat, and presenting from
this cause broad, desoUte strips, is yet susceptible
of irrigation and high cultivation. Not a token
do we find here either of the awful catastrophe iu
which the guilty cities, with the plain on which
they stood, were consumed, or of the perpetual
desolation which subsequently blooded over the
scene. We find the opposite; and in contrast with
the descriptions which we have given of travellers
who have visited the district south of the sea we
quote the expression of the latest visitor to the
district north of it who refers to "the verdant
meadows on each side " (Porter, jSisA.in, p. 119).
Can there be a question which of these two sites
is, and which is not, that of ths historic Sodom ?
This combined topographical and historical argu-
ment against the pretensions of the new site, and
in favor of the identity of the old, appears to us as
conclusive as it well could he with reference to an
event which occurred nearly four thousand years
ago, decisive in itself, and jointly with other proof*
potent enough to silence discussion. S. W.
SOD'OMA {Xitofia-- Sulomn). Rom. ix. *>.
In this place alone the Authorized Version has fol-
lowed the Greek and Vulgate form of the well
known name Sodom, which forms the subject of
the preceding article. The passage is a quotation
from Is. i. 9. The form employed in the Penta-
teuch, and occasionally in the other books of the
A. V. of 1611 is Sodome, but the name ia now
universally reduced to Sodom, except in the one
passage quoted above. G.
SOD'OMITES (ttn^; D^T^ [aeebelowj.
tcorUiiur tftminnttu). This word does not denote
the inhabitants of Sodom (except only in 2 Esdr.
vii. 36) nor their descendants; but ia employed in
the A. V. of the Old Testament for those who
practiced ss a religious rite the abominable and un-
natural vice from which the inhabitants ul Soduin
and Gomorrah have derived their lasting infamy.
It occurs in Deut xxiii. 17; IK. xiv. 24, xv. 12,
xxii. 48; 2 K. xxiii. 7; and Job xxxvi. 14 (mar-
gin). The Hebrew word Kmlrth is said to he
derived from a root kmliith, which (strange as it
may appear) means "pure," and thence "holy."
The words ««cer in l<atin, and " devoted " in our
language, have also a double meaning, though the
subordinate signification is not so absolutely con-
trary to the principal one as it is in the case ol
hidtth. " This dreadful ' consecration,' or ratliea
desecration, was spread in different forma over Phoe-
nicia, Syria, Phrygia, Assyria, Babylonia. A»h-
taroth, the Greek Astarte, waa its chief object"
It appears also to have been established at Kome,
where its victims were called Galli (not from Gallia,
but from the river Gallus in Bithynia). There it
an instructive note on the subject in Jerome's
Coram, on Hoe. iv. 14.
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SODOMITISH SEA
The translators of the Septuagint, with that
ninety to soften and conceal obnoxious exp ressi ons,
which baa been often noticed at a characteristic of
'Jieir version, bate, iu all cases but one, avoided
rendering Kadtth by its ostensible meaning. In
the first of the passages cited above they give a
double translation, -ropytvav and riKurxiiunt
(initiated). In the seoond avyS«r/ios (a con-
spiracy, perhaps reading "ltt?|7). In the third
rat rt Arrctf (sacrifices}. In the fourth the Vat.
MS. omits it, and the Alex, has rov sVJuiAArry-
uxvoth In the fifth raV KoSno*!/*: and in the
sixth Inri ayyi\a>v.
There is a feminine equ'iTaleut to Kadtth, name-
ly, Kmleihah. This is found in Gen. xxxriii. 21,
22; Ueut. xxiii. 17, and Hos. iv. 14. In each of
these cases it throws a new light on the passage
to remember that these women were (if the expres-
sion may lie allowed) the priestesses of a religion,
uot plying for hire, or merely instruments tor grat-
ifying passing lust. Such ordinary prostitutes
are called by the name mnali." The "strange
women " of Prov. ii. 16, Ac., were foreigners, ta-
rolh. Q.
SOiyOMmSH SEA, THE {.Ware SooV
mitvmiH), 2 Esdr. v. 7; meaning the Dead Sea.
It is the only instance in the books of the Old
Testament, New Testament, or Apocrypha, of an
approach to the inaccurate modern opinion which
connects the salt lake with the destruction of Sod-
om. The name may, however, arise here simply
bom Sodom having been situated near Die lake.
G.
* SOLDIER [Arms; Army.]
80I/OMON (nbbtp, Shllumdh [peaceful,
pacific}: iaXa/uiy, LXX.; SoAo/usV, N. T. and
Joseph.: SaUrnw).
I. Name. — The changes of pronunciation are
worth noticing. We Jose something of the dignity
of the name when it passes from the measured
stateliness of the Hebrew to the auapest of the
N. T., or the tribrach of our common speech.
Such changes are perhaps inevitable wherever a
jame becomes a household word in successive gen-
erations, just as that of Friedereich (identical in
meaning with Solomon) passes into Frederick.
The feminine form of the word (2oA<£/t7i) retains
.he long vowel in the N. T. It appears, though
with an altered sound, in the Arabic Suleimaun.
II. Mnterutlt. — (1.) The comparative scanti-
.ess of historical oVmVi for a life of Solomon is itself
dgnificant. While that of David occupies 1 Sam.
xvi.-xxxi. ; 2 Sam. i.-xxtr. ; 1 K. i., U. ; 1 Chr.
x.-xxix. ; that of Solomon fills only the eleven
:hapters 1 K. '.-xi., and the nine 2 Chr. i.-ix.
The compilers of those books felt, as by a true
Inspiration, that the wanderings, warn, and suffer-
ings of David were better fitted for the instruction
if after ages than the magnificence of his son."
They nanifestly give extracts oidy from larger
works w hich were before them, " The book of the
Acta cf Solomon " (1 K. xi. 41); "The book of
SOLOMON
Nathan the prophet, the book of Abijah the 8U
lonite, the visions of Iddo the seer" (2 Chr. iz
28). Those which they do give, bear, with what
for the historian is a disproportionate fullness, on
the early glories of his reign, and speak but little
(those in 2 Chr. not at all) of its later sins and
misfortunes, and we are consequently unable to
follow the annals of Solomon step by step.
(2.) Ewald, with bis usnal fondness for assigning
different portions of each book of the 0. T. to a
series of successive editors, goes through the pro-
cess here with much ingenuity, but without any
very satisfactory result {Gttrkichte, iii. 259-263).
A more interesting inquiry would be, to which of
the books above named we may refer the sections
which the compilers bare put together. We shall
probably not be far wrong in thinking of Nathan,
far advanced in life at the commencement 3t the
reign, David's chief adviser during the years in
which be was absoriied in the details of the Tem-
ple and its ritual, himself a priest (1 K. iv. 5 in
//to., crmip. Ewald, iii. 1 16 ), as having written the
account of the accession of Solomon and the dedi-
cation of the Temple (1 K. i.-viii. 66; 2 Chr. i.-
viii. 15). The prayer of Solomon, so fully repro-
duced, and so obviously precomposed, may have
been written under his guidance. To Ahijah the
Sliilonite, active at the close of the reign, alive
some time after Jeroboam's accession, we may aa-
crilie the short record of the sin of Solomon, and
of the revolution to which be hin.jelf had so largely
contributed (I R. xi.). From the book of the Acta
of Solomon came probably the miscellaneous fseta
as to the commerce and splendor of his reign (1 K.
ix. lll-i. 29).
(3.) Besides the direct history of the O. T. we
may find some materials for the life of Solomon in
the books that bear bis name, and in the psalms
which are referred, tin good grounds, to his time,
Ps. ii., xlv., Ixxii., exxvii. Whatever doubts may
bang over the date and authorship of Ecclesiaatea
and tbe Song of Songs, we may at least see in
them the reflection of the thoughts and feelings of
bis n-ign. if we accept tbe latest date which re-
cent criticism has assigned to them, they elabo-
rately work up materials ahich were accessible to
the writers, and are not accessible to us. If we
refer tbem in their substance, following tbe judg-
ment of the most advanced Shemitic scholars, to
the Solomonic period itself, they then eome before
us with all the freshness and vividness of contem-
porary evidence (Kenan, Hist, dee Lcmyute SemU.
p. 181 ).«
(4.) Other materials are but very scanty. The
history of Josephus is, for the most part, only at
loose and inaccurate paraphrase of the O. T. narra-
tive. In him, and in the more erudite among early
Christian writers, we find some fragments of older
history not without their value, extracts from ar-
chives alleged to exist at Tyre in the first centurt
of the Christian era, and from the Phoenician His-
tories of Menander and Diua (.los. Ant. viii. 2, § 6
5, § 3), from Eupolemos (Euseb. Prop. Etamg. U
• Id II. xxli. SS the word wmort ts rendered
aire r." It should be " harlots " — " and the bar
lots washed themselves there " (early In the morning,
as was their custom, adds Procopius of flam). The
VXX. have rendered this correctly .
o The contrast presented by the Apocryphal litera-
ture of Jews, Christians. Mohammedans, abounding in
saradonymous works and legends gathering round
the name of Solomon {infra), but hiring hardly an?
connection with David, la at ones striking and ln>
structive.
c The weight of Rcuan's judgment Is however on
minlshed by the fact that he had previously ass ign ee
Bccleriastes to the time if alsxaurter the One* (Cases
An Cost. p. 108)
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SOLOMON.
M), fro-a Alexander Polyhistor, Marauder, and
Uitas (Clem. Al. Strong i. 21). Writers such as
Umh were of course only compiler! at second-
hand, but they probably had aecen to tome earlier
loeumenu which hare now perished.
(5.) The legends of later oriental literature will
claim a distinct notice. All that they contribute
to history is the help they give us in realizing the
impression made by the colossal greatness of Solo-
mon, as iu earlier and later times by that of Nim-
rod and Alexander, on the minds of men of many
countries and through many ages.
III. Education. — (1.) The student of the lire
of Solomon must take as his starting-point the
circumstances of his birth. He was the child of
I Javid'e old age, the last-born of all his sons (1 Chr.
iii. o)-° His mother had gained over David a two-
bid power: first, as the object of a passionate,
though guilty love; and next, as the one person to
whom, in his repentance, he could make something
like restitution. The mouths that preceded his
birth were for the conscience-stricken king a time
of self-abasement. The birth itself of the child
who was to replace the one that had been smitten
must have been looked for as a pledge of pardon
and a sign of hope. The feelings of the king and
of his prophet-guide expressed themselves in the
names with which they welcomed it- The yearn-
ings of the " man of war," who " had shed much
blood," for a time of peace — yearnings which
had shown themselves before, when he gave to his
third son the name of Ab-esjom (= father of
peace), now led him to give to the new-born infant
the name of Solomon (Sheloindh = the peaceful
one). Nathan, with a marked reference to the
meaning of the king's own name (=the darling,
the beloved one), takes another form of the same
word, and joins it, after the growing custom of the
time, with the name of Jehovah. David had been
the darling of his people. Jedid-jah (the name
was coined for the purpose) should be the darling
or the Lord. (3 Sam. xii. 31, 35> See Jedi-
diah; and Ewald, iii. 315.)
(2. ) The influences to which the childhood of
Salomon was thus exposed must have contributed
largely to determine the character of his after
yews. The inquiry, what was the education which
ended in such wonderful contrasts, — a wisdom
then, and perhaps since, unparalleled, — a sensual-
ity like that of 1-ouii « XV., cannot but be instruc-
tive. The three influences which must have en-
tered most largely into that education were those
of his father, his mother, end the teacher under
whose charge he was placed from his earliest in-
fancy (3 Sam. xii. 35).
(3.) The met just stated, that a prophet-priest
was made the special instructor, indicates the
tig's earnest wish that this child at least should
i* protected against the evils which, then and af-
terwards, showed themselves in his elder sons, and
Ve worthy of the name he bore. At first, appar-
sitly, there was no distinct purpose to make him
bis heir. Absalom is still the king's favorite son
SOLOMON 8075
(3 Sam. xiii. 37, xviii. 83) — is looked on by tht
people as the destined successor (3 Sam. xiv. 13,
xv. 1-6). The death of Absalom, when Solomon
was about ten years old, left the place vacant, and
David, passing over the claims of all his elder sons,
those by Bathsheba included, guided by the influ-
ence of Nathan, or by his own discernment of the
gifts and graces which were tokens of the love of
Jehovah, pledged his word in secret to Uathshelia
that he, and no other, should be the heir (1 K. i.
13). The words which were spoken somewhat
later, express, doubtless, the purpose which guided
him throughout (1 Chr. xxviii. 9, 20). His son's
life should nut be as his own hnd been, one of hard-
ships and wars, dark crimes and passionate repent-
ance, but, from first to last, be pure, blameless,
peaceful, fulfilling the ideal of glory and of right-
eousness, after which be himself had vainly striven.
The glurious visions of I's Ixxii. may be looked on
as the prophetic expansion of those hopes of his
old age. So far, all was well. But we may not
ignore the fact, that the later years of David's lib
presented a change for the worse, as well as for the
better. His sin, though forgiven, left behind it
the Nemesis of an enfeebled will and a less gener-
ous activity. The liturgical element of religion
becomes, after the first passionate outpouring of
Ps. li., unduly predominant. He lives to amass
treasures and materials for the Temple which he
may not build (1 Chr. xxii. 5, 14). He plans with
his own bands all the details of its architecture (1
Chr. xxviii. 19). He organizes on a scale of elab-
orate magnificence all the attendance of the priest-
hood and the choral services of the Invites (1 Chr
xxiv., xxv.). But, meanwhile, his duties as a king
are neglected. He no longer sits in the gate to do
judgment (2 Sam. xv. 2, »). He leaves the sin of
Aiunon unpunished, '■ because be loved him, for he
was his first-born " (IJCX. of 2 Sam. xiii. 31)
The hearts of the people fall away from him. Kirat
Absalom, and then Sheba, become formidable rivals
(2 Sam. xv. 6, xx. 3). The history of the number.
Big of the people (3 Sam. xxiv., 1 Chr. xxi.) im-
plies the purpose of some act of despotism, a poll-
tax, or a conscription (2 Sam. xxiv. U makes tht
Utter the more probable), such as startled all his
older and more experienced counsellors. If, in
" the last words of David " belonging to this period,
there is the old devotion, the old hungering alter
righteousness (2 Sam. xxiii. 3-5), there is also —
first generally (ML 6, 7), and afterwards resting
on individual offenders (1 K. ii. 5-8) — a more
passionate desire to punish those who bad wronged
him, a painful recurrence of vindictive thoughts for
offenses which he had once freely forgiven, and
which were not greater than his own. We cannot
rest in the belief that his influence over his son's
character was one exclusively for good .
(4.) In eastern countries, and under a system
of polygamy, the son is more dependent, even than
elsewhere, on the character of the mother. The
history of the Jewish monarchy furnishes many
instances of that dependence. It recognise, it in
■ Thn narrative of 2 Sam. xll. leaves, !* u true, a
flSsasnt Impression. On the other hand, the order o>
tie aamat In 1 Chr. IU. 6, Is otherwise unaccountable.
Josepho* distinctly states it (Ant. vii. 14, } 2).
* Ajeordlag to the reostvtd Interpretation of Prov.
lud. 1, his mother also eoatribntsd an ideal name,
I ( _ to God, Decdatos). the dedicated one (camp.
ft«f Btkk. hr 178). On this hypothesis the
reproof was drawn firth by the king's intemperance
and sensuality. In contrast to what his wives were,
sIm draws the picture of what a pattern wits ought to
be (Pineda, i. 4).
•-Her* also the epithet " le Wen-aim* " reminds as,
no lass than Jedldlah, of the terrible irony of History
tor those who abuse gifts sod forfeit a vocation
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t>076
SOLOMON
the care with which it record! the name of each
dwoareh't mother. Nothing that we know of
Rathaheba leads in to think of her u likely to
nioald her son's mind and heart to the higher
forms of goodness. She oners no resistance to the
king's passion (Ewald, iii. 211). She makes it a
stepping-stone to power. She is a ready accom-
plice in the scheme by which her shame was to
hsve been concealed. Doubtless she too was sor-
rowful and penitent when the rebuke of Nathan
was followed by her child's death (2 Sain. xii. 24),
but the after-history shows that the grand-daugh-
ter of Ahithophel [Bathsheba] had inherited not
a little of his character. A willing adulteress, who
had become devout, but had not ceased to be am-
bitious, could hardly be more, at the best, than
the Madame de Hainteuon of a king, whose con-
trition and piety were rendering him unlike his
former self, unduly passive in the hands of others.
(5.) What was likely to be the influence of the
prophet to whose care the education of Solomon
whs confided? (Htb. of 2 Sam. xii. 26.) We
know, beyond all doubt, that he could speak bold
and faithful words when they were needed (2 Sam.
vii. 1-17, xii. 1-14). But this power, belonging
to moments or messages of special inspiration, does
not involve the permanent po s s es sion of a clear-
sighted wisdom, or of aims uniformly high ; and
we in vain search toe later years of David's reign
for any proof of Nathan's activity for good. He
gives himself to the work of writing the annals of
David's reign (1 Chr. xxix. 29). He places his
own sons in the way of being the companions and
counsellors of the future king (1 K. ir. 5). The
absence of his name from the history of the " num-
bering," and the fact that the census was followed
early in the reign of Solomon by heavy burdens
and a forced service, almost lead us to the conclu-
sion that the prophet had acquiesced ■ in a measure
which had in view the magnifioance of the Temple,
and that it was left to David's own heart, returning
to its better impulses (2 Sam. xxiv. 10), and to an
older and less courtly prophet, to protest against
an act which began in pride and tended to oppres-
sion.*
(6.) Under these influences the boy grew up.
At the age of ten or eleven he must have passed
through the revolt of Absalom, and shared his
father's exile (2 Sam. xv. 18). He would be
taught all that priests, or Levites, or prophets had
to teach : music and song : the Book of the Law
of the Lord, in such portions and in such forms as
were then current; the " proverbs of the ancients,"
which his father bad been wont to quote (1 Sam.
xxiv. 13); probably also a literature which has
survived only in fragments; the Book of Jasher,
the upright ones, the heroes of the people; the
Book of the Wars of the Lord ; the wisdom, oral
or written, of the sages of his own tribe, Heman,
and Ethan, and CalcoL and Darda (1 Chr. it 6),
wh» contributed so largely to the noble hymns of
it'u period (Ps. lxxxviii., Ixxxix.), and were incor-
porated, probably, into the choir of the Tabernacle
'Ewald, iii. 355). The growing intercourse of
Israel with the Phoenicians would lead naturally to
« wider knowledge of the outlying world and its
" Josephus, »lth his usual inaccuracy, substttatas
Nathan for Sad in his narrative {Ant. vii. 18, } 2).
* We regret to find ourselves unable to follow Iwald
A his high estimate of the old age of David, and,
itasaQUenuy, of Solosaon's education.
SOLOMON
wonders than had fallen to his father's let Ad
mirable, however, as all this was, a shepherd -life
like his father's, furnished, we may believe, a bettei
education for the kingly calling (Ps. Ixxviii. 70, 71 J.
Born to the purple, there was the inevitable risk oi
a selfish luxury. Cradled in liturgies, trained to
think chiefly of the magnificent '• palace " of Je-
hovah (1 Chr. xxix. 19) of which he was to be the
builder, there was the danger, first, of an esthetic
formalism, and then of ultimate indifference.
IV. Accession. — (1.) The feebleness of David's
old age led to an attempt which might have de-
prived Solomon of the throne his father destined
for him. Adonyah, next in order of birth to Ab-
salom, like Absalom " was a goodly man " (1 K.
i. 6), in full maturity of years, backed by the oldest
of the king's friends and counsellors, Joab and
Abiathar, and by all the sons of David, who looked
with jealousy, the latter on the obvious though not
as yet declared preference of the latest-born, and
the former on the growing influence of the rival
counsellors who were most in the king's favor,
Nathau, Zadok, and Benaiah. Following in the
steps of Absalom, he assumed the kingly state of a
chariot and a body-guard ; and David, more passive
than ever, looked on in silence. At last a time was
chosen for openly proclaiming bim as king. A
solemn feast at En-Rogel. was to inaugurate the
new reign. All were invited to it but those whom
it was intended to displace. It was necessary for
those whose interests were endangered, backed ap-
parently by two of David's surviving elder brothers
(Ewald, iii. 266; 1 Chr. ii. 13, 14), to take prompt
measures. Bathsheba and Nathan took counsel
together. The king was reminded of his oath. A
virtual abdication was pressed upon bim as the only
means by which the succession of his favorite son
could be secured. The whole thing was completed
with wonderful rapidity. Riding on the mule,
well-kooa-n as belonging to the king, attended by
Nathan the prophet, and Zadok the priest, and
more important still, by the king's special company
of the thirty Gibborira, or mighty men (1 K. i. 10,
33), and the body-guard of the Cherethitee and
Pelethites (mercenaries, and therefore not liable to
the contagion of popular feeling) under the com-
mand of Benaiah (himself, like Nathan and Zadok,
of the sons of Aaron), be went down to Giho.n, and
was proclaimed and anointed king. c The shouts
of bis followers fell on the startled ears of the guests
at Adonyah's banquet. Happily they were as yet
committed to no overt act, and they did not ven-
ture on one now. One by one they rose and de-
parted. The plot had failed. The counter coup
d'etat of Nathan and Bathsheba had been success-
ful. Such incidents are common enough in the
history of eastern monarchies. They are usually
followed by a massacre of the defeated party
Adon'riah expected such an issue, and took refuge
at the horns of the altar. In this instance, how-
ever, the young conqueror used his triumph gener-
ously. The lives both of Adonjjah and bis partisans
were spared, at least for a time. What bad been
done hurriedly was done afterwards in more solemn
form. Solomon was presented to s great gathering
of all the notables of Israel, with a set speech, is
c According to later Jewish teaching n king was
not anointed when he succeeded his lather, except is
the case of a previous usurpation or a disputed net
cession (Otho, Laic. Babbm s. r. "Bex "K
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SOLOMON
which the old king announced what was, to hla
mind, the programme of the new reign, a time of
peace and plenty, of a stately worship, of devotion
to Jehovah- A few month* more, and Solomon
found himwlf, by hie father'! death, the sole oc-
cupant of the throne.
(S.) The position to which he succeeded was
unique- Never before, and never after, did the
kingdom of Israel take its place among the great
monarchies of the East, able to ally itself, or to
contend on equal terms with Egypt or Assyria,
stretching from the River (Euphrates) to the border
of Egypt, from the Mediterranean to the Gulf of
Akaba, receiving annual tributes from many sub-
ject princes. Large treasures accumulated through
many years were at bis disposal. The people, with
the exception of the tolerated worship in high
places, were true servants of Jehovah. Knowl-
edge, art, music, poetry, had received a new im-
pulse, and were moving on with rapid steps, to such
perfection as the age and the race were capable of
attaining. We may rightly ask — what manner
of man he was, outwardly and inwardly, who at
the age of nineteen or twenty, was called to this
glorious sovereignty? We have, it is true, no
direct description in this case as we have of the
earlier kings. There are, however, materials for
(Wing up the gap. The wonderful impression which
Solomon made upon all who came near him may
well lead us to believe that with him, as with Saul
and David, Absalom and Adoiujab, as with most
other favorite princes of eastern peoples, there must
have been the fascination and the grace of a noble
presence. Whatever higher mystic meaning may
be latent in Pa. xlv., or the Song of Songs, we are
all but compelled to think of them as having had,
at least, a historical starting-point. They tell us
of one who was, in the eyes of the men of his own
lime, "fairer than the children of men," the face
'bright and ruddy" as his father's (Cant. v. 10;
1 Sam. xvii. 43), bushy locks, dark as the raven's
wing, yet not without a golden glow,* the eyes
soft as " the eyes of doves," the " countenance as
Lebanon, excellent as the cedars," " the chiefest
among ten thousand, the altogether lovely " (Cant.
9-16). Add to this all gifts of a noble, far-reach-
ing intellect, large and ready sympathies, a playful
and genial humor, the lips "full of grace," the
soul "anointed" as "with the oil of gladnea
(Pi. xlv.), and we may form some notion of what
the king was like in that dawn of his golden
prime-*
SOLOMON
3077
a The sums mentioned are (1) the public funds tor
boJIdmg the Tempi*, 100/100 talents (kikarim) of gold
and 1,000,000 of stiver: (2) David's private offerings,
8,000 talents of gold and 7,000 of silver. Beridea these,
large sums of unknown amount were believed to have
been stored up In the sepulchre of David. 8,000 talents
^ro taken from It by Byrcanue (Jos. Am. vll. 16, $
B, x». 8, { 4, xvt 7, } ll
» Possibly sprinkled with gold dust, as was the hair
V toe youths who waited on bhn (Jos. AM. vlU. 7, i 8),
w dyed with henna (MtehaoHs, Not. m Lowth, Prat.
ASM
> It will be seen that we adept the scheme of the
elder UterallM school, Bossuot, Lowth, Hlehaells, rather
Than that of the more meat erlths, Bwaid, Benan,
traahurg. Ingeolouaty as the Idea at worked out we
saanot bring ourselves to believe th». 1 a drama, be-
eagng to the Uvaratura of the northern kugoV^i, not
■o that of Judeh, holding up Solomos o ridicule aa
at enee ttoaatlou* sad umnesoful. would have bean
(3.) The historical starting-point of the Song of
Songs just spoken of connects itself, in all prob
ability, a ith the earliest facta in the history of the
new reign. The narrative, as told in 1 K. ii. is
not a little perplexing, Bathsheba, who had before
stirred up David against Adonyah, now appears as
interceding for him, begging that Abishag the
Shunamite, the virgin concubine of David, might
be given him as a wife. Solomon, who till then
had professed the profbundeat reverence for his
mother, his willingness to grant her anything, sud-
denly flashes into fiercest wrath at this. The peti-
tion is treated as part of a conspiracy in which Jcnb
and Abiathar are sharers. Benaiah is once mora
called in. Adongab is put to death at once. Joafc
is slain even within the precincts of the Tabernacle,
to which he had fled as an asylum. Abiathar is
deposed, and exiled, sent to a life of poverty and
shame (1 K. ii. 31-36), and the high priesthood
transferred to another family more ready than he
had been to pass from the old order to the new,
and to accept the voices of the prophets a* greater
than the oracles which had belonged exclusively to
the priesthood [comp. UitiM asd ThummimJ.
The facts have, however, an explanation. Mr.
drove's ingenious theory'' identifying Abishag witk
the heroine of the Song of Songs [Shulamite],
resting, as it must do, on its own evidenee, has this
further merit, that it explains the phenomena here.
The passionate love of Solomon for "the fairest
among women," might well lead the queen-mother
hitherto supreme, to fear a rival influence, and tc
join in any scheme for its removal. The king's
vehement abruptness is, in like manner, accounted
for. He sees in the request at once an attempt to
deprive him of the woman he loves, and a plot to
keep him still in the tutelage of childhood, to entrap
him into admitting bis elder brother's right to the
choicest treasure of his father's harem, and therefore
virtually to the throne, or at least to a regency in
which he would have his own partisans as counsel-
lors. With a keen-sighted promptness be crushes
the whole scheme. He gets rid of a rival, fulfills
David's dying counsels as to Joab, and asserts his
own independence. Soon afterwards an opportunity
is thrown in his way of getting rid of one [Shihki],
who had been troublesome before, and might be
troublesome again. He presses the letter of a com-
pact against a man who by his infatuated disregard
of it seemed given over to destruction* (1 K. it
36-46). There is, however, no needless slaughter.
The other "sons of David" are still spared, and
tr ea s ured up by the Jews of the Captivity, and re-
ceived by the Scribes of the Great Synagogue as by,
or at least, in honor of Salomon (oomp. Benan, La
Camiqui dt» Camiqua, pp. 91, 85). W* follow the
Jesuit Pineda (flr ttbiu Saiom. Iv. 8) in applying th«
language of the Sbuuunlte to Solomon's personal ap
pearanoe, but not In his extreme minutanasa
d The hypothesis Is, however, not altogether n»»
It was held by some of the Uteralist historical school
of Theodore of afopsnasua (not by Thaodora himself;
comp. his fragments In Mlgue, lxvi. 499), and aa such
la aiialhwn Heed by Thaodoret of Cyrus (Prof, in
Omt. CfafUic). The latter, believing the Song of
Solomon to have bean supematurally dictated to Bsnv
could admit no Interpretation but the myatlcal (oomp
Ginsborg, Song of Sol. p. 66).
• An elaborate vindication of Solomon's conduct hi
this mater may be found In Mentben's Tacseanu, 1-
', Iffss. df Saiom. trottuu tontra i
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SOLOMON
Me of them, Nathan, beoomea the head of a dis-
tinct family (Zech. xii. 13), which ultimately A1U
up the failure of the direct succession (Luke lii. 81).
As be punishes his father's enemies, he also shows
kindness to the friends who had been faithful to
him. Chimham, the son of Baraillai, apparently
receive s an inheritance near the city of David, and
probably in the reign of Solomon, displays his In-
herited hospitality by building a caravanserai for
the strangers whom the fame and wealth of Sol-
omon drew to Jerusalem (8 Sam. rix. 31-40; 1 K.
U. 7; Jer. xli. 17; Ewald, Getch. Hi. 274; Proph.
U. 191).
V. Fjrtign PoUey. — (1 . ) The want of sufficient
iota for a continuous history has been already no-
Used. All that we have are — (o.) The duration
of the reign, 40 years' (1 K xi. 42). (6.) The
commencement of the Temple in the 4th, its com-
pletion in the 11th year of his reign (1 K. vi. 1, 37,
38). (c.) The commencement of his own palace hi
the 7th, its completion in the 30th year (1 K. vii.
1; 3 Chr. riii. 1). (rf.) The conquest of Hamath-
Zobah, and the consequent foundation of cities in
the region north of Palestine after the 30th year
(3 Chr. riii. 1-6). With materials so scanty as
these, it will be better to group the chief facts in
an order which will best enable us to appreciate
their significance.
(3. ) Egypt. — The first act of the foreign policy of
the new reign must have been to most Israelites a
very startling one. He made affinity with Pharaoh,
king of Egypt He married Pharaoh's daughter
(1 K. ill. 1).» Since the time of the Kxodus there
had been no intercourse between the two countries.
David and his counsellors had taken no steps to
promote it. Egypt had probably taken part in
assisting Edoru in its resistance to Darid (1 Chr.
xi. 33; Ewald, iii. 183), and had received Hadad,
the prince of Edom, with royal honors. The king
had given him his wife's sister in marriage, and
adopted his son into his own family (1 K. xi. 14-
30). These steps indicated a purpose to support
bun at some future time more actively, and Sol-
omon's proposal of marriage was probably intended
to counteract it. It was at the time so far suc-
cessful, that when Hadad, on hearing of the death
of the dreaded leaders of the armies of Israel, David
and Joab, wished to seize the opportunity of at-
tacking the new king, the court of Egypt rendered
him no assistance (1 K. xi. 31, 33). The disturb-
ances thus caused, and not less those in the North,
coming from the foundation of a new Syrian king
dom at Damascus by Reno and other fugitives
o Josephus, again Inaccurate, lengthens the reign
o 80 years, and makes the age at accession 14 (Ant.
tin. 7, § 8).
* This Pharaoh Is identified by KwaM (IH 279) with
Psusonncs, tile last king of the XXIXth dynasty of
afanetho, which had Its seat In Lower Egypt at Tenia
(but ass Psuaxou, Ui. 8468 1). Josephus {Ant. vUl.
8, f 3) only notes the fact that he was toe last king
of Bgypt who was known simply by the title Pharaoh.
c Josephus (Ant. rill. 7, } 6), misled by the posHaon
of then statements, refers the disturbances to the doss
of SolcuKiO.'s reign, and la followed by most later
writers. Ths dates given, however, m one case altar
the deatti of Joab, In the other alter David's conquest
sf Zobab, show that we must think of them as con-
tinuing n all the days of Solomon," surmounted at the
mnmenesment of his reign, becoming mors formidable
St Its conclusion.
* Iwald seas In Ps. II. a great hymn of
SOLOMON
from Zobah (1 K. xi. 88-86), might wed lead Sol
omoti to look out for a powerful support,'' to ohUiir
for a new dynasty and a new kingdom a reeocnitinc
by one of older fame and greater power. '1 be im-
mediate results were probably favorable enough."
The new queen brought with her as a dowry the
frontier-city of Geeer, against which, as threatening
the tranquillity of Israel, and as still possessed by s
remnant of the old Csnaanites,' Pharaoh had lea
his armies./ She was received with all honor, the
queen-mother herself attending to place the diadem
on her son's brow on the day of his espousals
(Cant. Hi. 11). Gifts from the nobles of Israel and
from Tyre (the latter offered perhaps by a Tynan
princess) were lavished at her feet (Ps. xlv. 13).
A separate and stately palace was lmilt for her
before long, outside the city of David (8 Chr. viri
11).» She dwelt there apparently with attendant*
of her own race, " the virgins that he her fellows,"
probably conforming in some degree to the religion
of her adopted country. According to a tradition
which may hare some foundation in spite of Its
exaggerated numbers, Pharaoh (Psnsennes, or as
in the story Vaphres) sent with her workmen to
help in building the Temple, to the numlier of
80.000 (Eupolemos, in Knseh. Prop. A'enno. ii.
30-35). The " chariots of Pharaoh," at any rate,
appeared in royal procession with a splendor hitherto
unknown (Cant i. 9).
(3.) The ultimate issue of the alliance showed
that it was hollow and Impolitic. There may have
been a revolution in Egypt, changing the dynasty
and transferring the seat of power to Bubastia
(Ewald, iii. 889).* There was at any rate a change
of policy. The court of Egypt welcomes the fugi-
tive Jeroboam when he is known to have aspira-
tions after kingly power. There, we may believe,
by some kind of compact, expressed or understood,
was planned the scheme which led first to the re-
bellion of the Ten Tribes, and then to the attack
of Shishak on the weakened and dismantled king-
dom of the son of Solomon. Evils such as these
were hardly counterbalanced by the trade opened
by Solomon in the fine linen of Egypt, or the sup-
ply of chariots and horses, which, as belonging
to aggressive rather than defensive warfare, a
wiser policy would have led him to avoid (1 K. x.
38,29).
(4.) Tyre. — The alliance with the Phoenician
king rested on a somewhat different footing. It
had been part of David's policy from toe beginning
of his reign. Hiram had been "ever a lover of
David." He, or his grandfather,' had helped him
giving for derlvwranee nem these dangers. The erl
denes In Bvror of David's authorship seems, however,
to preponderate.
• PhiUsUnes, aeeo r dl n g as Josephus (Ins. via. 8.
in
/ If, with KwaM flH. 877), we Identify Gearr with
Qeshur, we may see in this attack a desire to weaken
a royal house which was connected by marriage with
Absalom (2 Bam. zffl. jij, ud therefore likely to b*
hostile to Solomon. But eomp. Qsssa.
7 We may see in this foot a sign of popular aav
mtuoVctlon at least eat the part of the Priests and
Lerttaa represented by the oomntlar of 2 Chr.
* Ths singular addition of the IXX. to tan htetor*
of Jeroboam m 1 K. at. makes this ueprobabk. Jero-
boam, as wall ss Hadad, Is received Into the klngV
(unity by marriage with Ma wife's sister, and, in sees
n, toe wife's name is given as T h e kemln a.
< Come, tare state strap In 2 Seas. v. 11
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SOLOMON
sy (applying material* and Turkmen for hit poke*.
A* soon u be heard of Solomon's accession he sent
imliseas dors to salute him. A correspondence
passed between the two kings, which ended In •
treaty of commerce." Israel was to ue supplied
ban Tyre with the materials which were wanted
for the Temple that was to be the glory of the new
reign. Gobi from Ophir, cedar-wood from l^eba-
non, probably also copper from Cyprus and tin
from Spain or Cornwall (Niebubr, Ltd. on Ane.
Hi*, i. 79) for the brass which waa so highly val-
ued, purple from Tyre itself, workmen from among
tue Zidonians, all these were wanted and were given.
The opening of Joppa as a port created a new coast-
ing-trade, and the materials from Tyre were con-
veyed to it on floats, and thence to Jerusalem (3
Chr ii. 16). The chief architect of the Temple,
though an Israelite on his mother's side, belonging
to the tribe of Dan or Naphtali [Hiram], was yet
by birth a Tyrian, a namesake of the king. In re-
turn for these exports the Phoenicians were only too
glad to receive the corn and oil of Solomon's terri-
tory. Their narrow atrip of coast did not produce
enough for the population of their cities, and then,
at at a later period, " their country was nourished "
l>y the broad valleys and plains of Samaria and
i;ulee(Actsxii. SO).
(o.) The results of the alliance did not end here.
No* , for the first time in the history of Israel,
.hey entered on a career as a commercial people.
("Hey joined the Phoenicians in their Mediterranean
myagea to the coasts of Spain [Takshuh].* Sol-
omoo's possession of the Edomite coast enabled him
to open to hia ally a new work) of commerce. The
ports of Hath and Kxion-geber were filled with
ships of Tarshiah, merchant-shins, t. t. for the long
n>} ages, manned chiefly by Phoenicians, but built
at Solomon's expense, which sailed down the .dShui-
itic Golf of the Red Sea, on to the Indian Ocean,
to lands which had before been hardly known even
oy name, to Ophir and Shrba, to Arabia Felix,
or India, or Ceylon, and brought back, after an ab-
sence of nearly three years, treasures almost or al-
together new, gold and silver and precious stones,
nard, aloes, sandal-wood, almug-trers, and ivory;
and, hat but not least in the eyes of the historian,
new forms of animal life, on which the inhabitants
of Palestine gated with wondering eyes, "apes and
peacocks." The interest of Solomon in these en-
terprises waa shown by his leaving his palaces at
Jernaalam and elsewhere, and travelling to Ehtth
and Eakm-geber to superintend the construction of
the fleet (3 Chr. rill. 17), perhaps also to Sidon for
• like purpose.' To the knowledge thus gained,
we may ascribe the wider thoughts which appear
in the Psalms of this and the following periods, as
of those who " see the wonders of the deep and
occupy their business in great waters " (Pa. evil.
SOLOMON
3079
AM. vH. a. I », vtti. 6, 4 8, c. Ap. 1. 18, and Jwald,
■LOT.
• The letters ate given at length by Josephus (Am.
vtiL 3, | 8) and Hupouanos (Kussb. Pmp. St. i. e.).
» Bwmld disputes this (HL 846), but the stanmetr
tn 1 Chr Ix. 21, Is explicit enough, and there are no
■rounds for arbitrarily setting It sates ss a blundot
• The statement of Justin Mart. (Dial. t. lV*;*. e.
^*), 4r 2iea*t cieanAoAerpn, receives by toe aceompa-
eytag IU tmui the character of an extract from
aoon history then •xtaot. The marriage of Solomon
wtu a daughter of the king of Tyre is mentioned by
■—Mas 'Aan>. Mmmg. z. 11).
93-30), perhaps also an experience of the more
humiliating accidents of sea-travel (Prov. xxttl. 84,
86).
(6.) According to the statement of the Phoeni-
cian writers quoted by Josephus (Ant. viii. 6, f 8),
the intercourse of the two kings had In it also
something of the sportiveneas and freedom of
friends. They delighted to perplex each other
with hard questions, and laid wagers as to their
power of answering them. Hiram was at first the
loser and paid hia forfeits ; but afterwards, through
the help of a sharp-witted Tyrian boy, Abdemou,
solved the hard problems, and was in the end the
winner.'' The singular fragment of history in-
serted in 1 K. ix. 11-14, recording the cession bv
Solomon of sixteen [twenty] cities, and Hiram's
dissatisfaction with them, is perhaps connected with
these imperial wagers. The king of Tyre revenges
himself by a Phoenician bon-mot [Cauvl]. He
fulfills his part of the contnut, and pays the stipu-
lated price.
(7.) These were the two most important alii-
snees. The absence of any reference to Babylon
and Assyria, and the fact that the Euphrates was
recognized as the boundary of Solomon's kingdom
(8 Chr. ix. 98), suggest the Inference that tl*»
Heaopotamian monarchies were, at this time, com-
paratively feeble. Other neighboring nations were
content to pay annual tribute in the form of gifts
(3 Chr. ix. 34). The kings of the Hittites and of
Syria welcomed the opening of a new line of com-
merce which enabled them to find in Jerusalem an
emporium where they might get the chariots and
horses of Kgypt (1 K. ix. 98). This, however, was
obviously but a small part of the traflic organised
by Solomon. The foundation of cities like Tadinor
in the wilderness, and Tiphsah (Thapsacua) on the
Kuphrates; of others on the route, each with it*
own special market for chariots, or horses, or stores
(3 Chr. viii. 3-U); the erection of lofty towers on
Lebanon (3 Chr. L c. ; Cant. vii. 4) pointed tc s
more distant commerce, opening out the resources
of central Asia, reaching, — as that of Tyre did
afterwards, availing itself of this very route, —
to the nomad tribes of the Caspian and the Black
Seas, to Togarmah and Meshecli and Tubal (Ex.
xxvii. 13, 14; oonip. Milniau, Hilt, of tht Jim, i.
370).
(8.) The survey of the influence exercised by
Solomon on surrounding nations would be incom-
plete if we were to past over that which was mor >
directly personal — the fame of his glory and his
wisdom. The legends which pervade the East are
probably not merely the expansion of the scanty
notices of the O. T. ; but (as suggested above), like
thoee which gather round the names of Nimrod and
Alexander, the result of the impression made by the
personal presence of one of the mighty ones A tin
<* The narrative of Josephus Implies the existence of
some story, more or less humorous, m Tyrian Ulsrs-
tore, In wham the wisest of the kings of earth was
baffled by a boy's ?teveroess. A singular p enda n t to
this Is found m th« popular medueval story of Solo-
mon and Mcrolf, m whtoh the latter (an ugly, deformed
dwarf) outwits the forme. A modernised version of
this work may be found m the Walhalla (Leipalg,
1844). Older copies, In Lean and aerman, of the 16th
century, are In the Brit. Mas. Library. The Anglo-
Saxon Duuogns of Solomon and Ba laiu at a sast* eats
chaan of Ssrlataml tai oejenja.
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SOLOMON
Mirth." Wherever the ahipa of Tuihiih went, they
nrried with them the report, toeing nothing in iu
passage, of what their crews had aeeu and beard.
The impression made on the Incat of Peru by the
power and knowledge of the Spaniard*, often per-
haps the nearest approach to what falla so little
within the limits of our experience, though there
was there no personal centre round which the ad-
miration could gather itself. The journey of the
queen of Sheba, though from its circumstances the
most conspicuous, did not stand alone. The in-
habitants of Jerusalem, of the whole line of country
between it and the Gulf of Akaba, saw with amaze-
ment the "great train" — the men with their
swarthy faces, the camels bearing spices and gold
and genu — of a queen who had come from the far
South,' 1 because she had beard of the wisdom of
Solomon, snd connected with it » the name of Je-
hovah " (1 K. x. 1). She came with hard ques-
tions to test that wisdom, and the words just
quoted may throw light upon their nature. Not
riddles and enigmas only, such as the sportive
fancy of the East delights to, but the ever-old, ever-
new problems of life, such as, even in that age and
country, were vexing the hearts of the speakers in
the book of Job, 1 were stirring in her mind when
she communed with Solomon of " all that was in
her heart" (2 Cbr. ix. 1). She meets us as the
r epresen tative of a body whom the dedication-
prayer shows to have been numerous, the stran-
gers '• coming from a Car country " because of the
"great name" of Jehovah (1 K. viii. 41), many of
tbem princes themselves, or the messengers of kings
(2 Chr. ix. 23). The historians of Israel delighted
to dwell on her confession that the reality surpassed
the nunc, " the one half of the greatness of thy wis-
dom was not told me" (2 Chr. ix. 6; Ewald, iii.
863).
VI. Internal History. — (1.) We can now enter
upon the reign of Solomon, in its bearing upon the
history of Israel, without the necessity of a digres-
sion. The first prominent scene is one which pre-
sents his character in its noblest aspect. There were
two holy places which divided the reverence of the
people, tho ark and its provisional tabernacle at Je-
rusalem, and the original Tabernacle of the congre-
gation, which, after many wanderings, was now
pitched at Gibeon. It was thought right that the
new king should offer solemn sacrifices at both.
After those at Gibeon '' there came that vision of
the night which has in all ages borne its noble wit-
ness to the hearts of rulers. Not for riches, or long
life, or victory over enemies, would the son of David,
then at least true to his high calling, feeling himself
a cities Uks Tadmor and TIphsah were not likely to
bare been founded by a king who bad never seen and
•hosen tbs sites. 2 Chr. viil. 8, 4, Implies the Journey
which Joeephue speaks of (Ant. Till 6, } 1), and at
Tadmor Solomon was within one day's Journey of the
Euphrates, and six of Babylon. (Bo JoNphus, ( c,
but the day's journey must hare been a long one.)
6 Jossphus, again oarelaBS about authoririss, makes
her a queen of Igypt (!) and Bthlopia (isi. vlli. 6.
c Is It possible that the book Itself earns Into the
literature of Israel by the Intercom*) thus opened ?
tt> Arable character, both in language and thought,
snd tbs obvious traces of Hs Influence to the took of
Proverbs, have bean u o tl es d by all critics worthy of
the name [camp. Jo*].
<l Hebron, in Joeephus, once more blundering (4»(.
SOLOMON
as " a little child " in comparison with the i
of his work, offer his supplication*, but for a ■' wise
and understanding heart," that he might judge the
people. The " speech pleased the Lord." Then
came in answer the promise of a wisdom '• like which
there had been none before, like which there should
be none after " (1 K. iii. 5-15). So far all was well
The prayer was a right and noble one. Yet there is
alto a contrast between it and the prayers of David
which accounts for many other contrasts. The de-
sire of David's heart ia not chiefly for wisdom, but
for holiness. He is conscious of an oppressing evil,
and seeks to be delivered from it He repents, and
falla, and repents again. Solomon asks only for
wisdom. He has a lofty ideal before him, and seeks
to accomplish it, but be is at yet haunted by uo
deeper yearnings, and speaks at one who has " no
need of repentance."
(2.) The wisdom asked for was given in large
measure, and took a varied range. The wide world
of nature, animate and inanimate, which the enter'
prises of his subjects were throwing open to his
the lives and characters of men, in all their surface-
weaknesses, in all their inner depths, lay before him,
and be took cognizance of all.* But the highest
wisdom was that wanted for the highest work, for
governing and guiding, and the historian hastens
to give an illustration of it. The patteni-instanc*
is, in all its circumstances, thoroughly oriental.
The king aits iii the gate of the city, at the early
dawn, to settle any disputes, however strange, 1*
tween any litigants, however bumble. In the
rough and ready test which turns the scales of evi-
dence, before so evenly balanced, there is a kind tf
rough humor as well as sagacity, specially attractive
to the eastern mind, then and at all times (1 K.
iii. 16-28).
(3.) Hut the power to rule showed itself not in
judging oidy, but in organising. The system of
government which he inherited from David received
s fuller expansion. Prominent among the " princes "
of his kingdom, i. e. officers of his own appointment,
were members of the priestly order : / Azariah the
son of Zadok, Zadok himself the high-priest. He
naiah the son of Jehoiada as captain of the bust, an-
other Azariah and Zabud, the sons of Nathan, one
over the officers (NittsalAm) who acted as purveycrs
to the king's household (1 K. iv. 2-5), the other u>
the more confidential character of " king's friend.'-
In addition to these there were the two scribes
(Siplierim), the king's secretaries, drawing up hit
edicts and the like [Sckibeb], Elihoreph and Ahlah,
the recorder or annalist of the king's reign ( Afnzcrr),
the superintendent of the king's house, and houta-
v Ewald sees in the words of 1 K. Iv. 88. the record
of books more or less descriptive of natural history, the
catalogue raitonnie of the king's collection*, botanic
and zoological (Hi. 368) ; to Benan, however (following
Joeephus), It seems more In harmony with the unsci-
entino character of all Shemloc minds, to think of
them as looking on tbs moral side of nat are. drawing
parables or allegories from the things be saw (Httz.
dti Langua Stmniqua, p. 127). The multiplied alltt-
stons of this kind in Prov. xxx. make that, perhaps, a
fair represent at ive of this form of Solomon's wisdosn.
tbough not by Solomon himself.
/ We cannot bring ourselves, with Kail (fbwrm. tw
foe.) and others, to play fast and Mots with the weed
Cohen, and to give It different meanings In sib
[Comp Parsers.)
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SOLOMON
hold expenses (Is. xxii. 15), including probably the
knrim. The hut in order, at once the most indis-
pensable and the most hated, was Adoniram, who
presided "over the tribute," that word including
probably the personal service of forced labor (comp.
KeU, Coram, in loc., and Eirald, (Jttch. Hi. 334).
(1.) The last name leads us to the king's finances.
The first impression of the facta given us is that of
abounding plenty. That all the drinking vessels
cf the two palaces should be of pure gold was a
small thing, " nothing accounted of in the days of
Solomon" (1 K. x. 21). u "Silver was in Jeru-
salem as stones, and cedars as the sycamore-trees in
the rale " (1 K. x. 27 ). The people were -' eating
and drinking and niak'ng merry" (1 K. iv. 20>.
The treasures left by David for building the Temple
■right well seem almost inexhaustible * (1 Chr. xxix.
1 7). The large quantities of the precious metals
imported from Ophir and Tarshish would speak, to
a people who had not learnt the lessons of a lonj$
experience, of a boundless source of wealth (1 K. ix.
38). All the kings and princes of the suhject-prov-
inees paid tribute in the form of nifts, in money
and in kind, "at a fixed rate year by year " (1 K.
x. 35). Monopolies of trade, then, as at all times
in the East, contributed to the king's treasury, and
the trade in the fine linen, and chariots, and horses
of Egypt, must have brought in large profits (1 K.
x. 38, 39). The king's domain-lands were appar-
ently let out, as vineyards or for other purposes, at
a fixed annual rental (Cant. viii. 11) Upon the
Israelites (probably not till the later period of his
reign) there was levied a tax of ten per cent, on
their produce (1 Sam. viii. 15). All the provinces
of his own kingdom, grouped apparently in a special
otter for this purpose, were liound each in turn to
supply the king's enormous household with pro-
visions (1 K. iv. 21-23). [Comp. Taxes.] The
total amount thus brought into the treasury in
gold, exclusive of all payment* in kind, amounted
to 666 talents (1 K. X. 14).°
(6.) It was hardly possible, however, that any
financial system could bear the strain of the king's
p—sirm for magnificence. The cost of the Temple
was, it it true, provided for by David's savings and
the offerings of the people; but even while that was
building, yet more when it was finished, one struc-
« A reminiscence of this form of splendor is seen
la the met that the medueral goldsmiths described
their earliest plate at " ceuvre de Salomon." It was
wrought In high relief, w eastern In its origin, and
was known also as Saracenic {Liber Custumarius, 1. 61,
759).
• We labor, however, under a twofold uncertainty,
(I) •• to the accuracy of the number*, (2) as to ths
value of the tonus. Prideaux, followed by Lewis, es-
llssiln the amount at £888,000,000, yet the savings
of the later yean of David's lite, for one special pur-
pose, could hardly have surpassed the national debt of
■xtgjand (comp. Kilman's Hit. o/Jnm, 1. 267).
e 668. There is something startling In thus find-
wis; In a simple historical statement a number which
has) sloes b e c ome Invested with such a mysterious
and terrible significance (Rev. sill. 18). The coinci-
dence can haMly, It is believed, be looked on as casual.
" The Seer of the Apocalypse," it has been well said,
"lives entirely In Holy Scripture. On this territory,
chamfers, is the solution of the saered riddle to be
sought" (Uengstenberg, Comm. fit R"i. In loo.). If,
therefore, we fins !he number occurring in the 0. T.,
with any special significance, we may well think that
that furnishes the starting-point of the enigma. And
there Is such a stgnlflcance here. (1.) As the glory
194
SOLOMON 8081
ture followed on another with ruinous rapidity.
A palace for himself, grander than that which
Hiram had built for his father, another for Pha-
raoh's daughter, the house of the forest of Lebanon,
in whieh he sat in his court of judgment, the pil-
lars all of cedar, seated on a throne of ivory and
gold, in which six lions on either side, the symbols
of the tribe of Judah, appeared (as in the thrones
of Assyria, l.arard's Nineteh, ii. 30) standing on
the steps and supporting the arms of the chair (1
K. vii. 1-12, x. 18-20), ivory palaces and ivory
towers, used apparently for the king's armory (Ps.
xlv. 8 ; Cant iv. 4, vii. 4) ; the ascent from his own
palace to the house or palace of Jehovah (1 K. x.
5), a summer palace in Lebanon (1 K. ix. 19;
Cant. vii. 4), stately gardens at Etham, paraditei
like those of the great eastern kings (Eccl. ii. 5,
6; Joseph. Ant. viii. 7, § 3; comp. Paradise),
the foundation of something like a stately school cr
college,'' costly aqueducts bringing water, it may
be, from the well of Bethlehem, dear to David's
heart, to supply the king's palace in Jerusalem
(Ewald, iii. 323), the fortifications of Jerusalem
completed, those of other cities begun (1 K. ix.
15-19), and, above all, the har&n, with all the ex-
penditure whieh it involved on slaves and slave-
dealer*, on concubines and eunuchs (1 Sam. viii.
15; 1 Chr. xxviii. 1), on men-singers and women-
singers (Eccl. ii. 8) — these rose before the wonder-
ing eyes of his people and dazzled them with their
magnificence. All the equipment of his court, the
" apparel " of his servants, was on the same scale.
If lie went from his hall of judgment to the Temple
he marched between two lines of soldiers, each with
a burnished shield of gold (1 K. x. 16, 17; Ewald,
iii. 320). If be went on a royal progress to bis
paradise at Etham, he went in snow-white raiment,
riding in a stately chariot of cedar, decked with
silver and gold and purple, carpeted with the cost,
liest tapestry, worked by the daughters of Jeru-
salem (Cant. iii. 9, 10). A body-guard attended
him, " threescore valiant men," tallest and hand-
somest of the sons of Israel, in the freshness of their
youth, arrayed in Tyrian purple, their long black
hair sprinkled freshly every day with gold-dust (ib.
iii. 7,8; Joseph. Am. viii. 7, J 3). Forty thou-
sand stalls of horses for his chariots, and twelve
and the wisdom of Solomon were the representattvea
of all earthly wisdom and glory, so the wealth of
Solomon would be the representative of all earthly
wealth. (2.) The purpose of the visions of St. John
is to oppose the heavenly to the earthly Jerusalem ;
the true "oOrpring of David," " the lion of the tribe
of Judah," to all counterfeits ; the true riches to the
ftUse. (8.) The worship of ths beast Is the worship of
the world's mammon. It may seem to reproduce the
glory and the wealth of the old Jerusalem in Its
golden days, but It Is of evil, not of God ; a Babylon,
not a Jerusalem. (4.) This reference does not of
course exclude either the mystical meaning of the
number six, so well brought out by Uengstenberg (1.
e.) and Mr. Maurice (on the Apocalypse, p. 251), or
even names like Lateinos and Nero Cesser. The
greater the variety of thoughts that could be con-
nected with a single number, the more would it oom-
mend Itself to one at all tamlllar wish the method of
the Qematria of the Jewish oabbausta.
d Pineda's conjecture (Iii. 28) the* "the house with
ssven pillars," " the highest places or the city," of
Prov. Ix. 1-8, had originally a local reference k, at
least, plausible enough to be worth, mentioning. It is
curious to think that there may have been a historical
" Solomon's house," like that of the Hew AUamtii
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SOLOMON
thousand horsemen made up the meuure of fab
magnificence (1 K. iv. 26). If some of the public
works had the plea of utility, the fortification of
tome eitiet for purposes of defense — Milk) (the
suburb of Jerusalem), Hazor, Hegiddo, the two
Beth-horoDS, the foundation of others, Tadmor and
Tiphsah, for purposes of commerce — these were
simply the pomps of a selfish luxury, and the peo-
ple, after the first dazzle was over, felt that they
were so. As the treasury became empty, taxes
multiplied and monopolies became more irksome.
Even Israelites, besides the conscription which
brought them into the king's armies (1 K. ix. 22),
were subject, though for a part only of each year,
to the corvee of compulsory labor (1 K. t. 18).
The revolution that followed had, like moat other
revolutions, financial disorder as the chief among
its causes. The people complained, not of the king's
idolatry, but of their burdens, of his " grievous
yoke " (1 K. xii. 4). Their hatred fell heaviest on
Adoniram, who was over the tribute. If, on the
one side, the division of the kingdom came as a
penalty for Solomon's idolatrous apostasy from
Jehovah, it was, on another, the Nemesis of a self-
ish passion for glory, itself the moat terrible of all
idolatries.
(6.) It remains for us to trace that other down-
foil, belonging more visibly, though not more reallv,
to his religious life, from the loftiest height even to
the lowest depth. The building and dedication of
the Temple are obviously the representatives of the
first. That was the special task which he inherited
from his father, and to that he gave himself with
all his heart snd strength. He came to it with all
the noble thoughts as to the meaning and grounds
of worship which his father and Nathan could instill
into him. We have already seen, in speaking of
his intercourse with Tyre, what measures he took
for its completion. All that can he said as to its
architecture, proportions, materials [Templb], and
the organisation of the ministering Priests and
Levites, will be found elsewhere. Here it will be
enough to picture to ourselves the feelings of the
men of Judah as they watched, during seven long
years, the Cyclopean foundations of vast stones (still
remaining when all else has perished, Kwald, iii.
297) gradually rising up and covering the area of
the threshing -floor of Araunah, materials arriving
continually from Joppa, cedar, and gold and silver,
brass " without weight " from the foundries of
Succoth and Zarethan, stones ready hewn and
squared from tho quarries. Far from colossal in
its size, it was conspicuous chiefly by the lavish
use, within and without, of the gold of Ophir and
Parvaim. It glittered in the morning sun (it has
been well said) like the sanctuary of an El Dorado
(Milman, ffi'st of Jews, i. 259). Throughout the
whole work the tranquillity of the kingly city was
unbroken by the sound of the workman's hammer:
" Iiks some tall, palm, the uoImIms fabric grew."
(7.) We cannot Ignore the fact that even now
there were some darker shades In the picture. Not
reverence only for the Holy City, but the wish to
shut out from sight the misery he had caused, to
close his ears against cries which were rising daily
to the ears oftbe Lord of Sabaoth, led him probably
a Ewald'a apology for west acts of despotism (til.
MrS) pmasots a singular contrast to the free spirit
which, rsr the most part, pervades bis work. Through-
•at UttMstnrs of David and Salomon, bisavmpethy
SOLOMON
to place the works connected with the Tstoias at
as great a distance as possible from the Tennis
itself. Forgetful of the lessons taught by the his-
tory of his own people, and of the precepts of the
Law (Ex. xxii. 21, xxiii. 9, tt o/.), following the ex-
ample of David's policy in its least noble aspect (1
Chr. xxii. 2), he reduced the " strangers " in the
land, the remnant of the Canaanite races who had
chosen the alternative of conformity to the religion
of their conquerors, to the state of helots, and
made their life " bitter with all hard bondage." ■
[Proselytes.] Copying the Pharaohs in their
magnificence, he copied them also in their disregard
of human suffering. Acting, probably, under the
same counsels as bad prompted that measure, on
the result of David's census, he seized on then
"strangers" for the weary, servile toil against
which the free spirit of Israel would have rebelled.
One hundred and fifty-three thousand, with wives
and children in proportion, were torn from Jieir
homes and sent off to the quarries and the forests
of Lebanon (1 K. r. 15; 2 Chr. ii. 17, 18). Even
the Israelites, though not reduced permanently to
the helot state (2 Chr. riii. 9), were yet summoned
to take their share, by rotation, in the same labor
(1 K. r. 13, 14). One trace of the special servitude
of •' these hewers of stone " existed long afterwards
in the existence of a body of men attached to the
Temple, and known as Solomon's Servants.
(8 ) After seven years and a half tbe work was
completed, and the day came to which all Israelites
looked back as the culminating glory of their nation.
Their worship was now established on a scale as
stately as that of other nations, while it yet retained
its freedom from all worship that could possibly
become idolatrous. Instead of two rival sanctuaries,
as before, there was to be one only. Tbe ark from
Zion, the Tabernacle from Gibeon, were both re-
moved (2 Chr. v. 5) and brought to tbe new
Temple. Tbe choirs of the priests and Levites met
in their fullest force, arrayed in white linen. Then,
it may be for the first time, wss heard tbe nobis
hymn, " Lift up your heads, O ye gates, and be y»
lift up, ye everlasting doors, and the King of Glory
shall come in " (Milman, Hist, of Jam, i. 263).
The trumpeters and singers were " as one " in their
mighty Hallelujah — " praise the Lord, for He is
good, for His mercy endureth for ever " (2 Chr. v.
13). The ark was solemnly placed in its golden
sanctuary, and tben " the cloud," the " glory of
the Lord," filled the house of the Lord. The two
tables of stone, associated with the first rude begin-
nings of ths life of the wilderness, were still, they
and they only, in the ark which had now so mag ■
nificent a shrine (2 Chr. v. 10). They bore then
witness to the great laws of duty toward God and
man, remaining unchangeable through all ths
changes and chances of national or individual lib,
from the beginning to the end of the growth of a
national religion. And throughout the whole scene,
the person of the king is the one central object,
compared with whom even priests and prophets are
for the time subordinate. Abstaining, doubtless,
from distinctively priestly acts, such as slaying the
victims and offering incense, he yet appears, even
more than David did in the bringing up the ark, in
a liturgical character. He, and not Zadok, blesses
for tba father's heroism, bis admiration for the sea's
magnificence, seam to keep his Judgment under a Bass*
nation wbleh It is dimeult to his nadeis to i
from.
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BOLOMON
fee congregation, offers np the solemn prayer, dedi. |
sates the Temple. He, and not any member of the
prophetic order, it then, and probably at other
timet, the spokesman and " preacher " of the peo-
ple (Ewald, iii. 320). He takes at least tome steps
towards that far-off (Ps. ex. 1) ideal of "a priest
after the order of Melchizedek," which one of his
descendants rashly sought to fulfill [Uzziah], but
which was to be fulfilled only in a Son of David,
not the crowned leader of a mighty nation, bat
d e spi sed, rejected, crucified. From him came the
lofty prayer, the noblest utterance of the creed of
Israel, setting forth the distance and the nearness of
Jae Eternal God, One, Incomprehensible, dwelling
•at in temple* made with hands, yet ruling men,
heaving their prayers, giving them all good things,
wisdom, pease, righteousness. 11
(9.) The solemn day was followed by a week of
festival, synchronizing with the Feast of Taber-
nacles, the time of the completed vintage. Repre-
sentatives of all the tribes, elders, fathers, captains,
proselytes, it may be, from the newly acquired ter-
ritories in Northern Syria (2 Chr. vi. 32, vii. 8),
— all were assembled, rejoicing in the actual glory
and the bright hopes of Israel. For the king him-
self then, or at a later period (the narrative of 1 K.
tx. and 2 Chr. vii. leaves it doubtful), there was a
strange contrast to the glory of that day. A crit-
icism, misled by its own acuteness, may see in that
warning prophecy of sin, punishment, 'desolation,
only a raticinium ex erentu, added some centuries
afterwards (Ewald, iii. 404). It is open to us to
maintain that, witli a character such as Solomon's,
vith a religious ideal so far beyond his actual life,
etch thoughts were psychologically probable, that
trange misgivings, suggested by the very words of
•e jubilant hymns of the day's solemnity, might
«ell mingle with the shouts of the people and the
-allelnjahs of the Levites.' It is in harmony with
CI »e know of the work of the Divine Teacher,
that those misgivings should receive an interpreta-
tion, that the king should be taught that what he
bad done was indeed right and good, but that it
was not all, and might not be permanent. Obe-
dience was better than sacrifice. There was a dan-
ger near at hand.
(10. ) The danger came, and in spite of the warn-
ing the king fell. Before long the priests and
prophets had to grieve over rival temples to Moloch,
Cbemosh, Ashtaroth, forms of ritual not idolatrous
only, but cruel, dark, impure. This evil came, as
the compiler of 1 K. si. 1-8 records, as the penalty
of another. Partly from policy, seeking fresh alli-
ances, partly from the terrible satiety of lust seek-
big the stimulus of change, he gave himself to
" strange women." He found himself involved in
a fascination which led to the worship of strange
gods. The starting-point and the goal are given
am. We are left, from what we know otherwise, to
trace the process. Something there was perhaps
• his very "largeness of heart," so far in advance
if the traditional knowledge of his age, rising to
higher and wider thoughts of God, which predia-
■ ■waM, yielding to his one special traakoest, sees
In mis prayer the rhetorical addition of the Deulei
soamist editor (111. 8U).
» Ps exxxii. belongs manifestly (eomp. w. 7, 8, 10,
H, with 2 Chr. rl. 41) to the day of Jedkatkm ■ and
V. 12 contains the oondldoo. of which the vision ot the
sight presents the dark as the day baa presented the
' ht side
SOLOMON 8088
posed him to it. His convene with men of other;
creeds and climes might lead him to anticipate, la
this respect, one phase of modern thought, as the
confessions of the Preacher in Kohelcth anticipate
another. In recognizing what was true in other
forms of faith, he might lose his horror at what was
false, his sense of the preeminence of the truth ie~
vealed to him, of the historical continuity of the
nation's religious life. His worship might go back-
ward from Jehovah to FJohim ,« from Elohim to the
" Gods many and Lords many " of the nations
round. Jehovah, Baal, Ashtaroth, Chemosh, each
form of nature-worship, might come to seem equally
true, equally acceptable. The women whom he
brought from other countries might well be allowed
the luxury of their own superstitions. And, if
permitted at all, the worship must be worthy of his
fame and be part of his magnificence. With this
there may, as Ewald suggests (iii. 380),'' have
mingled political motives. He may have hoped,
by a policy of toleration, to conciliate neighboring
princes, to attract a larger traffic. But probably
also there was another influence leas commonly
taken into account. The wide-spread belief of the
Kast in the magic arts of Solomon is not, it is be-
lieved, without its foundation of truth. On the
one hand, an ardent study of nature, in the period
that precedes science, runs on inevitably into the
pursuit of occult, mysterious properties. On the
other, throughout the whole history of Judab, the
element of idolatry which has the strongest hold on
men's minds was the thaumaturgic, soothsaying,
incantations, divinations (2 K. i. 2; Is. ii. 6; 9
Chr. xxxiii. 6, ft at.). The religion of Israel op-
posed a stem prohibition to all such perilous yet
tempting arte (Dent xviii. 10, e( al.). The relig-
ions of the nations round fostered them. Was it
strange that one who found his progress impeded
in one path should turn into the other? So, at
any rate it was. The reign which began so glori-
ously was a step backwards into the gross darkness
of fetish worship. As be left liehind him the leg-
acy of luxury, selfishness, oppression, more than
counterbalancing all the good of higher art and
wider knowledge, so he left this too as an ineradi-
cable evil. Not less truly than the son of Nebat
might hia name have been written in history as
Solomon the ton of David who " made Israel to
sin."
(11.) Disasters followed before long as the nat-
ural consequence of what was politically a blunder
as well as religiously a sin. The strength of the
nation rested on its unity, and its unity depended
on its faith. Whatever attractions the sensuous
ritual which he introduced may have had for the
great body of the people, the priests and Levites
must have looked on the rival worship with entire
disfavor. The zeal of the prophetic order, dormant
in the earlier part of the reign, and as it were, hin-
dered from its usual utterances by the more daz-
zling wisdom of the king, was now kindled into
active opposition. Ahyah of Shiloh, as if taught
by the history of his native place, was sent to utter
e It Is noticeable that Elohim, and not Jehovah, It
the Divine name used throughout Ecclesiastcs.
d To see, however, as Ewald does, In Solomon's pol-
icy nothing but a wits toleration like that of a modera
statesman In regard to Christian sects, or of the dig;
hsh Government In India, la surely to read hlster;
through a retracting and distorting medtasa.
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SOLOMON
roe of those predictions which help to work oat
their own fulfillment, fastening ou thoughts before
vague, pointing Jeroboam out to himself and to the
people as the destined heir to the larger half of the
kingdom, as truly called as David had been called,
to be the anointed of the Lord (1 K. jA 28-39).
The king in rain tried to check the current that
was setting strong against him. If Jeroboam was
driven for a time into exile it was only, as we have
seen, to be united in marriage to the then reigning
dynasty, and to come back with a daughter of the
Pharaohs as hu queen (LXX. Hi nipra). The old
trilial jealousies gave signs of renewed vitality.
Kphraim was prepared once more to dispute the su-
premacy of Judah, needing special control (1 K. xi.
28). And with this weakness within there came
attacks from without. Hadad and Rezon, the one
in Kdom, the other in Syria, who had been foiled
in the beginning of his reign, now found no effectual
resistance. The king, prematurely old," must have
foreseen the rapid breaking up of the great mon-
archy to which he had succeeded. Hehoboam, in-
heriting his faults without his wisdom, haughty and
indiscreet, was not likely to avert it.
(12.) Of the inner changes of mind and heart
which ran parallel with this history, Scripture is
comparatively silent. Something may be learned
from the books that bear his name, which, whether
written by him or not, stand in the Canon of the
O. T. as representing, with profound, inspired in-
right, the successive phases of his life; something
also from the met that so little remains out of so
much, out of the songs, proverbs, treatises of which
the historian speaks (1 K. iv. 82, 33). Legendary
as may be the traditions which apeak of Hezekiab as
at one and the same time, preserving some portions
of Solomon's writings (Prov. zzv. 1 ), and destroy-
ing others," a like process of selection must have
been gone through by the unknown Babbis of the
Ukkat Synagogcb after the return from the
exile. Slowly and hesitatingly they received into
the Canon, as they went on with their unparalleled
• Solomon's age at his death could not havs been
much more than fifty-nine or sixty, yet It was not till
te was « old " that his wives perverted htm (1 K. xi.
li-
ft Heseklah (bond, It was said, formulas for tbe cure
of diseases engraved on the door-posts of tbs Temple,
snd destroyed them because they drew men away from
tbe worship of Jehovah (Suidas, s. c. 'Efcns*)- Strange
is the history is, it has a counterpart In the complaint
sf the writer of 2 Chr. xvi. 12, that Asa " sought not
to (he Lord but to the physicians.'' Was there a rl
retry In the treatm ent of disease between the priests
snd prophets on the one side (comp. Is. xxxriil. 21),
and Idolatrous thaumaturgWa on the other (comp.
also 2 K. i. 2)?
c The Song of Songs, however, was never read pub-
licly, either in the Jewish or the Christian Church,
nor in tbe former were youog men allowed to read it
at all (Tbeod. Oyr. Prof, in Qua. Cam.; Iheod.
Hops p 699 in Migne).
d We rest on this as the necessary condition of all
Jester interpretation. To argue, as many have done,
thai the mystical sense most be the only one b ecause
the literal would be insupportable, Is simply to " bring
s clean thing out of an unclean," to assert that tbe
Urine Spirit would choose a love that was lustful and
Impure ss the fitting parable of tbe holiest. Much
aether may we say with Herder (Oris* der Ebr. Pou.,
Hal. vi.), that the poem, in its literal sense, is one
which « might have been written In Paradise." The
sjaa awn she woman are, as in then- primeval lnno-
SOLOMOH
work of tbe expurgation by a people of its own lit-
erature, the two books which bare been the ataosv
bling-blocks of commentators, EocleaUstet and the
Song of Songs ' (Ginsburg, Kohdtlh, pp. 13-15)
They give axtrpta only from tbe 3,000 Proverbs.
Of the thousand and fire Songs (the precise num-
ber indicates a known collection) we know abso-
lutely nothing. They were willing, f. «., to admit
Koheleth for the sake of its ethical conclusion ; the
Song of Songs, because at a very early period, pos-
sibly even then, it bad received a mystical interpre-
tation (Keil, Kinleil. in dnt Alt. TaL § 127), be-
cause it was, at any rate, the history of a lore which
if passionate, was also tender, and pure, and true."
But it it easy to see that there are elements in that
poem, the strong delight in visible outward beauty,
the surrender of heart and will to one overpower-
ing impulse, which might eonie to be divorced from
truth and purity, anil would then be perilous in
proportion to their grace and charm. Such a di-
vorce took place we know in the actual life of Sol-
omon. It could not fail to leave its stamp upon
the idyls in which feeling and fancy uttered them-
selves. The poems of the Son of David may have
been like those of Mafia. Tbe Scribes who com-
piled the Canon of the O. T. may have acted wisely,
rightly, charitably to his fame, in excluding them.
(13.) The books that remain mret us, at hat
been said, as, at any rate, representing the three
stages of his life. The Song of Songs brings befote
us the brightness of his youth, tbe heart as yet un-
tainted, human love passionate yet undefiled,' and
therefore becoming, under a higher inspiration,
half-consciously it may be to itself, but, if not, then
unconsciously for others, the parable of the soul's
affections./ [Canticles.] Then comes in the
book of Proverbs, the stage of practical, prudential
thought, searching into the recesses of man's heart,
seeing duty in little things as well as great, resting
all duty on the fear of God, gathering from tbe
wide lessons of a king's experience, lessons which
mankind could ill afford to loeeJ> The poet has
cence, loving and beloved, thinking no evil, " naked
and not ashamed."
« We adopt the older rlew of Lowth (Pnst. xxx.,
nil.) and other*, rather than that of Benan and
Bwmld, which almost brings down a noble poem to
the level of an operatic ballet at a Parisian theatre.
Theodora of Mopsuestta (/. r.) had, at least, placed it
on a level with tbs Symporium of Plato. The theory
of Mlchaelis (Mm. m Lowih, xxxl.) that It repre se n ts
a young husband and his tavorlte bride hindered, by
harem jealousies or regulations, from free Intercooras
with each other, seems to us preferable, and connects
Itself with the Identification of the Shulamlte with AM-
shag, already noticed.
/ "The final eaose of 08000108," It has bean well
said, " was that It might be a field In which mysthdem
could disport Itself" (Bishop Jebb, Ctmspoxd. wiiA
Knox, I. SOS). The traces of the " great mystery "
which thus connects dlrine and human lore, are In-
deed to be (bund everywhere, in the Targnms of Bab-
bis, hi the writings of Fathers, Schoolmen, Puritans,
in the poems of Mystics like Novalis, Jelaleddin Rum I,
Baadl (comp. Tholnek, MorgnUand. Mystic, pp. 56
227). It appears In Its highest (bnn In the Vita ff»-
ma of Dante, purified by Christian feeling from the
ssnsuons element which In eastern writers too readU*
mingles with It. Of all Strang* assertions, that of B*
nan, that mysticism of this kind Is foreign to the She
mine character, is perhaps about the strangest (Gani
da Cant. p. lit).
a Both in ■« Isetsstas (a. 3-12) and yet na.es it
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8QLOMOK
) the philosopher, the mystic hu passed into
ibe moralist. But tie man passed through both
itages without bring permanently the better for
ather. They were to him but phases of his life
which he had known aid exhausted (Eccl. i., ii.).
And therefore there cane, as in the Confessions of
the Preacher, the great retribution. The " sense
that wore with time " avt »ged " the crime of sense."
There fell on him, as on other crowned voluptua-
ries," the weariness which tees written on all things,
Vanity of Vanities. Slowly only could he recover
bom that "vexation of spirit," and the recovery
was incomplete, it was not as the strong burst of
penitence that brought to his father David the as-
lurance of forgiveness. He could not rise to the
[right from which he had fallen, or restore the
Irrjbnea of his first love. The weary soul could
mly lay again, with slow an(? painful relapses, the
"bunilatiouf of a true mora'jty [comp. Ecclesi-
tsms].
(14.) Here our survey murt end. We may not
•iter into the things within the rail, or answer
either way the doubting question, Is there any
•ope? Others have not shrank from debating that
]nestion, deciding, according to their formula?, that
ne did or did not fulfill tin conditions of salvation
to as to satisfy them, vjrt I hey to be placed upon
'lie judgment-seat V. noeU not be profitable to
rive references to tre patristic and other writers
rho have dealt with thut subject. They have been
elaborately collect jd by Calmet (Dictionn. s. v.
Salomon, Zloi-edl O uert. De la salut du Sal.).
•t is noticeable iad characteristic that Chrysostom
ind the theologi-jns of the Greek Church are, for
'be most part, favorable, Augustine and those of
he Latin, for the most part, adverse to his chances
4 salvation.*
VII. Ltgends. — (1.) The impression nude by
Solomon on the minds of later generations, is shown
>a its best form by the desire to claim the sanction
/ his name for even the noblest thoughts of other
writers. Possibly in Ecclksiastes, certainly in
the Book of Wisdom, we have instances of this,
free from the vieious element of an apocryphal liter-
ature. Before long, however, it took other forms.
Round the facts of the history, as a nucleus, there
gathers a whole world of fantastic fables, Jewish,
Christian, Mohammedan, refractions, colored and
distorted, according to the media through which
they pass, of a colossal form. Even in the Targum of
Erclesiaetes we find strange stories of his character.
He and the Rabbis of the Sanhedrim sat and drank
wine together in Jabne. His panulite was filled
with costly trees which the evil spirits brought him
from India. The casuistry of the Rabbis rested on
hh dicta. Ashmedai, the king of the demons, de-
prived him of his magic ring, and he wandered
through the aties of Israel, weeping and saying,
I, the preaebet, was king over Israel in Jerusalem
Provjtus (i. 11-17, Til. 9-28) wa may find traces of ex-
periences gained in other ways. The graphio picture
of the life of the robbers and the prostitutes of an
eastern city eould hardly have been drawn but by
ooe who, like Haroun Alrashid and other orleutal
fcings, at times laid aside the trappings of royalty, and
slanged Into the other extreme of social life, that so
k« might gain the excitement of a fresh sensation
• "A taste ibr pleasure is extinguished 'a the
tint's heart (Louie XIV.). Age and devotion have
susght him to make serious reflections on the van. 7
af everything he was formerly fend of " (Urns as
i's LelUit, p. 206).
SOLOMON 8086
(Ginsburg, Koheltih, App. i. H. ; Koran, Swr. 88).
He left behind him spells and charms to cure dis-
eases and cast out evil spirits; and for centuries,
incantations bearing his name were the special
boast of all the " vagabond Jew exorcists " who
swarmed in the cities of the empire (Jos. Ant viii.
2, § 5; Just. Mart. Reipotu. ud Orthod. p. 56;
Origen, Comm. in Matt. xxyi. 3). His wisdom
enabled him to interpret the speech of beasts and
birds, a gift shared afterwards, it was said, by his
descendant Hillel (Ewald, iii. 407; Koran, Stir.
37). He knew the secret virtues of gems and
herbs" (Fabricius, Codex Puudtp. V. T. 1012).
He was the inventor of Syriac and Arabian alpha-
bets (ibid. 1014).
(2.) Arabic imagination look a yet wilder flight.
After a long struggle with the rebellious Afreets
and J inns, Solomon conquered them and cast
them into the sea (Lane, Arabian Nights, i. 36).
The remote pre-Adamite past was peopled with a
succession of forty Solomons, ruling over different
races, each with a shield and sword that gave them
sovereignty over the Jinn*. To Solomon himself
belonged the magic ring which revealed to him the
past, the present, and the future. Because he
stayed his march at the hour of prayer instead of
riding on with bis horsemen God gave him the
winds as a chariot, and the birds flew over him,
making a perpetual canopy. The demons in their
spite wrote books of magic in his name, but he,
being ware of it, seized them and placed them
under his throne, where they remained till his
death, and then the demons again got hold of
them and scattered them abroad (U'Herbelot, s. v.
"Soliman ben Daoud;" Koran, Sur. 21). The
visit of the Queen of Sbeba furnished some three or
four romances. The Koran (Sur. 27) narrates her
visit, her wonder, her conversion to the Islam,
which Solomon professed She appears under three
different names, Nicaule (Calmet, Did. s. v.), Ual-
kis (U'Herbelot, $. v.), Makeda (l'iueda, v. 14).
The A ralis claim her as belonging to Yemen, the
Ethiopians as coining from Meroe. In each form
of the story a son is born to her, which calls Solo
mon its father, in the Arab version Meilekh, in the
Ethiopian David, after his grandfather, the ancestor
of a long line of Ethiopian kings (Ludolf, Mitt
sEthiop. ii. 3, 4, S). Twelve thousand Hebrews
accompanied her on her return home, and from
them were descended the Jews of Ethiopia, and the
great Prester Johu (Presbyter Joannes) of mediae-
val travellers (U'Herbelot, I c; Pineda, L e.
Corylus, Dist. dt reyina Autir. in Menthen's
Theiaurut, i.). She brought to Solomon the
self-same gifts which the Magi afterwards brought
to Christ. [Magi.] One at least of the hard
questions with which she came was rescued from
oblivion. Fair boys and sturdy girls were dressed
up by her exactly alike so that no eye could distiu-
6 How deeply this question entered into the hearts
of medians! thinkers, and in what way tbe noblest
of them all decided It, we read in the Divma Comm'.
dia : —
"La quints lace she tre nol pta bell*
Spirsdi tal amor, ehe tatto II mondo
Ltgvia ne sola dl saper nov«lU."
Paradvo, x. 10S.
The « splra di tal amor " refers, of course, to the gong
of Solomon.
e The name of a well-known plant, Solomon s seal
( Contatlmna Majalii), perpet sales the old belief
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8086
801/OMON
ruixh them. The king placed water before them
»nd bade them wash, and then when the boys
•crabbed their faces and the girls stroked them
softly, he made out which were which (Glycae,
JiuuiL in Fabricius, I. c). Versions of these and
other legends are to be found also in Weil, BiM.
Legends, p. 171 ; Fiiret, Perienschnure, e. 36.
(3.) '["he fame of Solomon spread northwurd
and eastward to Persia. At Shiraz they showed
the Meder-iiuUiman, or tomb of Bath-sheba, said
that Persepolis had been built by the Jiimi at bis
command, and pointed to the Takht-i-Suleiman
(Solomon's throne) in proof. Through their spells
too he made his wonderful journey, breakfasting at
Persepolis, dining at Baal- bee, supping at Jerusa-
lem (Chardin, Hi. 135, 113; Ouseley, ii. 41, 437).
Persian literature, while it had no single life of
David, boasted of countless histories of Solomon,
one, the Suleiman Named, in eighty books, ascribed
to the poet Firdousi (D'Herbelot, L c; Chardin,
ill. 198). In popular belief he was confounded
with the great Persian hero, Djemschid (Ouseley,
ii. 64).
(4.) As might be expected, the legends appeared
ill their coarsest and basest form in Europe, losing
all their poetry, the mere appendages of the most
detestable of Apocrypha, Books of Magic, a Hygro-
mauteia, a Contradictio Salomon is (whatever that
may be) condemned by Gelasiua, Incantationes,
Claricula, and the like." One pseudonymous work
has a somewhat higher character, the Piallerium
Snloiuonis, altogether without merit, a mere cento
from the Psalms of David, but not otherwise
offensive (Fabricius, i. 917; Tregelles, Introd. to
N. T. p. 154), and therefore attached sometimes,
as in the great Alexandrian Codex, to the sacred
volume. One strange story meets us from the
omnivorous Note-book of Bale. Solomon did re-
pent, and in his contrition he offered himself to
the Sanhedrim, doing penance, and they scourged
him five times with rods, and then he travelled in
sackcloth through the cities of Israel, saying as he
went. Give alms to Solomon (Bede, de Sulom. ap.
Pineda).
VIII. New Testament — We pass from this
wild farrago of Jewish and other fables, to that
which presents the most entire contrast to them.
The teaching of the N. T. adds nothing to the
materials for a life of Solomon. It enables us to
take the truest measure of it The teaching of
the Son of Man passes sentence on all that kingly
pomp. It declares that in the humblest work of
(jod, in the lilies of the field, there is a grace and
beauty inexhaustible, so that even " Solomon in all
his glory was not arrayed like one of these " (Matt,
vi. 29 ).* It presents to us the perfect pattern of a
growth in wisdom, like, and yet unlike his, taking,
in the eyes of men, a less varied range; but deeper,
truer, purer, because united with purity, victory
over temptation, self-sacrifice, tbe true large-heart-
•dness of sympathy with all men. On tbe lowest
• Two of these strange books have been reprinted
infnctimilc by Schelble (/tlojtrr, v.). The Clarinda
Salomons Necromantiea consists of incantations made
up of Hebrew words ; and the mightiest spell of the
•ucntutcr Is the SigiUum Salomon*!, engraved with
lleb.esr characters, such as might have been handed
town through a long succession of Jewish exorcists,
c Is singular (nnless this too was part of the im-
*t stun) that both the books profess to be published
with the spsesU feens* of Popes Julias II and Alex-
SOLOMONS SERVANTS
view which serious thinkers have ever taken of ths
life of Jesus of Nazareth, they have owned thai
there was in Him one " greater than Solomon "
(Matt. xii. 42). Tbe historical Son of David,
ideally a type of the Christ that was to come, was
in his actual life, the most strangely contrasted
It was reserved for the true, the later Son of David,
to fulfill the prophetic yearnings which bad gath-
ered round the birth of tbe earlier. He wis the
true Shtlomoh, the prince of peace, the true Jedid-
jah, the wdl-beloved of tbe Father. £. H. P.
• SOLOMON'S GARDENS. [CUmw,
vol. i. p. 868.]
SOLOMON'S PORCH. [Paiace.]
SOLOMON'S SERVANTS (Childkbi
of), (nbbtjj n^? ^3 : viol 'A&-nn\*u,
Err. II. 58; viol 8ovAqu> iaKst/uir, Ear. ii. to;
Neh. vii. 57, 60: filii sertorvm Saimuoms.) The
persons thus named appear in the lists of tbe ex-
iles who returned from the Captivity. They occupy
all but the lowest places in those lists, and their
position indicates some connection with the services
of the Temple. First come tbe priest*, then Le-
vites, then Nethiuim, then '• the children of Solo-
mon's servants." In the Greek of 1 Etdr. v. 33,
35, the order is the same, but instead of Nethiuim
we meet with UpiiovKoi, " servants " or -* minis-
ters," of tbe Temple. In the absence of mrj
definite statement as to their office we are left to
conjecture and inference. (1.) The name as well
as the order, implies inferiority even to the Ne~
thinim. They are the descendants of tbe slivts
of Solomon. The servitude of the Nethinim,
" given to the ijord," was softened by the idea of
dedication. [Nethinim.] (2.) lite starting-
point of their history is to be found probably in
1 K. v. 13, 14, ix. 20, 21 ; 2 Chr. viii. 7, 8. Ctv-
naanites, who had been living till then with a cer-
tain measure of freedom, were reduced by Solomon
to the helot state, and compelled to labor in the
king's stone-quarries, and in building his palanea
and cities. To some extent, indeed, the change
had been effected under David, but it appears to
have been then connected specially with the Tem-
ple, and the servitude under bis successor was at
once harder and more extended (1 Chr. xxii. 2).
(3.) The last passage throws some light on their
special office. The Nethinim, as in the case of
the Gibeonites, were appointed to be hewers of
wood (Josh. ix. 23), and this was enough for the
services of tbe Tabernacle. For tbe construction
and repairs of the Temple another kind of labor
was required, and tbe new slaves woe set to the
work of hewing and squaring stones (1 K. v. 17,
18). Their descendants appear to have formed ■
distinct order, inheriting probably the same func-
tions and the same skill. Tbe prominence which
the erection of a new Temple on their return boas
Babylon would give to their work, accounts for ths)
special mention of them in the lists of Kara and
ander VI. Was this Ms form of Hebrew literature
which they were willing to encourage?
b A pleasant Persian .apologue teaching a like les-
son deserves to be rescued from the mass of frbbss
The king of Israel met one day the king of the ants
took the insect on his hand, and held converse wttt
it, asking, Crasus-Uke, "Am not I the mightiest an.
most glorious of men ? " " Not so." replied the toss
king, " Thou slttest on a throne of gold, but I mass
thy hand my throD*,and thus ass greater tban thorn
(C »rdin, III. 198
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SOLOMON'S SONG
Jiebemiah. like the Nethinim, they were hi the
position of proselytes, outwardly conforming to the
Jewish ritual, though belonging to the hated race,
uid. even in their names, bearing trace* of their
■rigin (Est. ii. 55-08). like them, too, the great
mass must either have perished, or given up their
position, or remained at Babylon. The 393 of Ezr.
Ii- 55 (Nethinim included) must hare been but a
small fragment of the descendants of the 150,000
employed by Solomon (1 K. t. 15). E. H. P.
SOLOMON'S SONG. [Casticucs.]
80LOMON, WISDOM OF. [Wisdom,
Book op.]
SON." The term - son " is used in Scripture
Unguage to imply almost any kind of descent or
succession, as ben thandh, "son of a year," i. e. a
year old, ben keiketh, "son of s bow," i. e. an
arrow. The word bar is often found hi N. T. in
composition, as Bar-tinueus. [Children.]
H. W. P.
80N OF GOD (wot 0coC),* the Second
Person of the ever-blessed Trinity, who is coequal,
eoeterual, and coiisubstantial with the Father ; and
who took the nature of man in the womb of the
blessed Virgin Mary, and as Han bears the name
of Jesus, or Saviour, and who proved Himself to
be the Messiah or Chkist, the Prophet, Priest,
snd King of all true Israelites, the seed of faithful
Abraham, the universal Church of God.
The title Sox op God was gradually revealed to
the world in this its full and highest significance.
In the book of Genesis the term occurs in the
plural number, "Sons of God," Cnbs^ja
(Gen. vi. 3, 4), and there the appellation is applied
to the potentates of the earth, and to those who
were set hi authority over others (according; to the
exposition in Cyril Alex. Adv. Julian, p. 296, and
Adv. Anthropmtorjih. c. 17), or (as some have
held) the sons of the family of Seth — those who
bad been most distinguished by piety and virtue.
In Job i. 6, and ii. 1, this title, "Sons of God,"
k used as a designation of the Angels. In Psalm
lxxxii. 6, " I have said, ye are gods ; and ye are all
sons of the Highest " (f^TV. N 2?)> the title is
explained by Theodoret and others to signify those
persons whom Cod invests with a portion of his
own dignity and authority as rulers of bis people,
and who have clearer revelations of bis will, as our
Lord intimates (John x. 35); and therefore the
■hildren of Israel, the favored people of God, are
specially oiled collectively, by God, his Son (Ex.
v. 23, 23; Hos. xi. 1).
Bat, m a still higher sense, that title is applied
by God to his only Son, begotten by eternal gen-
eration (see Ps. ii. 7), as interpreted in the Epistle
to the Hebrews (i. 5, v. 6); the word DVH,
" to-day," in that passage, being expressive of the
set of God, with whom is no yesterday, nor to-
morrow. " In ssterno nee prscteritum est, nee
tjtnram, sed perpetuum hodie " (Luther). That
<■ 1. 73 : vUt-.JiUnt; from T M, "build"(sM
tar. xxxUl' 7). [On tb. Biblical use of to. word " son,"
Sis 1. W. Oibbs In the Qmw. Chritt. Spectator, vL
IHt-1]
f, nj, from T1^, "pars": Haw. diUttus
res*, xxxt. I).
S. TjJ: wtUm: pntr.
80N OF GOD
808.
text evident!} refers to the Messiah, who Is arointed
and anointed as King by God (Ps. ii. 2, 8 ), althougi
resisted by men, Ps. ii. 1, 3, compared with Acta
ir. 25-37, where that text is applied by St. Peter
to the crucifixion of Christ and his subsequent ex-
altation; and the same psalm is also referred to
Christ by St. Paul, when preaching in the Jewish
synagogue at Antioch in Pisidia (Acts xiii. Si);
whence it may be inferred that the Jews might
have learnt from their own Scriptures that the
Messiah is in a special sense the Son of God ; and
this is allowed by Maimonides in Porta Mont, ed.
Pococke, pp. 160, 239. This truth might have been
deduced by logical inference from the Old Testa-
ment, but in no passage of the Hebrew Scriptui es
is the Messiah clearly and explicitly designated by
the title " Son of God." The words, " The form
of the fourth is like the Son of God," are in the
Chaldee portion of the book of Daniel (Dan. ill.
23), and were uttered by a heathen and idolatrous
king, Nebuchadnezzar, and cannot therefore be un-
derstood as expressing a clear appreciation, on the
part of the speaker, of the divinity of the Messiah,
although we may readily agree that, like Caiaphaa
and Pilate, the king of Babylon, especially as be was
perhaps in habits of intercourse with Daniel, may
have delivered a true prophecy concerning Christ.
We are now brought to the question, whether
the Jews, in our Lord's age, generally believed that
the Messiah, or Christ, was also the Son of God
in the highest sense of the term, namely, as a
Divine Person, coequal, coeterosL and coiisubstan-
tial with the Father?
That the Jews entertained the opinion that the
Messiah would be the Son of God, in the subordinate.
senses of the term already specified (namely, as a
holy person, and as invested with great power by
Owl), cannot be doubted; but the point at issue
is, whether they supposed that the Messiah would
lie what the Universal Church believes Jesus Christ
to be? Did they believe (as some learned persons
suppose they did) that the terms Messiah and Son
of God are " equivalent and inseparable"?
It cannot be denied that the Jews ought to have
deduced the doctrine of the Messiah's divinity from
their own Scriptures, especially from such texts as
Psalm xlv. 6, 7, " Thy throne, O God, is for ever
and ever; the sceptre of thy kingdom is a right
sceptre. Thou lovest righteousness and hateat
wickedness ; therefore God, tby God, anointed Thee
with the oil of ytndnttt above thy fellows; " a text
to which the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews
appeals (Heb. i. 8); and the doctrine of the Mes-
siah's Godhead might also have been inferred from
such texts as Isaiah ix. 6, " Unto us a Child is
born, unto us a Sou is given .... and his name
shall be called Wonderful, Counsellor, the Mighty
Ciod ,- " snd vii. 14, " Behold a Virgin shall con-
ceive and bear a Son, and shall call his name Iin-
manuel" (with us, God); and from Jer. xxiii. 5,
" Behold, the days come, saith the Lord, that I wiu
raise unto David s righteous Branch, and s King
shall reign and prosper . . . ; and this is (he r
4. T*V : y eVw a sa ; **!»; *«««.
6. 1 *3 : ew^sta: potttri.
6. fW2, 11** a son, i. i. a succe s so r .
* The present article, In conjunotJon with the* si
•uvwca, forms toe supplement to the Has of sir lewd
[8ss Jans Ceuusi, vol. U. p. 1847.)
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8088
SON OF OOD
■rberebv He (ball be called, the Lord (Jehovah)
wr Righteousness; " and from Hieah v. 2, " Out
rf thee (Bethlehem Ephratah) shall He come forth
onto me that is to be Ruler in Israel, whose goings
Ibrth hare been from of old, from everlasting; " and
from Zech. xi. 13, " And the Lord said unto me,
Cast it unto the potter: a goodly price that I was
prised at of them." °
But the question Is not, whether the Jews might
not and ought not to have inferred the Divine Son-
ship of the Messiah from their own Scriptures, but
whether, for the most part, they really did deduce
that doctrine from those Scriptures ? They ought
doubtless to have been prepared by those Scriptures
for a suffering Messiah ; but this we know was not
the cue, and the Cross of Christ was to them a
stumbling-block (1 Cor. i. 23); and one of the
strongest objections which they raised against the
Christians was, that they worshipped a man who
died a death which is declared to be an accursed
one in the Law of Moses, which was delivered by
God himself (Deut. xxi. 23).
May it uot also be true, that the Jews of our
Lord's age failed likewise of attaining to the true
sense of their own Scriptures, in the opposite direc-
tion ? May it not also be true, that they did not
acknowledge the Divine Sonship of the Messiah,
and that they were not prepared to admit the
claims of one who asserted Himself to be the Christ,
and also affirmed Himself to be the Son of God,
coequal with the Father?
In looking at this question d priori, it must be
remembered that the Hebrew Scriptures declare in
the strongest and most explicit terms the Divine
Unity. " Hear, O Israel, the Lord our God is one
Lord " (Deut. vi. 4), this is the solemn declaration
which the Jews recite daily, morning and evening
(see Mishnah, Berachoth, chap. i.). They regarded
themselves as set spart from all the nations of
earth to be a witness of God's unity, and to protest
against the poljtbeism of the rest of mankind.
And having suffered severe chastisements in the
Babylonish Captivity for their own idolatries, they
shrunk — and still shrink — with fear and abhor-
rence, from everything that might seem in any de-
gree to trench upon the doctrine of the unity of
the Godhead.
To this consideration we must add, d posteriori,
the external evidence derived from the testimony of
aceient writers who lived near to our Lord's age.
Trypho, the learned Jew, who debated with
Justin Martyr at Epheaus about A. d. 150, on the
points of controversy between the Jews and Chris-
tians, expressly states, " that it seems to him not
inly paradoxical but silly (uup6v), to say that the
Messiah, or Christ, preexisted from eternity as
God, and that He condescended to be born as man,
and " — Trypho explodes the notion — that Christ
hi *' not man begotten of man " (Justin M. Dialog,
e. Tryphon. § 48, vol. ii. p. 154, ed. Otto, Jen.
1842). Here is a distinct assertion on the part of
the Jew that the Messiah is merely man ; and here
also is a denial of the Christian doctrine, that He
is God, preexisting from eternity, and took the
nature of man. In the same Dialogue the Jewish
nterioentor, Trypho, approves the tenets of the
Ebionite heretics, who assertjd that the Christ was
u mere man (duAes avtywros), and adds this re-
« • On (has* passages and on the general rahjeet,
ass, on the on* hand, Hengatenberg's CSriuolosy of
As OU Itii.; on the other, three artkries by Or. O.
BON OF OOD
markable declaration: "all we (Jews) <
the Messiah will come as a man from Runs (L a.
from human parents), and that Elias will anoint
Him when He is come" (riyrtt hp-f'S tof
Xp'o-TOf HvSpuiror i( irSpirwy rpoa-
SoKaper yn4i<rtadai, not row 'HKiar xp^oai
airrbv iXBivra, Trypho Jndasus, ap. Justin M.
Dialog. § 49, p. 156). And in § 54, St. Justin
Martyr, speaking in the name of the Christian be-
lievers, combats that assertion, and affirms that the
Hebrew prophecies themselves, to which be appeals,
testify that the Messiah is no* a man born of man,
according to the ordinary manner of human gen-
eration, iyOptrwos i( artp&vtcv Kara to acoivo*
Taw irSpiixav ytrrqStis. And there is a remark-
able passage in a subsequent portion of the sane
dialogue, where Justin says, '• If, Trypho, ) t
understood who He is that is sometimes called the
Messenger of mighty counsel, and a Man by Ezekisl,
and designated as the Son of Man by Daniel, and
as a Child by Isaiah, and the Messiah and God by
Daniel, and a Stone by many, and Wisdom by
Solomon, and a Star by Moses, and the Day-spring
by Zechariah, and who is represented as suffering,
by Isaiah, and is called by him a Rod, and a Flower
and Comer Stone, and the Son of God, you would
not have spoken blasphemy against Him, who is
already come, and who has been bom, and has
suffered, and has ascended into Heaven, and will
come again" (Justin M. e. Tryphon. § US, p.
409) ; and Justin affirms that he has proved, against
the Jews, that " Christ, who is the Lord and God,
and Son of God," appeared to their Fathers, the
Patriarchs, in various forms, under the old dispen-
sation (§ 128, p. 425). Compare the authorities
in Domer, On the Person of Christ, i. pp. 285-
271, Engl. transL
Iu the middle of the third century, Origen wrote
his apologetic work in defense of Christianity
against Celsus, the Epicurean, and in various place*
of that treatise he recites the allegations of the
Jews against the Gospel. In one passage, when
Celsus, speaking in the person of a Jew, had said
that one of the Hebrew prophets had predicted that
the Son of God would come to judge the righteous
and to punish the wicked, Origen rejoins, that such
a notion is most improperly ascribed to a Jew ;
inasmuch as the Jews did indeed look for a Messiah,
but not as the Son of God. " No Jew," he says,
would allow that any prophet ever said that a Son
of God would come; but what the Jews do say, is,
that the Christ of God will come; and they often
dispute with us Christians as to this very question,
for instance, concerning the Son of God, on the
plea that no such Person exists or was ever fore-
told" (Origen, Adv. Ctls. i. § 49, vol. i. p. 365,
B ; see p. 38 and p. 79, ed. Spencer, and other
places, e. g. pp. 22, 30, 61, 62, 71, 82, 110, 136).
In the 4th century Eusebius testified that thai
Jews of that age would not accept the title Son or
God as applicable to the Messiah (Euseb. Dent.
Evang. iv. 1), and in later days they charge Chris-
tians with impiety and blasphemy for designating
Christ by that title (Leontiua, Cone, Nice*, ii
Act. iv.).
Lastly, a learned Jew, Orobk), in the 17th m
tury, in his conference with Limborch, affirms that
if a prophet, or even, if it were possible, the Messiah
R. Noyes in the Christian
and July, 1886.
rr Jsb., Map
A-
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BON OF GOD
are to work miracle*, and yet lay claim
to divinity, he ought to be put to death by stoning,
is one guilty of blaephemy ( Oi-obio ap. Limborch,
4mka Collatio, p. 296, ed. Good. 1688).
Hence, therefore, on the whole, there seems to
be sufficient reason for concluding (with Basnage,
Hutoire da Jui/s, iv. o. 24), that although the
Jews of our Lord's age might hate inferred, and
ought to hare inferred, from their own Scriptures,
that the Messiah, or Christ, would be a Divine
Person, and the Son of God in the highest sense
of the term; and although some among them,
who were more enlightened than the rest, enter-
tained that opinion: yet it was not the popular
and generally received doctrine among the Jews
that the Messiah would be other than a man, born
sf human parents, and not a Divine Being, and Son
jf God.
This conclusion reflects much light upon eertain
important questions of the Gospel History, and
clears up several difficulties with regard to the evi-
dences of Christianity.
L It supplies an answer to the question, " Why
was Jesus Christ put to death ? " He was accused
by the Jews before Pilate as guilty of sedition and
rebellion against the power of Rome (Luke xxiii.
1-4; cf. John xix. 12); but it is hardly necessary
to observe that this was a mere pretext, to which
the Jews resorted for the sake uf exasperating the
Soman governor against Him, and eveu of com-
pelling Pilate, against his will, to condemn Him, in
ardor that he might not lay himself open to the
charge of " not being Cajsar's friend " (John xix.
19); whereas, if our Lord had really announced an
intention of emancipating the Jews from the Ko-
nsan yoke, He would have procured for Himself
the favor and support of the Jewish rulers and
people.
Nor does it appear that Jesus Christ was pnt to
' i because He claimed to be the Christ. The
i were at that time anxiously looking for the
the Pharisees asked the Baptist whether
he was the Christ (John i. 20-25): "and all men
■rased in their hearts of John whether be were the
Christ or not " (Luke iii. 15).
On this it may be observed, in passing, that the
people well knew that John the Baptist was the son
rf Zecharias and Elisabeth; they knew him to be
a mere man, born after the ordinary manner of hu-
man generation ; and yet they all thought it prob-
able that As might be the Chrut.
This circumstance proves, that, according to
their notions, the Christ was no* to be a Divine
Person ; certainly not the Son of God, in the Chris-
tian sense of the term. The same conclusion may
be deduced from the circumstance that the Jews of
that aaje eagerly welcomed the appearance of those
/alee Ckriete (Matt. xxiv. 24), who promised to de-
rrror them from the Roman yoke, and whom they
knew to be mere men, and who did not claim Di-
vine origin, which they certainly would have done,
If the Christ was generally expected to be the Sou
•f God.
We see also that after the miraculous feeding,
the people were desirous of " making Jesus a king "
(John vi. IS); and after the raising of Lazarus at
Bethany they met Him with enthusiastic acclama-
tions, " Hosanna to the Son of D*vid; blessed is
«je tnat cometh in the name of the Lord " (Matt
txL 9; Hark xi. 9; John xii. 13). And the eager
sod restless facility with which the Jews admitted
%• arsiMiaimw of almost emrj fanatical adventurer
BON OF GOD 8089
who pro fes s e d to be the Messiah at that period,
seems to show that they would have willingly al-
lowed the claims of one who " wrought mat.y mir-
acles," as, eveu by the confession of the ohief priests
and Pharisees, Jesus of Nazareth did (John xi. 47),
if He had been content with such a title as the
Jews assigned to their expected Messiah, namely,
that of a great Prophet, distinguished by mighty
works.
We find that when our Lord put U the Phari-
sees this question, " What think ye of Christ, whose
Son is He? " their answer was not, " He is the Son
of God," but " He is the Son of David ; " and they
could not answer the second question which He next
propounded to them, " How then doth David, speak-
ing in the Spirit, call Him Lordt " The reason
was, because the Pharisees did not expect the Mes-
siah to be the Son of God ; and when He, who is
the Messiah, claimed to be God, they rejected his
claim to be the Christ.
The reason, therefore, of his condemnation by
the Jewish Sanhedrim, and of his delivery to Pi-
late for crucifixion, was not that He claimed to be
the Messiah or Christ, but because He asserted
Himself to be much more than that: in a word,
because He claimed to be the 8on of God, and to
be God.
This is further evident from the words of the
Jews to Pilate, " We have a law, and by our law
He ought to die, because He made Himself the Son
of God " (John xix. 7); and from the previous res-
olution of the Jewish Sanhedrim, " Then said they
all, Art thou then the Son of God? And He said
unto them. Ye say that I am. And they said,
What need we any further witness? for we our-
selves have beard of his own mouth. And the
whole multitude of them arose and led Him unto
Pilate" (Luke xxii. 70, 71, xxiii. 1).
In St. Matthew's Gospel the question of the
high-priest is as follows : "I adjure thee by the
living God, that tbou tell us whether thou be the
Christ, the Son of God " (Matt. xxvi. 63). This
question does not intimate that in the opinion of
the high-priest the Christ was the Son of God,
but it shows that Jesus claimed both titles, and in
claiming them for Himself asserted that the Christ
was the Son of God; but that this was not the
popular opinion, is evident from the consideration!
above stated, and also from his words to St. Peter
when the Apostle confessed Him to be the "Christ,
the Son or the living God " (Matt xvi. 16); He
declared that Peter had received this truth, not
from human testimony, but by extraordinary reve
lation: "Blessed art thou, Simon Barjona: for
flesh and blood hath not revealed it unto thee, but
my Father which is in heaven " (Matt. xvi. 17).
It was the claim which Ha put forth to be the
Christ and Son of God, that led to our Lord's con-
demnation by the unanimous verdict of the Sanhe-
drim: "They all condemned Him to be guilty of
death" (Mark xiv. 64; Matt. xxvi. 63-66); and
the sense in which He claimed to be Son of God is
clear from the narrative of John v. 16. The Jews
socght the more to kill Him bscaaa* He not only
had broken the Sabbath, but said also that God waa
his own Father (a-an-soa tttor Ikty rev Mv),
making Himself " equal unto God; " and when He
claimed Divine prebxistence, saying, " Before Abra-
ham was (tjtrtro), I am, then took they up stones
to cast at Him " (John viii. 68, 50); and when He
asserted his own unity with God, " I and the Fa-
ther are one " — one subetanc* (*»), not one nersra
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SON OF GOD
' («Tt) - 1 - " then the Jem took up atones (gab*, to
•tone Him " (John x. 30, 81) j and thia U erident
again from their own words, " For a good work we
atone thee not, bat for blasphemy; and became
that thou, being a man, makest thyself God"
(John x. 38).
Accordingly we find that, after the Attention,
the Apostles labored to bring the Jews to acknowl-
edge that Jesus was not only the Christ, but was
also a Divine Person, even the Lord Jehovah.
Thus, for example, St. Peter, after the outpouring
of the Holy Ohoat on the Day of Pentecost by
Christ, says, " Therefore let all the house of Iarael
know assuredly, that God hath made that same
Jesus, whom ye hare crucified, both Lobd (Kvpior,
Jbhovaii) and Christ " (Acts ii. 86).«
2. This conclusion supplies a convincing proof
of Christ's Godhead. If He is not the Son of
God, equal with God, then there is no other alter-
native but that He was guilty of blasphemy; for
He claimed "God as his own Father, making
Himself equal with God," and by doing so He pro-
posed Himself aa an object of Divine worship. And
in that case He would have rightly been put to
death ; and the Jews in rejecting and killing Him
would have been acting in obedience to the Law
of God, which commanded them to put to death
vkj prophet, however distinguished he might be
by the working of miracles, if he were guilty of
blasphemy (Deut. xiii. 1-11); and the crucifixion
of Jesus would have been an act of pious real on
their part for the honor of God, and would have
commended them to his favor and protection,
whereas we know that it was that act which filled
the cup of their national guilt, and baa made them
outcasts from God to this day (Matt, xxiii. 38-38;
Luke xiii. 33-36; 1 These, ii. IS, 16; James
T. 6).
When they repent of this sin, and say, " Blessed
(.eifKoyrjfitvot) is He that eometh in the name of
the Lord," and acknowledge Jesus to be Christ
and the Son of God, coequal with God, then Iarael
shall be saved (Rom. xi. 28).
3. This conclusion also explains the fact— which
might otherwise have perplexed and staggered us
— that the miracles which Jesus wrought, and
which the Jews and their rulers acknowledged to
have been wrought by Him, did not have then-
due influence upon them ; those mighty and mer-
ciful works did not produce the effect upon them
which they ought to have produced, and which
those works would have produced, if the Jews and
their rulers had been prepared, as they ought to
have been, by an intelligent study of their own
Scriptures, to regard their expected Messiah as the
Son of God, coequal with God.
Not being so prepared, they applied to those
miracles the test supplied by their own Law, which
enjoined that, if a prophet arose among them, and
w.a-ked miracles, and endeavored to draw them
swsj from the worship of the true God, those mir-
acles were to be regarded as trials of their own stead-
fastness, and were not to be accepted as proofs of a
Urine mission, "but the prophet himself was to be
BON OF GOD
put to death " (Deut xiiL 1-11). The Jen trM
our Lord and bis miracles by this law. Soioe of
the Jews ventured to say that " Jesus of Nazareth
was specially in the mind of the Divine Lawgiver
when He framed that law" (see Fagins on the
Chaldee Paraphrase of Dent, xiii., and hit note on
Deut. xviii. 16), and that it was provided expressly
to meet his case. Indeed they do not hesitate to
say that, in the words of the Law, " if thy brother,
the ton of thy mother, entice thee secretly "
(Dent. xiii. 6), there was a prophetic reference
to the case of Jesus, who "said that He had a
human mother, but not a human father, bat
was the Son of God and was God " (see Fagius,
L c. r
Jesus claimed to be the Messiah; but, according
to the popular view and preconceived notions of
the Jews, the Messiah was to be merely a human
personage, and would not claim to be God and to
be entitled to Divine power. Therefore, though
they admitted his miracles to be really wrought,
yet they did not acknowledge the claim grounded
on those miracles to be true, but rather regarded
those miracles as trials of their loyalty to the
One True God, whose prerogatives, they thought,
were infringed and invaded by Him who wrought
those miracles ; and they even ascribed those mira-
cles to the agency of the Prince of the Devils
(Matt xii. 21, 27; Mark iii. 22; Luke xi. 16),
and said that He, who wrought those miracles,
had a devil (John vii. 20, viii. 48), and they
called Him Beelzebub (Matt. x. 25), because they
thought that He was setting Himself in opposition
to God.
4. "They all condemned Him to be guilty of
death" (Mark xiv. 64). The Sanhedrim was
unanimous in the sentence of condemnation. This
is remarkable. We cannot suppose that there wen
not some conscientious persons in so numerous a
body. Indeed, it may readily be allowed that many
of the members of the Sanhedrim were actuated by
an earnest zeal for the honor of God when they
condemned Jesus to death, and that they did what
they did with a view to God's glory, which they
supposed to be disparaged by our Lord's preten-
sions; and that they were guided by a desire to
comply with God's law, which required them to put
to death every one who was guilty of blasphemy in
arrogating to himself the power which belonged to
God.
Hence we may explain our Lord's words on tha
cross, "Father, forgive them, for they know not
what they do " (Luke xxiii. 84), « Father, they an
not aware that He whom they are crucifying is
thy Son : " and St Peter said at Jerusalem to the
Jews after the crucifixion, " Now, brethren, I wot
that through ignorance ye did it (t. e. rejected and
crucified Christ), sa did also your rulers " (Acts iii.
17); and St. Paul declared in the Jewish syna-
gogue at Antioch in Pisidia, " they that dwell ait
Jerusalem, and their rulers, because they knew Him
not, nor yet the voices of the prophets, which art
read every Sabbath-day, have fulfilled them in con-
demning Him" (Acts xiii. 27).
a * In ascribing to St, Peter tha remarkable prop-
•attion that "God hath made Jesus Jsbovah," the
writer of this article appears to have overlooked the
feet that xiiptov (" Lord ") In Acts ii. 86 refers to ry
•npty puiv (" my Lord ") In ver. 84, quoted from Ps.
ex. 1, where the Hebrew correspondent Is not Jeho-
aah bat IVT^?, Astfta, 'the common word far "lord"
or " master." St Peter's meaning here may be Ultav
trated by his language elsewhere ; see Acts v. 81 .
1 Pet 1. 21, IB. 22 ; and comp. Bph. i. 20-22, Phil. It
8-11. On the H. T. use of nym see Winer, De ma
voeum miptof et o mlpto* in Actis et Spp. Apost., taw
lang. 1828; Prof. Ftuart In the Bat. Rrpct. fat Oo%e>
bar, 1881, pp. 788-776, and Owner's BUM Jkmm
TOrtw*. d. neuttst. Orarilot (1866), p. 840 t A.
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BON OF GOD
i ft li evident tlht the predictions of Hoi;
may be accomplished before the eyes of
Ben, while they ere unconscious of that fulfillment;
■od that the prophecies may be even accomplished
by persona who have the prophecies in their bands,
snd do not know that tbey are fulfilling them.
Hence also it is clear that men may be guilty of
mormons sins when they are acting according to
tbsr consciences and with a view to God's glory,
and while they hold the Bible in their hands and
hear its voice sounding in their ears (Acts xiii. 37 ) ;
and that H is therefore of unspeakable importance
not only to hear the words of the Scriptures, but
to mark, ieara, and inwardly digest them, with
humility, docility, earnestness, and prayer, in order
i» understand their true meaning.
Therefore the Christian student has great reason
to thank God that He has given in the New Tes-
tament a divinely-inspired interpretation of the Old
Testament, and also has sent tbe Holy Spirit to
teach the Apostles all things (John xiv. 28), to
abide forever with his Church (John xiv. 16),
the body of Christ (Col. i. 84), which He has
made to be the pillar and ground of truth (1 Tim.
hi. 15), and on whose interpretations, embodied in
tbe creeds generally received among Christians, we
snr safely rely, as declaring the true sense of the
Kbit,
If the Jews and their rulers had not been swayed
by prejudice, but in a careful, candid, and humble
apirit had considered the evidence before them, they
would have known that their promised Messiah was
to be the Son of God, coequal with God, and that
He was revealed as such in their own Scriptures,
snd thus hi* miracles would have had their due
elect upon their minds.
5. loose persons who now deny Christ to be tbe
Son of God, coequal and coetemal with tbe Father,
are followers of the J ews, who, on the plea of zeal
for the divine Unity, rejected and crucified Jesus,
who claimed to be God. Accordingly we find that
the Ebkmitea, Orinthians, Naaarenes, Photinians,
and others who denied Christ's divinity, arose from
the ranks of Judaism (cf. Waterland, Worts, v.
MO, ed. Ozf. 1833: on these heresies the writer
sf this article may perhaps be permitted to refer to
hn introduction to the First Epistle of St. John,
m his edition of tbe Greek Testament). It has
been well remarked by the late Professor Blunt that
the arguments by which the ancient Christian
Apologists, such as Justin Martyr, Tertullian, snd
otLers, confuted tbe Jews, afford the strongest
irror against the modern Socinians (see also the
remark of St. Athanasius, Unit ii. adv. Arianus,
pp. 377-383, where be compares the Arians to the
'ews).
Tbe Jews sinned against the comparatively dim
irht of the Obi Testament: they who have fallen
into their error reject the evidence of both Testa-
Mats.
6. Lastly, the conclusion stated in this article
■applies a strong argument for the Divine origin
snd truth of Christianity. Tbe doctrine of Christ,
He &m of God ss well as Son of Man, reaches from
the highest pole of Divine glory to the lowest pale
sf human saffering. No human mind could erer
low uerised such a scheme sa that: and when it
nted to the mind of the Jews, the favored
__ _ > _ J of God, tbey could not reach to either of
■jess tarn poke; tbey could not mount to the
bright of the Divine exaltation In Christ the Hon
of Gad) ear descend to the depth of human suf-
SON OF MAN 8091
fering in Christ the Son oj Man. They Invented
the theory of two Messiahs, in order to escape from
the imaginary contradiction between a suffering
and triumphant Christ; and they rejected the doe-
trine of Christ's Godhead in order to cling to a
defective and uiiscriptural Monotheism. They
failed of grasping the true sense of their own
Scriptures in both respects. But in the Gospel,
Jesus Christ, Son of God and Son of Man, reaches
from one pole to the other, and flleth all in all
(Eph. i. 23). The Gospel of Christ ran counter
to the Jewish zeal for Monotheism, and incurred
the charge of Polytheism, by preaching Christ ths
Son of God, coequal with the Father; and also
contravened and challenged all the complex am
dominant systems of Gentile Polytheism, by pro
claiming the Divine Unity. It boldly confronted
the World, and it has conquered the World : be-
cause " the excellency of the power of the Gospel
is not of man, but of God " (2 Cor. iv. 7).
The author of the above article may refer for
further confirmation of bis statements, to an ex-
cellent work by the Rev. W. Wilson, B. D., and
Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge, entitled
An Illustration of the Method of exjtiaining the
New Testament by the early Opinions of Jews antt
Christians concerning Christ, Cambridge, 1797
[new ed. 1838] ; and to Dr. J. A. Dorner's His-
tory of Uie Decelopment of the Doctrine of tht
Person of Christ, of which an English translation
has been printed at Edinburgh, 1861, 2 vols.; and
to tlagenbach, Dogmtngtschichte, §§ 42, 65. 66,
4te Auflage, Leipz. 1857. C. W.
* On tbe use and meaning of the name " Son
of God,'' see C. D. Ugen, De notione tituli JfitU
Dei, Meseia in Libris sac. tributi, in Paulus's
Memorab. 1795, St. vii. pp. 119-198; two arts, in
the General Repos. and Review (Cambridge) for
Oct. 1812 and April 1813 (by Edward Everett);
Horn, Oeb. d. verschied. Sinn, in welch. Christus
im N. T. GotUs Sdhn gtnannt wild, in Ruhr's
Mag. f. ehrisU. PrecUger, 1830, Bd. iii. Heft 2,
Prof. Stuart's Kzcurtus on Rom. i. 4, in his
Comm. on tht Ep. to the Romans (2d ed. 1835);
Dr. Lewis Mayer, in the Amer. Bibl. Rejm. for
Jan. 1840; W. Gass, De utrogue Jesu Chrisd
Nomine in N. T. obvio, Dei FUii tt Hom'mis,
Vratisl. 1840; Neander, Life of Jesus, p. 94 ff.
(Amer. trans.); Schumann, Chiistus (1852), i. 254
ff, 324 ff, and elsewhere; Ewald, Geschichtc Chris-
tus', 3« Ausg., p. 150 ff (2« A. p. 94 ff ) ; W. S. Ty
ler, in the Bibl. Sacra for Oct 1865 ; and C'remer,
BibL-theoL Wlrttrb. d. neutest. Gracitat (1866),
art. vUt- The subject is of course discussed in
the various works ou Biblical and dogmatic the-
ology. A.
SON OF MAN (D"Jrfl?' «nd in Chaldee
B?3^— 13 : a v'As tou b\y9p<&*au, or uibi iy9pd-
wov),* the name of the Second Person of the ever-
blessed Trinity, the Eternal Word, the Kverlastiiig
Son, becoming Incarnate, and so made the Son of
Man, the second Adam, the source of all grace to
all men, united in bis mystical body, the Christian
Church.
1. In a general sense every descendant of Adam
bears the name " Son of Man " in Holy Scripture)
as in Job xxv. 6; Ps. cxliv. 3, cxlvi. 3; Is. li. \%
Ivi. 3. But in a more restricted signification it is
applied by way of distinction to particular persons.
Thus 'be prophet Esekiel is addressed by Almighty
God sa Ben- Adam, or " S n of Mao." about eight!
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SON OF MAN
i in his prophecies. This title appears to be
assigned to Ezekiel ss a memento from God —
(liiiurriao twOpawot AV) — in order that the proph-
et, who had been permitted to behold the glo-
rious manifestation of the Godhead, and to hold
converse with the Almighty, and to see visions of
futurity, should not be "exalted above measure by
the abundance of his revelations," but should re-
member his own weakness and mortality, and not
impute his prophetic knowledge to himself, but as-
cribe all the glory of it to God, and be ready to
execute with meekness and alacrity the duties of
his prophetic office and mission from God to his
fellow-men.
8. In a still more emphatic and distinctive sense
the title " Son of Man " is applied in the Old
Testament to the Messiah. And, inasmuch as the
Messiah is revealed in the Old Testament as a
Divine Person and the Son of God (Ps. ii. 7, lxxxix
87; b. vii. 14, ix. 6), it is a prophetic pre-an-
nouncement of his incarnation (compare Ps. viii.
4 with Heb. ii. 6, 7, 8, and 1 Cor. xv. 27).
In the Old Testament the Messiah is designated
by this title, "Son of Man," in his royal and
judicial character, particularly in the prophecy of
Dan. vii. 13 : " Behold One like the Son of Man
came with the clouds of heaven, and came to the
Ancient of Days .... and there was given Him
dominion and glory .... His dominion is an
everlasting dominion." Here the title is not Ben-
ish, or Ben- Adam, but Bar-moth, which represents
humanity in its greatest frailty and humility, and
is a significant declaration that the exaltation of
Christ in his kingly and judicial office is due to his
previous condescension, obedience, self-humiliation,
and suffering in his human nature (comp. Phil. ii.
6-11).
The title " Son of Man," derived from that pas-
sage of Daniel, is applied by St. Stephen to Christ
hi his heavenly exaltation and royal majesty:
" Behold I see the heavens opened, and the Son of
Mao standing on the right band of God " (Acts
vii. 56). This title is also applied to Christ by St
John in the Apocalypse, describing our Lord's
priestly office, which He executes in heaven (Rev.
i. 13): "In the midst of the seven golden candle-
sticks " (or golden lamps, which are the emblems
of the churches, i. 20/, "one like the Son of Man
clothed with a garment down to the foot" (his
priestly attire); "his head and his hairs were
white like wool, as white as snow " (attributes of
divinity; comp. Dan. vii. 9). St. John also in
the Apocalypse (xiv. 14) ascribes the title " Son of
Man " to Christ when he displays his kingly and
judicial office: " I looked and beheld a white cloud,
and upon the cloud One sat like unto the Son of
Man, having on his head a golden crown, and in
his hand a sharp sickle " — to reap the harvest of
.he earth.
•I. It is observable that Ezekiel never eaUi him-
rtlj " Son of Man; " and in the Gospels Christ
• never called " Son of Man " by the Evangelists ;
tat whereter that title is applied to Him there, it
Is applitd by Himself.
The only passages in the New Testament where
Christ is called " Son of Man " by any one except
Himself are those just cited, and they relate to
Uim, not in his humiliation upon earth, but in
bis h. svetily exaltation consequent upon that hu-
miliation. The passage In John xii. 34, " Who is
mis Son of Man?" is an inquiry of the people
Booming Uim who applied this title to Himself.
SON OV MAN
rhe reason of what has been titan
seems to be, that, as on the one hand it was i
dient for Ezekiel to be reminded of his own hu-
manity, in order that he should not be elated by
his revelations ; and in order that the readers of
his prophecies might bear in mind that the revela-
tions in them are not due to Ezekiel, but to God
the Holy Ghost, who spake by him (see 8 Pet. L
81 ) ; so, on the other hand, it wss necessary that
they who saw Christ's miracles, the evidences of
his divinity, and they who read the evangelic his-
tories of them, might indeed adore Him as God,
but might never forget that He is Man.
4. The two titles " 8on of God " and " Son of
Man," declaring that in the one Person of Christ
there are two natures, the nature of God and the
nature of man, joined together, but not confused,
are presented to us in two memorable passages of
the Gospel, which declare the will of Christ that
all men should confess Him to be God and man,
and which proclaim the blessedness of this eon-
(1.) " Whom do men say that I, the Son of
Man, am ? " was our Lord's question to his Apos-
tles; and "Whom say ye that I am? Simon Peter
answered and said, Thou art the Christ, the Son
of the living God." Our Lord acknowledged this
confession to be true, and to have been revealed
from heaven, aud He blessed him who uttered it:
" Blessed art thou, Simon Bar-jtma . . . ." —
" Thou art son of Jonas, Bar-jona (comp. John
xxi. 15); and as truly as thou art Bar-jona, t»
truly am I Bar-enosh, Son of Man, and Ben-
Eloliim, Son of God; and My Father, who is
in heaven, bath revealed this truth unto thee.
Blessed is every one who holds this faith ; for 1
myself, Son of God and Son of Man, am the Br-
ing Hock on which the Church is built; and he
who holds this faith is a genuine Petrot, a lively
stone, hewn out of me the Divine Peira, the Ever-
lasting Bock, and built upon me " (see the author-
ities cited in the note on Matt. xvi. 18, in the
present writer's edition).
(3.) The other passage where the two titles
(Son of God and Son of Man) are found in the
Gospels is no less significant. Our Lord, standing
before Caiaphas and the chief priests, was interro-
gated by the high-priest, " Art thou the Christ,
the Son of God? " (Matt xxvi. 83; comp. Mark
xiv. 61). "Art thou what thou claimeat to be,
the Messiah ? and art thou, as thou professest to
be, a Divine Person, the Son of God, the Son of
the Blessed? " "Jesus saith unto him, Thou
sayest it; I am " (Matt xxvi. 64; Mark xiv. 68).
But, in order that the high-priest and the coun-
cil might not suppose Him to be a Divine Person
only, and not to be also really and truly Man, our
Lord added of his own accord, " Nevertheless "
(»AV. besides, or, ss St Mark has it, and also,
in addition to the avowal of my divinity) u I say
unto you, Hereafter shall ye see the Son of Man
sitting on the right hand of power, and coming n
the clouds of heaven " (Matt xxvi. 64; Mark xiv.
68). That is, " I am indeed the Son of God, but
do not forget that I am also the Son of Man.
Believe and confess the true faith, that I, who
claim to be the Christ, am Very God and Ten
Man."
5. The Jews, in our Lord's age, were not die-
posed to receive either of the truths expressed is
'hose words. They were so tenacious of the doc
trine of the Divine Unity (as they understood it
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SON OF MAN
hat they wen not willing to accept the assertion
Jmt Chritt ia the " Son of God," Very God of
Very God (see above, article Son of God), and
tbey were not disposed to admit that God could
become Insarnate, and that the Son of God could
be also the Son of Mau (see the remarks on this
subject by Dorner, On the Perton of Christ, In-
troduction, throughout).
Hence we find that no sooner had our Lord as-
serted these truths, than " the high-priest rent his
clothes, saying, He hath spoken blasphemy. What
think ye? and they all condemned Him to be guilty
of death " (Matt, xxvi 65,66; Mark xiv. 63, 64).
And when St. Stephen had said, " Behold, I see
the heavens opened, and the Son of Man standing
on the right hand of God," then they " cried out
with s loud voice, and stopped their ears, and ran
upon him with one accord, and cast him out of
the city, and stoned him " (Acta vii. 57, 58).
They could no longer restrain their rage against
him as guilty of blasphemy, because he asserted
that Jesus, who had claimed to be the Son of
God, and who had been put to death because He
made this assertion, is also the Son of Man, and
was then glorified; and that therefore they were
mistaken in looking for another Christ, and that
they had been guilty of putting to death the Mes-
siah.
6. Here, then, we have a clear view of the diffi-
culties which the Gospel had to overcome, in pro-
claiming Jesus to be the Christ, and to be the Son
of God, and to be the Son of Man ; and in the
building up of the Christian Church on this foun-
dation. It had to encounter the prejudices of tbe
whole world, both Jewish and Heathen, in this
work. It did encounter them, and has triumphed
over them. Here is a proof of its Divine origin.
7. If we proceed to analyze the various passages
in the Gospel where Christ speaks of Himself as
the Son of Man, we shall find that they not only
teach the doctrine of tbe Incarnation of the Sou
of God (and thus afford a prophetic protest against
the heresies which afterwards impugned that doc-
trine, such as the heresy of the Docetse, V&lentinus,
sod Marcion, who denied that Jena Chritt ioat
come in thejteth, see on 1 John iv. 2, and 2 John
7), but they also declare the consequences of the
Incarnation, both in regard to Christ, and in re-
gard also to all mankind.
Tbe consequences of Christ's Incarnation "are
leseribed in tbe Gospels, as a capacity of being a
aerfect pattern and example of godly life to men
(Phil ii. 5; 1 Pet. ii. 21); and of suffering, of
dying, of " giving bis life as a ransom for all," of
being " tbe propitiation for the sins of the whole
world " (1 John ii. 2, iv. 10), of being the source
of life and grace, of Divine Sonship (John i. 12),
of Resurrection and Immortality to all tbe family
of Mankind, as many as receive Him (John iii. 16,
38, ii. 25), and are engrafted into his body, and
cleave to Him by faith and love, and participate in
the Christian sacraments, which derive their virtue
and efficacy from his Incarnation and Death, and
<rhioh are the appointed instruments for conveying
sod imparting the benefits of his Incarnation and
Death to us (eomp. John iii. 5, vi. 53), who are
" and* partakers of the Divine nature" (2 Pet. i.
), by virtue of our union with Him who is God
sod Han.
Ths infinite value and universal applicability of
'he benefits derivable from the lL:arnation and
> of the Son of God are described by our
SON OF MAN
8098
Lord, declaring the perfection of tbe union of ths
two natures, the human nature and the Divine, in
his own person. " No man hath ascended up to
heaven but He that came down from heaven, eves
the Son of Man which is in heaven ; and as Moses
lifted up the serpent in the wilderness, even so
must the Sou of Man be lifted up : that whosoerer
believeth in Him should not perish, but have eternal
life; for God so loved the world, that He gave bis
only begotten Son, that whosoerer believeth in Him
should not perish, but have everlasting life; for
God sent not his Son into the world to condemn
the world ; but that tbe world through Him might
be saved" (John iii. 13-17); and again, "What
and if ye shall see the Son of Man ascend up when
He was before?" (John vi. 62, compared with
John i. 1-3.)
8. By his perfect obedience in our nature, ana
by his voluntary submission to death in that native,
Christ acquired new dignity and glory, due to his
obedience and sufferings. This is the dignity and
glory of his mediatorial kingdom; that kingdom
which He has as God-man, " the only Mediator
between God and man " — (as partaking perfectly
of the nature of both, and as making an At-une-
inent between them), "the Man Christ Jesus"
(1 Tun. ii. 5; Heb. ix. 15, rii. 24).
It was as Son of Man that He humbled Himself,
it is as Son of Man that He is exalted ; it was as
Son of Man, born of a woman, that He was made
under the Law (Gal. iv. 4), and as Son of Man
He was Lord of tbe Sabbath-day (Matt xU. 8);
as Son of Man He suffered for sins (Matt. xvii. 12;
Mark viii. 31), and as Son of Man He has au-
thority on earth to forgive sins (Matt. ix. 6). It
was as Son of Man that He had not where to lay
his head (Matt. viii. 20; Luke ix. 58), it is as Son
of Man that He wears on his head a golden crown
(Rev. xiv. 14); it was as Son of Man that He was
betrayed into the hands of sinful men, and suffered
many things, and was rejected, and condemned, and
crucified (Bee Matt. xvii. 22, xx. 18, xxvi. 2, 24;
Mark viii. 31, ix. 31, x. 33; Luke ix. 22, 44, xriii.
31, xxiv. 7), it is as Son of Man that He now sits
at the right hand of God, and as Son of Man He
will come in the clouds of heaveu, with power and
great glory, in his own glory, and in the glory of
his Father, and all his holy angels with Him, and
it is as Son of Man that He will " sit on the throne
of his glory," and " before Him will be gathered
all nations" (Matt. xvl. 27, xxiv. 30, xiv. 31, 32;
Mark xiv. 62; Luke xxi. 27); and He will send
forth his angels to gather his elect from the four
winds (Matt. xxiv. 31), and to root up the tart*
from out of his field, which is the world (Matt,
xiii. 38, 41); and to bind them in bundles to bunt
them, and to gather his wheat into his barn (Matt.
xiii. 30). It is as Son of Man that He will call all
from their graves, and summon them to his judg-
ment-seat, and pronounce their sentence for ever-
lasting bliss or woe; " for, the Father judgeth no
man, but hath committed all judgment unto Ms
Son; .... and hath given Him authority to
execute judgment also, became He is the Son of
Man" (John v. 22, 27). Only "the pure in heart
will tee God" (Matt. v. 8; Heb. xii 14); but the
evil as well as the good will aee their Judge : " every
eye shall aee Him " (Rev. i. 7). This is fit and
equitable: and it it also fit and equitable that He
who as Son of Man was jid^ed By the world,
should also judge the world ; and that He who was
rejected openly, and suffered death for all, should
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8094 BON OF MAN
oe openly glorified by all, and be exalted in the
eyes of ah, aa King of kings, and Lord of lords.
9. Christ is represented in Scripture as the
second Adam (1 Cor. XT. 46, 47; oomp. Rom. v.
14), inasmuch aa He is the Father of the new race
of mankind ; and is we are all by nature in Adam,
so are we by grace in Christ; and "as in Adam
all die, even so in Christ all are made alive " (1 Cor.
xv. 22); and "if any man be in Christ, he is a
new creature" (2 Cor. t. 17; Eph. iv. 24); and
He, who is the Son, is also in this respect a Father ;
and therefore Isaiah joins both titles in one, " To
us a Sun is given . . . and his name shall be called
the Mighty God, the Everlasting Father" (Is. ix.
8). Christ is the second Adam, as the Father of
the new race; but in another respect He is unlike
Adam, because Adam was formed in mature man-
hood front the earth ; but Christ, the second Adam,
is Ben- Adam, the Sun of Adam; and therefore St.
Luke, writing specially for the Gentiles, and desir-
ous to show the universality of the redemption
wrought by Christ, traces his genealogy to Adam
(Luke iii. 23-38). He is Son of Man, inasmuch
as he was the Promised Seed, and was conceived
in the womb of the Virgin Mary, and took our
nature, the nature of us all, and became " Em-
manuel, God with us " (Matt. i. 23), '• God man-
ifest in the flesh " (1 Tim. iii. 16). Thus the new
Creation sprung out of the old; and He made
" all things new " (Rev. xxi. 5). The Son of God
in Eternity became the Son of Man in 'lime. He
turned back, as it were, the streams of pollution
and of death, flowing in the innumerable channels
of the human family, and introduced into them
a new element, the element of life and health, of
Divine incomiption and immortality; which would
not have been the case, if He had been merely like
Adam, having an independent origin, springing by
a separate efflux out of the earth, and had not been
Ben-Adam as well as Ben-Elohim, the Sun of
Adam, as well as the Son of God. And this is
what St Paul observes in his comparison — and
contrast — between Adam and Christ (Koni. v. 15-
18), "Not, as was the transgression (in Adam) so
likewise was the free gift (in Christ). For if (as is
the fact) the many (t. e. all) died by the transgres-
sion of the one (Adam), much more the grace of
God, and the gift by the grace that is of the one
Man Jesus Christ, overflowed to the many; and
no/, as by one who sinned, so is the gift; for the
Judgment came from one man to condemnation,
but the free gift came forth from many transgres-
sions to their state of justification. For if by the
transgression of the one (Adam), Death reigned by
means of the one, much more they who receive the
abundance of grace and of the gift of righteousness
trill reign in life through the one, Jesus Christ . . .
'thus, where Sin abounded, Grace did much more
abound (Rom. v. 20); for, as, by the disobedience
of the one man (Adam), the many were made sin-
ners, so by the obedience of the one (Christ), the
many were made righteous. ..."
10. The benefits accruing to mankind from the
Incarnation of the Son of God are obvious from
(bene considerations : —
We are not so to conceive of Christ as of a De-
liver*, external to humanity, but as incorporating
■umanity In Himself, and uniting it to God ; aa
rescuing our nature from Sin, Satan, and Death ;
uid as carrying us through the grave and gate of
death to a glorious immortality; and bearing man-
tJnd. his lost sheep, on his shoulders; as bearing
BON OF MAN
us and our sins in his own body on the tree (1 Pat
ii. 24); as bringing us through suffering to g-ory-
as raising our nature to a dignity higher than thai
of angels; as exalting us by his Ascension inta
heaven ; and as making us to " sit together with
Himself in heavenly places " (Eph. ii. 6), even at
the right hand of God. <• To him that overeometh,"
He says, "will I grant to ait with me on my
throne, even as I also overcame and am set down
with my Father on his throne" (Ker. iii. 21).
These are the hopes and privileges which we derive
from the Incarnation of Christ, who is the Life
(John i. 4, xi. 25, xiv. 6; 1 John i. 2); from our
filial adoption by God in Him (John i. 12; 1 John
iii. 1, 2); and from our consequent capacity of re-
ceiving the Spirit of adoption in our hearts (Gal.
iv. 6); and from our membership and indwelling
in Him, who is the Son of God from all eternity,
and who became, for our sakea and for our salva-
tion, the Son of Man, and submitted to the weak-
ness of our humanity, in order that we might par-
take in the glory of his immortality.
11. These conclusions from Holy Scripture have
been stated clearly by many of the ancient Fathers,
among whom it may suffice to mention St Irenaeus
(Adv. Hareiet, iii. 20, p. 247, Grabe): fjiwe-f*
(Xpicroj) Aydowwov ral ©«£• ci yap fi^i avBpvros
iylxTjcrey rov kvrlvaKov rov avQp&irov, ovk as*
tiKoias <Vis-fj07) i txSpor wdkiv tc tl u.)) 6 ©coj
iSvp^ffaro rijy owrnpiay, ovk a* Be jSa/wf tVx*~
fiey airrfiv ital tl pi) ovvny&tri 6 &y 6 par-
wot to? 9<y, ovk ay ^Svyt)0jj ptTaoxttv rijr
atySapvtas- liti yap rbv fiiolrnv ©tou re
Kal arOpdnrou, tia TJjr lotas wpbs tKartpovs or-
Ktiornrot els ipiKlar Kal O/ioVoiar tKartpovs
ovvayayuv. And iii. 21, p. 250: "Hie igitur
Filius Dei, existens Verbum Patris . . . quoniam
ex Maria (actus est Filius homiuis . . . primitiaa
resurrectionis hominis in Seipso faciens, ut quemad-
modum Caput resurrexit a mortuia, sic et reliquum
corpus omnU hominis, qui invenitur in vita . . .
resurgat per compagines et oonjunctionea coaleseena,
et confinnatum augmento Dei " (Eph. iv. 16).
And St Cyprian (De Idulorum Vanitate, p. 638,
ed. Tenet 1758): " Hujus gratia) disciplinseqne
arbiter et magister Sermo (A6yos) et Filius Lei
mittitur, qui per prophetas omnes retro Illuminator
et Doctor humani generis pnedicabatur. Hie est
virtus Dei . . . camem Spiritu Sancto oooperanta
induitur . . . Hie Deus noster, Hie Christus est,
qui Mediator duorum hominem induit, quern per-
ducat ad Patreni. Quod homo est, esse Christus
roluit, ut et homo possit esse, quod Christus est."
And St Augustine (Serai. 121): « Filius Dei Cactus
est Filius hominis, ut vos, qui eratis filii hominia,
efficeremini filii Dei." C. W.
• On the title " Son of Man " aa applied to
Christ, see the works of Gats, Meander, and Cremer,
at referred to at the end of the art. Son op God;
also Scholten, De AppeU. rov vlov rov oWfoarroi,
qua Jesus *e Mettiam profeuut est, Traj. ad Rhen.
1809; C. F. Bohme, Vertuch d. Geheimmss d.
Mentchentohnet eu enthUllen, Neutt a. d. O., 1839,
F. C. Baur in Hilgenfeld's Zeitschr.f. wist. Thtel
for 1860, iii. 274-292, oomp. bis JV eldest. TheoL
(1864), pp. 75-83; Hilgenfeld, in his ZeUtehrift
etc. 1863, p. 827 ff. ; Strauss's Lebtn Jem f. d
deuttche Volk (1864), § 37; Weixsacker, Untert-
0b. d. evang. Getchichte (1864), p. 426 ft".; Eweld
Getchichte Chrisluf, 8* Auag., p. 304 ff. ; and es-
pecially Holtzmann, in Hilgenfeld's Zeitscmr. J
wise. TheoL 1865, viii. 212-237, who reviews tha
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BONG
mm rant literature. See further W. S. Tyler,
in BM. Sacra for Jan. 1865, Beytchlsg, Chru-
Utgie da If. T. (1866), pp. 9-34, and the write™
on Biblical Theology in general, as Von Coelln,
Reuaa, Lata, Sehmid, and Weiss; also the com-
mentators on Matt. nil. 90 and John i. 62. For
the older literature, see Hate's Leben Jem, 4* Aufl.
{ 64, note/. •• Son of Man " is a frequent desig-
nation of the Messiah in the apocryphal Book of
Enoch, bat the date of this book is uncertain.
[Exoch, Book op.] A.
• BONO. [Hymn; Pobtbt, Hjsbrkw.]
• SONGS OF DEGREES. [Dbojuum,
ttoaog op.]
•SONG OF THB THREE HOLY
CHILDREN. [Dajtuel, Apocryphal AD-
DITIONS TO.]
• SONS OF THUNDER. [Boahbboks.]
SOOTHSAYER. [DrvrsATtOH.]
• SOP- [Lord's Sdfpsb, toL ii. p. 1681 a.]
SOPATER CiArarfOf- Sopater). Sopater
the son of Pyrrhus of Bercea was one of the com-
panions of St. Paul on his return from Greece into
Asia, as he came back from his third missionary
Journey (Acts xx. 4). Whether he is the same
with Sosipater, mentioned in Rom. xvi. 21, cannot
be positively determined. The name of his father,
Pyrrhus, is omitted in the received text, though it
has the authority of the oldest MSS., A, B, D, E,
and the recently discovered Codex Sinaiticua, aa
well as of the Vulgate, Coptic, Sahidic, Philoxenian-
Syriac, Armenian, and Slavonic versions. Mill con-
demns it, apparently without reason, as a tradi-
tional gloss. [Pybkhds, Amer. ed.]
W. A. W.
SOPHE'RETH (rn9D [writer, tcribe]:
Sf^rtyxl, lafapdr] [Vat. Afft^yijpaB, 2aQapa6',
FA. in N. Sactafath :] Alex. Aat$opa$ t IwpapaB '
Bopheret, Sqphtreth). "The children of Sophe-
reth" were a family who returned from Babylon
with Zerubbabel among the descendants of Sol-
smon's servants (Ear. ii. 55; Neh. vii. 57). Called
Azaphioh in 1 Esdr. v. 33.
SOPHONI'AS (Sophoniat). The Prophet
Zkthaniah (2 Esdr. i. 40).
SORCERER [Divinatiox.]
rKTREK, THB VALLEY OF (bTO
fTJ^a? [sea below]: °'A\a»r4x'< Uia - X«W
povf X»pirx : V"ti** Sorte). A wady (to use the
modern Arabic term which precisely answers to the
Hebrew wichal), in which lay the residence of
Delilah (Judg. xvi. 4). It appears to have been a
Philistine place, and possibly was nearer Uaza than
any other of the chief Philistine cities, since thither
Samson was taken after his capture at Delilah's
souse. Beyond this there are no Indications of its
position, nor is it mentioned again in the Bible.
Eoaebius and Jerome (QnumntL 1ap4\x) state that
a Tillage named Capharsorech was shown in their
day "on the north of Eleutheropolis, near the town
af Star (or Sana), •'. e. Zorah, the native place of
Bamson." Zorah is now supposed to have been
Uty 10 mOet N. of Beit-JibHn, the modern repre-
SOSTHENES 8096
tentatta of Eleutberopous, though it is hot hnposv
sible that there may have been a second fliriwrs
south. No trace of the name of Sorek has been
yet discovered either in the one position or the
other.' But the district is comparatively unex-
plored, and doubtless it will ere long be di scov ere d .
The word Sorek in Hebrew signifies a peculiarly
choice kind of vine, which is said to have derived
its name from the dusky color of its grapes, that
perhaps being th* meaning of the root (Geseuius,
The*, p. 1342). It occurs in three passages of the
Old Test (la. v. 2; Jer. il. 21; and, with a mod-
ification, in Gen. xlix. e 11). It appears to be used
in modern Arabic for a certain purple grape, git wn
in Syria, and highly esteemed ; which is noted fir
its small raisins, and minute, soft pips, and pro-
duces a red wine. This being the case, the valley
of Sorek may hare derived its name from the growth
of such vines, though it is hardly safe to affirm the
fact in the unquestioning manner in which Uesenius
( Thti. ibid. ) does. Aacalou was celebrated among
the ancients for its wine; and though not in the
neighborhood of Zorah, was the natural port by
which any of the productions of that district would
be exported to the west. G.
SOSIP'ATER CWiroTpoi: SonpaUr). L
A general of Judaa Maccabeus, who in conjunction
with Dositbeus defeated Timotheus and took him
prisoner, c. B. c. 164 (2 Mace. xii. 19-24).
2. Kinsman or fellow tribesman of St. Paul,
mentioned in the salutations at the end of the
Epistle to the Romans (xvi. 21). He is probably
the same person aa Sopater of Bercea. B. F. W.
SOSTHENES (lmriivvs [preserver of
rirenalh] : Stvihenti) was a Jew at Corinth, who
was seized and beaten in the presence of Gallio, on
the refusal of the latter to entertain the charge of
heresy which the Jews alleged against the Apostle
Paul (see Acts xviii. 12-17). His precise connec-
tion with that affair ia left in some doubt. Some
have thought that he was a Christian, and was
maltreated thus by his own countrymen, because
he was known as a special friend of Paul. But it
is improbable if Sosthenes was a believer, that Luke
would mention him merely as " the ruler of the
aynagogue " (apxiouriyayosh without any allu-
sion to hit change of faith. A better view is, that
Sosthenes was one of the bigoted Jews; and that
"the crowd " (wdW«» simply, and not woWsi ol
"EAAtivti, is the true reading) were Greeks who,
taking advantage of the indifference of Gallio, and
ever ready to show their contempt of the Jews,
turned their indignation againat Sosthenes. In this
case he must have been the successor of Crispus,
(Acts xviii. 8) aa chief of the aynagogue (possibly
a colleague with him, in the looser sense of bpx'~
avriyayoi, as in Mark v. 22), or, as Biscoe con-
jectures, may have belonged to some other syne*
gogue at Corinth. Chrysoatom'a notion that Crispin
and Sosthenes were names of the same person, 1*
arbitrary and unsupported.
Paul wrote the First Epistle to the Corinthians
jointly in his own name and that of a certain Sos-
thenes whom he terms " the brother " (1 Cor. i. 1/.
The mode of designation implies that he was well
known to the Corinthians; and some have held
that he was identical with the Sosthenes mentioned
• The AA k) no douht the last relic of NagaA : eomp.
javiuan ; and Kuuh, Bra.
» M. Vui <te Y«Vla (Mtm. 850; proposes the Wady
Sinuim, which runs from near Brit Ji&rin toAikulan;
bat this he admits to b- mere oonjtetur*.
c The Arable versions of this psassajt
tana Sorek as a proper name.
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8096 SOSTBATUS
to the AgU. If tfaia be so, he mutt have been con-
verted at a later period (Wetetein, N. Tat. vol. ii.
p. 576), and hare been at Ephetua and not at Cor-
inth, when Paul wrote to the Corinthians. The
name was a common one, and but little stress can
be laid on that coincidence. Ensebius says (B. E.
1. IS, J 1) that this Soathenes (1 Cor. L 1) was
one of the seventy disciples, and a later tradition
adds that he became bishop of the church at Colo-
phon in Ionia. H. B. H.
SOSTRATU8 (SeVrpaTos [saruwr of At
irmy] : Sottratut), a commander of the Syrian
garrison in the Acta at Jerusalem (o rqs hxoirwi-
\«»» twapxos) in the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes
(c. b. c. 172: 2 Mace iv. 27, 29). B.F.W.
SOTAI [2 tyl.] O^'lD [one v>ho turnt aside]:
2errat, lovrrt; Alex, Soirnci in Neh. : Sotnt, 8o-
thal). The children of Sotai were a fiunily of the
descendants of Solomon's servants who returned
with Zerubbabel (Ear. it 66; Neh. vii. 67).
* SOUTH, QUEEN OP THE. [Shkba.]
SOUTH BA'MOTH (3$ rfaXl: «•,
ya/if v6rov, Alex. <■> pa/iaS v.: Bamotk ad me-
ridiem). One of the places frequented by David
and his band of outlaws during the latter part of
Saul's life, and to his friends in which he showed
his gratitude when opportunity offered (1 Sam.
xxx. 27). The towns mentioned with it show that
Ramoth must have been on the southern confines
of the country — the very border of the desert.
Bethel, in ver. 27, is almost certainly not the well-
known sanctuary, but a second of the same name,
and Hebron was probably the most northern of all
the places in the list It is no doubt identical
with Ramath op thk South, a name the same
in every respect except that by a dialectical or
other change it is made plural, Ramoth instead of
Ramath. Q.
SOW. [Swihb.]
SOWER, SOWING. The operation of sow-
big with the hand is one of so simple a character,
as to need little description. The Egyptian paint-
ings furnish many illustrations of the mode in
which it was conducted. The sower held the ves-
sel or basket containing the seed, in his left hand,
while with his right he scattered the seed broad-
cast (Wilkinson's Arte. Eg. ii. 12, 18, 39; see
Agriculture for one of these paintings). The
"drawing out" of the seed is noticed, as the most
characteristic action of the sower, in Pa. exxvi. 6
(A. V. "precious ") and Am. ix. 13: it is uncer-
tain whether this expression refers to drawing out
the handful of seed from the basket, or to the
dispersion of the seed in regular rows over the
ground (Geaen. The: p. 827). In some of the
Kgrptian paintings the sower is represented as pre-
ceding the plough : this may be simply the result
of bad perspective, but we are told that such a
practice actually prevails in the East in the case of
sandy toils, the plough serving the purpose of the
barrow for covering the seed (RusseU'i Aleppo, L
"4). In wet soils the teed was trodden in by the
a » Ploughs In the Bart, at present, often have a
quiver or tunnel attached to the front of them, espe-
slallv when the soil is mellow and easily broken
•Jirough which the grain Is dropped, and then covered
«p by the earth as turned aside In the furrow. It
nay be stated herr that ploughs in Palestine have
ladle invariably but on* handle, which the driver'
SPAIN
feet of animals (Is. xxxii. 20), as represented m
Wilkinson's Anc. Eg. ii. 12.° The sowing season
commenced in October and continued to the end nt
February, wheat being put in before, and barley
after the beginning of January (Russell, i. 74).
The Mosaic law prohibited the towing of mixed
teed (Lev. xix. 19; Deut. xxii. 9): Joeephus '(Ant.
iv. 8, § 20) supposes this prohibition to be bated
on the repugnancy of nature to intermixture, but
there would appear to be a further object of a moral
character, namely, to impress on men's minds the
general lesson of purity. The regulation rffered a
favorable opportunity for Rabbinical refincr.dnt, thi
results of which are embodied in the treauee of thi
Mishna. entitled KUaim, §§ 1-3. That the an.
eient Hebrews did not consider themselves prohib-
ited from planting several kinds of seeds in the
same field, appears from It. xxviii. 25. A distinc-
tion is made in Lev. xi. 87, 38, between dry and
wet seed, in respect to contact with a corpse; the
latter, as being more susceptible of contamination,
would be rendered unclean thereby, the former
would not. The analogy between the germination
of seed and the effects of a principle or a course of
action on the human character for good or for evil
is frequently noticed in Scripture (Pror. xL 18;
Matt. xiii. 19, 24; 2 Cor. ix. 6; Gal. vi. 7).
W. L.B.
SPAIN (Swarfe: Ditpama). The Hebrews
were acquainted with the position and the mineral
wealth of Spain from the time of Solomon, whoae
alliance with the Phoenicians enlarged the circle of
their geographical knowledge to a very great extent.
[Takhhish.] The local designation, Tarshiah, rep-
resenting the Tartetau of the Greeks, probably
prevailed until the fame of the Roman wan in that
country reached the East, when it was superseded
by it* classical name, which it traced back by Bo-
chart to the Shemitic UAph&n, " rabbit," and by
Humboldt to the Basque Etpana, descriptive of its)
position on the edge of the continent of Europe
(Diet, of Ueog. i. 1074). The Latin form of this
name it represented by the 'Imtaila of 1 Mace,
viii. 8 (where, however, tome copies exhibit the
Greek form), and the Greek by the SxoWot of Rom.
xv. 24, 28. The passages cited contain all the
Biblical notices of Spain : in the former the con
quests of the Romans are described in somewhat
exaggerated terms; for though the Carthaginian*
were expelled at early at B. c. 206, the native tribes
were not finally subdued until B. c. 25, and not
until then could it be said with truth that " tbey
had conquered all the place " (1 Mace. viii. 4). li>
the latter, St. Paul announces his intention of vis-
iting Spain. Whether he carried out this inten-
tion it a disputed point connected with his personal
history. [Paul.] The mere intention, however,
implies two interesting facts, namely, the establish-
ment of a Christian community in that oo entry,
and this by meant of Hellenistic Jews res.dtnt there.
We have no direct testimony to either of these
facta; but at the Jews had spread along the shores
of the Mediterranean as far as Cyrene in Africa and
Rome in Europe (Actt ii. 10), there woojd be do
holds by one hand, while he carries his long goad fet
the other. This peculiarity makes the Saviour's ex-
pression precisely accurate: "He that puttetn Asi
hand to the plough," etc. (Lake Ix. 02) ; whereat, witfc
the plough constructed as among us, tile plural wovJe.
be more natural than the singular. B.
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SPAN
AAcak) in assuming that they were also found in
the eommereial cities of the eastern coast of Spain.
The early introduction of Christianity into that
tountry is attested by Irensnis (i. 3) and Tertullian
(«*»• •/vol 7). An inscription, purporting to record
a persecution of the Spanish Christians in the reign
of Nhro, is probably a forgery (Gieseler's feel.
Hitt.*T. 83, note 5). W. L. B.
• SPAN. [WKOHT* AMD MaUSUBM, II.
1. (1.)]
8PABBOW (VB?, ttippir: tpnw, o>r(8-
u>» : ro wrrtwir, <rrpov9toy: x'j"V°« 1° Neb.. T *
18, whan LXX. probably read "VDS : aria, vofc-
erit, pntttr). The abore Heb. word occurs up-
wards of forty times in the O. T. In all passage*
excepting two it is rendered by A. V. indifferently
" Mrd " or «• fowl" In Pa. boxiv. 8, and Ps. eii.
7, A. Y. renders it " sparrow." The Greek <rrpov
eior ("sparrow," A. V.) occurs twice in N. T.,
Matt. z. 99, Luke xti. 6, 7, where the Vulg. Ms
fatttret. Trupptr ("IIBS), from a root signify-
ing to "chirp " or " twitter," appears to be a pho-
netic representation of the call note of any passer-
ine bird." Similarly the modern Arabs use the
term <£)') (tnouik) for all small birds which
chirp, and )«\»\ (ztrtow) not only for the star-
ling, bnt for any other bird with a harsh, shrill
twitter, both these being evidently phonetic names.
Ttippir is therefore exactly translated by the
LXX. orpovtlov, explained by Hoschopulus ra
iwtpa rir iprlSar, although it may sometimes
bare bean used in a more restricted sense. See
Athen. Dripn. ix. 391, where two kinds of trrpow
I'm in the more restricted signification are noted.
It was reserved for later naturalists to discrim-
inate the immense variety of the smaller birds of
the passerine order. Excepting in the cases of the
thrushes and the larks, the natural history of Aris-
totle scarcely comprehends a longer catalogue than
that of Hoses.
Yet in lew parts of the world are the species of
passerine birds more numerous or more abundant
than in Palestine. A very cursory surrey has sup-
plied a list of abore 100 different species of this
order. Sea /Ms, voL i. p. 96 ff. and roL ir. p.
977 ff.
But although so numerous, they an not gener-
ally noticeable for any peculiar brilliancy of plum-
es}* beyond the birds of our own climate. In fact,
with the exception of the denizens of the mighty
forests snd fertile alluvial plains of the tropics, it
is a popular error to suppose that the nearer we
approach the equator, the more gorgeous neces-
sarily is the coloration of the birds. There are
certain tropical families with a brilliancy of plum-
age which is unrivalled elsewhere; but any out-
lying members of these groups, as for instance the
kingfisher of Britain, or the bee-eater and roller of
Europe, are not surpassed in brightness if dress by
any of their southern relations. Ordinarily in the
warmer temperate regions, especially in those which
like Palestine possess neither dense forests nor
morasses, tbare is nothing in the brilHsnev of plum-
taJktfUft C«#j ■< a ipar-
1M
SPABBOW 8097
age which especially arrests the attention of th*
unobservant. It is therefore no matter for surpris*
if, in an unscientific age, the smaller birds wen
generally grouped indiscriminately under the term
ttippir, ipyitlor or patter. The proportion of
bright to obscure colored birds is not greater in
Palestine than in England ; and this is especially
true of the southern portion, Judaea, where the wil-
derness with its bare hills and arid rarinu affords
a home chiefly to those species which rely for safety
and concealment on the modesty and inoonspio-
uonsness of their plumage.
Although the common sparrow of England {Pat-
ter dometticut, L.) does not occur in the Holy
Laud, its place is abundantly supplied by two very
closely allied Southern species (Putter mliciculii,
Vieill. and Putter citulpinii, Tern.). Our English
Tree Sparrow (Patter montnmu, L.) u also very
common, and may be seen in numbers on Mount
Olivet, and also about the sacred inclosure of the
mosque of Omar. This is perhaps the exact spe-
cies referred to in IV. lxxxir. 3, " Yea, the sparrow
hath found an house."
Though in Britain it seldom frequents bouses,
yet in China, to which country its eastward range
extends, Mr. Swinhoe, in his Ornithology of Amity,
informs us its habits are precisely those of our
familiar house sparrow. Its shyness here may be
the result of persecution ; but in the East the Mus-
sulmans hold in respect any bird which resorts to
their houses, and in reverence such as build in or
about the mosques, considering them to be under
the Divine protection. This natural veneration
has doubtless been inherited from antiquity. We
learn from jElian ( Vat: Hut. v. 17) that the Athe-
nians condemned a man to death lor molesting a
sparrow in the temple of jEsculapius. The story
of Aristodicus of Cyme, who rebuked the cowardly
advice of the oracle of Branchida to surrender
suppliant, by his symbolical act of driving the spar-
rows out of the temple, illustrates the same senti-
ment (Herod, i. 169), which was probably shared
by David and the Israelites, and is alluded to in
the psalm. There can be no difficulty in inter-
preting mn?TJ3, not as the altar of sacrifice ex-
clusively, but as' the place of sacrifice, the sacred
inclosure generally, ro ripA¥<n, "fannm." Th*
interpretation of some commentators, who would
explain "1T5S in this passage of certain sacred
birds, kept and preserved by the priests in th*
temple like the Sacred Ibis of the Egyptians, seems
to be wholly without warrant. See Boehart, iii.
91, 22.
Moat of our commoner small birds are found in
Palestine. The starling, chaffinch, greenfinch,
linnet, goldfinch, com bunting, pipits, blackbird,
song thrush, and the various species of wagtail
abound. The wood lark (AUuula arboren, L.),
crested lark (OaterUa eritiata, Bole.), Calandre
lark (Mtfonocorypha cahndra, Bp.), short-toed
lark (CoitndrtlLi brachyiiactyla, Kaup.), Isabel
lark (AUmda deterti, Licht,), and various other
desert species, which are snared in great numbers
for the markets, are far more numerous on the
southern plains than the skylark in England. In
the olive-yards, and among the brushwood of th*
hills, the Ortolan bunting (Kmberiza hortulana
L.), and especially Cretaachmaer's bunting (A'ssos-
rtt-i covin, Crete. ), take the place at our common
yellow-hammer, an exclusively northern spsoiss.
i Indeed, the wcond is seldom out of th* travellsVa
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3098
SPAR BOW
right. ho]iptng before him from bough to bough
with its simple but not unpktsing note. Ai matt
of our warblers (Sylriada) are summer migrants,
and hare a wide extern range, it wu to be expected
that tbey should occur in Syria; and accordingly
upward* of twenty of those on the British list have
been noted there, including the robin, redstart,
whitetbroat, blackcap, nightingale, willow -wren,
Dartford warbler, whinchat, and stouechat. Be-
sides these, the Palestine lute contain fourteen
others, more southern species, of which the most
interesting are perhaps the little fantail ( Cuticota
Khanicola, Up.), the Orphean (Curruca orphan,
Boie.) and the Sardinian warbler (Sykia melano-
ctphnln, Lath.).
The chats (Saxicota), represented in Britain by
the wheatear, whinchat, and stonechat, are very
numerous in the southern parts of the country. At
least nine species hare been observed, and by their
lively motions and the striking contrast of black
and white in the plumage of most of them, they are
the most attractive and conspicuous bird-inhab-
itants which catch the eye in the hill country of
Judea, the favorite resort of the genus. Yet they
are not recognized among the Bedouin inhabitants
oy any name to distinguish them from the larks.
The rock sparrow (Petrunia tlulln, St rick]. ) is a
common bird in the barer portions of Palestine,
eschewing woods, and generally to be seen perched
alone on the top of a rock or on any large stone.
From this habit it has been conjectured to be the
bird alluded to in Ps. eii. 7, as " the sparrow that
Pttroeauyphu cyanna.
sitteth alone upon the housetop; " but ss the rock
sparrow, though found among ruins, never resorts
to inhabited buildings, it seems more probable that
the bird to which the psalmist alludes is the blue
thrush (Petrocouyphus cyanetu, Boie.), a bird so
conspicuous that it cannot tail to attract attention
by its dark-blue dress and its plaintive monotonous
note; and wbiiih may frequently be observed
perched on houses and especially on outbuildings in
the villages of Judtea. It is a solitary bird, es-
chewing the society of its own species, and rarely
von than a pair are seen together. Certainly the
allusion of the psalmist will not apply to the sc-
alable and garrulous house or tree-sparrows.
[ tba most conspicuous of the small birds
SPARROW
of Palestine are the shrikes (Lenii), of which the
red-hacked shrike (intuitu eoUmrio, L.) is a fasuiiar
example in the south of England, but there repre-
sented by at least five species, all abundantly and
generally distributed, namely, Emuoctomu rv/W,
Bp., the woodcbat shrike, Lanhu mtridionalU, L.
L. minor, L.; L. personates, Tern.; and 7'eieni.
onus cucuilalut, Gr.
There are but two allusions to the singing of
birds in the Scriptures, Eccl. xii. 4 and Ps. civ. 14,
" By them shall the fowls (*)TO) of the heaven have
their habitation, which sing among the branches."
As the psalmist is here speaking of the sides of
streams and rivers (" By them "), be probably had
in bis mind the bulbul ( JuJLs) of the country, or
Palestine nightingale (Jxos xanlbopyyitu, Hetnpr.),
a bird not very far removed from the thrush tribe,
and a closely allied species of which is the tree
bulbul of Persia and India. This lovely songster,
whose notes, for volume and variety, surpass those
of the nightingale, wanting only the final cadence,
abounds in all the wooded districts of Palestine, and
especially by the banks of the Jordan, where in the
early morning it fills the air with its music.
lu one passage (Ex. xxxix. 4), tzippor it joined
with the epithet 10?? (ravenous), which may very
well describe the raven and the crow, both passerine
birds, yet carrion feeders. Nor is it necessary to
stretch the interpretation so as to include raptorial
birds, which are distinguished lu Hebrew and Arable
by so many specific appellations.
With the exception of the raven tribe, there is no
prohibition in the Levitical law against any pas-
serine birds being used for food ; while the wanton
destruction or extirpation of any species was
guarded against by the humane provision in Dens,
xxii. 6. Small birds were therefore probably si
ordinary an article of consumption among the Is-
raelites as they still are in the markets both of the
Continent and of the East. The inquiry of our
Lord, " Are not five sparrows sold for two far-
things?" (Luke xii. 6), "Are not two sparrows
sold for a farthing V " (Matt. x. 29), points to their
ordinary exposure for side in his time. At the pres-
ent day the markets of Jerusalem and Jaffit are at-
tended by many '■ fowlers " who offer for sale long
strings or little birds of various species, chiefly spar-
rows, wagtails, and larks. These are also frequently
sold ready plucked, trussed in rows of about a dozen
on slender wooden skewers, and are cooked and
eaten like kabobs.
It may well excite surprise how such vast num-
bers can be taken, and how they can be vended at
a price too small to have purchased the powder re-
quired for shooting them. But the gun is never
used in their pursuit The ancient methods of
fowling to which we find so many allusions in the
Scriptures are still pursued, and, though simple,
are none the less effective. The art of fowling is
spoken of no less than seven times in connection
with T1Q2, e. g. " a bird caught in the snare,"
"bird hasteth to the snare," "fall in s snare,"
" escaped out of the snareof the fowler." There is
also one still more precise allusion, in Ecclus. xi. 30
to the well-known practice of using decoy or caB*
birds, wtp$t£ 07jpei/H)f iv ica/>rdAAy. The resse
enee in Jer v. 87, " At a cage is rail of birds
(D^B'TO), is probably U the same mode of anarasf
birds!
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8PARROW
e four or five simple methods of fowling
vectieed at this day in Palestine which are prob-
tblT identical with those alluded to in the O. T.
The simplest, but by no means the least successful,
among the dexterous Bedouins, is fowling with the
throw-stick. The only weapon used is a short stick,
about 18 inches long and half an inch in diameter,
and the chase is conducted after the fashion in
which, (a we read, the Australian natives pursue
the kangaroo with their boomerang. When the
game has been discovered, which is generally the
red-legged great partridge (Cacaibit vtxtitilis,
Me).), the desert partridge (Amnuperdix Jieyi,
tir.), or the little bustard (Otis litraz, L.), the
stick is hurled with a revolving motion so as to strike
the legs of the bird as it runs, or sometimes at a
rather higher elevation, so that when the victim,
alarmed by the approach of the weapon, begins to
rite, its wings are struck and it is slightly disabled.
The fleet pursuers soon come up, and using their
burnouses as a sort of net, catch and at once cut
the throat of the game. The Mussulmans rigidly
observe the Mosaic injunctions (Lev. xvii. 13) to
spill the blood of every slain animal on the ground.
This primitive mode of fowling is confined to those
birds which, like the red-legged partridges and bus-
tards, rely for safety chiefly on their running powers,
sod are with difficulty induced to take flight. The
writer once witnessed the capture of the little desert
partridge (Ammnptrdix Htyi) by this method in
the wilderness near Hebron : an interesting illustra-
tion of the expression in 1 Sam. xxvi. 20, " as when
one doth hunt a partridge in the mountains."
A more scientific method of fowling is that al-
luded to in Ecclus, xi. 30, by the use of decoy-
bird*. The birds employed for this purpose are
very carefully trained and perfectly tame, that they
may utter their natural call-note without any alarm
from the neighborhood of man. Partridges, quails,
larks, and plovers are taken by this kind of fowl-
ing, especially the two former. The decoy-bird, in
a cage, is placed in a concealed position, while the
fowler is secreted in toe neighborhood, near enough
to manage his gins and snares. For game-birds,
a common method is to construct of brushwood a
uarrow run leading to the cage, sometimes using
a sort of bag-net within the brushwood. This has
a trap-door at the entrance, and when the dupe has
entered the run, the door is dropped. Great num-
bers of quail are taken in this manner in spring.
Sometimes, instead of the more elaborate decoy of a
run, a mere cage with an open door is placed in
front of the decoy-bird, of course well concealed by
grass and herbage, and the door is let fall by a
string, as in the other method. For larks and
other smaller birds the decoy ia used iu a somewhat
different manner. The cage is placed without con-
cealment on the ground, and springes, nets, or horse-
hair nooses are bud round it to entangle the feet of
those whom curiosity attraota to the stranger; or
a net is so contrived as to be drawn over than, if
the cage be placed in a thicket or among brushwood.
Immense numbers can be taken by this means in a
rery abort space of time. Traps, the door of which
Trerbalances by the weight of the bird, exactly like
the traps used by the shepherds on the Sussex
downs to take wheatears and larks, are constructed
by the bedouin boys, and also the horae-hau
springer so Guniliar to all Engliah school-boys,
though these devices are not wholesale enough to
"enay the professional fowler. It is to the noose on
(h* ground that reference is made in Ps. estiv. 7,
SPARROW
8099
The snare is broken and we are escaped. " In the
towns and gardens great numbers of birds, starlings
and others, are taken for the markets at night by
means of a large loose net on two poles, and a
lanthorn, which startles the birds from then- perch,
when they fall into the net
At the season of migration immense numbers of
birds, and especially quails, are taken by a yet more
simple method. When notice has been given of
the arrival of a flight of quails, the whole village
turns out. The birds, fatigued by their long flight,
generally descend to rest in some open space a few
acres in extent. The fowlers, perhaps twenty or
thirty in number, spread themselves in a circle
round them, and, extending their loose large bur-
nouses with both arms before them, gently advance
toward the centre, or to some spot where they
take care there shall be some low brushwood. The
birds, not seeing their pursuers, and only slightly
alarmed by the cloaks spread before them, begin to
run together without taking flight, until they an
hemmed into a very small space. At a given signal
the whole of the pursuers make a din on all sides,
and the flock, not seeing any mode of escape, nub
huddled together into the bushes, when the bui .
nouses are thrown over them, and the whole are
eaaily captured by hand.
Although we have evidence that dogs were used
by the ancient Kgyptians, Assyrians, and Indians
in the chase, yet there is no allusion in Scripture to
their being so employed among the Jews, nor does
it appear that any of the ancients employed the
sagacity of the dog, as we do that of the pointer and
setter, as an auxiliary iu the cbaae of winged game.
At the present day the Bedouins of Palestine em-
ploy, in the pursuit of larger game, a very valuable
race of greyhounds, equalling the Scottish stag-
hound in size and strength ; but the inhabitants of
the towns have a strong prejudice against the un-
clean animal, and never cultivate its instinct for
any further purpose than that of protecting their
houses and flocks (Is. lvi. 10; Job xxx. 1), and of
removing the offal from their towns and villages.
No wonder, then, that its use has been neglected
for purposes which would have entailed the constant
danger of defilement from an unclean animal, be-
sides the risk of being compelled to reject as food
game which might be torn by the dogs (cf. Ex. xxii
31; Lev. xxii. 8, do.).
Whether falconry was ever employed as a mods
of fowling or not is by no means so clear. Its
antiquity ia certainly much greater than the intro-
duction of dogs in tile chase of birds; and from the
statement of Aristotle (Amm. Hilt. ix. 84), " In
the city of Thrace, formerly called Cedropolis, men
hunt birds in the marshes with the help of hawks,"
and from the allusion to the use of falconry in In
dia, according to Photius' abridgment of Ctesias, ws
may presume that the art was known to the neigh-
bors of the ancient Israelites (see also .Elian, llitt.
An. iv. 26, and Pliny, x. 8). Falconry, however,
requires an open and not very rugged country for
it* successful pursuit, and Palestine west of the Jor-
dan is in its whole extent ill adapted for this specie*
of chase. At the present day falconry is practiced
with much care and skill by the Arab inlubiianta
of Syria, though not in Judaea proper. It is indeed
the favorite amusement of all the Bedouins of Asia
and Africa, and esteemed an exclusively noble sport,
only to be indulged in by wealthy sheiks. The
rarest and most valuable species of hunting falcon
(Fatoo Lanarhu, L.; the Lanner, is s native of Iks
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J
3100
SPAETA
Lebanon and of the northern hill* of Palestine. It
u highly prized by the inhabitants, and the young
are taken from the nest and sold for a considerable
price to the chieftains of the Hauran. Forty pounds
sterling is no uncommon price for a well-trained fal-
con. A description of falconry as now practiced
among the Arabs would be out of place here, as
there is no direct illusion to the subject in the 0.
T. or N. T. H. B. T.
SPARTA {-Xwiam [cord, «hW], 1 Mace,
xiv. 16; AMetouioWi, 2 Mace v. 9: A. V.
•' Lacedemonians "). In the history of the Macca-
bees mention is made of a remarkable correspond-
ence between the Jews and the Spartans, which has
been the subject of much discussion. The alleged
facta are briefly these. When Jonathan endeav-
ored to strengthen his government by foreign alli-
ances (cir. b. c. 114), he sent to Sparta to renew a
friendly intercourse which had been begun at an
earlier time between Arena and Onias [Akeus;
Osias], on the ground of their common descent
from Abraham (1 Mace. xii. 5-23). The embassy
was favorably received, and after the death of Jona-
than "the friendship and league" was renewed
with Simon (1 Mace. xiv. 16-23). No results are
deduced from this correspondence, which is recorded
in the narrative without comment; and imperfect
topics of the official documents are given as iu the
case of similar negotiations with the Komaus.
Several questions arise out of these statements as
to (1) the people described under the name Spar-
tans, (2) the relationship of the Jews and Spar-
tans, (3) the historic character of the events, and
(4) the persons referred to under the names Onias
and Amis.
1. The whole context of the passage, as well as
the independent reference to the connection of the
" Lacedemonians" and Jews in 2 Mace. v. 9, seem
to prove clearly that the reference is to the Spar-
tans, properly so called ; Josephus evidently under-
stood the records in this sense, and the other
interpretations which have been advanced are
merely conjectures to avoid the supposed difficul-
ties of the literal interpretation. Thus Michaelia
conjectured that the words in the original text were
TCD, D^TIED (Obad. ver. 20; Gea. Thtt.
t. v.), which the translators read erroneously sa
EHOD, CtSnGD, and thus substituted Sparta
for Sapharad [Skpharad]. And Frankel, again
(Monatwchrifl, 1853, p. 456), endeavors to show
that the name Spartan* may have been given to
the Jewish settlement at Nisibis, the chief centre of
the Armenian Dispersion. But sgainst these hy-
potheses it may be urged conclusively that it is in-
credible that a Jewish colony should have been so
joinpletely separated from the mother state as to
jeed to be reminded of its kindred, and also that
the vicissitudes of the government of this strange
city (1 Mace. xii. 20, fiatriKtis; xiv. 20, aW<""
t«s (tol ri ra'Ait) should have corresponded with
those of Sparta itself.
2. The actual relationship of the Jews and
Spartans (2 Mace v. 9, ovyjivtia.) is an ethno-
ogical error, which it is difficult to trace to its
jrUtin. It is possible that the Jews regarded the
Spartans as the representatives of the Pelaagi, the
supposed descendants of Peleg the son of Eber
(cttillingdeet, Origina Sacra, iii. 4, 15; Ewald,
Gad. iv. 277, note), just as in another place the
Pergamenes trace back their friendship with the
SPAETA
Jew* to a connection in the time of Abraham (Jo-
seph. Ant. xiv. 10, § 22); if this were so, they
might easily spread their opinion. It is certain,
from an independent passage, that a Jewish colon]
existed at Sparta at an early time (1 Mace. xv. 23),
and the important settlement of the Jews in Cyrene
may have contributed to favor the notion of some
intimate connection between the two races. The
lielief in this relationship appears to have continued
to later times (Joseph. B. J. i. 26, { 1), and, bow-
ever mistaken, may be paralleled by other popular
legends of the eastern origin of Greek states. The
various hypotheses proposed to support the truth at
the statement are examined by Wernsdorff {Dtftk
Lib. Mace. § 94), but probably no one now would
maintain it.
3. The incorrectness of the opinion on which the
intercourse wss based is obviously no objection to
the fact of the intercourse itself; and the very ob-
scurity of Sparta at the time makes it extremely
unlikely that any forger would invent such an inci-
dent. But it is urged that the letters said to have
been exchanged are evidently not genuine, since
they betray their fictitious origin negatively by the
absence of characteristic forms of expression, and
positively by actual inaccuracies. To this it may
be replied that the Spartan letters (1 Msec. xii. 20-
23, xiv. 20-23) are extremely brief, and exist only
in a translation of a translation, so that it la unrea-
sonable to expect that any Doric peculiarities should
have been preserved. The Hellenistic translator ol
the Hebrew original would naturally render the text
before him without any regard to what might have
been its original form (xii. 22-25, cipvjrn, rHjnj;
xiv. 20, aScAeW)- On the other hand the absence
of the name of the second king of Sparta in the
first letter (1 Mace. xii. 20), and of both kings in
the second (1 Mace xiv. 20), is probably to be ex-
plained by the political circumstances under which
the letters were written. The text of the first letter,
as given by Josephus (Ant. xii. 4, § 10), contains
some variations, and a very remarkable additional
clause at the eud. The second letter is apparently
only a fragment.
4. The difficulty of fixing the date of the first
correspondence is increased by the recurrence of the
names involved. Two kings bore the name Arena,
one of whom reigned B. c. 309-265, and the other,
his grandson, died b. c 257, being only eight yean
old. The same name was also borne by an ad-
venturer, who occupied a prominent position at
Sparta, cir. B. c 184 (Polyb. xxiii. 11, 12). In
Judas, again, three high-priests bore the name
Onias, the first of whom held office B. c. 330-809
(or 300); the second, B.C. 24b -226; and the third,
cir. B. c. 198-171. Thus Onias I. was for a abort
time contemporary with Anus I., and the corre-
spondence has been commonly assigned to them
(Palmer, De EpuL etc., Darmat. 1828; Grimm, on
1 Mace. xii.). But the position of Judasa at that
time was not such as to make the contraction of
foreign alliances a likely occurrence; and the s|«-
cial circumstances which sre said to have directed
the attention of the Spartan king to the Jews at
likely to effect a diversion against Demetrius Poli
orcetes when be was engaged in the war with Csa-
sander, B. c. 302 (Palmer, quoted by Grimm, Le.).
are not completely satisfactory, even if the prie s*
hood of Onias can be extended to the later data.
a Ewald (Qtuk. Iv. 276, 277, not*) supposes taat
the letter wss addmaved to Onias II. during his a>
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SPEAB
rhU bring to, Josephus U probably eomot hi fli-
ng the erent in the time of Onlas HI. (Ant. xa. 4,
{ 10). The hut-named Aleut ma; haTe annmed
the royal title, if that is not due to an exaggerated
translation, and the abeenoe of the name of a second
king is at once expiaiued (Unher, Annates, A. c.
183; Herzfdd, Uetck. d. V. It. 1. 916-918). At
the time when Jonathan and Simon made negotia-
tions with Sparta, the succession of hinge had
ceased. The last absolute ruler was Nebis, who
was assassinated in B. c. 199. (Wemsdorff, De.
tide Lib. Mace. §§ 93-119; Grimm, I e. j Herafeld,
I. c. The early literature of the subject is given
by Wemsdorff.) B. F. W.
8PEAB. [Akms.]
8PKARMKN (J.fwA^i). The word thus
rendered in the A. V. of Acts xxiii. 93 is of very
rare oc curr e n ce, and its meaning is extremely ob-
scure. Our translators followed the Innctarii of
the Vulgate, and it seems probable that their ren-
dering approximates most nearly to the true mean-
ing. The reading of the Codex Alexandrinus is
5«(io/W*oui, which is literally followed by the Pe-
■hito-Syriac, where the word is translated "darters
with the right hand." Lachmann adopts this reed-
hg, which appears also to have been that of Ine
Arabic in Walton's Polyglot. Two hundred 8«{i-
oXiffoi formed part of the escort which accompa-
aied St. Paul in the night-march from Jerusalem
to Csesarea. They are clearly distinguished both
from the crrpariorrat, or beavy-armed legionaries,
who only went as far as Antipatris, and from the
revets, or cavalry, who continued the Journey to
Ccearea. As nothing is said of the return of the
If{ioAdj8oi to Jerusalem after their arrival at Antip-
stria, we may infer that they accompanied the cav-
alry to Csesarea, and this strengthens the supposi-
tion that they were irregular light-armed troops, so
Bgbtly armed, indeed, as to be able to keep pace on
the march with mounted soldiers. Meyer (Kom-
wuntnr, ii. 3, a. 404, «*• Aufl.) conjectures that
they were a particular kind of light-armed troops
(called by the Romans VeSlet, or Jtorarii), proba-
bly either javelin-men or slingers. In a passage
quoted by the Emperor Constantine Porphyrogen-
neU ( Tktm. 1. 1) from John of Philadelphia, they
are distinguished both from the archers and from
the peltacte, or targeteers, and with these are de-
scribed as forming a body of light-armed troops,
who in the 10th century were under the command
of an officer called a tmrmareh. Grotius, however,
was of opinion that at this late period the term
bad merely been adopted from the narrative in the
Acta, and that the usage in the 10th century is no
sals guide to its true meaning. Others regard
them as body-guards of the governor, and Meursius,
in Ida Gkunrium (tracobarbartm, supposes them
to have been a kind of military lictors, who had
the charge of arresting prisoners; but the great
number (900) employed is against both these sup-
positions. In Suidas and the Etymologiam ilag-
tmm ■wapatoiXui, is given as the equivalent of 8«£t-
•Atl/iof. The word occurs again in one of the
Byzantine historians, Tbeophylactui Slmoeatta (iv.
II, and it used by him of soldiers who were em-
ployed on skirmishing duty. It is probable, there-
awe, that the 8«{toA<Woi were light-armed troops
*t *ome kind, but nothing is certainly known about
%mx. W. A. W.
SPICE
3101
'Many (a. a 390-140), to the
> of the ware with
* SPED, Jndg. r. 30 (from the A.-S. annum)
sans "succeeded," ». e. as a warrior in battle
The Bishops' Bible baa in that place " found," «. e
booty, hence literally = : W?^>. H
• SPELT. [Ktb.]
SPICE, SPIOES. Under this head it wffl
be desirable to notice the following Hebrew words,
bit/tin, nlctth, and lammtn.
1. Bdtam, btttm, or Marm (OJ7J1, DQ7$i or
Dy?2 : ififopaTa, tvptiitara: aromata). Tlie
first-named form of the Hebrew term, which occurs
only in Cant. v. 1, '< I have gathered my myrrh
with my spice," points apparently to some definite
substance. In the other places, with the exception
perhaps of Cant. i. 13, vi. 9, the words refer more
generally to sweet aromatic odors, the principal of
which was that of the balsam, or balm of Gilead ;
the tree which yields this substance is now gen-
erally admitted to be the Amyrit (Balsamoden-
dron) opobaUamum ; though it is probable that
other species of Amyridacea are included under
the terms. The Identity of the Hebrew name
with the Arable Balkan (»Umj) or Balaton
% + * *
(,jLm*Aj) leaves no reason to doubt that the
substances are identical. The Amyrit opobaUa-
msm was observed by Forskal near Mecca; it was
ef (Ulead (inverts Oiltadetui).
eaOed by the Arabs Abuteham, I. a. « very odor-
Ma." But whether this was the same plant that
was cultivated in the plains of Jericho, and cele-
brated throughout the world (PHny, H. N. xii
90; Theophrastus, Hit. Plant. U. 8; Josephus,
Ant. xt. 4, § 9; Strabo, xvi. 887; Ac), It is dim.
cult « determine; but being a tropical plant, H
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3102 spice
mm be supposed to have grown except In the
■arm valleys of the S. of Palestine. The shrub
■Motioned by Barckhardt ( Trav. p. 823) as grow-
ing in gardens near Tiberias, and which he was
■formed wss the balsam, cannot have been the
tree in question. The A. V. never renders BitAm
by " balm " ; it gives this word as the representa-
tive of the Hebrew txeri, or ixori [Balm]. The
form Betm or B&tem, which is of frequent occur-
rence in the 0. T., may well be represented by the
general term of •• spices," or " sweet odors," in ac-
cordance with the renderings of the LXX. and
Vulg. The balm of Gilead tree grows in some
parts of Arabia and Africa, and is seldom more
than fifteen feet high, with straggling branches and
scanty foliage. The balsam is chiefly obtained
from incisions in the bark, but the substance is
procured also from the green and ripe berries. The
balsam orchards near Jericho appear to have ex-
isted at the time of Titus, by whose legions they
were taken formal possession of, but no remains of
Attmgalus TragaaaaJta.
tins celebrated plant are now to be seen in Pales-
tine. (See Saiptwe Herbal, p. 33.)
2. Nlcdth (nVOJI: 6vpf«pa: aromata). The
sompany of Ishmaelituh merchants to whom Joseph
was sold were on their way from Gilead to Egypt,
with their camels bearing niodth, tzeri [Balm],
and lot (ladamm) (Gen. xxxvii. 26); this same
substance was also among the presents which Jacob
sent to Joseph in Egypt (see Gen. xliii. 11). It is
probable from both these passages that nloiOi, if a
name for some definite substance, was a product of
Palestine, as it is named with other " best fruita
of the land ' the lit in the former passage Wing
the gum of the C'utut crelicut, and not " myrrh,"
is the A. V. renders It [Myrrh.] Various
•pillions have been formed as to what niodlh denotes.
for which see Celsius, Bieroi. 1. 648, and Rosen-
nuUer, SclioL in Gen. (L c); the most probable
nrplanatiou is that which refers the word to the
0---
table naka'at (SjsAJ), •'. t. " 'lie gum obtained
SPIDER
from the Iragacmnth " (Artragaliu), three or foot
species of which genus are enumerated as occurring
in Palestine; see Strand's Flora Palattina, No
413-416. The gum is a natural exudation frort
the trunk and branches of the plant, which on
being " exposed to the air grows hard, and is formed
either into lumps or slender pieces curled and
winding like worms, more or less long according
as matter offers " (Tournefort, Voyage, t. 69, ed.
Lond. 1741).
It is uncertain whether the word fiDJ in 2 K.
xx. 13; Is. rxxix. 2, denotes spice of any kind.
The A. V. reads in the text " the house of hi'
precious things," the margin gives " spicery.'
which has the support of the Vulg., Aq., and Symm
It is clear from the passages referred to that Heze-
kiah possessed a house or treasury of precious and
useful vegetable productions, and that nAcith m«y
in these places denote, though perhaps not ex-
clusively, tragacanth gum. Keil ( Comment. 1. c )
derives the word from an unused root (iTQ, " im-
plevit loculura "), and renders it by "treasure."
3. Sammtm (D^JBD : *,8uo>u», r/oWpo'i, Apcc/ia,
Svpiafut: mat* fragrant, ooniorbrit. grntimmm
aromata). A general term to denote those aromatic
substances which were used in the preparation of
the anointing oil, the incense offerings, etc. The
root of the word, according to Gesenius, is to be
referred to the Arabic Summ, " olfecit," whence
Samtim, "an odoriferous substance." For more
particular information on the various aromatic sub-
stances mentioned in the Bible, the reader is re-
ferred to the articles which treat of the diflerent
kinds : Frankincense, Galbanuh, Mtbrii,
Spikenard, Cinnamon, etc.
The spices mentioned at being used by Nico-
demus for the preparation of our Lord's body (John
xix. 39, 40) are " myrrh and aloes," by which latter
word must be understood, not the aloes of medicine
(Alue), but the highly-scented wood of the Aqvi-
hria at/alloc/mm (but see Aloes, I. 71 f-). The
enormous quantity of 100 Ilia, weight of which St.
John speaks, has excited the incredulity of some
authors. Josephus, however, tells us that there
were fin hundred spicebearers at Herod's funeral
(Ant. xvii. 8, § 3), and in the Talmud it la said
that 80 lbs. of opobalsamum were employed at the
funeral of a certain Kabbi ; still there is no reason
to conclude that 100 lbs. weight of pure myrrh and
aloes was consumed ; the words of the Evangelist
imply a preparation (piyfta) in which perhaps the
myrrh and aloes were the principal or most costly
aromatic ingredients; again, it must be remem-
bered that Nicodemus was a rich man, and perhaps
was the owner of large stores of precious sub-
stances; as a constant though timid disciple of otu
Lord, be probably did not scruple at any sacrifice
so that he could show his respect for Him.
W. H.
SPIDER. The representative In the A. V. of
the Hebrew words 'nccabtsh and eemimUh.
1. 'AcciUtk (B?\3|5: ipixT- aranta) oc-
curs In Job vlii. 14, where of the ungodly (A. V.
hypocrite) it is said his " hope shall be cut off, and
bis trust shall be the bouse of an "aecAbUk," and
In Is. lix. 6, where the wicked Jews are aOegorioally
said to " weave the web of the 'acoSUth." Titers
is no doubt of the correctness of our translation is
rendering this word " spider." In tke two pa»
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SPIKENARD
quoted abort, allusion U made t> the fragile I
latnre of the spider's web, which, though admirably
suited to fulfill all the requirement* of the animal,
hi jet moat easily torn by any violence that may
be offered to it- In the psaaage in la. {L ft), how-
ever, there is probably allusion also to the lurking
habits of the spider for his prey: "The wicked
hatch viper's eggs and weave the spider'a web . . .
their works are worka of iniquity, wasting and de-
struction are in their paths." We have no infor-
mation as to the species of Anmtictt that occur in
Palestine, but doubtless this order is abundantly
represented.
8. StmimUh (iTDiytp : «o\aMrn»: ditto),
wrongly translated by the A. V. " spider " in Prov.
xxx. 28, the only passage where the word is found,
has reference, it is probable, to some kind of lizard
(Bochart, ffima ii. 610). The tlmimUh is men-
tioned by Solomon as one of the four things that
are exceeding clever, though they be little upon
earth. " The timdmlth taketb hold with her hands,
and is in kings' palaces." This term exists in the
modern Greek language under the form aafuiiur-
0os. "Quern Graci hodie cra/ui/uySoy vocant,
antique Grasciae eat ao > KaAa0<6rn; f id est stellio —
quae vox pura Hebraica est et raperitur in 1*107.
cap. xxx. 28, rVQJJtp" (Salmaaii Plm. Kxtreit.
p. 817, b. «.). The lizard indicated ia evidently
some species of Gecko, some notice of which genua
of animate ia given under the article Lizard, where
the Utiih was referred to the Ptyodtictylut Gecko.
The tim&mUh is perhaps another species.
W. H.
SPIKENARD (T33. nird : rdotot: nardm).
We are much indebted to the late lamented Dr.
Boyle for helping to clear up the doubts that had
long existed as to what particular plant furnished
the aromatic substance known as " spikenard."
Of this substance mention is made twice in the
O. T., namely, in Cant i. 13, where its sweet odor
is alluded to, and in iv. 13, 14, where it ia enumer-
ated with various other aromatic substances which
were imported at an early age from Arabia or
India and the far East. The ointment with which
our Lord was anointed as He sat at meat iu Simon's
house at Bethany consisted of this precious sub-
stance, the costliness of which may be inferred from
the indignant surprise manifested by some of the
witnesses of the transaction (see Hark xir. 8-6;
John xii. 8-6). With this may be compared
Horace, 4 Carm. xii. 16, 17 —
M Nardo vina members.
Nardl parvus onyx ellciet cadmn."
Dioscorides speaks of several kinds of rdptot,
and gives the names of various substances which
composed toe ointment (i. 77). The Hebrew nh-d,
according to Gesenius, is of Indian origin, and sig-
nifies the italic of a plant; hence one of the Arabic
names given by Avicenna as the equivalent of nard
is ntniul, "spica; " comp. the Greek rapSAtrraxvt,
and our " tpike nard." But whatever may be the
derivation of the Heb. T13, there is no doubt that
rmnfml is by Arabian authors used as the represent-
ative of the Greek tuwdot, as Sir Wm. Jones has
shown (AnaL Rt$. ii. 416). It appears, however,
• **at thb> great oriental scholar was unable to abtain
he plant from which the drug Is procured, a wrong
slant having been sent him by Roxburgh. Dr.
*eyte, whendirector of the E. I. Company's botanic
SPINNING
810S
garden at Saharunpore, about 80 miles from tot
foot of the Himalayan Mountains, having
tained that the jalamnrute, one of the Hindu
synonyms for the tunbul, waa annually brought
from the mountains overhanging the Ganges and
"umna rivers down to the plains, purchased some
of these fresh roots and planted them in the botanic
garden. They produced the same plant which in
1825 had been described by Don from specimens
sent by Dr. Wallich from Nepal, and named by
him Patrinia jntamnnn (see the Prodromut Flint*
Nepaltruu, etc., accedimt ptmta a Wallichio
tmperius muta, Lond. 1825). The Identity cf the
jatamnnri with the Sunbul hinda of the Aral* ia
established beyond a doubt by the form of a portion
of the rough atem of the plant, which the A rati*
describe as being like the tail of au ermine (see
wood-cut). This plant, which has been called Nor.
Spikenard.
dottacMft jatamami bv De Candoue, is evidently
the kind of nardot described by Dioscorides (i. 6
under the name of yayymt, «• «-, " the Ganges
nard." Dioscorides refers especially to its having
many shaggy (woAviro'/xovs) spikes growing from
one root. It is very Interesting to note that Dios-
corides gives the aame locality for the plant as is
mentioned by Royle, iri tivoi xotouoC rapafi-
friorroi rov (Spout, rdVyoo KaAovueww wop' $
(pirrai! though be is here speaking of lowland
specimens, he also mentions plants obtain id from
the mountains. W. 11.
SPINNING (nj^: Wi*W). The notices
of spinning in the Bible are confined to Ex. xxxv
26, 26; Matt. ri. 28; and Prov. xxxi. 19. The
latter passage implies (according to the A. V.) the
use of the same instruments which have been in
vogue for hand-spinning down to the present day
namely, the distaff and spindle. The distaff, how-
ever, appears to have been dispensed with, and the
term ° so rendered means the spindle Itself, while
that rendered "spindle"' represents the tchirt
(verticilltu, Plin. xxxvil. 11) of the spindle, a but-
ton or circular nm which was affixed to It, and
gave steadiness to its circular motion. The "whirl"
"^?-
-naty.
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8101 SPIRIT, THE HOLT
■f the Syrian women was made of amber in the
time of I'liny {L a). The spindle ma held per-
pendicularly In the one hud, while the other waa
employed in drawing out the thread. The process
la exhibited iu the Egyptian paintings (Wilkinson,
li. 88). Spinning waa the business of women, both
among the Jews (Ex. L c), and for the most part
among the Egyptians (Wilkinson, ii. 84).
W. L.B.
SPIRIT, THE HOLY. In the O. T. He ia
generally called W7??# lyn, or TT\p*. JTH,
the Spirit of God, the Spirit of Jehovah; some,
times the Holy Spirit of Jehorah, aa Pa. li. 11;
Is. lxiil. 10, 11; or the Good Spirit of Jehorah, aa
Pa. cxliii. 10; Neh. ix. 90. In the N. T. He la
generally rb wrtvfta rb tytor, or simply rb rye Spa,
tbe Holy Spirit, the Spirit; sometimes the Spirit
of God, of the Lord, of Jesus Christ, aa in Matt,
iii. 16; Acts v. 9; Phil. i. 19, <ke.
In accordance with what seems to be the general
rule of Divine Revelation, that the knowledge of
heavenly things ia given more abundantly and more
clearly in later ages, the person, attributes, and
operations of the Holy Ghost are made known to
us chiefly In the New Testament. And in the
light of such later revelation, words which when
hrard by patriarchs and prophets were probably un-
derstood imperfectly by them, become full of mean-
ing to Christians.
In the earliest period of Jewish history tbe Holy
Spirit was revealed as cooperating in the creation
I of the world (Gen. 1. 9), as the Source, Giver, and
J Suatainer of life (Job xxvii. 3, xxxiil. 4; Gen. ii.
7); aa resisting (if the common interpretation be
correct) the evil inclinations of men (Gen. vi. 3);
as the Source of intellectual excellence (Gen. xli.
38; Deut. xxxiv. 9); of skill in handicraft (Ex.
xxviii. 3, xxxi. 3, xxxv. 81); of supernatural knowl-
edge and prophetic gifts (Num. xxiv. 2); of valor
and those qualities of mind or body which give one
man acknowledged superiority over others (Judg.
iii. 10, vi. 34, xi. 29, xiii. 25).
In that period which began with Samuel, the
effect of the Spirit coming on a man la described
in the remarkable case of Saul aa change of heart
(1 Stim. i. 6, 9), shown outwardly by prophesying
(1 Sam. x. 10; comp. Num. xi. 2D, and 1 Sam.
xix. 20). He departs from a man whom He haa
once changed (1 Sam. xvi. 14). His departure is
the departure of God (xvi. 14, xviii. 12, xxviii. 15).
lib presence is the presence of God (xvi. 13, xviii.
12). In tbe period of the Kingdom the operation
of tbe Spirit waa recognized chiefly in the inspira-
tion of the prophets (aee Witsius, Miscellanea 8a-
rr'i, lib. i. ; J. Smith's Select Discourses, p. 6,
Of Profthecy ; Knobel, Prophetismus der He-
b, der). Separated more or less from the common
occupations of men to a life of special religious
exercise (Bp. Bull's Sermons, x. p. 187. ed. 1810),
'bey were sometimes workers of miracles, alwaya
foretellers of future events, and guides and advisers
of the social and political life of the people who
were contemporary with them (2 K. ii. 9; 2 Chr.
xxiv. 20; Neh. ix. 30, Ac.). In their writings are
found abundant predictions of the ordinary opera-
tions of the Spirit which were to be moat frequent
In later times, by which holiness, justice, peace, and
sensolation were to be spread throughout the world
(Is. xi. 9, xlii. 1, Ixi. 1, Ac.).
Even after the closing of the canon of the O. T.
tM aiMM of the Holy Spirit in the world con-
SPIRIT, THE HOLY
tinned to be acknowledged by Jewish writers (Waal
i. 7, ix. 17; Philo, Dt GiyanU 6; and see Ridley
Mayer Lectures, Sena. li. p. 81, Ac.).
In tbe N. T., both in the teaching of onr Lord
and in the narratives of the events which preceded
his ministry and occurred in its course, the exist-
ence and agency of the Holy Spirit are frequently
revealed, and are mentioned in such a manner as
shows that these facts were part of the common
belief of the Jewish people at that time. Theirs
was, in truth, tbe ancient faith, but more generally
entertained, which looked upon prophets aa inspired
teachers, accredited by the power of working signs
and wonders (aee Nitzsch, ChristL Lehre, $ 84).
It was made plain to the understanding of tile Jewa
of that age that the same Spirit who wrought of
old amongst the people of God was still at work.
11 The Dove forsook the ark of Moses and fixed its
dwelling in the Church of Christ " (Ball, On Justi-
fication, Diss. ii. ch. xi. § 7). The gift* of mira-
cles, prediction, and teaching, which had cast a
fitful lustre on the times of the great Jewish
prophets, were manifested with remarkable vigor in
the first century after the birth of Christ. Whether
in the course of eighteen hundred years miracles
and predictions hare altogether ceased, and, if so,
at what definite time they ceased, are questions
still debated among Christiana. On this subject
reference may be made to Dr. Conyera Middleton'i
Free Enquiry into the Miraculous Powers of the
Christian Church; Dr. Brooke's Examination of
Middleton's Free Enquiry ; W. Dodwdl's Letter
to Middleton ; Bp. Douglas's Criterion ; J. H. New-
man's Essay on Miracles, etc. With respect to the
gifts of teaching bestowed both in early and later
ages, compare Neander, Planting of Christianity,
b. iii. oh. v., with Horeley, Sermons, xiv., Potter,
On Church Government, ch. v., and Hooker, EccL
Polity, v. 72, §5 5-8.
The relation of the Holy Spirit to the Incarnate
Son of God (see Oxford translation of Treatises of
Atkanasws, p. 198, note d) is a subject for reverent
contemplation rather than precise definition. By
the Spirit the redemption of mankind waa made
known, though imperfectly, to the prophets of old
(2 Pet i. 21 ), and through them to tbe people of
God. And when the time for the Incarnation bad
arrived, tbe miraculous conception of the Redeemer
(Matt. i. 18) waa the work of the Spirit; by toe
Spirit He was anointed in the womb or at baptism
(Acta x. 38; cf. Pearson, On Me Creed, Art. ii.
p. 126, ed. Oxon. 1848); and the gradual growth
of his perfect human nature was In the Spirit
(Luke ii. 40, 52). A visible sign from heaven
showed the Spirit descending on and abiding with
Christ, whom He thenceforth filled and led (Lake
iv. 1), cooperating with Christ in his miracles
(Matt. xii. 18). Tbe multitude of disciples are
taught to pray for and expect the Spirit as the best
and greatest boon they can seek (Luke xi. IS).
He inspires with miraculous powers the first
teachers whom Christ sends forth, sod He is re-
peatedly promised and given by Christ to the
Apostles (Matt. x. 20, xii. 28; John xiv. 18, xa
22; Acts i. 8).
Perhaps it wss in order to correct the grossly
defective conceptions of the Holy Spirit which
prevailed commonly among the people, and to teaak
them that this is the moat awful posse ssi on of ties
heirs of the kingdom of heaven, that oar Law
himself pronounced the strong condemnation of
blasphemers of the Holy Ghost (Matt, xH. tt
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SPIRIT, THE HOLT
fhia hat roused in every age the susceptibility of
tender consciences, and has caused much inquiry to
be made as to the specific character of the ain so
denounced, and of the human actions which fell
under so terrible a ban. On the one band it is
argued that no one now occupies the exact position
of the Pharisees whom our Lord condemned, for
they had not entered into covenant with the Holy
Spirit by baptism; they did not merely disobey
the Spirit, but blasphemously attributed his works
to the devil ; they resisted not merely an inward
motion but an outward call, supported by the evi-
dence of miracles wrought before their eyes. On
the other hand, a morbid conscience is prone to
apprehend the unpardonable sin in every, even un-
intentional resistance of an inward motion which
■nay proceed from the Spirit. This subject is re-
ferred to in Article XVI. of the Church of Eng-
land, and is discussed by Burnet, Beveridge, and
Harold Browne, in their Exposition* of the Arti-
cle*. It occupies the greater part of Athanasius'
Fourth EpitUe to Serapion, cc 8-93 (sometimes
printed separately as a Treatise on Matt. xii. 31).
See also Augustine, Ep. ad Bom. Expositio in-
ehoata, §§ 11-33, torn. iii. pt. 2, p. 933. Also
Odo Cameraoensis (a. d. 1113), De Blasphtmia in
Sp. Sanctum, in Migne's Patrohyia LaU vol 163;
;. Denison (a. d. 1611), The Sin agaimt the Holy
Ghott; Waterland's Sermon, xxvil in Works,
vol. v. p. 706; Jackson, On the Creed, bk. viii. ch.
iii. p. 770.
But the Ascension of our Lord is marked (Eph.
iv. 8; John vii 39, die.) as the commencement of
a new period in the history of the inspiration of
men by the Holy Ghost. The interval between
that event and the end of the world is often de-
scribed at the Dispensation of the Spirit. It was
not merely (as Didymus Alex. De Trinitaie, iii.
34, p. 431, and others have suggested) that the
knowledge of the Spirit's operations became more
general among mankind. It cannot be allowed
(though Bp. Heber, Lecture*, viii. 514 and vii.
488, and Warburton have maintained it) that the
Holy Spirit has sufficiently redeemed his gracious
promise to every succeeding age of Christians only
by presenting us with the New Testament. Some-
thing more was promised, and continues to be
given. Under the old dispensation the gifts of the
Holy Spirit were unoovenanted, not universal, in-
termittent, chiefly external. All this was changed.
Our Lord, by ordaining (Matt, xxviii. 19) that
every Christian should be baptized in the name of
the Hcly Ghost, indicated at once the absolute ne-
cessity from that time forth of a personal connec-
tion of every believer with the Spirit; and (in John
tvi. 7-16) He declares the internal character of the
Spirit's work, and (in John xiv. 16, 17, Ac.) his
permanent stay. And subsequently the Spirit's
'Derations under the new dispensation are authori-
itiveiy announced as universal and internal in two
. jmarkable passages (Acts ii. 16-21; Heb. viii.
B-12). The different relations of the Spirit to
believers severally under the old and new dispensa-
tion are described by St. Paul under the images of
a master to a servant^ and a father to a son (Rom.
Ui. 15); to much deeper and more intimate is the
anion, to much higher the position (Matt. xi. 11)
of a :>eliever, in the later stage than in the earlier
'ate J. G. Walchins, Miscellanea Sacra, p. 763,
0s apiritu AduptiunU, and the opinions collected
V note H in Hare's Mission of the Com/oiler,
ral Ii p. 433). The rite of imposition of hands,
SPIRIT, THE HOLY 3105
not only on teachers, but also on ordinary Chris-
tiana, which has been used in the Apostolic (Acts
vi. 6, xiii. 3, xix. 6, Ac.) and in all subsequent
ages, is a testimony borne by those who come un-
der the new dispensation to their belief of the
reality, permanence, and universality of the gift (if
the Spirit.
Under the Christian dispensation it appears to
be the office of the Holy Ghost to enter into and
dwell within every believer (Rom. viii. 9, 11; 1
John iii. 24). By Him the work of Redemption is
(so to speak) appropriated and carried out to its
completion in the case of every one of the elect
people of God. To believe, to profess sincerely
the Christian faith, and to walk as a Christian, are
his gifts (2 Cor. iv. 13; 1 Cor. xii 3; Gal. v. 18)
to each person severally; not only does He bestow
the power and faculty of acting, but He concurs
(1 Cor. iii. 9; Phil ii. 13) in every particular ac-
tion so far as it is good (see South's Sermons,
xxxv., vol. 11. p. 292). His inspiration brings the
true knowledge of ail things (1 John ii. 27). He
unites the whole multitude of believers into one
regularly organized body (1 Cor. xii., and Eph.
iv, 4-16). He is not only the source of light to
us on earth (3 Cor. iii. 6; Rom. viii. 2), but also
the power by whom God raises us from the dead
(Rom. viii. 11). All Scripture, by which men in
every successive generation are instructed and made
wise unto salvation, is inspired by Him (Eph. iii.
5; 2 '11m. iii. 16; 9 Pet i. 21); He cooperatet
with suppliants in the utterance of every effectual
prayer that ascends on high (Eph. ii. 18, vi. 18;
Kom. viii. 26); He strengthens (Eph. iii. 16),
sanctifies (2 Thes. ii. 13), and seals the souls of
men unto the day of completed redemption (Eph
i 13, iv. 30).
That this work of the Spirit is a real work, and
not a mere imagination of enthusiasts, may be
shown (1) from the words of Scripture to which
reference has been made, which are too definite and
clear to be explained away by any such hypothesis;
(2) by the experience of intelligent Christiana in
every age, who are ready to specify the marks and
tokens of his operation in themselves, and even to
describe the manner in which they believe He
works, on which see Barrow's Sermons, Ixxvii. and
lxxviii., towards the end; Waterland's Sermons,
xx vi, vol. v. p. 686; (3) by the superiority of
Christian nations over heathen nations, in the
possession of those characteristic qualities which are
gifts of the Spirit, in the establishment of sueh
customs, habits, and laws as are agreeable thereto,
and in the exercise of an enlightening and purify*
ing influence in the world. Christianity and civ-
ilization are never far asunder: those nations which
are now eminent in power and knowledge are all to
be found within the pale of Christendom, not in-
deed free from national vices, yet on the whole
manifestly superior both to contemporary unbe-
lievers and to Paganism in its ancient palmy days.
(See Hare's Mission of the Comforter, Serm. ft,
vol. 1. p. 202; Porteus on the Beneficial Effects of
Christianity on the Temporal Concerns of Man-
kind, in Works, vol. vi pp. 375-460.)
It has been inferred from various passages of
Script/:!"- that the operations of the Holy Spirit
| are no» limited to those persons who either by cb>
cunraslon or by baptism have entered into covenant
with God. Abraelech (Gen. xx. 3), Melohixedek
(xii 18), Jethr? (Ex. xviii. 12), Balaam (Nnm
xxii 9), and Job in the O. T.; and the "
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3106 SPIRIT, THIS HOLY
(Matt, ii. 12) and the one of Cornelius, with the
declaration of St. I'eter (Act* i. 35) thereon, are
instances allowing that the Holy Spirit bestowed
his gift* of knowledge and holineu in aome degree
even among heathen nation* ; and if we may go
beyond the attestation of Scripture, it might be
argued from the virtuous actions of some heathens,
from their ascription of whatever good was in them
to the influence of a present Deity (see the refer-
ences in Heber's Lectures, vi. 446), and from their
tenacious preservation of the rite of animal sacri-
fice, that the Spirit whose name they knew not
must have girded tbein, and still girds such as they
were, with secret blessedness.
Thus far it has been attempted to sketch bliefly
the work of the Holy Spirit among men in all ages
« it is revealed to us in the Bible. But after the
closing of the canon of the N. T. the religions
subtilty of oriental Christians led them to scru-
tinize, with the most intense accuracy, the words
ir. which (jotl has, incidentally as it were, revealed
to us something of the mystery of the Being of
the Holy <ihost. It would be vain now to con-
demn the superfluous and irreverent curiosity with
which these researches were sometimes prosecuted,
and the scandalous contentions which tliev caused.
The result of them was the formation and general
acceptance of certain statements as inferences from
Holy Scripture which took their place in the estali-
lished creeds and in the teaching of the Fathers
of the Church, and which the great body of Chris-
tians throughout the world continue to adhere to,
and to guard with more or less vigilance.
The Sadducees are sometimes mentioned as pre-
ceding any professed Christians in denying the per-
sonal existence of the Holy Ghost. Such was the
inference of Epiphanius (Hares, xli.), Gregory Na-
zianzen ( Oratio, xxxi. § 5, p. 658, ed. Hen.), and
others, from the testimony of St. Luke (Acts xxiiu
8). But it may be doubted whether the error of
the Sadducees did not rather consist in asserting a
corporeal Ueity. Passing over this, in the first
youthful age of the Church, when, as Neander ob-
serves (Ch. Hiil. ii. 327, Bonn's ed), the power
of the Holy Spirit was so mightily felt as a new
creative, transforming principle of life, the knowl-
edge of this Spirit, as identical with the Essence
of God, was not so thoroughly and distinctly im-
pressed on the understanding of Christiana. Simon
Magus, the Montanists, and the Hanieheans, are
said to have imagined that the promised Comforter
was personified in certain human beings. The lan-
guage of some of the primitive Fathers, though its
deficiencies have been greatly exaggerated, occa-
sionally comes short of a full and complete ac-
knowledgment of the Divinity of the Spirit. Their
tpinions are given in their own words, with much
valuable criticism, in Dr. Burton's Testimonies of
the Antt-A'ieene Fathers to die. Doctrine of flit
Trinity nnd the Koinity of the HMy Ghost (1831).
Valentinus believed that the Holy Spirit was an
Si'^eL The Saliellians denied that He was a dis-
inct Person from the Father and the Son. Euno-
.nius, with the Anomarans and the Ariaus, regarded
Him as a created Being. Macedouius, with his
nllowers the Pneumatomachi, also denied his Di-
vinity, and regarded Hint as a created Being at-
tending on the Son. His procession from the Son
as well as from the Father was the great point of
oontroversy in the Middle -Ages. In modern times
Jie Socinians and Spinoza have altogether denied
list Personality, and have regarded Him aa an in-
SPIRIT, THE HOLY
fluenee or power of the Deity. It must suffice is
this artioie to give the principal texts of Seriptnn
in which these erroneous opinions sre contradicted,
and to refer to the principal works in which they
are discussed at length. The documents in which
various existing communities of Christians have
stated their belief are specified by (i. B- Wine*
{Comparative Darsttkung det Lthrbegriffe, ett,
pp. 41 and 80).
The Divinity of the Holy Ghost is proved by
the fact that He is called God. Compare 1 Sam.
xvi. 13 with xviii. 12; Acts v. Z with v. 4; 2 Cor.
iii. 17 with Ex. xxxiv. 34; Acta xxviii. 25 with Is.
vi. 8; Matt. xii. 28 with Luke xi. 20; 1 Cor. in.
16 with vi. 19. The attributes of God are ascribed
to Him. He creates, works m-raclea, inspires
prophets, is the Source of holineu (see above), is
everlasting (Heb. ix. 14), omuipresent, and omnis-
cient (Pa. exxxix. 7; and 1 Cor. ii. 10).
The personality of the Holy Ghost is shown by
the actions ascribed to Him. He hears and speaks
(John xvi. 13; Acts x. 19, xiii. 2, Ac.). He wills
and acts on his decision (1 Cor. xii. 11). He
chooses and directs a certain course of action (Acts
xv. 28). He knows (1 Cor. ii. 11). He teaches
(John xiv. 26). He intercedes (Rom. viii. 26).
The texts 2 The*, iii. 6, and 1 The*, iii. 12, 13.
are quoted against those who confound the three
persons of the Godhead.
The procession of the Holy Ghost from the
Father is shown from John xiv. 26, xt. 26, Ac
The tenet of the Western Church that He pro-
ceeds from the Son is grounded on John xt. 26,
xvi. 7; Kom. viii. 9; Gal ir. 6; PhiL i. 19; 1
I'et. i. 11; and on the action of oar Lord recorded
by St John xx. 22. The history of the long and
important controversy on this point has been writ-
ten by Pfaff, by J. G. Walchius, Butoria Contrv
tenia tie Pivcessione, 1751, and by Neaie, History
of the Eastern Church, ii. 1093.
Besides the Expositions of the Thirty-nine Arti-
cles referred to aliove, and Pearson, On the Creed,
art. viii., the work of Barrow (De Spirit* Sanctu)
contains an excellent summary of the virions here-
sies and their confutation. The following works
may be consulted for more detailed discosskui:
Athanasius, KpiiUJa I V. ad Sernpumevt ; Didy-
mus Alex. De Spiritu Sancto; Basil the Great,
lie Spiritu Sancto, and Adversus iunoiBiuw ;
Gregory Ntusianzen, Oratimtsde Theoloyia; Greg-
ory of Nyssa, Contra Eunomhim, lib. xiii.; Am-
brose, De Spiritu Sancto, lib. iii.; Augustine,
Contra Mnximinuin, and De Trinitaie ; Paachssius
Diaconua, De Spiritu Sancto ; Iaidorut, Hup.
Etymoluyia, vii. 3, De Spiritu Snncto ,- Eatranuius
Corbeiensis, Contra Gracorum, etc., lib. iv.j Al-
cuin, P. Dauuan, and Anselm, De Procesnme;
Aquinas, Sum. 7"/i«oi L 36-43; Owen, Treatise
on the Holy Spirit ; J. Howe, Office and Worts
of the Holy Spirits W. Clagett, On the Opera.
turns vfUie Spirit, 1678; M. Hole, Or the Gifts and
Graces if the H. S. ; Bp. Warburton, Doctrine of
Grace ,- Gl. Ridley, Moyer Lectures on the Dirin-
ity nnd Ooerations of the H. S., 1742; S. Ogdea.
Sermons, pp. 157-176; Faber, Practical Treatise
on the Ordinary Operations if the H. S., 1813; Bp
Helier, BampUm Lectures on the Personality ant
Office oftlie Comforter, 1818; Archd. Hare, Mis.
siun of the Comforter, 1846. W. T. B.
* Though this subject hardly comes within ths
proper scope of the Dictionary, a few iieaminai
may be added to writers of different t h e u s ugk ss
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SPOIL
F. A. Urope, Oiu. I.-VH. de Spiritu
■one*), Brem. 1728-29, 4to. Ijurdner, /•'»'»< />»«<-
tcript to his Ijetter m the Logos { Work», x. 117-
169, ed. 1899). (Henry Ware,) Use nnd naming
of tee Phrase » /foty Sjiirit," ii, the C'Arwf. Oi'*-
cpfe (Boston) for Jul;, 1819, i. 260 ff. BUchs-
mschiiU, in doctrine dt t Esprit dt Dieu telon
I Aw. et Now. TtsL, Straab. 1840. C. F. Fritz-
■ehe, Dt Spiritu tancto Comm. doom, et exegtt.,
4 pt Hake, 1840 ff, reprinted in nil Nota Opusc.
Acad. (1846), pp. 233-337. K. F. Kalnis, Vie
Ltkrt mm heiligen Geiste, 1" Theil, Halle, 1847.
(Alton-,) Die bUAitche Bedeutung del Wortts Geist,
Uiessen, 1862 (263 pp.). Kleinert, Zur altlett.
Lekre torn Geiste Goitre, in the Jnhrb.f. deutsche
TkeoL, 1867. pp. 3-69. J. B. Walker, The Doc-
u-ine of the Holy Spirit, Chicago, 1869. Art.
wnipa in Cramer's Bibl.-theol. Wirterb. der
neutesL GrScitdl (1866), and C. L. W. Grimms
Ux. Gv.-lAt. in Librot N. T. (1868). See also
Von Coelln, Bibliseht Theohigie (1836), i. 131 ff.,
436 ft"., ii. 97 ft"., 256 ff; Neander, HieU of Chris-
tian Dogma*, i. 171 ff, 303 ff, Kyland's trans.
\Bobn): Hagenbaeh's JlisL of Doctrinee, §§ 44,
93 ; and the other well-known works on Biblical
and dogmatic theology. A.
* SPOIL, as a verb = despoil or plunder (Gen.
xxxiv. 27, 29; Ex. iii. 22; CoL ii. 8, Ac.), like
ipuliare in 1-atin. H.
* SPOILER = plunderer (Judg. ii. 14; Jer.
vi. 2a vii. 12, Ac.). [Stoil.] H.
SPONGE {awtyyof. tpongia) U mentioned
only in Uie N. T. iu those passages which relate
the incident of " a sponge filled with vinegar and
put on a reed" (Matt, xxvii. 48; Mark xv. 36),
or " on hyssop " (John xix. 29), being offered to
our Lord, on the cross. The commercial value of
the sponge was known from very early times ; and
although there appears to be no notice of it in the
0. T., yet it is probable that it was used by the
orient Hebrews, who could readily have obtained
t good from the Mediterranean. Aristotle men-
lions several kinds, and carefully notices those
which were useful for economic purposes {Hist.
Anim. v. 14). His speculations on the nature of
the sponge are very interesting. W. H.
SPOUSE. [Marriage.]
STA'CHYS (Srdxw [tar of earn]: Stocky).
A Christian at Rome, saluted by St. Paul in the
Epistle to the Romans (xri. 9). The name is
Greek. According to a tradition recorded by
Nicephorus Callistus {H. E. viii. 6) he was ap-
pointed bishop of Bytantium by St. Andrew, held
the office for sixteen years, and was succeeded by
Onesimus.
* STALL. [Crib; Manger.]
STACTE (*H£3, ndlaf: orarrfj: stacte), the
name of one of the sweet spices which composed
the holy incense (see Ex. xxx. 84). The Hebrew
word occurs once again (Job xxxvi. 27), where it
is used to denote simply "a drop " of water. For
the various opinions as to what substance is in-
tended by niUf, see Celsius {Hierob. i. 529);
RoseuniuUer {Bib. BoU p. 164) identifies the nat&f
with the gum of the storax tree {Styrax officinale*;
the LXX. arwrrk (from <rr&(a, "to drop
Ike exact translation of the Hebrew word. Now
Oioseorides describes two kinds of errairrh: one
ta the fresh gum of the myrrh tree {Balsamo-
Mjs-raa) mixed with water and squeezed
STAK OF THE WISE MEN 3107
out through a press (i. 74); the other kind, which
he calk, from the manner in which it is prepared,
o-K*>'An«i'rn> errioat, denotes the resiu of the
storax adulterated with wax and fat. The true
stacte of the Greek writers points to the distillation
from the myrrh tree, of which, according to The-
ophrastus (/Y. iv. 29, ed. Schneider), both a nat-
ural and an artificial kind were known; this is the
mtr derdr fTTH "1113) of Ex. xxx. 23. Perhaja
the n&tif denotes the star ix gum ; but all that
is positively known is that it signifies an odorow
distillation from some plant. For some account cl
the styrax tree see under Poplar. W. H.
• STAFF. [Sceptre.]
• STAIRS, Neh. iii. 15; Acts xxi. 35. [J»-
RU8ALEM, vol. U. p. 1331 0.]
STANDARDS. [Ensigx.]
• STARGAZER8. [Magi; and see the
next article.]
STAR OF THE WISE MEN. Until the
last few years the interpretation of St. Matt. ii.
1-12, by theologians in general, coincided In the
main with that which would be given to it by any
person of ordinary intelligence who read the ac-
count with due attention. Some supernatural light
resembling a star had appeared in some country
(possibly Persia) far to the east of Jerusalem, to
men who were versed in the study of celestial
phenomena, conveying to their minds a supernat-
ural impulse to repair to Jerusalem, where they
would find a new-born king. It supposed them
to be followers, and possibly priests, of the Zend
religion, whereby they were led to expect a Re-
deemer in the person of the Jewish infant. On
arriving at Jerusalem, after diligent inquiry and
consultation with the priests and learned men who
could imturally best inform them, they are directed
to proceed to Bethlehem. The star which they
had seen in the east reappeared to them and pre-
ceded them {wponyev airrois), until it took up its
station over the place where the young child was
(swr i\6wv tordfrn rwdyet oS j|y to wcuSfor).
The whole matter, that is, was supernatural ;
forming a portion of that divine prearrangement,
whereby, in his deep humiliation among men, the
child Jesus was honored and acknowledged by the
Father, as his beloved Son in whom He was well
pleased. Thus the lowly shepherds who kept their
nightly watch on the hiOs near to Bethlehem,
together with all that remained of the highest and
best philosophy of the East, are alike the par-
takers and the witnesses of the glory of Him who
was " born in the city of David, a Saviour which
is Christ the Lord." Such is substantially the
account which, until the earlier part of the present
century would have been given by orthodox divines,
of the Star of the Magi. Latterly, however, a
very different opinion has gradually become prev-
alent upon the subject. The star has been dis
placed from the category of the supernatural, and
has been referred to the ordinary astronomies!
phenomenon of a conjunction of the planets Jupiter
and Saturn. The idea originated with Kepler,
who, among many other brilliant but untenable
fancies, supposed" that if he could identify a con-
junction of the above-named planets with toe Star
i of Bethlehem he would thereby be able to de-
i termine, on tne basis of certainty, the very difficult
i and obscure point of the Annua Domini. Kepler's
I suggestion wsa worked out with great can and at
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3108
STAR OF THE WISE MKN
very gnat inaccuracy by Dr. Ideler of Berlin, and
the results of his calculation! certainly do, on the
first impression, seem to ahow a very specious ac-
eordanee with the phenomena of the star in ques-
tion. Me purpose, then, in the first place, to state
what celestial phenomena did occur with reference
to the planets Jupiter and Saturn, at a date as-
suredly not very distant from the time of our
Saviour's birth ; and then to examine bow far they
fulfill, or fail to fulfill, the conditions required by
the narrative in St. Matthew.
In the month of May, B. c. 7, a conjunction of
the planets Jupiter and Saturn occurred, not far
from the first point of Aries, the planets rising in
Chsldaa aliout 3J hours before the sun. It is
said that on astrological grounds such a conjunc-
tion could not fail to excite the attention of men
like the Magi, and that in consequence partly of
their knowledge of Balaam's prophecy, and partly
from the uneasy persuasion then said to be prev-
alent that some great one was to be born in the
East, these Magi commenced their journey to Jeru-
salem. Supposing them to have set out at the
end of May B. c 7 upon a journey for which the
circumstances will be seen to require at least seven
months, the planets were observed to separate slowly
until the end of July, when their motions becom-
ing retrograde, they again came into conjunction
by the end of September. At that time there can
be no doubt Jupiter would present to astronomers,
especially in so clear an atmosphere,' a magnificent
spectacle. It was then at its most brilliant appa-
rition, for it was at its nearest approach both to
the sun and to the earth. Not far from it would
be seen its duller and much less conspicuous com-
panion Saturn. This glorious spectacle continued
almost unaltered for several days, when the planets
again slowly separated, then came to a halt, when,
by reassuming a direct motion, Jupiter again ap-
proached to a conjunction for the third timi with
Saturn, just as the Magi may be supposed to have
entered the Holy City. And, to complete the fasci-
nation of the tale, about an hour and a half after
■unset, the two planets might be seen from Jeru-
lalem, hanging as it were in the meridian, and
mspeiided over Bethlehem in the distance. These
.■elestial phenomena thus described are, it will he
seen, beyond the reach of question, and at the first
impression they assuredly appear to fulfill the coa-
litions of the Star of the Magi.
The first circumstance which created a suspicion
to the contrary, arose from an exaggeration, unac-
xmntable for any man having a claim to be ranked
among astronomers, on the part of Dr. Ideler him-
self, who described the two planets as wearing the
ippearance of one bright but diffused light to per-
son* having toenk eye*. " So aViss fur em
nehaiehe* Augt der erne Planet fnti in den Zer-
tremmgikreii del andern trat, milhin beide all ei'n
imager Stern enchtinen hmnten" p. 407, vol. ii.
Not only Is this imperfect eyesight inflicted upon
be Magi, but it is quite certain that had they
aoasessed any remains of eyesight at all, they could
not ha«e failed to see, not a singl» star, but two
planets, at the very considerable distance of double
toe moon's apparent diameter. Had they been
ere:- twenty times closer, the duplicity of the two
stars must have been apparent: Saturn, moreover,
■ Tns atmosphere In parti of Persia is to trans-
svrani ibat the Magi may have seen the satellites of
•njsasr with their naked asm
rather confusing than adding to the brilliance of bis
companion. This forced blending of the two lights
into one by Ideler was still further improved by
Dean AUbrd, in the first edition of 'lis very valu-
able and suggestive Greek Testament, who indeed
restores ordinary sight to the Magi, but represents
the planets as forming a single star of surpassing
brightness, although they were certainly at more
than double the distance of the sun's apparent
diameter. Exaggerations of this description in-
duced the writer of this article to undertake the
very formidable labor of calculating afresh an ephtm-
erii of the planets Jupiter and Satum, and of
the sun, from May to December B. c. 7. The re-
sult was to confirm the fact of there being three
conjunctions during the above period, though some-
what to modify the dates assigned to them by Dr.
Ideler. Similar results, also, have been obtained
by Encke, and the December conjunction has been
confirmed by the Astronomer-Royal; no celestial
phenomena, therefore, of ancient date are so cer-
tainly ascertained as the conjunctions in question.
We shall now proceed to examine to what extent,
or, as it will be seen, to how slight an extent the
December conjunction fulfills the conditions of the
narrative of St. Matthew. We can hardly avoid
a feeling of regret at the dissipation of so fascinating
an illusion: but we are in quest of the truth, rather
than of a picture, however beautiful.
(a.) The writer must confess himself profoundly
ignorant of any system of astrology ; but supposing
that some system did exist, it nevertheless is incon-
ceivable that solely on the ground of astrological
reasons men would be induced to undertake a seven
months' journey. And as to the widely-spread
and prevalent expectation of some powerful person-
age about to show himself In the East, the fact of
its existence depends on the testimony of.Tacitus,
Suetonius, and Josephus. But it ought to be very
carefully observed that all these writers speak of this
expectation as applying to Vespasian, in A. D. 69,
which date was seventy-five years, or two genera-
tions after the conjunctions in question ! The well-
known and often quoted words of Tacitus are '• eo
ipso tempore;" of Suetonius, u eo tempore;" of
Josephus, " Kara rowKaiphv fWeTrov; " all pointing
to A. D. 69, and not to B. c. 7. Seeing, then, that
these writers refer to no general uneasy expectation
as prevailing in b. c. 7, it can hare formed no
reason for the departure of the Magi. And, further
more, it is quite certain that in the February of B
c. 66 (Pritchard, in Tram. R. Ait. Sac. vol. xxv.),
a conjunction of Jupiter and Satum occurred in
the constellation Puce*, closer- than the one on
December 4, B. o. 7. If, therefore, astrological
reasons alone impelled the Magi to journey to Jeru-
salem in the latter instance, similar considerations
would have impelled their fathers to take the same
journey fifty-nine years before.
(6.) But even supposing the Magi did undertake
the journey at the time in question, it seems impos-
sible that the conjunction of December, B. c. 7 can
on any reasonable grounds be considered ss fulfill-
ing the conditions in St. Matt- ii 9. The circum-
stances are as follows: On Decemlier 4, the sun set
at Jerusalem at 6 p. m. Supposing the Map '-
have then commenced their journey to Bethlehem
they would first see Jupiter and his dull and some-
what distant companion 1} hour distant from ths
meridian, in a S. E. direction, and decidedly to ths
east of Bethlehem. By the time fiev came tf
Rachel's tomb (see Robinson's Bibl Be*. H. Mt
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STATEB
>e planets would be due south of them, on the
meridian, and no longer over the hill of Bethlehem
(tee the maps of Van de Velde and of Tobler), for
that Tillage (see Robinson, as aboTe) bears froji
Rachel's tomb 3. 5° E. -f 8° declension = S. 13°
E. The road then takes a turn to the east, and
ascends the hill near to its western extremity; the
planets therefore would now be on their right hands,
and a little behind them: the "star," therefore,
ceased altogether to go " before them " as • guide.
Arrived on the hill and in the Tillage, it became
physically impossible for the star to stand over any
house whatever close to them, seeing that it was
now visible far away beyond the hill to the west,
and far off in the heavens at an altitude of 57°. As
they advanced, the star would of necessity recede,
and under no circumstances could it be said to
stand "over" (" hrdrw") any house, unless at
the distance of miles from the place where they
were. Thus the two heavenly bodies altogether fail
to fulfill either of the conditions implied in the
words "a-soifytr •erwft" or " iord&n «VaVa>."
A star, if vertical, would appear to stand over any
house or object to which a spectator might chance
to be near; but a star at an altitude of 57° could
appear to stand over no house or object in the
immediate neighborhood of the observer. It is
scarcely necessary to add that if the Magi had left
the Jaffa Gate before sunset, they would not have
seen the planets at the outset; and if they had left
Jerusalem later, the "star" would have been a
more useless guide than before. Thus the beauti-
ful phantasm of Kepler and Idder, which has fasci-
nated so many writers, vanishes before the more
perfect daylight of investigation.
A modern writer of great ability (Dr. Words-
worth) has suggested the antithesis to Kepler's
speculation regarding the star of the Magi, namely,
that the star was visible to the Magi alone. It is
difficult to see what is gained or explained by the
hypothesis. The song of the multitude of the
heavenly host was published abroad in Bethlehem ;
the journey of the Magi thither was no secret whia-
Sd in a comer. Why, then, should the heavenly
t, standing as a beacon of glory over the place
re the young child was, be concealed from all
eyes but theirs, and form no part in that series of
wonders which the Virgin Mother kept and pon-
dered in her heart?
The original authorities on this question are
Kepler, De Jem Christi tero anno nataHtio, Frank-
furt, 1614; Ideler, Handbuch der Chronologie, ii.
898; Pritchard, Memmrt of Royal Ait. Society,
toL at. ' C. P.
• See The Witt Wen of the Eatt, etc (by F. W.
Upham, IX. 0.), N. Y., 1880, 12mo. A.
STATEB (o-TOTfip: Hater: A. V. "a piece
of money ; " margin, " stater ").
1. The term stater, bom brnui, is held to sig-
nify a coin of a certain weight, but perhaps means
a standard coin. It is not restricted by the Greeks
to a single denomination, but is applied to standard
coins of gold, electrum, and silver. The gold staters
were didrachms of the later Phoenician and the
Attic talents, which, in this denomination, diner
only about four grains troy. C the former talent
were the Darie staters or Darics { wiwiij pes Aaocurof ,
ftoefucol), the famous Persian gold pieces, and those
STATER 3109
of Crasus (Kpoinioi), ol the latter, the staler of
Athens. The electrum staters were coined by tb»
Greek towns on the west coast of Asia Minor; the
most fanvna aero those of Cyzicus (o^rarrjott
Kufurnrof LvfiirnroO, which weigh about 848
grains, 'jtey are of gold and silver mixed, in the
proportion, according to ancient authority — for we
believe these rare coins have not been analyzed —
of three parts of gold to one of silver. The gold
was alone reckoned in the value, for it is said that
one of these coins was equal to 28 Athenian siivei
drachms, while the Athenian gold stater, weighing
about 133 grains, was equal to 20 (20: 132 .- : 38
184-f- or } of a Cyzicene stater). This stater vm
thus of 184-f- grains, and equivalent to a didrachm
of the iEginetan talent. Thus far the stater is al-
ways a didrachm. In silver, however, the term 's
applied to the tetradrachm of Athens, which was
of the weight of two gold staters of the same cur-
rency. There can therefore be no doubt that the
name stater was applied to the standard denomina-
tion of both metals, and does not positively imply
either a didrachm or a tetradrachm.
2. In the N. T. the stater is once mentioned, in
the narrative of the miracle of the sacred tribute-
money. At Capernaum the receivers of the di-
drachms {ol to tltpaxiut Ajui/9drorr<r) asked
St. Peter whether his master paid the didrachms.
The didrachm refers to the yearly tribute paid by
every Hebrew into the treasury of the Temple."
The sum was half a shekel, called by the LXX. re
ft/uev rov SiHpaxpov. The plain inference would
therefore be, that the receivers of sacred tribute
took their name from the ordinary coin or weight a
metal, the shekel, of which each person paid half.
But it has been supposed that as the coined equiva-
lent of this didrachm at the period of the Evangel-
ist was a tetradrachm, and the payment of each
person was therefore a current didrachm [of ac-
count], the term here applies to single payments of
didrachms. This opinion would appear to receive
some support from the statement of Josephus, that
Vespasian fixed a yearly tax of two drachms on
the Jews instead of that they had formerly paid
into the treasury of the Temple (£. J. vii. 6, §6).
But this passage loses its force when we remember
that the common current silver coin in Palestine at
the time of Vespasian, and that in which the civil
tribute was paid, was the denarius, th* trihuie-
money, then equivalent to the debased Attic drachm.
It seems also most unlikely that the use of toe term
didrachm should have so remarkably changed in the
interval between the date of the LXX. translation
of the Pentateuch and that of the writing of St.
Matthew's Gospel. To return to the narrative.
St. Peter was commanded to take np a fish which
should be found to contain a stater, which he was
to pay to the collectors of tribute for our Lord and
himself (Matt. xrii. 24-37). The stater must here
mean a silver tetradrachm; and the only tetra-
drachms then current in Palestine were of the same
weight as the Hebrew shekel. And it is observable,
in confirmation of the minute accuracy of the Evan-
gelist, that at this period the silver currency in
Palestine consisted of Greek imperial tetradraebms,
or staters, and Roman denarii of a quarter their
value, didrachms having fallen into disuse. Had
two didrachms been found by St Peter the re oa rrers
■ It has bam supposed by some ancient and modern
a— iirstmi thai the elvU tribute Is here referred to ;
i tone of our Lord's reason
for rreedjm boss the payment I
i to be i—iMtst)
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3110 STEEL
of tribute would scarcely have taken them; and, no
doubt, the ordinary coin paid was that miraculously
•applied. R. S. P.
STEEL. In all cases where the word " ateel "
occuri in the A. V. the true rendering of the He-
brew is ••copper." IT^VT?, nichithih, except in
I Sam. xxii. 85, Job zz. 84,' Pa. xviii. 84 [85], U
always translated " brau;" aa Is the case with the
cognate word Ht^n?, nichifhelh, with the two
exceptions of Jer.'xv. 18 (A. V. " steel ") and Ear.
viii. 37 (A. V. "copper"). Whether the ancient
Hebrews were acquainted with steel is not perfectly
certain. It has been inferred from a passage in
Jeremiah (xv. 12), that the " iron from the north "
there spoken of denoted a superior kind of metal,
hardened in an unusual manner, like the steel ob-
tained from the Chalybes of the Pontus, the iron-
smiths of the ancient world. The hardening of
Iron for cutting instruments was practiced in Pon-
tes, Lydia, and I crania (Eustath. //. ii. p. 894,
6k, quoted in Miiller, Hand. d. Arch. d. Kurut,
§ 807, it. 4). Justin (illv. 8, § 8) mentions two
rivers in Spain, the Bilbilis (the S«k>, or Xalon, a
tributary of the Ebro) and Chalybs, the water of
which was used for hardening iron (comp. Plin.
xxxiv. 41). The ammo practice is alluded to both
by Homer (Od. ix. 393) and Sophocles (Aj. 660).
The Celtiberians, according to Uiodorus Siculus
(v. 33), had a singular custom. They buried
sheets of iron in the earth till the weak part, as
Uiodorus calls it, was consumed by rust, and what
was hardest remained. This firmer portion was
then converted into weapons of different kinds.
The same practice is said by Beckmann (But of
Int. II. 888, ed. Bohn) to prevail in Japan. The
hat-mentioned writer is of opinion that of the two
methods of making steel, by fusion either from
iron-stone or raw iron, and by cementation, the
ancients were acquainted only with the former.
There is, however, a word in Hebrew, rTJ??,
paldih, which occurs only in Nah. ii. 3 [4], and is
there rendered "torches," but which most prob-
ably denotes steel or hardened iron, and refers to
the flashing scythes of the Assyrian chariots. In
Syriao and Arabic the cognate words (j« . A* l.
0»^ ' »
pdtdt, jjJ\j,/Mdh, jilyj, fiUdh) signify a
kind of iron of excellent quality, and especially
steel.
Steel appears to have been known to the Egyp-
tians, lie steel weapons in the tomb of Ramenes
III., says Wilkinson, are painted blue, the bronse
«d (Anc. Eg. UL 847). W. A. W.
STEPH'ANAS (Xr«fxu>w: Sttphanat). A
Christian convert of Corinth whose household Paul
baptized as the " first fruits of Achaia '* (1 Cor. 1.
16, xvi. 16). He was present with the Apostle at
Ephesus when he wrote his First Epistle to the
Corinthians, having gone thither either to consult
him about matters of discipline connected with the
lorinthian Church (Chrysost Horn. 44), or on
tome charitable mission arising out of the " service
t Basil of SeJsuela, Oml. <U S. Srp/ume. Sea
Ursulas In nee 7 /S.
• A, B, D. and most of the versions, read x««vo*.
raw Km. Van teas* i jii w ,
8TEPHEN
for the saints " to which he and his hmily has)
devoted themselves (1 Cor. xvi. 16, 17).
W. L. B.
8TETHEN (2W<jwro» [» ertwn] : Stepk-
<mw), the First Martyr. His Hebrew « (or rati*.
Syriac) name !■ traditionally said to have bees
CheliL or Cbeliel (a crown).
He was the chief of the Seven (commonly called
Deacons) appointed to rectify the complaints in
the early Church of Jerusalem, made by the Hel-
lenistic against the Hebrew Christians. His Greek
name indicates his own Hellenistic origin.
His importance is stamped on the narrative by a
reiteration of emphatic, almost superlative phrases :
" full of faith and of the Holy Ubost" (Acts vi.fi):
"full of grace' and power" (.ibid. 8): irresistibVi
" spirit and wisdom " (ibid. 10); " full of the Ho f
Ghost"' (vii. 66). Of his ministrations amonest
the poor we hear nothing. But he seems to have
been an instance, such as is not uncommon in his-
tory, of a new energy derived from a new sphere.
He shot far ahead of his six companions, and far
above his particular office. First, he arrests atten-
tion by the "great wonders and miracles that lie
did." Then begins a series of disputations with
the Hellenistic Jews of North Africa, Alexandria,
and Asia Minor, his companions in race and birth-
place. The subject of these disputations is not
expressly mentioned ; but, from what follows, it is
evident that be struck into a new vein of teachinc,
which eventually caused his martyrdom.
Down to this time the Apostles and the esrly
Christian community had clung in their worship,
not merely to the Holy Land and the Holy City,
but to the holy place of the Temple. This Vocal
worship, with the Jewish customs belonging to it,
he now denounced. So we must infer from tlie
accusations brought sgainst him, confirmed as they
are by the tenor of his defense. The actual words
of the charge may have lieen false, as the sinister
and malignant intention which they ascribed to
him was undoubtedly false. " Blatpberoons "
(/9AdVe>T)/uO, that is, " colummoiu " words,
"against Moses and against God" (ri. 11), he is
not likely to have used. But the overthrow of the
Temple, the cessation of the Mosaic ritual, is no
more than St. Paul preached openly, or than is
implied in Stephen's own speech: "against this
holy place and the I-aw " — " that Jesus of Naza-
reth shall destroy this place, and shall change the
customs that Moses delivered us " (vi. 13, 14).
For these sayings he was arrested at the instiga-
tion of the Hellenistic Jews, and brought before the
Sanhedrim, where, as it would seem, the Pharisaic
party had just before this time (v. 34, vii. 51)
gained an ascendency.
When the charge was formally lodged against
him, his countenance kindled as if with the view
of the great prospect which was opening for the
Church ; the whole body even of assembled judges
was transfixed by the sight, and " saw his face as
it had been the face of an angel " (vi. 15).
For a moment, the account seems to imply, the
judges of the Sanhedrim were awed at his presence*'
Then the high-priest that presided appealed to nun
(as Caiaphas had in like manner appealed in Um
e Tmdlttonalrr he was reckoned amongst the Sevenq
disciples.
d Well described In Oonvbeara and Tlowsou, I4fi ej
5. Paul, I. 74 ; the poetic aspect of It baaustlalrr ftraa
la Temyaaa'a Tw» finejs.
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STEPHEN
Jnti Trial in the gospel history) to know hit own j
Mntimenti on the accusations brought against him.
To this Stephen replied in a speech which haa
tvery appearance of being faithfully reported. The
peculiarities of the style, the variations from the
Old Testament history, the abruptness which, by
breaking off (he argument, prevents us from easily
doing it justice, are all Indications of its being
banded down to us substantially In its original
form.
The framework In which his defense is cast is a
summary of the history of the Jewish Church. In
this respect it has only one parallel in the N. T.,
the Uth chapter" of the Epistle to the Hebrews —
a likeness that is the more noticeable, as in all
probability the author of that epistle was, like
Stephen, a Hellenist.
In the facta which he selects from this history,
be is guided by two principles — at first more or
less latent, but gradually becoming more and more
apparent as he proceeds. The first is the endeavor
to prove that, even in the previous Jewish history,
the presence and favor of God had not been con-
fined to the Holy Land or the Temple of Jerusalem.
This he illustrates with a copiousness of detail
which makes his speech a summary almost as much
of sacred geography as of sacred history — the ap-
pearance of God to Abraham u in MetopoUtmin
before, he dwelt «• ffarm " (vii. 2) ; his successive
migration! to Jlaran and to Canaan (vii. 4); his
want of even a resting-place for hit foot in Canaan
(vii. 5) ; the dwelling of his seed in a itrange Innd
(vii. 6); the details of the stay m Egypt (vii. 8-13);
the education of Moses in Egypt (vii. 30-22); his
exile m Sf'uKnn (vii. 39); the appearance in Sinai,
with the declaration that the detert ground was
holy earth (rfi tryla) (rii- 30-33); the forty years
in the wilderneu (vii. 86, 44); the long delay
before the preparation for the tabernacle of
David (vii. 48); the proclamation of spiritual wor-
ship even after the building of the Temple (vii.
47-50).
The second principle of selection is based on the
attempt to show that there was a tendency from
the earliest times toward the same ungrateful and
narrow spirit that had appeared in this last stage
of their political existence. And this rigid, suspi-
cious disposition he contrasts with the freedom of
the Divine Grace and of the human will, which
were manifested in the exaltation of Abraham (vii.
4), Joseph (vii. 10), and Mnsea (vii. 30), and in the
jealousy and rebellion of the nation against these
their greatest benefactors, as chiefly seen in the
bitterness against Joaeph (vii. 9) and Moses (vii.
27), and in the long neglect of true religious
worship in the wilderness (vii. 89-43).
Doth of these selections are worked out on what
may almost be called critical principles. There is
no allegorizing of the text, nor any forced con-
structions. Every passage quoted yields fairly the
lense assigned to it.
Resides the direct illustration of a freedom from
local restraints involved in the general argument,
there it also an indirect Illustration of the same
doctrine, from his mode of treating the subject in
No leas than twelve of hi* references lo the
STEPHEN
Sill
• Other verbal Ilkeneans to this epistle are pointed
ait by Dr. Howaon, 1. 77 (quoting from Mr. Humphry,
■him. m tat Aeu).
» • Thai la ormetathnj the Idea. The dative Is that
■ il l iat m dtcVta, i. t. sarnies l»«otfsvtew,
Mosaic history differ from it either by variation 01
addition.
I. The call of Abraham before Ike migration to
Haran (vii. 2), not, as according to Gen. xii. 1, hi
Haran.
3. The death of his father after the call (vii 4),
not, at according to Gen. xi. 33, before It
8. The 75 souls of Jacob's migration (vii. 14),
not (as according to Gen. xlvL 37) 70.
4. The godWte loveliness (affTc?oj re« v>««7)
of Moses 6 (vii. SO), not, simply, as according to
Ex. 11. 3, the statement that "be was a goodly
child."
5. His Egyptian education (vii. 22) as contrasted
with the silence on this point in Ex. iv. 10.
6. The same contrast with regard to hit secuhn
greatness, " mighty in words and deeds " (vii 7%
eomp. Ex. ii. 10).
7. The distinct mention of the three periods of
forty years (vii. 23, 30, 36) of which only the last
ia specified in the Pentateuch.
8. The terror of Moses at the bush (vii. 33), not
mentioned in Ex. Hi. 3.
9. The supplementing of the Mosaic narrative
by the allusions in Amos to their neglect of the
true worship In the desert (vii. 42, 43).
10. The intervention of the angels in the giving
of the law (vii. 53), not mentioned in Ex. xix. 18
II. The burial of the twelve Patriarchs at
Shechem (vii. 16), not mentioned in Ex. i. 6.
13. The purchase of the tomb at Shechem by
Abraham from the sons of Eminor (vii. 16), not, at
according to Gen. xxiii. 15, the purchase of the
cave at Mschpelah from Ephron the Hittite.
To which may be added
13. The introduction of Remphan from the LXX
of Amos r. 2ft, not found in the Hebrew.
The explanation and source of these variations
must be sought under the different names to which
they refer; but the general fact of their adoption
by Stephen is significant, as showing the freedom
with which he bandied the sacred history, and tht
comparative unimportance assigned by him tad by
the sacred historian who records his speech, to
minute accuracy. It may almost be said that tht
whole speech is a protest against a rigid view of the
mechanical exactness of the inspired records of the
O. T. " He had regard," as St. Jerome says, " to
the meaning, not to the words."
It would seem that, jnst at the close of his argu-
ment, Stephen saw a change in the aspect of hit
judges, as if for the first time they had caught tht
drift of hit meaning. He broke off from his calm
address, and turned suddenly upon them in an im-
passioned attack which shows that he saw what was
in store for him. Those heads thrown back on
their unbending necks, those ears closed against
any penetration of truth, were too much for hit
patience: "Ye atiffhecked and uncircumcised in
heart and ears! ye do always resist the Holy Ghost:
as your fathers did, so do ye. Which of the
prophets did not your fathers persecute? . . . the
Just One: of whom ye are the betrayers and mur-
derers." As he spoke they showed by their faces
that their hearts (to use the strong language of the
narrative) " were being sawn asunder," and they
_ " truly tmnttnl ; " of. wiXit pr/i^n rf ».*. Jon.
111. 8, In Sept. Be* Winer's Or. of the N. T., p. 311
(Thayer's «d.), and Green's 8r. of tbt N. T. p. 178
It U a term of tbt Mm sas sil aM u , ft
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8112 STEPHEN
kept gnashing their set teeth against him ; but still,
though with difficulty, restraining themselves. He,
in this hut crisis of his late, turned his bee upwards
to the open sky, and as he gazed the vault of heaven
seemed to him to part asunder (Sirivoiyiiivof) : and
the Divine Glory appeared through the rending of
the earthly veil — the Divine Presence, seated on a
throne, and on the right hand the human form of
" Jesus," not, as in the usual representations, sit-
ting in repose, but standing erect as if to assist his
suffering servant. Stephen spoke as if to himself,
describing the glorious vision ; and, in so doing,
alone of all the speakers and writers in the N. T.,
except only Christ himself, uses the expressive
phrase, " the Son of Man." As his judges heard
the words, expressive of the Divine exaltation of
Him whom they had sought so lately to destroy,
they could forbear no longer. They broke into a
bud yell ; they clapped their hands to their ears, as
if to prevent the entrance of any more blasphemous
words, they flew as with one impulse upon him,
and dragged him out of the city to the place of
execution.
It has been questioned by what right the San-
hedrim proceeded to this act without the concur-
rence of the Roman government; but it is enough
to reply that the whole transaction is one of violent
excitement. On one occasion, even in our Lord's
life, the Jews had nearly stoned Him even within
the precincts of the Temple (John viii. 69). " Their
vengeance in other cases was confined to those sub-
ordinate punishments which were left under their
own jurisdiction: imprisonment, public scourging
hi the synagogue, and excommunication " (Mil-
man's Hist, of Latin Christianity, i. 400). See
Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul, 1. 74.
On this occasion, however, they determined for
once to carry out the full penalties enjoined by the
severe code of the Mosaic ritual.
Any violator of the Law was to be taken outside
the gates, and there, as if for the sake of giving to
each individual member of the community a sense
of his responsibility in the transaction, he was to
be crushed by stones, thrown at him by all the
people.
Those, however, were to take the lead in this
wild and terrible act who had taken upon them-
selves the responsibility of denouncing him (i)eut.
xvii. 7; comp. John viii. 7). These were, in this
instance, the witnesses who had reported or mis-
reported the words of Stephen. They, according
to the custom, for the sake of facility in their
dreadful task, stripped themselves, as is the eastern
practice on commencing any violent exertion : and
ne of the prominent leaders in the transaction was
deputed by custom to signify his assent" to the
act by taking the clothes into his custody, and
standing over them whilst the bloody work went
on. The person who officiated on this occasion
was a young man from Tarsus — one probably of
the CihVan Hellenists who had disputed with
Stephen. His name, as the narrative significantly
adds, waa Saul
Everything was now ready for the execution. It
a Comp. " I was standing by and consenting to his
leath, and kept the raiment of those that slew him"
(Acts xxJI. 20).
» These conflicting Tendons an well given in Oony-
ssars and Howaon, S. Pant, I. 80.
' The date of Stephen's death Is nnknown. But
I tradition axes It la the same year as the
STEPHEN
was outside the gates of Jerusalem. The
tradition » ( -.ed it at what is now called the Da-
mascus Gale. The later, which is the present tra-
dition, fixed it at what is hence called St- Stephen's
Gate, opening on the descent to the Mount of 01
ives ; and in the red streaks of the white limestone
rocks of the sloping hill used to be shown the marks
of his blood, and on the first rise of Olivet, oppo-
site, the eminence on which the Virgin stood to
support him with her prayers.
The sacred narrative fixes its attention only on
two figures — that of Saul of Tarsus already no-
ticed, and that of Stephen himself.
As the first volley of stones burst upon him, he
called upon the Master whose human form he had
just seen in the heavens, and repeated almost the
words with which He himself had given up his life
on the cross, •• O Lord Jesus, receive my spirit"
Another crash of stones brought him on hit
knees. One loud, piercing cry (fcpofe /trydAjr
dwyri) — answering to the loud shriek or yell with
which his enemies had flown upon him — escaped
his dying lips. Again clinging to the spirit of his
Master's words, he cried, " Lord, lay not this sin to
their charge," and instantly sank upon the ground,
and, in the touching language of the narrator, who
then uses for the first time the word, afterwards
applied to the departure of all Christians, but here
the more remarkable from the bloody scenes in the
midst of which the death took place — cVrot/t^cV),
"ftll atierp." «
His mangled body was buried by the ebun of
Hellenists and proselytes to which he belonged (o!
r&o-fjSftf), with an amount of funeral state and
lamentation expressed in two words need here only
in the N. T. (trvrfKSfiiffcw and rrorrroj )•
This simple expression is enlarged by writers of
the fifth century into an elaborate legend. The
high-priest, it is said, had intended to leave the
corpse to be devoured by beasts of prey. It waa
rescued by Gamaliel, earned off in his own chariot
by night, and buried in a new tomb on his prop-
erty at Caphar Ganiala (village of the Camel), 8
leagues from Jerusalem. The funeral lamentations
lasted for forty days. All the Apostles attended.
Gamaliel undertook the expense, and, on his death,
was interred in an adjacent cave.
This story was probably first drawn op on the
occasion of the remarkable event which occurred in
A. D. 41S, under the name of the Invention and
Translation of the Relics of St. Stephen. Succes-
sive visions of Gamaliel to Lucian, the parish priest
of Caphar Gamala, on the 3d and 18th of Decem-
ber in that year, revealed the spot where the mar-
tyr's remains would be found. They were identi-
fied by a tablet bearing his name Chctid, and were
carried in state to Jerusalem, amidst various por-
tents, and buried in the church on Mount Zion, the
scene of so many early Christian traditions. The
event of the translation is celebrated in the Latin
Church on August 3, probably from the tradition
of that day being the anniversary of the dedication
of a chapel of St. Stephen at Anoona.
The story itself is encompassed with legend, but
Crucifixion, on tbe 28th of December, the day after
Christmas-day. It is beautifully said by Augustine (Is
allusion to tbe juxtaposition of the two festivals), thai
men would not have had the courage to die for So*
If Ood had not become man to die for thi
S. Stiaau, art. 4).
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STEPHEN
the event is mentioned iii all the chief writers of the
time. Parts of hii remains were afterwards trans-
ported to different parts of the coast of the West
— Minorca, Portugal, North Africa, Anoona, Con-
stantinople, — and in 460 what were still left at Jeru-
salem were translated by the Empress Eudocia to a
splendid church called by his name on the supposed
scene of his martyrdom (Tilleniont, 8. jStientu,
art 6-9, where all the authorities are quoted).
The importance of Stephen's career may be briefly
summed up under three heads: —
I. He was the first great Christian ecclesiastic.
The appointment of "the Seven," commonly
(tooagh not in the Bible) called Deacons, formed
the first direct institution of the nature of an or-
ganised Christian ministry, and of these Stephen
was the head, — " the Archdeacon," as he is called
in the Eastern Church, — and in this capacity rep-
resented as the companion or precursor of Lau-
rence, Archdeacon of Home in the Western Church.
In this sense allusion is made to him in the Angli-
can Ordination of Deacons.
II. Ha is the first martyr — the proto- martyr.
To him the name " martyr '• is first applied (Acts
xzU. 90). He, first of the Christian Church, bore
witness to the truth of his conviotions by a violent
and dreadful death. The veneration which has ac-
crued to his name in consequence is a testimony of
the Bible to the sacredneas of truth, to the noble-
ness of sincerity, to the wickedness and the folly
of persecution. It also contains the first germs of
the reverence for the character and for the relics of
martyrs, which afterwards grew to a height now
regarded by all Christiana as excessive. A beauti-
ful hymn by Reginald Heber commemorates this
side of Stephen's character.
HI. Ha is the forerunner of St. Paul. So he
wss already regarded in ancient times. Tlai\ov
i SitiaKakoi is the expression used for him by
Basil of Seleucia. But it is an aspect that has
been much more forcibly drawn out in modem
times. Not only was bis martyrdom (in all prob-
ability) the first means of converting St. Paul, his
prayer for his murderers not only was fulfilled in
the conversion of St Paul — the blood of the first
martyr the seed of the greatest Apostle, the pangs
of remorse for his death amongst the stings
of conscience against which the Apostle vainly
writhed (Acts ix. 5) — not only thus, but in his
doctrine also he was the anticipator, as, had he
lived, he would have been the propagator, of the
new phase of Christianity, of which St. Paul be-
came the main support His denunciations of local
worship, the stress which he lays on the spiritual
side of the Jewish history, his freedom in treating
that history, the very turns of expression that he
■ass, are all Pauline.
The history of the above account is taken from
Acts (vi. 1-viii. 3; xxii. 19, SO); the legends from
TDkmont (ii. 1-24); the more general treatment
from Neander's Planting of the Chrittian Church,
and from Howson and Conybeare in The lift of
St. Paul, ch. 3. A. P. S.
• It is impossible that all the facta in regard to
the Divine dealings with man can have been pre-
served in the sacred records. The memory of
many circumstances, additional to the original rec-
ord, must have been long kept alive by tradition ;
and, although gradually overlaid by a mass of hu-
man fiction*, later writers have frequently rescued
to* facts from such inventions ai_l transuJtted
than to oa in a truthful form. 7m iTsmnlaa of
1M
STEPHEN
8118
this, see Ps. cv. 18; 2 Tim. iii. 8; 3 Pet ii. 7, S;
Gal. iii. 19; Heb. ii. 2; Deut xxxiii. 2; Acts xx.
35, Ac. [Tradition, Amer. ed.] It is not
surprising, therefore, to find St Stephen mention-
ing some minor details, evidently already familiar
to his audience, not recorded in the Mosaic narra-
tive. Our Lord's promise to his disciples (John
xiv. 28), when placed in the situation of Stephen
warrants us in trusting to the accuracy of such sup-
plementary information.
Stephen's speech, however, contains some appar-
ent variations from the Mosaic narrative, pointed
out in the preceding article, of a different kind, and
worthy of a closer examination. One of these re-
lates to the time of Abram's call, represented by
Stephen as occurring in Mesopotamia, before the
sojourn in Haran. The alleged inconsistency does
not appear in Gen. xii. 1, according to the A. V. ;
for the verb is very properly rendered as pluperfect
and not as perfect The Hebrew verb has in fact
no specific form for the pluperfect; and the form
in Gen. xii. 1 supplies the place of several tense* of
our western tongues. For other instances of the
same form of this verb as pluperfect (necessarily,
"had said "), see Ex. xxxiii S; IK. xxi. 4; Is.
xxxviii. 31, 23. The same remark applies of course
to the corresponding forms of other Hebrew verbs.
The truth in this matter, therefore, must depend
not on the Hebrew tense, but the context, and
other Scripture notices.
The most probable reason for the migration of
Tenth and his family is the one assigned by Ste-
phen — the Divine command made known to
Abram in Ur. a We are not left, however, to mere
conjecture here ; but have explicit statements, both
in the Mosaic narrative, and in other parts of ■
Scripture. " I am the Lord that brought thee
out of Ur of the Chaldees " (Gen. xv. 7); "1 took
your father Abraham from the other rule of the
flood " (Josh. xxiv. 3) ; " who didst choose Abram,
and broughtest him forth out of Ur at the Chal-
dees" (Neh. ix. 7). The positive assertions so
often made that according to Gen. xii. 1, and xi. 32,
the call of Abram was not before his migration to
Haran, and wit before the death of his father, an
utterly gratuitous. They are founded upon an un-
justifiable limitation of the Hebrew tense, and are
contradictory to other parts of the narrative. View-
ing Stephen simply as a pious Jew, evidently a man
of ability, addressing Jews familiar with their own
history, it is inconceivable that he should have
blundered so grossly in the facts of that history
and the meaning of words in the sacred language
of his nation, as to be open to correction at the
distance of 1,800 years by men of another tongue.
Another difficulty is about the age of Abram's
father at the time of his nativity. Gen. xi. 36
asserts: "Terah lived 75 years and begat Abram,
Nahor, and Haran;" Gen. xii. 4, "Abram was
75 years old wbeu he departed out of Haran;"
Gen. xi. 82, Terah died at the age of 206 yean
and Abram removed from Haran after the death
of bis father (Acts vii. 4). Now since 205 — 75
= 130, either Abram, in contradiction to Stephen's
statement, must have left Haran before the death
of his father, or else — as was really the case —
Terah must have been at least 130 at the time of
his birt'i. It is neither to be assumed that Terah's
o • For the expression of thia view by Philo, and
by us Christian fathers, sss lbs references grass) kf
Wordsworth in tat*.
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3114
STEPHEN
three •one were all born in one year, nor that
Abram wil the eldeet became his name is men-
tioned first In a parallel case, Gen. v. 32, it la
said "Noah was 500 years old, and Noah begat
Shem, Ham, and Japheth ; bat in Gen. z. 21, it is
expressly said that Japheth was older than Shem,
and by comparing t. 32 with vii. 11 and xi. 10,
we see that Nosh was at least 602 at Shem 'a birth.
In both cases all the sons are mentioned together
in connection with the birth of the eldest; and that
one is mentioned first from whom the Jews were
descended. It is nowhere stated in terms that
Abram was the younger brother, but the facta of
the narrative show that he must have been very
much the younger. Nahor married the daughter
of Haran (Gen. xi. 29), and was therefore probably
many years his junior; Isaac, Abraham's son, mar-
ried Rebecca, the granddaughter of Nahor through
Bethuel the youngest of his eight sons (Gen. xxiL
90-23). This would make Abram — notwithstand-
ing his advanced age at the birth of Isaac — much
younger than Nahor, as he in tum was much
younger than Haran. These facta put together
imply that Abram was at least the sixty years
younger than Haran required by the facts men-
tioned at the outset, and hence that Terah was at
least 130 years old at his birth. In accordance
with this was the Jewish tradition (mentioned by
Ligbtfoot, liar. Heb. in Acts vii. 4, II.) that
Abram was the youngest of the brothers. In ac-
cordance with this, also, is the fact that Haran,
already the father of a family (Gen. xi. 29, 81),
died before his father left Ur (xi. 28), while Abram
must hare been still a comparatively young man.
Again, Stephen puts the number who went down
into Egypt at 75, in accordance with the LXX . ;
but whether he took this number from the LXX.,
or the text of that version has been altered to cor-
respond with bis speech, does not matter. In Gen.
xlvi. 26, the number is given as 66, and again in
the following verse as 70. All these statements
are the result of looking at the same facts from dif-
ferent points of view. Now, Jacob himself and Jo-
seph with his two sous already in Egypt are ex-
cluded from the number to make 66 ; now they are
included to make 70; and now with them are also
included (as in the LXX. ) the children of Joseph's
sons — the sons themselves having been taken for
heads of tribes — to make 75. Obviously by in-
cluding the wives, and in other ways, still other
numbers might be obtained. Stephen, not stop-
ping to discuss the matter, merely gives the reck-
oning then in most common use.
The Egyptian education of Hoses is surely a
necessary consequence of his being the adopted son
of Pharaoh's daughter (Ex. ii. 10); while the
statement that he was "mighty in words and
deeds " manifestly refers to the whole life and char-
acter of Moses, and there is no man in history of
whom it could more truly be affirmed. We know
that his entire age was 120 years, during the last
forty of which he was the leader and lawgiver of
bis people. At exactly what age be fled from the
court of Pharaoh is not recorded. Probability
would point to the age of about forty, according to
the tradition, thus making the three periods men-
tioned by Stephen (vii. 23, 80, 36). The same
tradition appears to hare kept alive the memory of
bis fear at the bush (ver. 32), as similar fear at
Mount Sinai is elsewhere recorded (Heb. xil. 21).
As Stephen does not profess to confine himself to
the Mosaic narrative he was quite free to make use
STEPHEN
of what was true in these traditi ns, as weO as fa
embody in his speech any additional infbnnatiog
contained in the prophetic writings (Am. v. 25, 26 >
or in other parts of Scripture, such as ' the inter-
vention of angels in the giving of the law " men-
tioned in Drat xxxiii. 2, and well known to the
Jews, as appears fro n Gal iii. 19, and Heb. ii. 3.
The burial of (—no I explicitly, "the twelve patri-
archs," but of — ) >> our fathers " at Shecbsm
must hare been a fact within the knowledge of
every Jew at the time, and in regard to one of
them, Joseph, we have the express record of it in
Josh. xxiv. 33.
The only point in Stephen's speech that involves
any real difficulty is the purchase of the tomb at
Sbecbem by Abraham of the sons of Emmor (Acta
vii 16). The facts recorded are, that Abraham
bought the cave of Machpelah, with the adjoining
field, " for a possession of a burying-place of the
sons of Ephron the Hittite " (Gen. xxHi. 3-80),
and that Jacob also bought a field' near Shechem
of the sons of Emmor (xxxiii. 18, 19). These
purchases were made at some distance of time from
each other, and were made by different persons of
different parties. In the former Jacob was buried
(1. 13); in the latter Joseph (Josh. xxiv. 32), and
according to constant tradition, Jewish aa well as
Christian, also his brothers. Is it possible that
Stephen can hare confused the two places and
transactions together? On the supposition that
he makes one common statement in regard to the
burial-place of Jacob and hia sons, and that he
refers to the purchases mentioned above, the diffi-
culty is palpable. As to the first, his words an:
" So Jacob went down into Egypt, and died, he
and our fathers, and were carried over into Sycbetn
and laid in the sepulchre," ete. (Acts rii. 16, 16).
The sentence may, in itself, be understood in either
of two ways: either as referring throughout to
both Jacob and the patriarchs ; or as, in the num-
ber of its clauses, dropping out Jacob from the
latter ones, and predicating them only of " our
fathers." In the original this is much plainer;
indeed, by placing a period after worcpej i/m*,
the following /urrriOinirw and Irt&nowr would
naturally take warepsr for their nominative, and
the meaning, if at all doubtful in the written text,
would have been e'ear when spoken by the living
voice. There was, too, the less need of explicit-
ness because the burial-places were so familiarly
known to every oie in the audience. In this
therefore there is to real difficulty. But Stephen
continues, " in the sepulchre that Abraham bought
for a sum of money of the sons of Emmor (As
father of Syehem." It is certain that this does
not refer to the cave of Machpelah which was pur-
chased of Ephron, and where the twelve patriarchs
were not buried. A conjectural emendation of the
text, substituting the name of Jacob for that of
Abraham has been suggested, but is not necessary
since the same result follows from the supposition
that Abraham did actually purchase this field
which, being reclaimed by the Shechemites, was
afterwards purchased again by Jacob; and there
is some ground for this supposition. From Gen.
xii. 6, 7, we karri that there God appeared to
Abram, and there he " builded an altar unto the
Lord." Now while he might have done this with-
out hesitation in an uninhabited place (as Jaeok
afterwards did at Bethel, Gen. xxviii. 11-83, xxxr
1), it is unlikely that one so scrupulous in m a rte n
of property (see e. g. xiv. 93) would have dene at
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STOCKS
tithoat purchase in wi inhabited region, where
Hgbts of property already existed. That this was
Jam ease at Syehem appears from the statement
(xii. 6), "the Canaanite was then in the land,"
«nd from the subsequent purchase by Jacob in this
rery locality, and apparently for the same purpose
(xxxiii. 18-30). It is in itself, therefore, not un-
likely that Abraham did make a purchase there.
Again, this probability is increased by the fact of
Jacob's purchase. For in the prolonged absence
tf Abrani and his descendants, the field would
almost certainly hare bean reoceupied by the Sbe-
■hemitea, just as the Philistines stopped the wells
dag by Abraham (Gen. xxri. 15, 18). And just
m Isvuo reopened those wells (ver. 18), so Jacob
would have desired to repossess the field and to
rebuild the altar of his grandfather. A reason is
thus found for his purchase of this particular
locality ; and it is not probable that he would have
built another altar there if Abram's remained un-
disturbed. Further, if in Acts vii. 16 we translate
according to the all but universal Greek usage (in
the N. T. mote universal), we must read, not
" Eramor the fnlhtr," but " Emrnor the so* of
Syehem." Of course it is possible that Hanior's
father and son may both have been named Syehem,
but it is more likely that a different Hsmor is
referred to; if so, then it is evident that Stephen
had in mind distinctly a purchase made by Abraoi
of the sons of one Hamor, quite distinct from the
subse q u en t repurchase by Jacob of the same field
from the eons of another Hamor. Such repetitions
sf names are of no uncommon occurrence in orien-
tal — or for that matter, in occidental — genealo-
gies. On the whole, then, it seems that while,
negatively, there is no reason whatever to deny the
previous purchase of this field by Abraham, there
is positively no inconsiderable reason in favor of
the supposition.
Thus in Stephen's speech we find no loose and
inaccurate references to the Mosaic narrative ; but
rather a most careful and conscientious, as well as
able, use of the facts in the ancient history of his
Cjple. Some of these facts, but for Stephen, might
ve been lost to us; preserved as they are, they
bad to still further knowledge of the details of the
, atriarchal story. F. G.
STOCKS (rQ5H9, TD: r^or). The
term «• stocks " is applied in the A. V. to two dif-
ferent articles, one of which (the Hebrew mahpe-
ceth) answers rather to our pillory, inasmuch as its
name implies that the body was placed in a bent
position by the confinement of the neck and arms
as well as the legs; while the other (tad) answers
to our " stocks," the feet alone being confined in it
The former may be compared with the Greek k0-
+mr, as described in the Scholia ad Aristoph. Plut.
476: the latter with the Roman net-ma (Plaut.
Ann. ill. 3, 6; CapL v. 3, 40), which admitted,
however, of being converted into a species of tor.
a • The term in Aois xvt. 24 Is {vAor. The writer
was told at Kavatla (NaapoUs), that this Is still a com-
am mode of punishment tn that part of Greece.
a.
s S. g. Seneca, Ik Oral. { 6 : " Psoeavhnus om
ass . . . oaa daUqDJmus tsntum ssd ad u tram tun
art aaUnqasmus." Bom. in. 21: "Acttraraal om-
£>- L : "Quern mOd dsbis . ... qui IntaDlgat as
it" Bom. zr. U: "Qmotidu moriw'
i, | IS: "Lsadaot .aim [Bptranil aa
stoics 3116
tuns, as the legs could be drawn asunder at the will
of the jailer (Biscoe wi Actt, p. 229). The prophet
Jeremiah was confined in the first sort (Jer. xx.
2), which appears to have been a common mode of
punishment in his day (Jer. xxix. 26), as the pris-
ons contained a chamber for the special purpose,
termed " the house of the pillory " (8 Chr. xvL
10; A. T. '•prison-house"). The stocks (end)
are noticed in Job xiii. 27, xxxiii. 11, and Acta
xvi. 24." The term used in Prov. vii. 22 (A. T.
stocks ") more properly means a fetter.
VV. L. B.
STOICS. The Stoics and Epicureans, who are
mentioned together in Acts xvii. 18, represent the
two opposite schools of practical philosophy which
survived the fall of higher speculation hi Greece
[Philosophy]. The Stoic school was founded
by Zeno of Citium (cir. B. c. 280), and derived its
name from the painted portico (ij waixfAn orod,
Diog. L. vii.) in which be taught. Zeno was fol-
lowed by Cleanthes (cir. B. c. 260), Cleanthea by
Chrysippus (cir. b. c. 240), who was regarded as
the intellectual founder of the Stoic system (Diog.
L- vii. 183). Stoicism soon found an entrance at
Rome. Diogenes Babylon iua, a scholar of Chry-
sippus, was its representative in the famous em-
bassy of philosophers, B. c. 161 (Aulus Gellius,
If. A. vii. 14) ; aud not long afterwards Pantetius
was the friend of Scipio Africanus the younger, and
many other leading men at Rome. His successor
Posidonius numbered Cicero and Pompey aiuung
his scholars; and under the empire stoicism was
not unnaturally connected with republican virtue
Seneca (Ta. D. 65) and Musonius (Tac. Hit. iii.
81) did much to popularize the ethical teaching of
the school by their writings ; but the true glory of
the later Stoics is Epictetus (fcir. A. o. 115), the
records of whose doctrine form the noblest mon-
ument of heathen morality (EpieUtea Philot
J/omim. ed. Schweighauser, 1799). The precepts
of Epictetus were adopted by Marcus Aurelius
(a. d. 121-180) who endeavored to shape his pub-
lic life by their guidance. With this last effort
stoicism reached its climax and its end. [Phi-
losophy.]
The ethical system of the Stoics has been oom-
monly supposed to have a close connection with
Christian morality (Gataker, Anlunimu, Prtff. ;
Meyer, Stoic. Eth. c Chriit. comp'ir., 1823), and
the outward similarity of isolated precepts is very
close and worthy of notice. 6 But the morality of
stoicism is essentially based on pride, that of Chris-
tianity on humility ; the one upholds individual in-
dependence, the other absolute faith in another; the
one looks for consolation in the issue of fate, the
other in Providence ; the one is limited by periods
of cosmical ruin, the other is consummated in a
personal resurrection (Acts xvii. 18).
But in spite of the fundamental error of stoicism,
which lies in a supreme egotism,' the teaching of
qulbus erubescsbant et vino (ioriantur." Phil. tU.
19 : " Quorum .... gloria In confusions eorum."
Ibid, i 16 : "In regno n»U sumus : Deo parere 11b-
ertasest,"
Botes. Diu. it. 17, 22 : *Wam iivttr aAAo 9M« 414
siwMuh
Anton, vii. 74 : pi) air «*>m «4»Aov|u*ot ir 4
•idvAfiff.
c Seneca, lie fit. seals, ( 8 : " Inearraptus vtr stt
sxrarnis st lnsuperabllts minuortjut lantmm no, loan
ardnio atqos In utrumque aaratus artlfn vuas."
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3116 8TOMACHEK
thii school gave a wide currency to the noble doc-
trine* of the Fatherhood of God (Cleantbes, JJymn.
31-38 ; camp. Acta xvii. 28), the common bonde
of mankind (Anton. It. 4), the sovereignty of the
aoul. Nor is it to be forgotten that the earlier
Stoics were Terr closely connected with the East,
from which much of the form, if not of the essence,
of their doctrines seems to hare been derived. Zeno
himself was a native of Citium, one of the oldest
Phoenician settlements. [Chitoh.] His successor
Chrysippus came from Sou' or Tarsus; and Tarsus
is mentioned as the birthplace of a second Zeno and
Antipater. Diogenes came from Seleucia in Baby-
lonia, Posidonius from Apamea in Syria, and Epic-
tetus from the Phrygian Hierapolia (comp. Sir A.
Grant, The Ancient Stoics, Oxford Essays, 1858,
p. 82).
The chief authorities for the opinions of the
Stoics are Diog. Laert. vii. ; Cicero, Dt Fin. ;
Plutarch, Dt Stoic repugn. ; Dt plac. Philot.
adv. Stoic.; Sextus Empiricus; and the remains
of Seneca, Epictetus, and Marcus Aurelius. Gat-
aker, in his edition of the Meditations of if. Au-
relius, has traced out with the greatest care the
parallels which they offer to Christian doctrine.
B. F. W.
• See Merivale, BUtory of the Romans (vi. 190-
233), for an account of the Stoics and their prin-
ciples. Some have supposed that Seneca may have
been one of the members of the emperor's house-
hold, to whom Paul refers in Phil. iv. 22. On
this question of the possibility of an acquaintance
between the Apostle and the philosopher during
Paul's captivity at Rome, Professor Lightfoot has
an extended Dissertation in his Commentary on
Philippians (pp. 288-331). The discussion in-
volves an elaborate examination of the spirit and
teachings of Stoicism as compared with those of the
Gospel. The fourteen letters said to be written by
Seneca to St. Paul are undoubted forgeries. U.
STOMACHER (VaVl?). TheHeb.;*<A-
toU describes some article of female attire (Is. iii.
24), the character of which is a mere matter of
conjecture. The LXX. describes it as a variegated
tunic (xitoV nioo*6p<pvpos); the Vulg. as a spe-
cies of girdle (fascia pectoralis). The word is
evidently a compound, but its elements are uncer-
tain. Gesenius (Thes. p. 1137) derives it from
?*| TJY19, with very much the same sense as in
the LXX.; Saalschiitx (ArchdoL 1. 80) from TV?
7*3, with the sense of '< undisguised lust," as ap-
plied to some particular kind of dress. Other
uplanations are given in Gesen. Thes. 1. c.
W. L.B.
STONES 0?$). The oses to which stones
were applied in ancient Palestine were very various.
(1.) They were used for the ordinary purposes of
building, and in this respect the most noticeable
point is the very large size to which they occasion-
ally run (Mark xiii. 1). Robinson gives the di-
mensions of one as 24 feet long by 6 feet broad
and 3 feet high {Res. 1. 233 ; see also p. 284, note).
For most public edifices hewn stones were used : an
inception was made in regard to altars, which were
sa be built of unhewn stone (Ex. xx. 25; Deut.
txrtt. •; Josh. viii. 81), probably as being in a
• "tBm-is.
STONES
more natural state. The Phoenicians wen partts-
ularly fiunous for their skill in hewing stone (2
Sam. v. 11; 1 K. t. 18). Stones were selected e*
certain colors in order to form ornamental string-
courses: in 1 Chr. xxix. 2 we find enumerated
" onyx stones and stones to be set, glistering stones
(lit. stones of eyt-paint), and of divers colors (i. e.
streaked with veins), and all manner of precious
stones, and marble stones " (comp. 2 Chr. Iii. 6).
They were also employed for pavements (2 K. xri.
17; comp. Esth. i. 6). (2.) Large atones wen
used for closing the entrances of eaves (Josh. x.
18; Dan. vi. 17), sepulchres (Matt. xxvii. 60;
John xi. 38, xx. 1), and springs (Gen. xxix. 8).
(3.) Flint stones " occasionally served the purpose
of a knife, particularly for circumcision and similar
objects (Ex. iv. 25; Josh. v. 2, 8; comp. Herod, ii.
86; Plutarch, Nidas, p. 13; CatulL Carm. lxii. 5).
(4.) Stones were further used as a munition of
war for slings (1 Sam. xvii. 40, 49), catapults (2
Cbr. xxvi. 14), and bows (Wisd. v. 22; comp. 1
Mace. vi. 61); as boundary marks (Deut. xix. 14,
xxvii. 17; Job xxiv. 2; Prov. xxii. 28, xxiii. 10);
such were probably the stone of Bohan (Josh. xv.
6, xviii. 17), the stone of Abel (1 Sam. vi. 16, 18),
the stone Ezel (1 Sam. xx. 19), the great stone by
Gibeon (2 Sam. xx. 8), and the stone Zoheleth (1
K. i. 9); ss weights for scales (Deut. xxv. 13;
Prov. xvi. 11); and for mills (2 Sam. xi. 21). (5.)
Large stones were set up to commemorate any re-
markable events, as by Jacob at Bethel after hia
interview with Jehovah (Gen. xxviiL 18, xxxv. 14),
and again when he made the covenant with Laban
(Gen. xxxi. 45); by Joshua after the passage of the
Jordan (Josh. iv. 9); and by Samuel in token of
his victory over the Philistines (1 Sam. vii. 12).
Similarly the Egyptian monarchs erected their ale-
la at the farthest point they reached (Herod, ii.
106). Such stones were occasionally consecrated
by anointing, as instanced in the stone erected at
Bethel (Gen. xxviii. 18). A similar practice ex-
isted in heathen countries, and by a singular coin-
cidence these stones were described in Phoenicia by
a name very similar to Bethel, namely, balytia
{BairvKia), whence it has been surmised that the
heathen name was derived from the Scriptural one,
or rice retsd (Kalisch's Coram, in Gen. 1. e.).
But neither are the names actually identical, nor
are the associations of a kindred nature; the oav
tylia were meteoric stones, and derived their sanc-
tity from the belief that tbey bad fallen from heaven,
whereas the stone at Bethel was simply commemo-
rative. [Bethel; Idol] The only point of re-
semblance between the two consists in the custom
of anointing — the anointed stones (AiOoi XmpoO,
which are frequently mentioned by ancient writers
as objects of divine honor (Amob. adv. Gent L 89;
Euseb. Prop. Evan. i. 10, § 18; Plin. xxxvii. 61),
being probably aerolites. (6.) That the worship of
stones prevailed among the heathen nations sur-
rounding Palestine, and was borrowed from then
by apostate Israelites, appears from Is. lvii. 6, ac-
cording to the ordinary rendering of the passage;
but the original ' admits of another sense, " in the
smooth (clear of wood) places of the valley," an/
no reliance can be placed on a peculiar term intro
dnoed partly for the sake of alliteration. The eoea
maictth,' noticed in Lev. xxvi. 1 (A. V. "image of
stone "), has again been identified with the ba^Ha,
• tjeto ^Bfa?. 'n^tfpiaf
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STONES, PRECIOUS
1st doubtful term nuuetlh (comp. Num. xxxui. 58,
'picture"; Ex. viii. 12, "imager;"] being sup-
posed to refer to devices engraven on the (1000.
[Idol.] The statue (matttteMk ■>) of Baai is said
to have been of stone and of a conical shape (Movers,
Phan. i. 673), but this is hardly reconcilable with
the statement of its being burnt in 3 K. x. 88 (the
correct reading of which would be maUUSbah, and
not mattUibtth). (7.) Heaps of stones were piled
up on various occasions, as in token of a treaty
(Gen. zxzi. 16), in which case a certain amount of
sanctity probably attached to them (cf. Horn. Od.
xvi. 471); or over the grave of some notorious of-
fender (Josh. vii. 26, viii. 89; 8 Sam.zviii. 17; see
Propert. iv. 5, 76, for a similar custom among the
Romans). The sire of some of these heaps becomes
very great from the custom prevalent among the
Arabs that each passer-by adds a stone; ' Burck-
hardt mentions one near Damascus 20 ft. long, 2 ft.
high, and 3 ft. broad (Syria, p. 46). (8.) The
" white stone " noticed in Rev. ii. 17 has been va-
riously regarded as referring to the pebble of acquit-
tal used in the Greek courts (Or. MtL xv. 41); to
the lot cast in elections in Greece; to both these
combined, the white conveying the notion of acquit-
tal, the stone that of election (Bengel, Gnom.): to
the stones in the high-priest's breastplate (Zullig);
to the tickets presented to the victors at the public
games, securing them maintenance at the public
expense (Hammond); or, lastly, to the custom of
writing on stones (Alford in L a). (9.) The use
of stones for tablets is alluded to in Ex. xxir. 12,
and Josh. viii. 38. (10. ) Stones for striking fire
are mentioned in 8 Msec x. 3. (11.) Stones were
prejudicial to the operations of husbandry : hence the
custom of spoiling an enemy's field by throwing
quantities of stones upon it (8 K. iii. 19, 25), and,
again, the necessity of gathering stones previous to
cultivation (Is. v. 2): allusion is made to both these
practices in EccL iii. 5 ("a time to cast away
stones, and a time to gather stones "). (1*2.) The
notice in Zech. xii. 3 of the " burdensome stone " is
referred by Jerome to the custom of lifting stones
as an exercise of strength, which he describes as
being practiced in Judasa in his day (comp. Ecclus.
vi. 21); but it may equally well be explained of a
large corner-stone as a symbol of strength (Is.
xxviii. 16).
Stones are used metaphorically to denote hard-
ness or insensibility (1 Sam. xxv. 37 ; Ex. xi. 19,
xxxri 26), as well as firmness or strength, as in
Gen. xlix. 24, where " the stone of Israel " is equiv-
alent to "the rock of Israel " (3 Sam. xxiii. 3; Is.
xxx. 39). The members of the Church are called
" living stones," as contributing to rear that living
sample in which Christ, himself k a living stone,"
Is the chief or head of the corner (Eph. ii. 20-22;
1 Pet U. 4-8). W. L. B.
STONES, PRECIOUS. The reader is re-
ferred to the separate articles, such as Aoatb,
Cajuusclz, Sabdosyx, etc, for such informa-
tion as it has been possible to obtain on the various
jams mentioned in the Bible. The identification
» A resume* to'thJa practice Is supposed oy
was to to contained in Prov. xxvL 8, whioL he ren-
tes " as a bag of genu in a hemp of itonet " (Titcs.
; USt). The Yulgate has a curious version of this
' Sseot qui mlttU laatdam in aoarvum Mar
STONES, PRECIOUS 3111
of hiany of the Hebrew names of precious stones
is a task of considerable difficulty: sometimes we
have no further clew to aid us in the determinatiop
of a name than the mere derivation of the word,
which derivation is always too vague fc be of any
service, as it merely expresses some quality often
common to many precious stones. As far, how-
ever, as regards the stones of the high-priest's
breastplate, it must be remembered that the au-
thority of Joaephus, who had frequent opportuni-
ties of seeing it worn, is preferable to any other.
The Vulgate agrees with his nomenclature, and in
Jerome's time the breastplate was still to be in-
spected in the Temple of Concord: hence this
agreement of the two is of great weight. The
modern Arabio names of the more usual gems,
which have probably remained fixed the last 2,000
years, afford us also some approximations to the
Hebrew nomenclature; still, as it was intimated
above, there is much that can only be regarded as
conjecture in attempts at identification. Precious
stones are frequently alluded to in the Holy Scrip-
tures; they were known and very highly valued in
the earliest tiroes. The onyx-stone, fine specimens
of which are still of great value, is expressly men-
tioned by Hoses as being found in the land of
Havilah. The sard and sardonyx, the amethyst
or rate-quartz, with many agates and other varie-
ties of quartz, were doubtless the best known and
most readily procured. " Onyx-stones, and stones
to be set, glistering stones and of divers colors,
and all manner of precious stones " were among
the articles collected by David for the temple (1
Cbr. xxix. 2). The Tyrians traded in precious
stones supplied by Syria (Ex. xxvii. 16), and the
robes of their king were covered with the most
brilliant gems. The merchants of Sheba and
Raaraoh in South Arabia, and doubtless India and
Ceylon, supplied the markets of Tyre with various
precious stones.
The art of engraving on precious stones was
known from the very earliest times. Sir G. Wil-
kinson says (Anc. Egypt, ii. 67, Loud. 1854),
" The Israelites learnt the art of cutting and en-
graving stones from the Egyptians." There can
be no doubt that they did learn much of the art
from this skillful nation, but it is probable that it
was known to them long before their sojourn in
Egypt; for we read in Gen. xxxviii. 18, that when
Tamar desired a pledge Judah gave her his signet,
which we may safely conclude was engraved with
some device. The twelve stones of the breastplate
were engraved each one with the name of one of
the tribes (Ex. xxviii. 17-21). The two onyx (or
sardonyx) stones which formed the high-priest's
shoulder-pieces were engraved with the names of
the twelve tribes, six on one stone and six on the
other, " with the work of an engraver in stone like
the engravings of a signet." See also ver. 36,
" like the engravings of a signet." It is an unde-
cided question whether the diamond was known to
the early nations of antiquity. The A. V. gives
it as the rendering of the Heb. Yahilin, D'brO,
« The LXX., Vulg., and Jonphus, are all agreed
as to tba names of the stones; there is, however,
some little difference as to their relative positions in
the breastplate : thus the uurxit, which, according to
Joaephus, occupies the second place in the third row,
Is by the LXX. and Vulg. put in the third piss* |
a similar transposition occurs with respsot to Uas
■»<•»» ant the i.\ir^t i" the third row.
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dll8 8TONES, PRECIOUS
•at K is probable that the jasper is intended. Sir
G Wilkinson is of opinion that the ancient Egyp-
tians were acquainted with the diamond, and used
it for engraving (ii. 67 ). Beckmann, on the other
hand, maintains that the use of the diamond was
unknown even to the Greeks and Romans: "I
must confess that I have found no proofs that the
aueieute cut glass with a diamond" (BitL of
Imtntiutu, ii. 87, Bonn's ed.). The substance
used for polishing precious stones by the ancient
Hebrews and Egyptians was emery powder or the
emery stone ( Corundum), a mineral inferior only
to the diamond in hardness [Adamant]. There
is no proof that the diamond was known to the
ancient Orientals, and it certainly must be banished
from the list of engraved stones which made the
sacerdotal breastplate; for the diamond can be cut
only by abrasion with its own powder, or by friction
with another diamond; and this, even in the hands
of a well-practiced artist, is a work of most patient
labor and of considerable difficulty; and it is not
likely that the Hebrews, or any other oriental
people, were able to engrave a name upon a dia-
mond as upon a signet riug.° Again, Joeepbus tells
us (Ant. iii. 7, § 5) that the twelve atones of the
breastplate were of great sise and extraordinary
beauty. We have no means of ascertaining their
sise; probably they were nearly an inch square;
at any rate a diamond only half that size, with
the five letters of ] v13T (Zebulun) engraved on
it — for, as he was the sixth ton of Jacob (Gen.
"v 80), his name would occupy the third place
in the second row — is quite out of the question,
and cannot possibly be the Yahalom of the breast-
plate.
Perhaps the stone called "ligure " by the A. V.
has been the subject of more discussion than any
other of the precious atones mentioned in the Bible.
In our article on that subject we were of opinion
that the stone denoted was probably tourmaline.
We objected to the " hyacinth stone " representing
the lyncurtum of the ancients, because of its not
possessing attractive powers in any marked degree,
us we supposed and had been informed by a well-
known jeweler. It appears, however, from a com-
munication kindly made to us by Mr. King, that
the hyacinth (zircon) it highly electric when
rubbed. He states he is practically convinced of
this fact, although be allows that highly electric
powers are not usually attributed to it by mineralo-
gists. Mr. King asserts that our hyacinth (Jacinth,
tircun) was greatly used for engraving on by
Greeks, Romans, and Persians, and that numerous
intaglios in it exist of the age of Theophraatua.
The ancient hyadnthut was our sapphire, as
Solinus shows-
Precious stones are used in Scripture in a figu-
rative sense, to signify value, beauty, durability,
etc., in those objects with which they are com-
pared (see Cant. v. 14; Is. liv. 11, 12; Lam. iv.
7; Rev. iv. 3, xxi. 10-81). As to the precious
stones in the breastplate of the high-priest, see
Josephus, AnL iii. 7, § 5; Epiphsnius, rtp\ ran*
10 XiSuw r&r 6m» «V T. rroA. t. '\afxir,
In Epiphanii Opusc ed. Petavius, ii. 220-832,
Cologne, 1688 (thi* treatise has been edited sepa-
-atriy by Coot. Gesner, De ommi renin* /usni
etc., Tiguri, 1666; and by Mat Hiller,
* «lhe artists of the
1st —graving em the
STOBK
the author of the IHerapkyti a m, in his Syntay
mala HermeneuUca, p. 88, Tubing. 1711); Brsaa
De Vettitu SacerdoUm Bebraarum (Amstel. 16SC
and 2d ed. 1698), lib. ii. cape. 7 and 8; Belle*
mann, Die Drbn umd Thummim die Aettesu*
Gemmtn, Berlin, 1834; Rosenmiiller, "The Mia
eralogy of the Bible," Biblical Cabinet, vol xxvii
W. H.
• STONB-SQUABBBS. [Ginum.]
STONING. [Pokishmkkts.]
• STOOL. [Midwife.]
• sTOBB-crriBs (rra?pn "ny, lxx
xiKta bxypoi. A.. T. " treasure-cities " once, Ex.
L 11). niaSPP occurs alone in 8 Chr. xxxii. 88
(A. V. " store-houses "), and is followed by ^V
in 3 Chr. xvi. 4 (A. V. Incorrectly " store-cities ").
The rendering store-houses for iTQSpO seems
therefore more appropriate than stores. According
to 2 Chr. xxxii. 28, they were for the products of
the soil. But whether the provisions thus stored
up were designed chiefly for purposes of trade
(Ewald, Gesck. d. V. Israel, ii. p. 16), or for the
benefit of travellers and their beasts (Bertheeu ou
2 Chr. viii. 4, 6), or for timet of need (Knobel on
Ex. i. ll;Theuius on 1 K. ix. 19), or for purposes
of war (Bush on Ex. L 11 ; Kurtz, Greek, d. A.
Bundet, ii. 167), and, if for the latter purpose,
whether fortified (LXX. Bush, L c; Hengstenberg,
Die Bueher Afvse's u. Ayypten, p. 46; Hawks,
Egypt and its Monuments, p. 178) or not (Kurtz,
i.c.,and Keil on Ex. i. 11), is disputed, '•'he con-
jecture that the store cities had a military object,
U favored by the position of Pithom and Raahses,
Ex. i. 11, and of Hamath, 1 K. ix. 19, 8 Chr.
viii. 4; and by the mention of the building of store-
cities in connection with that of fortresses, at illus-
trating Jehoshapbat't greatness, 2 Chr. xvii. 18.
C. M. M.
STOBK (rrpDn, csVufaVni: translated in-
differently by LXX. tclSa, (roty, ipmtlos, weAMsV:
Vulg. kerodm, htrvdiut, milrus : A. V. " stork,"
except in Job xxxix. 13, where it is translated
"wing" (''stork " in the margin). But there is
some question as to the correct reading in this
passage. The LXX. do not seem to have recog-
nized the stork under the Hebrew term ■"IT'DP ;
otherwise they oould scarcely have missed the ob-
vious rendering of rtKafiyis, or have adopted in
two instances the phonetic representation of the
original, lurlta (whence no doubt Hesych. in-a,
floor hpriov)- It is singular that a bird to con-
spicuous and familiar as the stork must have been
both in Egypt and Palestine should have escaped
notice by the I.XX., but there can be no doubt of
the correctness of the rendering of A. V. The
Heb. term is derived from the root TDn, whence
"fPO, " kindness," from the maternal and filial
affection of which this bird has been in all ages the
type).
The White Stork (Ciamia aba, L.) is one of
the largest and most conspicuous of land birds
standing nearly four feet high, the jet black of its
wings and its bright red beak and legs contrasting
actually sue- assigned to Clement Blrago, by others to J. as
; the discovery is FfclUp n."s engrsTar." 0. W,
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STORK
fatty with the pure white of iU plumage (Zech. v.
), « The; had wings like the wings of a stork ").
It ii placed by naturalist* near the Heron tribe,
with which it has some affinity, forming a connect-
ing link between it and the spoonbill and ibis, like
ill of which, the stork feeds on fish and reptiles,
especially on the latter. In the neighborhood of
nan it devours readily all kinds of oflal and garb-
STJRK.
3119
WhiU Stork ((Sanaa alba.).
age. For this reason, doubtless, it is placed in the
Rat of unclean birds by the Mosaic law (Lev. xi. 19 ;
Deut xiv. 18). The range of the white stork ex-
tends over the whole of Europe, except the British
isles, where it is noa only a rare visitant, and over
Northern Africa and Asia, as far at least as Bur-
mah.
The Black Stork (Ciconia nigra, I,.), though
less abundant in places, is scarcely less widely dis-
tributed, but has a more easterly range than it*
congener. Both species are very t%. -erous in Pal-
atine, the white stork being unive^ . t distributed,
generally in pairs, over the whole country, the black
stork living in large flocks after the fashion of
herons, in the more secluded and marshy districts.
The writer met with a flock of upwards of fifty
clack stork* feeding near the west shore of the
Dead Sea. They are still more abundant by the
Sea of Galilee, where also the white stork is so
numerous as to be gregarious ; aud in the swamps
round the waters of Merom.
While the black stork Is never found about
buildinga, but prefers marshy places in forests, and
breeds on the tops of the loftiest trees, where it
heaps up its ample nest far from the haunt* of man ;
the white stork attaches itself to him, and for the
service which it renders in the destruction of rep-
tile* and the removal of offal has been tpaid from
.be earliest times by protection tcC reverence.
This is especially the case in the eouctries where it
greeds. In the street* of town* in Holland, in the
illages of Denmark, and in the bazaars of Syria
ind Tunis, it may be seen stalking gravely among
ikt crowd, and woe betide the stranger either in
tWland or in Palestine who should dare to molest
«. The aUa of the stork to protection Mem* to
have been equally recognized by the ancient*.
Sempr. Kufus, who first ventured to bring young
storks to table, gained the following epigram, on
the failure of his candidature for the preetorship:—
" Quaoquam est duobus elegantior Planets
Suffr&giorum punota non tulit septem.
Cfconlarum populua ultua est mortem."
Horace contemptuously allude* to the same aaorilapj*
In the line*
" Tutoqoe etoonla nldo,
Donee vos auotor docuit praatorlus " (Sat. U. 2, 49).
Pliny (Nat. Hut. x. 31) tells ns that in Thessaly
it was a capital crime to kill a stork, and that they
were thus valued equally with human life, in con-
sequence of their warfare against serpents. They
were not less honored in Egypt. It is said that at
Fez in Morocco, there is an endowed hospital for
the purpose of assisting and nursing tick crane*
and storks, and of burying them when dead. The
Marocains hold that storks are human beings in
that form from some distant islands (see note to
Brown's Ptevd. Epid. iii. 27, § 3). The Turks in
Syria point to the stork as a true follower of Islam,
from the preference he always shows for the Turkish
and Arab over the Christian quarters. For this
undoubted fact, however, there may be two other
reasons — the greater amount of offal to be found
about the Moslem houses, and tbe persecutions
suffered from tbe skeptical Greeks, who rob the
nests, and show none of the gentle consideration
towards tbe lower animals which often redeem* the
Turkish character. Strickland, Mem. and Papert,
vol. ii. p. 227, states that it is said to have quite
deserted Greece, since the expulsion of its Moham-
medan protectors. The observations of the writer
corroborated this remark. Similarly the rooks were
said to be so attached to the old regime, that most
of them left France at the Revolution; a true state-
ment, and accounted for by the clearing of must
of tbe fine old timber which used to surround the
chateaux, of the noblesse.
The derivation of ITJ^Dn point* to tbe paternal
and filial attachment of which the stork seems to
have Wn a type among the Hebrews no leas than
the Greeks and Romans. It was believed that the
young repaid the care of their parent* by attaching
themselves to tbem for life, and tending them in
old age. Hence it was commonly called among the
l-atius " avis pia." (See Lobumus in Petroniu*
Arbiter ; Aristotle, Hut. Anim. ix. 14 ; and Pliny,
X.U. Hut. x. 32.)
Pliny alio notices their habit of always returning
to the same neat. Probably there is no foundation
for the notion that the stork so far differs from
other birds as to recognize its parent* after it has
become mature; but of the fact of these birds re
turning year after year to the same spot, there is
no question. Unless when molested by man, storks'
nest* all over the world are rebuilt, or rather re-
paired, for generations on the same site, and in
Holland the same individuals have been recognized
for many years. That the parental attachment of
the stork is very strong, has been proved on many
occasions. The tale of the stork which, at the
bunting of tbe town of Delft, vainly endeavored to
carry off her young, and at length sacrificed her
life with theirs rather than desert them, has been
often repeateJ, and seems corroborated by unques-
tionable evidence. Its watchfulness ever it* young
is unremitting, and often shown in a somewhat
droll manner. The writer was ones in camp mm
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3120 STORK
in old rained tower Id the plain of Zana, eouth of
the Atlas, where a pair of stork* had their neat.
The four young might often be eeen from a little
distance, surveying the prospect from their lonely
height; but whenever any of the human party hap-
pened to stroll near the tower, one of the old storks,
invisible before, would instantly appear, and, light-
ing on the nest, put its foot gently on the necks of
all the young, so as to bold them down out of sight
till the stranger had passed, snapping its bill mean-
while, and assuming a grotesque air of indifference
and unconsciousness of there being anything under
its charge.
Few migratory birds are more punctual to the
time of their reappearance than the white stork, or
at least, from its familiarity and conspicuousness,
its migrations have been more accurately noted.
" The stork in the heaven knoweth her appointed
times " (see Virgil, tieurg. ii. 819, and Petrou.
Sat.). Pliny states that it is rarely seen in Asia
Minor after the middle of August. This is prob-
ably a slight error, as the ordinary date of its ar-
rival in Holland is the second week in April, and
it remains until October. In Denmark Judge Boie
noted its arrival from 1830 to 1847. The earliest
date was the 86th March, and the latest the 12th
April (Kjaerbolling, Dnnmarkt Fugle, p. 862). In
Palestine it has been observed to arrive on the 22d
March. Immense flocks of storks may be seen on
the banks of the Upper Nile during winter, and
some few further west, in the Sahara; but it doe*
not appear to migrate very far south, unless indeed
the birds that are seen at the Cape of Good Hope
in December be the same which visit Europe.
The stork has no note, and the only sound it
emits is that caused by the sudden snapping of
its long mandibles, well expressed by the epithet
" crotalistria " in Petron. (quasi KpvraXifo, to
rattle the castanets). From the absence of voice
probably arose the error alluded to by Puny, " Sunt
qui ciconiis non inesse lingua* eonfirment."
Some unnecessary difficulty has been raised re-
specting the expression in Ps. civ. 17, " As for the
stork, the fir-trees are her bouse." Iu the west of
Europe the home of the stork is connected with
Ae dwellings of man, and in the East, as the eagle
s mentally associated with the most sublime scenes
.n nature, so, to the traveller at least, is the stork
with the ruins of man's noblest works. Amid the
desolation of his fallen cities throughout Eastern
Europe and the classic portions of Asia and Africa,
we are sure to meet with them surmounting his
temples, his theatres or baths. It is the same in
Palestine. A pair of storks have possession of the
<nly tall piece of ruin in the plain of Jericho; they
tre the only tenants of the noble tower of Richard
I'amr de Lion at Lydda; and they gaze on the
Main of Sharon from the lofty tower of Ramleh
(the ancient Arimathea). So they have a pillar at
Tiberias, and a corner of a ruin at Nebi Mousseh.
And no doubt in ancient times the sentry shared
the watch-tower of Samaria or of Jezreel with the
cherished storks. But the instinct of the stork
seems to be to select the loftiest and most con-
spicuous spot he can find where his huge nest may
be supported ; and whenever he can combine this
aste with his instinct for the society of man, he
aaturally selects a tower or a roof. In lands of
ruins, which from their neglect and want of drain-
age supply him with abundance of food, he finds a
totumn or a solitary arch the most secure position
Is his nest; but where neither towers nor ruins
STRAIN AT
abound be does not hesitate to select a tall tree, m
both storks, swallows, and miny other birds must
have done before they were tempted by the artifida.
conveniences of man's buildings to desert then'
natural places of nidification. [Nest, Amer. ed.j
Thus the golden eagle builds, according to circum-
stances, in clifls, on trees, or even on the ground ,
and the common heron, which generally associates
on the tops of the tallest trees, builds in West-
moreland and in Galway on bushes. It is therefore
needless to interpret the text of the stork merely
perching on trees. It probably was no less numer-
ous in Palestine when David wrote than now ; but
the number of suitable towers must have been fat
fewer, and it would therefore resort to trees.
Though it does not frequent trees in South Judsea,
yet it still builds on trees by the Sea of Galilee,
according to several travellers; and the writer may
remark, that while he has never seen the nest ex-
cept on towers or pillars b that land of ruins, Tunis,
the onl) nest be ever saw in Morocco was on a tree.
Varro (St Buttica, iii. 6) observe*, "Advenes
volucres pullos fadunt, in agro cicoma, in tecta
hirundinea." All modem authorities give instances
of the white stork building on tree*. Degland
mentions several pairs which still breed in a marsh
near Chalons-sur-Marne (On. Europ. iL 163).
Kjaerbolling makes a similar statement with re-
spect to Denmark, and Nillson also as to Sweden.
Badeker observes "that in Germany the white
stork builds in the gables, etc., and in trees, chiefly
the tops of poplars and the strong upper branches
of the oak, binding the branches together with
twigs, turf, and earth, and covering the flat surface
with straw, moss, and feathers" (tStr £w. pL
xxxvi.).
The black stork, no less common in Palestine,
has never relinquished its natural habit of building
upon trees. This species, in the northeastern
portion of the land, is the most abundant of the
two (Harmer's Obt. iii. 323). Of either, how-
ever, the expression may be taken literally, that
" the fir-trees are a dwelling for the stork."
H B T
• STORT, 2 Chr. xiii. 28, xxir. 87, is used in
the sense of history (Ital. atorta). So "story-
writer " for hist/Man, 1 Esdr. ii. 17. A.
STRAIN JT. The A. V. of 1611 renders
Matt xxiii. 84, " Ye blind guides ! which strain at
a gnat, and swallow a camel." There can be little
doubt, as Dean Trench has supposed, that this ob-
scure phrase is due to a printer's error, and that
the true reading is "strain out" Such is ths
sense of the Greek SiSAffc ir, as used by Plutarch
{Op. Mor. p. 692 D, Symp. ProbL vi. 7, § 1 ) and
Diosoorides (ii. 86), namely, to clarify by passing
through a strainer (t\urrlip)- " Strain out " U
the reading of Tyndale's (1539), Cranmer's (1539),
the Bishops' (1SS8), and the Geneva (1557) Bib**,
and *' strain nt," which is neither correct nor in-
telligible, could only have crept into our A. V n
and been allowed to remain there, by an oversight.
Dean Trench gives an interesting illustration of the
passage from a private letter written to him by a
recent traveller in North Africa, who says: " In a
ride from Tangier to Tetuan, I observed that a
Moorish soldier who accompanied me, when be
drank, always unfolded the end of his turban and
placed it over the mouth of his botn drinking
through the muslin, to strain out the gnatt, who**
larva) swarm in the water of that country " ( On »V
Autk.Vt~t.aftkt H.T. pp. 178,173). Iffnenugr
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8TBAITLY
•mjortnre the cause which led, even erroneously, to
the substitution of at for out, it U perhaps to be
bond in the marginal note of the Genera Version,
which explain* the vena thus: " Te stay at that
which ii nothing, and let pass that which ii of
greater importance."
• 8TRA1TLY ii often need in the A. T. in
thenowob«olete»en*eaofefo«/«(Jo*h. »i.li Wi»d.
xvU. 16; Geo. xlffl. 7); and strictly (Matt. ix.80(
Acta t. 98, eta.). A.
• STRANGE, u used tor foreign, in aome
passages of the A. V. ma; not be understood by all
leaden; e. g. "strange vanities," Jer. nil. 19, for
" foreign idols." The " strange woman " in Prov.
Ii. 16 ia to designated as being the wife of another
(ver. 17), or at least, as one who has no business
with the person whom she tempts. A.
STRANGER ("9, 2JJ7V1). A "stranger"
In the technical sense of the term may be defined to
be a person of foreign, i. «. nou-Israelitiah, extrac-
tion, resident within the limits of the promised land.
He was distinct from the proper " foreigner," ■
inasmuch as the latter still belonged to another
co untry , and would only visit Palestine as a travel-
ler: be was still more distinct from the " nations," »
or non-Israelite peoples, who held no relationship
with the chosen people of God. The term answers
most nearly to the Greek /terouros, and may be
compared with our expression " naturalized for-
eigner," in as far as this implies a certain political
status in the oountry where the foreigner resides: it
is opposed to one '■ bom in the land," • or, as the
term more properly means, " not transplanted," in
the same way that a naturalized foreigner is opposed
to a native. The terms applied to the " stranger "
nave special reference to the foot of his residing d in
the Uuid. The existence of such a class of persons
among the Israelites is easily accounted for: the
u mixed multitude " that accompanied them out of
Egypt (Ex. xii. 38) formed one element; the Ca-
naanituih population, which was never wholly extir-
pated from their native soil, formed another and a
still more important one; captives taken in war
formed a third ; fugitives, hired servants, merchants,
etc., formed a fourth. The number from these va-
rious sources must have been at all times very con-
siderable; the census of them in Solomon's time
gave a return of 153,600 males (2 Chr. ii. 17), which
was equal to about a tenth of the whole population.
The enactments of the Mosaic Law, which regu-
lated the political and social position of resident
strangers, were conceived in a spirit of great liber-
ality. With the exception of the Moabitea and Am-
monites (Dent, xxiii. 8), ill nations were admissible
to the rights of citizenship under certain conditions.
It would appear, indeed, to be a consequence of the
prohibition of intermarriage with the Canaanitea
(Dent. vil. 8), that these would be excluded from
the rights of citizenship; but the Rabbinical view
that this exclusion was superseded in the case of
proselytes seems highly probable, as we find Doeg
STRANGER
8121
the Edomita (1 Sam. xxi. 7, xxii. 9), Uriah the
Hittite (2 Sam. xi. 6), and Araunah the Jebnatta
(3 Sam. xxiv. 18), enjoying to all appearance the
Aill rights of citizenship. Whether a stranger could
ever become legally a landowner is a question about
which there may be doubt Theoretically the whole
of the soil was portioned out among the twelve tribes,
and Ezekiel notices it as a peculiarity of toe division
which be witnessed in vision, that the strangers
were to share the inheritance with the Israelites,
and should thus become as those "born in the conn-
try " (Ez. xlvii. 88). Indeed the term >■ stranger "
is more than ones applied in a pointed manner to
signify one who was not a landowner (Gen. xxiii. 4;
Lev. xxv. 28) : while on the other hand etrach (A
V. "bom in the land ") may have reference to the
possession of the soil, as it is borrowed from the
image of a tree not transplanted, and so occupying
its native soil. The Israelites, however, never suc-
ceeded in obtaining possession of the whole, and it
ia possible that the Canaanitish occupants may in
oourae of time have been recognized as " strangers,"
and had the right of retaining their land conceded
to them. There was of course nothing to prevent a
Canaanita from becoming the mortgagee iu posses-
sion of a plot, but this would not constitute him a
proper landowner, inasmuch as he would lose all
interest in the property when she year of Jubilee
came round. That they possessed lsnd in one of
these two capacities is clear from the case of Arau-
nah above cited. The stranger appears to have
been eligible to all civil offices, that of king excepted
(Deut xvii. 16). In regard to religion, it was abso-
lutely necessary that the stranger should not in-
fringe any of the fundamental laws of the Israelitish
state: he was forbidden to blaspheme thr name of
Jehovah (Lev. xxiv. 16), to work on tot Sabbath
(Ex. xx. 10), to eat leavened bread at the time of
the Passover (Ez. xii. 19), to commit any breach of
the marriage laws (Lev. xviii. 86), to worship Mo-
lech (Lev. xv. 2), or to eat blood or the flesh of
any animal that had died otherwise than by the
hand of man (Lev. xvii. 10, 16). He was required
to release a Hebrew servant in the year of Jubilee
(Lev. xxv. 47-64), to observe the day of atonement
(Lev. xvi. 39), to perform the rites of purification
when necessary (Lev. xvii. 16; Num. xix. 10), and
to offer sin-offerings after sins of ignorance (Nmn
xv. 89). If the stranger was a bondsman he was
obliged to submit to circumcision (Ex. xii. 44); if
he was independent, it was optional with him ; but
if he remained uncircumciaed, he was prohibited
from partaking of the Passover (Ex. xii. 48), and
could not be regarded as a full citizen. Liberty
was alas given in regard to the use of prohibited
food to an undrcumcised stranger; for on this
ground alone can we harmonize the statements in
Dent. xiv. 81 and Lev. xvii. 10, 15. Assunritg.
however, that the stranger was circumcised, no dis-
tinction existed in regard to legal rights between
the stranger and the Israelite: " one law " for both
is a principle affirmed in respect to religious
• ^159. » a% « rTTT?».
* IJ, D^*lfl. These terms appear to describe,
jot two different elassss of strangers, bat the stranger
jnsaw two dlncnnit aspects, get rather Implying his
'■vlgii eatgm, or the feet of his having turned aside
» with another people, UiMOt implying fci pnr-
I nasmi in the land of his adoption. Winer
to hireling. Jahn (Arthaet. t. 11, } 181) explains
Masse of one who, whether Hebrew or foreigner, mi
destitute of a home. We see no evidence for either of
these opinions. In the LXX. these tarn* are most
freq u ently rendered by wipoutot , the Alexandrian sub-
stitute far the classical pfauror. Sometimes ttetnj
Avro Is used, and In two passages (stx. xH. IB ; la
xlv. 1) vtuaaat, as rspiassiiHiig the Bheiass fssaa ef
I the worn (dr.
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6122
STRAW
.observances (Ex. xiL 49; Num. jtr. 16), and to
legal proceeding! (Lev. xxir. 28), and the judge*
an strictly warned againat any partiality in their
decision (Deut i. 16, xxiv. 17, 18). The Iiraet-
ite ia alao enjoined to treat him aa a brother (Lot.
xix. 84; Deut x. 19), and the preoept ia enforced
in each cue by a reference to his own state in the
land of Egypt Such precepts were needed in or-
der to counteract the natural tendency to treat per-
sons in the position of strangers with rigor. For,
though there was the possibility of a stranger ac-
quiring wealth and becoming the owner of Hebrew
stares (Lev. xxv. 47), yet bis normal state was one
of porerty, aa implied in the numerous passages
where he is coupled with the fatherless and the
widow (*. g. Ex. xxii. 21-93; Deut x. 18, xxiv.
17), and in the special directions respecting his
baring s share in the feasta that accompanied cer-
tain religious festivals (Deut. xrt 11, 14, xxri. 11),
In the leasing of the cornfield, the vineyard, and
the olive-yard (Lev. xix. 10, xxiii. 22 ; Deut xxir.
20), in the produce of the triennial tithe (Deut
sir. 28, 29), in the forgotten sheaf (Deut xxiv. 19),
and in the spontaneous production of the soil in the
sabbatical year (Lev. xxr. 6). It alao appears that
the " stranger " formed the class whence the hire-
lings were drawn : the terms being coupled together
in Ex. xii. 4fi; Lav. xxii. 10, xxr. 6, 40. Such la-
borer! were engaged either by the day (Lev. xix.
13; Deut xxiv. 15), or by the year (Lev. xxv. 58),
and appear to have been considerately treated, for
the condition of the Hebrew slave is favorably com-
pared with that of the hired servant and the so-
journer in contradistinction to the bondman (Lev.
xxr. 89, 40). A less fortunate class of strangers,
probably captives in war or for debt, were reduced
to slavery, and were subject to be bought and sold
(Lev. xxv. 45), as well as to be put to task-work, as
was the case with the Gibeonitea (Josh. ix. 21) and
with those whom Solomon employed in the build-
ing of the Temple (9 Chr. ii. 18). The liberal
spirit of the Mosaic regulations respecting strangers
presents a strong contrast to the rigid exclusiveness
of the Jews at the commencement of the Christian
era. The growth of this spirit dates from the time
of the Babylonish Captivity, and originated partly
in the outrages which the Jews suffered at the
hands of foreigners, and partly through a fear lest
their nationality should be swamped by constant
admixture with foreigners: the latter motive appears
to have dictated the stringent measures adopted by
Nebemiah (Neh. ix. 2, xiii. 8). Our Lord condemns
this exclusive spirit in the parable of the good Sa-
maritan, where He defines the term " neighbor "
in a sense new to his hearers (Luke x. 86). It
should be observed, however, that the proselyte °
of the New Testament is the true representative of
the stranger of the Old Testament, and towards
toil class a cordial feeling was manifested. [Pros-
S2LKTK.] The term "stranger" ({star) is gen-
erally used in the New Testament in the general
sense of Joreigner, and occasionally in Us more
technical sense as opposed to s citizen (Kph. ii.
.19). • W. LB.
STKAW (13J-1, ttbeni txvpop: paka)- Both
•heat and barley straw were used by the ancient
Hebrews chiefly aa fodder for their horses, cattle,
■ The term eptrnfAsroc ocean m the LXX. as —
\jj at Ix. xtt 18, xx. 10, xxU. M, xxUl. 0.
» • "Bin i«sii of Boms " («i MeuCmi 'Im-
STBEET
and camels (Gen. xxiv. 25; 1 K. iv. 28; b. si. 7
lxv. 25). The straw wss probably often chopped
and mixed with barley, beans, etc., for prorendei
(see Harmer's Observations, L 423, 434; Wilkin-
son, Ane. Egypt. IL 48, Lond. 1854). There is no
intimation that straw was used for litter; Harmet
thinks it was not so employed ; the litter the people
now use in those countries is the animals' dung,
dried in the sun and bruised between their hands,
which they heap up again in the morning, sprink-
ling it in the summer with fresh water to keep it
from corrupting (Obs. p. 424, Lond. 1797). Straw
was employed by the Egyptians for m«lring bricks
(Ex. r. 7, 16): it was chopped up and mixed with
the clay to make them more compact and to prevent
their cracking (Anc. Egypt ii. 194). [Bricks.]
The ancient Egyptians reaped their corn clue to
the ear, and afterwards cut the straw close to the
ground (ibid. p. 48) and laid it by. This was the
straw that Pharaoh refused to give to the Israelites,
who were therefore compelled to gather " stubble "
(B7J2, Kath) Instead, a matter of considerable diffi-
culty, seeing that the straw itself hsd been cut off
near to the ground. The stubble frequently al-
luded to in the Scriptures may denote either the
short standing straw, mentioned above, which was
commonly set on fire, hence the allusions in Is. v.
24; Joel ii. 6, or the small fragments that would be
left behind after the reaping*, hence the expression,
" as the leash before the wind " (Pa. lxxxiil. 13; la.
xli. 2; Jer. xiii. 24). W. H.
STREAM OF EGYPT (0"n?9 blT}:
"ViroKipovoa (pi.): torrent jJEggpti) once occurs
in the A. V. instead of " the river of Egypt," ap-
parently to avoid tautology (Is. xxvii. 12). It is
the best translation of this doubtful name, for it ex-
presses the sense of the Hebrew while retaining the
vagueness it has, so long as we cannot decide whether
it is applied to the Pelusian branch of the Nile or
the stream of the WaaH-l-' Artesh. [RlVBR OF
Egypt; Nils.] R. S. P.
street (yvi, airrp, ps«J: wx»«j«,
jtpjuj). The streets of a modern oriental town pre-
sent a great contrast to those with which we art
familiar, being generally narrow, tortuous, and
gloomy, even in the best towns, such as Cairo
(Lane, i. 25), Damascus (Porter, i. 80), and
Aleppo (Russell, i. 14). Their character is mainly
fixed by the climate and the style of architecture,
the narrowness being due to the extreme heat, and
the gloominess to the circumstance of the windows
looking for the most part into the inner court. Aa
these tame Influences existed in ancient times,
we should be inclined to think that the streets
were much of the same character as at present
The opposite opinion has, indeed, been maintained
on account of the Hebrew term ricMb, frequently
applied to streets, and properly meaning a aid*
place. The specific signification of this term is
rather a court-yard or square : it is applied in this
sense to the broad open space adjacent to the gate
of a town, where public business was transacted
(Deut xiii. 16), and, again, to the oourt before the)
Temple (Est. x. 9) or before a palace (Esth. hr. 6).
Its application to the street may point to the oom.
pontine width of the main street, or it may pes
jmum), Acts B. 10, are literally " Bomant who ass
sojourners,'' •■ •■ as the sntyotnad appoettlcn show*
"Jews and proselytes" who had etiae to /
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STRIKING THE MOUTH
laps convey the Idea of publicity rather than or
width, a mdm well adapted to the passages in
which it oocun (e. g. Gen. xiz. 3; Judg. xix. 15:
2 3am. xxi. 18). The street called " Straight," in
Damaacua (Acta ix. 11), was an exception to the
role of narrowness: it was a noble thoroughfare,
100 feet wide, divided in the Soman age by colon-
nades into three avenues, the central one for foot
passengers, the side passages for vehicles and horse-
men going in different directions (Porter, i. 47).
The shops and warehouses were probably collected
together into bazars in ancient as in modem times:
we read of the bakers' bazar (Jer. xxxvii. 81), and
of the wool, brazier, and clothes bazars (eVyeoet) in
Jerusalem (Joseph. B. J. v. 8, { 1), and perhaps
the agreement between Benhadad and Ahab, that
the latter should "make streets in Damascus" (1
K. xx. 34), was in reference rather to bazars (the
term ck&tt here used being the same as In Jer. xxxvii.
81), and thus amounted to the establishment of a
jut commerdi. A lively description of the bazars
at Damascus is furnished us by Porter (i. 68-60).
The broad and narrow streets are distinguished un-
der the terms richdb and chite in the following pas-
sages, though the point is frequently lost in the A.
V. by rendering the latter term " abroad " or " with-
out": Prov. v. 16, vii. 18, xxii. 13; Jer. v. 1, ix.
il ; Am. v. 16 ; Nah. ii. 4. The same distinction is
apparently expressed by the terms richdb and th&k
in Cant iii. 8, and by wKarua and hiuii in Luke
xiv. 81 : but the etymological sense of thik points
rather to a plaoe of concourse, such as a market-
place, while fiifai is applied to the " Straight " street
st* Damascus (Acts ix. 11), and is also used in ref-
erence to the Pharisees (Matt. vi. 8) as a place of
the greatest publicity: it is therefore doubtful
whether the contrast can be sustained: Josepbus
describes the alleys of Jerusalem under the term
ertrmwol (B. J. v. 8, § 1). The term ihuk oc-
curs elsewhere only in Prov. vii. 8 ; Eccl. xii. 4, 5.
The term chitt, already noticed, applies generally
to that which is outride the residence (as in Prov.
, vii. 12, A. V. "she is without"), and hence to
jtber places than streets, as to a pasture-ground
(Job xviii. 17, where the A. V. requires emenda-
tion). That streets occasionally had names ap-
pears from Jer. xxxvii 81; Acts ix. 11. That
they were generally unpaved may be inferred from
the notices of the pavement laid by Herod the
Great at Antioch (Joseph. Ant. xvi. fi, § 8), and
by Herod Agrippa II. at Jerusalem (Ant. xx. 9,
i 7). Hence pavement forms one of the peculiar
features of the ideal Jerusalem (Tob. xiii. 17 ; Rev.
xxi. 81). Each street and bazar in a modern town
is locked up at night (Lane, i. 85; Russell, i. 31),
sod hence a person cannot pass without being ob-
served by the watchman : the same custom appears
to have prevailed in ancient times (Cant. iii. 3).
W. LB.
• STRIKING THE MOUTH. [Pckish-
sue-stb, Amer. ed.]
8UCCOTH
8128
a CSjTfj A. T. " elders." The word has exact' j
be aJgnnV-atiM of the Arabia Asttt, an old man,
nd bene* the head of a trios.
> • Qideon is he was pursuing Zebeh and xal-
arumm, Unci of Hldku, threatened tr ' tear the flesh
«f the princes of Soecoth," beeaues they refused Co
amply his men with bread (Judf. vlH. 8 ff.). On re-
avjsksf from his victory he executed that menace.
Be took the elders of the elty and thorns of th-
weVsiiiiii and brlan, and with then be tana-tat (ptm-
STRIPES. [PumaHMiarw.]
SU'AHCn-'D [fiUh]t3oui\ [Vat oorrapt:]
Sue). Son of Zophah, an Aaberite (1 Car. vtt.
36).
SU-BA (iafiii); [Vat] Alex. ZevSoi: 8uba).
The sons of Suba were among the sons of Solo-
mon's servants who returned with Zerubbabel
(1 Esdr. v. 34). There is nothing corresponding
to the name in the Hebrew lists of Ezra and No-
hemiah.
STJ'BAI (*;j8ats [Vat] Alex. Su/fcwi: Obai)
= Shalmai (1 Esdr. v. SO; oomp. Exr. ii. 46).
* SUBURBS, as the composition of the
word (nib and uro») would imply, designates any-
thing, as land or buildings, under the walls of >
town, i. e. lying close around it In several 0- T.
passages it designates land given to the Levitts in
connection with their cities as pasturage for their
animals and for other purposes. See Lev. xxv. 34;
Num. xxxv. 3 ff. and elsewhere. Num. xxxv. 5
gives the extent of the territory designated as sub
tubs. The usual Hebrew term denoting such de-
pendencies is ttf'J?*?! properly a place whither
flocks and herds are driven. R. D. C. K.
SUO'OOTH (ri'lS^ [booth*] 1 Xn-voi in Gen.
[and Ps.,] elsewhere 1okx&9, 3o*x«ft'«'s [Vat in
3 Chr. iv. 17,] :g*YXu0; Alex - Soky»*\ [ in Jn0 -
xiii. 37, 36>x» ! ] m 0an - Socotk, id at, tnbermic-
ula; [Socoth,] Soccotft, [SochcxM, Sochot]). A
town of ancient date in the Holy Land, which is
first heard of in the account of the homeward
Journey of Jaoob from Padan-aram (Gen. xxxiii.
17). The name is fancifully derived from the fact
of Jacob's having there put up " booths " (Succotli,
nbp) for his cattle, as well as a house for him-
self. Whether that occurrence originated the name
of Succoth (and, following the analogy of other
history, it is not probable that it did), the mention
of the house and the booths in contrast to the
" tents " of the wandering life indicates that the
Patriarch made a lengthened stay there — a fact
not elsewhere alluded to.
From the itinerary of Jacob's return it seems
that Succoth lay between Pemiku, near the ford of
tbe torrent Jabbok, and Shecbem (conip. xxxii. 30,
and xxxiii. 18, which latter would be more accu-
rately rendered •> Came safe to the city Shecbem").
In accordance with this is the mention of Sucooth
in the narrative of Gideon's pursuit of Zebah and
Zalmunna (Judg. viii. 6-17). His course is east-
ward — the reverse of Jacob's — and he comes first
to Succoth, and then to PenueL the latter being
further up the mountain than the former (ver. 8,
" went up thence'). Its importance at this time
is shown by the organization and number of its
seventy-seven head-men — chiefs and ° sheikhs —
and also by the defiance with which it treated
Gideon on his first application.'
"shed) the men or Succoth." The Egyptians in liks
manner sentenced certain erlmlnais " to be lacerated
with sharpened reeds, and after bains; thrown on
thorns a be burnt to death " (Wilkinson, Ancient
Egyptian!, Ii. 206). Dr. Robinson found almost a
forest of thistles at SUM (Sucooth) sometimes so high
as to overtop the rider's head on horseback (Lam
Ra., p. 818). Such thioksts however are by of
sau peculiar to any one localMv la rsJestute.
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3124
STTCOOTH
It would appear from thii passage that it lay on
Hie east of Jordan, which is oorroborated by the
bet that it waa allotted to the tribe of Gad (Josh
xiii. 97). In the account of Jaeob'i journey, all
mention of the Jordan ia omitted.
Sueosth ia named once again after thia — in 1
K. Tii. 46; 9 Chr. It. 17 — aa marking the (pot
at which the bran foundries were placed for coat-
ing the metal-work of the Temple, " in the diatriet
of Jordan, in the &t or aoft ground between Sm-
ooth and Earthen." But, aa the position of Zar-
than ia not yet known, thia notice baa no topo-
graphical Talue beyond the mention of the Jordan.
It appean to have been known in the time of
Jerome, who aays ( Quaat. M G'en. xzxiii. 16) that
there waa then s town named Sochoth beyond the
Jordan {tram Jordanem), in the diatriet (parte)
of Scythopolis. Nothing more, howerer, waa beard
of it till Burckhardt's Journey. He mention* it in
a note to p. 346 (July S). He ia (peaking of the
place) about the Jordan, and, after naming three
rained towna " on the weat aide of the river to the
north of Byaan," he eeyc " Near where we crossed
m >
to the aouth are the mini of Sukkot (iaJUx). On
the weatern bank of the river there are no rnina
between Ain Sultan (which he has just said waa
the southernmost of the three ruined places north
of Byaan) and Rieha or Jericho." There can,
therefore, be no doubt that the Sukkot of Burck-
hardt was on the east of the Jordan. The spot
at which he crossed he has already stated (pp. 34-1,
(44) to have been " two hours Gram Bysau, which
bore N. N. W."
l)r. Robinson (BM. Aes. UL 309, Ac) and Mr.
Van de Velde (Sgr. and Pal ii. 3*8) have discovered
a place named Saktt («y jj Lu<), evidently en-
tirely distinct both in name and position Aom that
of Burckbardt In the accounts and maps of these
travellers it is placed on the west side of the Jor-
dan, less than a mile from the river, and about 10
miles south of Btix&n, A fine spring bubbles out
>n the east side of the low bluff on which the ruins
stand. The distance of Saktt from Btitan is too
great, even if it were on the other side of the
Jordan, to allow of its being the place referred to
by Jerome. The Sukkot of Burckhardt is more
suitable. But it is doubtful whether either of
them can be the Succoth of the Old Test. For
the events of Gideon's story the latter of the two
is not unsuitable. It ia in the line of flight and
pursuit which we may suppose the Hidianitea and
Uideen to have taken, and it is also near a ford.
S&kat, on the other hand, seems too for aouth, and
•« also on the west of the river. But both appear
:oo for to the north for the Succoth of Jacob, lying
u that did between the Jabbok and Sbecbetn, es-
pecially if we place the Wndg Zerkn (usually Iden-
tified with the Jabbok) further to the south than it
!e placed in Van de Velde's map, as Mr. Beke «
at fosse to do. Jacob's direct road from the Wadg
Zcrka to Sbechem would have led him by the
Wadg Ferrak, on the one hand, or through In-
vest, on the other. If he went north aa for as
• Thh gentleman, an old and experienced travaUar,
lis lately raturoed Don a journey batman Damascus,
ins Waif Zirlca, and Ntbaa. It waa undertaken
•ten tin view of tatonf his theory that Baran waa In
he aaai hborhoo d of Damascus [BUaui, Amer. ad.).
> fotnf Into that question, all that touuuu s
SUCCOTH
Sakil, be must have ascended by the Wadf .Valtt
to 7Vyojtr, and so through Tmbdi and the Wad\
Bidtn. Perhaps his going north waa a rase te
escape the dangerous proximity of Eaan ; and if ha
made s long stay at Succoth, as suggested in the
outset of this article, the detour from the direct
road to Sbechem would be of little imnortanos to
him.
Until the position of Succoth is more exactly
ascertained, it ia impossible to say what was the
Valley or Sucooth mentioned in Pa. he. 6 and
criii. 7. The word rendered " Valley " ia 'tmtk in
both cases (4, xolXxa tSk CKtitmr- VaOU Soceoti).
The same word ia employed (Josh. xiii. 97) in
specifying the position of the group of towns
amongst which Sucooth occurs, in describing the
allotment of Gad. So that it evidently denotes
some marked feature of the country. It is not
probable, however, that the main valley of the
Jordan, the Ghtr, is intended, that being always
designated in the Bible by the name of « the Arm
bah." G.
SUCCOTH (nS>P [tarts] : JtarxM; [ex.
xii. 87, Vat 2o*x«0a:] Socoth, Soccotk, " booths,"
or "tents "), the first camping-place of the Israel-
ites when they left Egypt (Ex. xii. 87, xiii. 90;
Num. xxxiii. 5, 6). 'litis place waa apparently
reached at the close of the first day'a march. It
can scarcely be doubled that each of the first three
stations marks the end of a single journey, na-
nuses, the starting-place, we hare shown was proba-
bly near the western end of the WadH-TnmrgUL
We have calculated the distance traversed in each
day's journey to have been about fifteen miles, and
aa Succoth waa not in the desert, the next station,
Etham, being " in the edge of the wilderness "
(Ex. xiii. 20; Num. xxxiii. 6), it must have beet
in the valley, and consequently nearly due east of
Barneses, and fifteen miles distant in a straight
line. If Barneses may be supposed to have been
near the mound called EWAbbiteri/th, the position
of Succoth can be readily determined within mod-
erate limits of uncertainty. It was probably, to judge
from its name, a resting-place of caravans, or a mill
tary station, or a town named from one of the two.
We find similar names in Scene Mandrel (/tin.
Ant), Scene Mandrurum (Not. Dign.) or 2<r»r4)
MarSpir (Wot. Grate. Epitcopatmm ), Scene Veter-
anorum (It. Ant. NoU Dign.), and Seems extra
Gernta (tic : Not Dign.). See, for all these places,
Parthey, Znr Erdkunde da alttn AVggpttrtt, p.
635. It is, however, evident that such a name
would be easily lost, and even if preserved, hard to
recognise, as it might be concealed under a corre-
sponding name of similar signification, though very
different in sound, as that of the settlement of
Ionian and Oarian mercenaries, called to Stjw
ToVeSa (Herod, it 164).
We must here remark upon the extreme careless-
ness with which it has been taken for granted that
the whole journey to the Bed Sea was through the
desert, and an argument against the authenticity
of the sacred narrative based upon evidence which
it not only does not state but contradicts- For
as we have seen, Etham, the second camping-place,
us hers is to say that he has fixed the iatttods of tot
mouth of tha Wady Zsrea at 82° W, or mors tbaa
ten miles south of its position In Tan ds Velde's Jiaa
Mr. Beke's paper and map will fee pabllabsd in Iks
Jomal of toe B. Gsogr. Society tar 188a.
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SUOOOTH-BENOTH
ess "in the edge of the wilderness," end the
xmntry m once euttintad along the valley
trough which passed the canal of the Red Sea.
The demand that Moaca was commissioned to
Bake, that the Israelites might take " three daye 1
■owney into the wilderness " (Ex. iii. 18), does
not imply that the journey wai to be of three dayi
through the wilderness, but rather that it would be
quinary to make three dayi' Joumey in order to
sacrifice in the wildernea. [Exodus, th«| Bed
Ska, Passage or.] B. S. P.
buccoth-bbttoth (rrayrratj
[toots* of daughter!]: l»» x ifl BfWf [Vat PoX"
rm6 Bojk«i8«i, Alex. 2okx"0 B««9ti] : Bochoth-
otitotk) ocean only in 9 K. xrii. 30, where the
Babylonish aettlera in Samaria are slid to have set
up the worship of Succoth-benoth on their arrival
in that country. It has generally been supposed
that this term is pure Hebrew, and signifies the
"tents of daughters;" which some explain as
" the booths in which the daughters of the Baby-
lonians prostituted themselves in honor of their
idol," others as "small tabernacles in which were
contained images of female deities " (compare Ue-
■enios and S. Newman, ad we. njDI^ ; Winer,
Realwtrterouch, ii. 643 ; Oalmet, Qmmenlaire
LtiUraL, ii. 897). It is a strong objection to both
these explanations, that Succoth-benoth, which in
the passage in Kings occurs in the same construc-
tion with Nergal and various other gods, is thus
not a deity at all, nor, strictly speaking, an object
of worship. Perhaps therefore the suggestion of
Sir H. Bawlinson, against which this objection does
not lie, may be admitted to deserve some attention.
This writer thinks that Sueooth-benoth represents
the Chaldaean goddess Zir-bmil, the wife of Me-
rodach, who was especially worshipped at Babylon,
In conjunction with her husband, and who is called
the " queen " of the place. SuccotA be supposes
to be either " s Hamitic term equivalent to Zir,"
or possibly a Shemitic mistranslation of the term
— /Srnt, " supreme," being confounded with Za-
rat, "tents." (See the Eunyot Sir H. Bawlin-
son in Bawlinson's Berodatut, voL 1. p. 880.)
6. K.
8U'OHATHITB8 (DVJ^W [patr. whence
unknown]: [:g«xaeV; Vat Alex.] 2u«a0i«p: wi
tabemnculu commorantee). One of the families
of scribes at Jabea (1 Chr. iL 86).
SUD (Zoo8: HoHi). A river in the immediate
neighborhood of Babylon, on the banks of which
Jewish exiles lived (Bar. i. 4). No such river is
known to geographers: but if we assume that the
fast part of the book of Barueh was written in
Hebrew, the original text may tare been Sur, the
final "1 having been changed into *T. In this
ease the name would represent, not the town of
Son, as suggested by Bochart (Phaltg, i. 8), but
the river Euphrates itself, which is always named
by Arab geographers " the river of Sura," a cor-
ruption probably of the " Sippara" of the inscrip-
tions (Bawlinson's Herod. L 611, note 4).
W. L. B.
SOT) aerie!; [Vat Sow,;] Alex.' Jours;
Bid. JeiSB:] 8m) = Sia, or Siaha (1 Esdr. v.
; oorap. Neh. vii. 47; Ear. U. 44).
8UDI'AS (lovtlas •■ Serebiat et Eduu, =
Booaviah 3 and Hodev«h (1 Esdr. v. 98;
~sr. ill. 40; Neh. vtt. 48).
SUN
812fi
SOTCKIIMS (ET*3D [bootk-dvtlUn] . [Rom.
Vat Tp*yofirai; Alex.] TWvAoSurai: iVoofo.
dila), a nation mentioned (1 Chr. xii. 8> with the
Lubim and Cushim as supplying part of the army
which came with Shishak out of Egypt when he
invaded Judah. Gesenius (Lex. s. v.) suggests
that their name signifies " dwellers in tents," in
which esse it might perhaps be better to suppose
them to have been an Arab tribe like the Scenitas,
than Ethiopians. If it is borne in mind that
Zerah was apparently allied with the Arabs south
of Palestine [ZehahJ, whom we know Shishak ta
have subdued [Shishak], our conjecture does not
seem to be improbable. The Sukkiims may cor-
respond to some one of the shepherd or wandering
noes mentioned on the Egyptian monuments, but
we hare not found any name in hieroglyphics re-
sembling their name in the Bible, and this some-
what favors the opinion that it is a Shemitic ap
peUation. B. S. P.
• SUMMER. (AuBicouruKE, p. 40 t
PAuumxK, p. 8317; Baih.]
•SUMMER-PARLOR. [Home, p. 1105.,
SUN (ttfctf). In the history of the creatine
the sun is described sa the "greater light" in eon
tradistinction to the moon or "lesser light," ii
conjunction with which it was to serve " for signs
and for seasons, and for days, and for years,'
while its special office was "to rule the day "(Gen
i. 14-18). The "signs" referred to were prob
ably such extraordinary phenomena as eclipses
which were regarded as conveying premonitions oi
coming events (Jer. x. 3; Matt xxiv. 99, with Luk<
xxi. 85). The joint influence assigned to the sun
and moon in deciding the "seasons," both for
agricultural operations and for religious festivals,
and also in regulating the length and subdivisions
of the "years," correctly describes toe combina-
tion of the lunar and solar year, which prevailed
at all events subsequent!) to the Mosaic period —
the moon being the memurer (star' 4{ox4*) of the
lapse of time by the subdivisions of months sod
weeks, while the sua was the ultimate regulator
of the length of the year by means of the recur-
rence of the feast of Pentecost at a fixed agricul-
tural season, namely, when the corn became ripe.
The sun " ruled the day " alone, sharing toe do-
minion of the skies with the moon, the brilliancy
and utility of which for journeys and other pur-
poses enhances its value iu eastern countries. It
" ruled the day," not only in reference to its pow-
erful influences, but also ss deciding the length of
the day and supplying the meana of calculating
its progress. Sun-rise and sun-set are the only
denned points of time in the absence of artificial
contrivances for telling the hour of the day : and
as these points are less variable in the latitude of
Palestine than in our country, they served the pur
pose of marking tbe commencement and conclu-
sion of the working day. Between these two
points the Jews recognized three periods, namely,
when tbe sun became hot, about 9 A. u. (1 Sam.
mi. f . Neh. vii. 3); the double light or noon (Gen.
xliii 18; 8 Sam. iv. 5), and " the cool of the day "
shortly before sujset (Gen. iii. 8). Tbe sun also
served to fix the quarters of the hemisphere, east,
west, north, and south, which were r ep resented
respectively by the rising sun, the setting sun (Is.
xlv. 6; Ps. 1. 1), the dark quarter (Gen. xlU. 14'
Joel ii. 90), and the brilliant quarter (Dent urlM
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3126
BUH
93; Job xxxvii. 17; Ex. xL 94); or otherwise by
their position relative to ■ person being the rising
Mm — before, behind, on the left hand, and on the
right hand (Job xxiii. 8, 9). The apparent motion
of the ran ia frequently referred to in terms that
would imply its reality (Josh. x. 18; 9 K. xx. 11;
Ps.xix.6; EecLL5; Hab.iii. 11). The ordinary
name for the ran, tiemeth, is rappoaed to refer to
the extreme brilliancy of its rays, producing stupor
or tuionuhment in the mind of the beholder; the
poetical names, chatamdk" (Job xx*. 28; Cant,
ri. 10; Is. xxx. 86), and chcru* (Judg. xiv. 18;
Job ix. 7) hare reference to its beat, the beneficial
•fleets of which are duly commemorated (Dent
xxxiii. 14; Pa. xix. 6), as well as its baneful influ-
mee when in excess (Ps. cxxL 8; Is. xlix. 10; Jon.
It. 8; Ecelus. xliit. 8, 4). The rigor with which
the sun traverses the heavens is compared to that
of a " bridegroom coming out of his chamber,"
and of a " giant rejoicing to run his course " (Ps.
xix. 6). The speed with which the beams of the
rising sun dart across the sky, is expre ss ed in the
term "wings" applied to them (ft. exxxix. 9;
Mai. It. 3).
The worship of the son, as the most prominent
and powerful agent in the kingdom of nature, was
widely diffused throughout the countries adjacent
to Palestine. The Arabians appear to hare paid
direct worship to it without the intervention of any
statue or symbol (Job xxxi. 96, 97; Strab. xvi.
p. 784), and this simple style of worship was prob-
ably familiar to the ancestors of the Jews In
Chaldasa and Mesopotamia. In Egypt the son
was worshipped under the title of R8 or Ba, and
not as was supposed by ancient writers under the
form of Osiris (Died. Sic i. 11; set Wilkinson's
Ane. Eg. ir. 989): the name came conspicuously
forward as the title of the kings, Pharaoh, or rather
Phre, meaning « the sun" (Wilkinson, iv. 287).
The Hebrews must have been well acquainted with
the idolatrous worship of the sun during the Cap-
tivity in Egypt, both from the contiguity of On,
the chief seat of the worship of the sun as implied
in the name itself (On = the Hebrew Beth-she-
mesh, «• bouse of the son," Jer. xliii. 13), and also
from the connection between Joseph and Poti-
pherah ("he who belongs to Ba"), the priest of
On (Gen. xli. 46). After their removal to Canaan,
the Hebrews came in contact with various forms of
idolatry, which originated in the worship of the
sun; such as the Baal of the Phoenicians (Movers,
PhSn. i. 180), the Mokeh or Milcom of the Am-
monites, and the Hadad of the Syrians (Plin. xxxvii.
71). These idols were, with the exception of the
hut, introduced into the Hebrew commonwealth at
various periods (Judg. ii. 11; 1 K. xi. 6); but it
docs not follow that the object symbolised by them
was known to the Jews themselves. If we have
any notice at all of conscious sun-worship in the
early stages of their history, it exists in the doubt-
ful term chamm&rim' (Lev. xxvL 80; Is. xvii. 8,
is.), which was itself significant of the sun, and
probably described the stone pillars or statues
under which the solar Baal (Baal-Haman of the
'Wo inscriptions, Gesso. The*. i. 489) was wor-
Jupped at Baal-Hamon (Cant. viii. 11) and other
olocee. Pure sun-worship appears to have been
mtroduoed by the Assyrians, and to hat* become
brmally established by Msnssssh (9 K. xxL 8, 5),
n^i?
»DTTJ.
SUB
in contravention of the prohibitions of Moses (Deut
iv. 19, xvii. 8). Whether the practice was bar-
rowed from the Sepharvites of Samaria (9 K. xvii,
81), whose gods Adrammetech and Anammekek
are supposed to represen t the male and female sun,
and whose original residence (the Heliopous of
Berosos) was the chief seat of the worship of the
sun in Babylonia (Bawlinson's Herod, i. 611), ot
whether the kings of Judah drew their model of
worship more immediately from the east, ia uncer-
tain. The dedication of chariots and horses te
the sun (9 K. xxiii. 11) was perhaps borrowed from
the Persians (Herod. 1. 189; Cart. Hi. 8, f 11.
Xen. Cfrcp. viii. 8, f 94), who honored the tu
under the form of Mithras (Strab. xv. p. 789). At
the same time it should be observed that the hoist
was connected with the worship of the sun in other
countries, as among the Massageta: (Herod, i. 816),
and the Armenians (Xen. Annt. iv. S, § 86), both
of whom used it as a sacrifice. To judge from
the few notices we hare on the subject in the
Bible, we should conclude that the Jews derived
their mode of worshipping the sun from several
quarters. The practice of burning incense on the
house-tops (9 K. xxiii. 8, 19; Jer. xix. 13; Zeph.
i. 5) might have been borrowed from the Arabians
(Strab. xvi. p. 784), as also the simple act of adora-
tion directed towards the rising sun (Ex. viii. 16;
comp. Job xxxi. 87). On the other hand, the use
of the chariots and hones in the processions on
festival days came, as we have observed, from Per-
sia; and so also the custom of " putting the branch
to the nose" (Ee. viii. 17), according to the gen-
erally received explanation, which identifies it with
the Persian practice of holding in the left hand
a bundle of twigs called Bersara while worshipping
the sun (Strab. xv. p. 733: Hyde, StL Pen. p.
84S). This, however, is very doubtful, the expres-
sion being otherwise understood of "putting ths
knife to the nose," i. e. producing self-mutilation
(llitxig, On Kttk.). An objection lies against
the former view from the fact that the Persians are
not said to have held the branch to the nose. The
importance attached to the worship of the sun by
the Jewish kings, may be inferred from the fact that
the horses were stalled within the precincts of the
temple (the term pnrtor* meaning not " suburb "
as in the A. V., but either a portico or an out-
building of the temple). They were removed thenca
by Josiah (3 K. xxiii. 11).
In the metaphorical language of Scripture the
son is emblematic of the law of God (Ps. xix. 7),'
of the cheering presence of God (Pa. lxxxiv. 11),
of the person of the Saviour (John L 9 ; Mai. hr.
9), and of the glory and purity of heavenly being*
(Bev. i. 16, x, 1, xii. 1). W. L. B.
• SUN-DIAL. [Dial]
• SUPPER. [LOBB'8 Sunn; Meal*.]
• SUPPER, THE LA8T. [Pabboybb, Hi.]
8UR C(oe>; [VaU \rrovp; Sin.Toi/p:] Vulg.
omits). One of the places on the sea-coast of Pal
estine, which sre named as having been disturbec.
at the approach of Hoknernes with the Aasy-ian
army (Jud. ii. 88). It cannot he Tyre, tbr aorV
em Sir, since that is mentioned immediately be-
fore. Some have suggested Dor, others a place
named Son, mentioned by Steph. Bya. a* b
Phamida, which they would identify with AtUk
C^pll.
HO
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STTRETISHTP
stbers, again, Siraftnd. But none of these ire
Mtbfiietorj.
8UBETISHIP. (1.) Tha A. V. rendering
br ttWlM,* lit. in mmrg. "those that strike
(hande)." (8.) The phrase* lit&mtlik ydrf, "de-
positing in the hand," u e. {tiring in pledge, may
be underetood to appljr to the act of pledging, or
virtual though not penonal luretlahip (Lev. rL 9,
in Heb. v. 31). In the entire alamoa of eommeroa
the Law laid down no rules on the subject of sure-
Uship, but it ia evident that in the time of Solo-
mon commercial dealing* had become so multiplied
that suretiahip in the commercial tense waa com-
mon (Prov. vi. 1, xi- 15, xvii. 18, xz. 16, xxii. 88,
xxvjL 13). But in older times the notion of one
man becoming a surety for a service to be dis-
charged by another was in full force (aee Gen. xliv.
83), and it ia probable that the same form of un-
dertaking existed, namely, the giving the hand to
(striking hands with), not, as Michaelis represents,
the person who was to discharge the service — in
the commercial sense the debtor — but the person
to whom it was due, the creditor (Job xvii. 8;
Prov. vi. 1 ; Michaelia, Lawt of Motet, % 151, ii.
833, ed. Smith). The surety of oourte became
liable for his client's debts in case of bis failure.
In later Jewish times the system had beoome oom-
mon, and caused much distress in many instances,
yet the duty of suretiship in certain oasea is recog-
nised aa valid (Ecclus. viii. 13, xxix. 14, 16, 18,
18,18). [Loah.] H. W.P.
* SURETY. [ScBKTump; Pumas.]
SU8A ([Sovo-a:] Sutan). Esth. xi. 8, xri.
18. [Shuihak.]
SU'BANCHITBS (rP33ttnttf [see below]:
Sove-avaxwoi; [Vat M. -ovr-:J Sutantchwi) ia
found ones only — in Ear. iv. 9, where it occurs
among the list of the nations whom the Assyrians
bad settled in Samaria, and whose descendants still
occupied the country in the reign of the Pseudo-
Smerdis. There can be no doubt that it designates
jither the inhabitants of the city Suaa (?BfaB7), or
hose of the country — Susia or Susiana — where-
at Suaa waa the capital. Perhaps aa the Elamitet
are mentioned in the same passage, and as Daniel
(viii. 3) seems to call the country Elam and the
city Sbuahan (or Suaa), the former explanation is
preferable. (See Shubham.) 6. R.
STJSAN'NA ([Theodot.] SmraW, [Alex.]
Xovirarra; [LXX. lowrim'] »'. «- n^tPlttJ, "a
lily "). L The heroine of the story of the Judg-
ment of Daniel. [Daniel, Afocbyphal Ad-
ditions to.] The name occurs in Diod. Sic. u
that of the daughter of Ninus (ii. 6), and Sheahan
(1 Cbr. ii. 81, 34, 86) is of the same origin and
meaning (Get. Tha. a. v. ).
S. One of the women who ministered to the Lord
(Lake viii. 3). B. F. W.
SU'BI ("D-TD: Xmal [Vat.-o-«i]» Saw). The
father of Gaddl the ManaaslU spy (Num. xiii. 11).
SWALLOW, iVl^, dtroV, and"flay,o>lr,
both thus translated in A. V. "lVl? occurs twice,
fa. htxxiv. 8, and Prov. xxvL S: tranaL by LXX.
earyaV and trpouUf, Vulg. tvrtvr and patter.
• DTJJfJVI : Tale ta»«cs.lr«B«»i2Pl,"sttlfcs"
SWALLOW
8127
"fQy also twice, la. xxxvui. 14, and Jer. vilL 7,
both timet in conjunction with D^D or V>0,
and rendered by LXX. wfcurrcpd' and arpov9iow %
Vulg. "oolumba" and "doonia." In each paasagi
D S D is rendered, probably correctly, by LXX. x*~
Ai8*V (swallow), A. V. crone [Ckahb], which
is more probably the true signification of "* : Oy.
CD la perhaps, oonnected with Arab. — KmJt
('mtitri), applied to many warbling birds.
The rendering of A. V. for "lYT!J seems Ins
open to question, and the original (quasi iTffl,
■■freedom") may Include the swallow with other
swiftly flying or free birds. The old commentators,
except Bochart, who renders it " oolumba fera,"
apply it to the swallow from the love of freedom in
this bird, and the impossibility of retaining it in
captivity.
Whatever be the precise rendering, the characters
ascribed in the several pasasges where the names
occur, are strictly applicable to the swallow, namely,
its swiftness of flight, its nesting in the buildings
of the Temple, its mournful, garrulous note, and its
regular migration, shared indeed in common with
several others. But the turtle-dove, for which the
LXX. have taken "lVTJ, was scarcely likely to be
a familiar resident in the Temple lnclosure. On
Is. xxxviii. 14, " Like a swallow, so did I chatter,"
we may observe that the garrulity of the swallow
was proverbial among the ancient* (see Nonn
Dionys. ii. 133, and Aristoph. Batr. 93). Hence
its epithet mrriAdj, " the twitterer," awriAo&u
Be tot Y«A»8oVof, Athen. p. 633. See Anacr.
104, and ipepayi^, Hee. Op. 666 ; and Virg.
Georg. iv. 306.
Although Aristotle in his » Natural History,"
and Pliny following him, have given currency to the
fable that many swallows bury themselves during
winter, yet the regularity of their migration alluded
to by the Prophet Jeremiah was familiarly recog-
nised by the ancients. See Anacreon ( Od. xxxiii.).
The ditty quoted by Athen. (p. 360) from The-
ognis is well known —
'HA** *>*• jpAi&ir, «oA*t **« Sywra,
icaAodc toairfoifc, set yaffrdp* Aswci, eai pftiv
So Ovid (Fatt. ii. 858), "Pramuntla reris hi.
rondo."
Many species of swallow occur in Palestine. Al
those familiar to us in Britain are found. The
swallow (IJirundo nutiaa, L., vsr. CnAirico,
Lichsk), martin ( Cheluhn vrbica, L.), sand martu
{Cotyk ripnria, L.) abound. Besides these the
eastern swallow (Hir. ru/Wrr, Tern.), which nestles
generally in fissures in rocks, and the crag martin
(CWyfa rapesn-tt, L.), which is confined to moin-
tain gorges and desert districts, are also common.
See /(its, vol. 1. p. 97. vol. ii. p. 386. The crag
martin is the only member of the genus which
does not migrate from Palestine in winter. Of the
genus Oyptthu (swift), our swift ( Cypthu nous, L.)
ia common, and the splendid alpine swift (Qps.
melba, L.) may be seen in a*, suitable localities
A third spseus, peculiar, so for as fa) yst known
» TJHJJ'IBH^'
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8128
SWAN
la the northeast of Palatine, hu recently been
described under the name of Cyptclui GaliUtntit.
Whatever be the true appellation for the swallow
tribe in Hebrew, it would perhape include the bee-
eaten, eo similar to many of the swallows, at least
in the eyes of a cursory observer, in flight, note,
sod habits. Of this beautiful genus three species
occur in Palestine, Iterant apiaiter, L., Jsfereps
Perticut, L., and in tha Taller of the Jordan only,
the eastern sub-tropical form Meropt virid'u, L.
H.B.T.
SWAN (nig^^n, tuuhemeth). Thus ren-
dered by A. V. in Lev. xi. 18 ; Deut xiv. 16, where it
occurs in the list of unclean birds ; LXX. woapvefaw,
tfia; Vulg. porphyria, tin*. Bochart (Micron, ii.
890) explains it noctua (owl), and derives the name
from DQfJP, « to astonish," because other birds
are startled at tha apparition of the owL Geaenius
suggests tbeptUoan, from DIJQ, "to breathe, to
puff," with reference to the inflation of its pouch.
Whatever may have been the bird intended by
Moses, these conjectures cannot be admitted as sat-
isfactory, the owl and pelican being both distinctly
expressed elsewhere in the catalogue. Nor is the
A. V. translation likely to be correct It is not
probable that the swan was known to Moses or the
Israelites, or at least that it was sufficiently famil-
iar to have obtained a place in this list. Hassd-
qnist indeed mentions his having seen a swan on
the coast of Damietta, but though a regular winter
visitant to Greece, only accidental stragglers wan-
der so far south as the Nile, and it has not been
observed by recent naturalists either in Palestine
or Egypt. Nor, if it had been known to the Israel-
ites, is it easy to understand why the swan should
have been classed among the unclean birds. The
renderings of the LXX., >' porphj rio " and « ibis,"
are either of them more probable. Neither of these
birds occur elsewhere in the catalogue, both would
be familiar to residents in Egypt, and the original
seems to point to some water-fowl. The Samaritan
Version also agrees with the LXX. Uop<puptar,
forphyrio antiquorum, Bp., the purple water-hen, is
mentioned by Aristotle (llitL An. viii. 8), Aristoph-
anes (At. 707), Pliny {Wat. Hit. x. 83), and
more fully described by Athemeus (Dtipn. ix. 388).
U is allied to our corn-crake and water-hen, and is
he largest and most beautiful of the family Rallida,
.«ing larger than the domestic fowl, with a rich
dark-blue plumage, and brilliant red beak and legs.
From the extraordinary length of its toes it is en-
abled, lightly treading on the flat leaves of water-
plants, to support itself without immersion, and
apparently to run on the surface of the water. It
frequents marshes and the sedge by the banks of
riven in all the countries bordering on the Medi-
terranean, and is abundant in Lower Egypt. Athe-
.uens has correctly noted its singular habit of grasp*
ng its food with its very long toes, and thus
conveying it to its mouth. It is distinguished from
all the other species of Railida by its short powerful
mandibles, with which it crushes its prey, consisting
often of reptiles and young birds. It will fre-
quently seise a young duck with ita long feet, and
at once crunch the head of its victim with its beak.
It is an omnivorous feeder, and from the miscel-
laneous character of its food, might re as onab ly find
a place in the catalogue of unclean birds. Its flesh
Is rank, coarse, and very dark-oolored. H. B. T.
SWEARING [Oath.]
SWEAT, BLOODY
SWEAT, BLOODY. One of the physfoa'
phenomena attending our Lord's agony in the
garden of Gethsemane ia described by St Luke
(xxii. 44) : « His sweat was sa it were great drops
(lit clots, enipfiot) of blood falling down to toe
ground." The genuineness of this verse and of tha
preceding has been doubted, but is now generally
acknowledged. They are omitted in A and B, but
are found in the Codex Sinaiticus (N), Codex Ban,
and others, snd fan the PeshHo, Philoxenian, and
Cnretonian Syriae (see Tregelles, Greet tfev Tut. ;
Scrivener, Introd. to the CriL of the N. T. p. 434),
snd Tregelles points to the notation of the section
and canon in ver. 48 as a trace of the existence of
the versa in the Codex Akxandrinus.
Of this malady, known in medical science by the
term diapedctU, there have been examples recorded
both in ancient and modern times. Aristotle was
aware of it (Dt Part Atom. iii. 6). The cause
sasigned ia generally violent mental emotion.
" Kannegieaser," quoted by Dr. Stroud (Phut.
Croat of the Death of Christ, p. 86), "remarks,
' Violent mental excitement, whether occasioned by
uncontrollable anger or vehement joy, and in like
manner sudden terror or intense fear, forces out a
sweat accompanied with signs either of anxiety or
hilarity.' After ascribing this sweat to the unequal
constriction of some vessels and dilatation of others,
he further observes: ' If the mind is seized with a
sudden fear of death, the sweat, owing to the exces-
sive degree of constriction, often becomes bloody.' "
Dr. MUlingen ( Curiotiiiei of Medical Experience,
p. 489, 3d ed.) gives the following explanation of
the phenomenon : " It is probable that this strange
disorder arises from a violent commotion of tile
nervous system, turning the streams of blood out
of their natural course, and forcing the red particles
into the cutaneous excretories. A mere relaxation
of the fibres could not produce eo powerful a re-
vulsion. It may also arise in cases of extreme de-
bility, in connection with a thinner condition of tha
blood."
The following are a few of the instances on record
which have been collected by Calmet (Din. tur In
Sueur du Sang), MUlingen, Stroud, Trusen (Die
SUten, Gebrauche, und JCrattkheiten d. ok. Hebr.,
Breslau, 1863). Schenkius (Ob*. Med. lib. iiL
p. 458) mentions the case of a nun who was so ter-
rified at falling into the hands of soldiers that blood
oozed from all the pores of her body. The same
writer says that in the plague of Miaeno, in 1554,
a woman who was seised sweated blood for three
days. In 1553, Conrad Lyeosthenes (dt Prodiyiit,
p. 628, ed. 1567) reports, a woman sick of the plague
sweated blood from the upper part of her body.
Maldonato (Coram, in Ktany.) gives an instance,
attested by eye-witnesses, of a man at Paris in *ul
health and vigor, who, hearing the sentence of
death, waa covered with a bloody sweat Accord-
ing to De Thou (lib. xi. vol. i. p. 386, ed. 1686),
the governor of Monteniaro, being seised by strata-
gem and threatened with death, was to moved
thereat that he sweated blood and water. Anotnee
case, recorded in the same historian (lib. lxxxu.
vol. iv. p. 44), is that of a Florentine youth who was
unjustly condemned to death by Pope Sixtus V.
The death et Charles IX. of France was attended by
the same phenomenon. Meseray (Hist, de /Vance,
ii. 1170, ed. 1646) says of his last moments
" II s'sgitoit et se remnoH sens cease, et le sang
toy jalflissolt par tons lea conduits meant saw ta
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form, de rate qu'on le (touts uue foil qui balgn-
oit dedans." A tailor, during a fearful storm, i»
•aid to have (alien with terror, and when taken up
his whole bod}' was covered with a bloody sweat
(Millingen, p 488). In the Mekmyet a" Ilittuire
(Ui. 179), by Dom Honaventura d'Argoone, the caae
U given uf a wonuui who suffered ao much from this
malady that, after her death, no blood was found
in her veins. Another caae, of a girl of 18 who
suffered in the same way, is reported by Mesaporiti,"
a physician at Genoa, accompanied by the observa-
tionsof Vallisneri, Professor of Medicine at Padua.
It occurred in 1703 LPAtf. 7m«i. No. 303, p.
2114). There is still, however, wanted a well-
ruitbentioated instance in modern times, observed
milh all the can and Mltetted by all the exactness
of later medical science. That given in Caspar's
Wvekentchrifl, 1848, as baring been observed by
Dr. Schneider, appears to be the most recent, and
resembles the phenomenon mentioned by Theo-
pbrastus {London .Wed. Out., 1848, vol. ii. p. 953).
lor further reference to authorities, see Copland's
Diet, of Medicine, ii. 72. W. A. W.
8W1NB O^TO, ehiar: J t , Uua, <rC»; x»V»'
in N. T. : tut, "per). Allusion will be found in the
Bible to these animals, both (1) in their domestic
and (2) in their wild state.
(1.) The flesh of swine was forbidden as food by
the l^vitical law (Lev. xi. 7; Deut xiv. 8); the
abhorrence which the Jews as a nation bad of it
may be inferred from Is. lxv. 4, where some of the
idolatrous people are represented as " eating swiue's
flesh," and as having the " broth of abominable
things in their vessels ; " see also lxvi. 3, 17, and 2
Mace. ri. 18, 19, in which passage we read that Klea-
aar, an aged scribe, when compelled by Antiochus
to receive in his mouth swine's flesh, " spit it forth,
choosing rather to die gloriously than to live stained
with such an abomination." The use of swine's
flesh was forbidden to the Egyptian priests, to
whom, says Sir 6. Wilkinson (Anc. Egypt, i. 322),
" above all meat* it was particularly obnoxious "
(see Herodotus, ii. 47; JSlian, de Nat. Anim, x.
16; Joeephus, Oner. Apian, ii. 14), though it was
occasionally eaten by the people. The Arabians also
were disallowed the use of swine's flesh (see Pliny,
viiL //. JV*. 52; Koran, ii. 175), as were also the
Pbamidana, ^Ethiopians, and other nations of the
East.
No other reason for the command to abstain from
swine's flesh is given in the Law of Moses beyond
toe general one which forbade any of the mamma-
lia as food which did not literally fulfill the terms
af the definition of a " clean animal," namely, that
it was to be a cloven-footed ruminant. The pig,
therefore, though it divides toe hoof, but does not
chew the cud, was to be considered unclean ; and
consequently, inasmuch as, unlike the ass and the
horse in the time of the Kings, no use could be
made of the animal when alive, the Jews did not
breed swine (Lactant. Jntlil. iv. 17). It is, how
ever, probable that dietetics! considerations may
have influenced Moses in his prohibition of swine's
flesh; it is generally believed that it* use in hot
countries is liable to induce cutaneous disorders;
kenca in a people liable to leprosy the necessity for
the observance af a strict rule. " The reason V
the meat not being eaten was Its nnwhoiesomeness,
a Bo the name la given In the Pkilot. Tram.
writes It " M. 8aporltlus."
197
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8129
on which account it was forbidden to the . ewa and
Moslems " (Sir G. Wilkinson's note in Rawlinsou's
Uertxkhu, ii. 47). Ham. Smith, hoxasver (Kitto's
CycL art. "Swine"), maintains ,J0k% this reputed
unwholeeomeness of swine's nan has been much
exaggerated; and recently a wtjter in Colburn's
New Monthly Magazine Miday*. 1862, p. 286)
has endorsed this opinion. OTier conjectures for
the reason of the prohibition, which are mora curi-
ous than valuable, may be seen in Bocbart (literal.
i. 806, f.). Callistratus (apud Plutarch. Sympos.
iv. 5) suspected that the Jews did not uae swine't
flesh for the same reason which, be says, influenced
the Egyptians, namely, that this animal was sacred,
inasmuch ss by turning up the earth with its snout
it first taught men the art of ploughing (see Bo-
chart, Bierou 1. 806, and a dissertation by CasaeL
entitled De Judatorum vdio et nbttinentia a porcinn
ejutque cautit, Magdeb. ; also Micbaelis, Comment.
on the Law* of Motet, art. 203, iii. 230, Smith's
tranal.). Although the Jews did not breed swine,
during the greater period of their existence as a
nation, there can be little doubt that the heathen
nations of Palestine need the flesh as food.
At the time of our Lord's ministry it would ap-
pear that the Jews occasionaly violated the law of
Moaes with respect to swine's flesh. Whether
'■ the herd of swine " into which the devils were
allowed to enter (Matt. viii. 82; Mark v. 13) were
the property of the Jewish or Gentile inhabitant*
of Gadara does not appear from the sacred narra-
tive; but that the practice of keeping swine did
exist amongst some of the Jews seems clear from
the enactment of the law of Hyrcanus, "ne em"
porcum alere Kceret" (Grotlus, Annot. ad Matt. 1.
c). Allusion i* made in 9 Pet ii. 22 to the fond-
ness which swine have for " wallowing in the mire ; '
this, it appears, was a proverbial expression, with
which may be compared the " arnica hito sus " of
Horace (Ad. 1. 2, 26). Solomon's comparison of a
" jewel of gold in a swine's snout " to a " fair
woman without discretion " (Prov. xi. 22), and
the expression of our Lord, "neither cast ye youi
pearls before swine," are so obviously intelligible a*
to render any remarks unnecessary. The transac-
tion of the destruction of the herd of swine already
alluded to, like the cursing of the barren fig-tree,
has been the subject of most unfair cavil : it is well
answered by Trench (Miraciei, p. 173), who ob-
serves that " a man is of mora value than many
swine ; " besides which it must be remembered
that it is not necessary to suppose that onr Lord
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8180
8WORD
ttft the devils into toe swine. He merely permit-
ted them to go, u Aquinu says, "quod tutem
porei in mare pnecipitati nint nou fuit operetta di-
»ini niiraculi, ted operatio dtemonum e permiaaione
divinA; " and if theae Gadarene Tillage™ were Jews
and owned the swine, they were rightly punished
by the loai of that which they ought not to hare
had at aU.
(2.) The wild hoar of the wood (P». Ira. 13)
is the common Ski tcrofa which U frequently met
with in the woody parU of Palestine, especially in
Mount Talior. The allusion in the psalm to the
injury the wild boar don to the vineyards la well
borne out by tact. "It is astonishing what
havoc a wild boar is capable of effecting during a
single night; what with eating and trampling un-
der foot, he will destroy a vast quantity of grapes "
(Hartley's Hetearehei in Greece, p. 234).
W. H.
SWORD. [Arms.]
SYCAMINE TREE (o-wtd>iwt: moms) U
mentioned once only, namely, in Luke xvii. 6, " If
ye had faith as a grain of mustard-seed, ye might
Monu nigra (Mulberry).
•ay to this sycamine tree, Be thou plucked up,"
etc. There is no reason to doubt that the avKii-
amot is distinct from the trvKOftupala of the same
Evangelist (xix. 4) [Sycamore], although we learn
from Dioscorides (i. 180) that this name was some-
times given to the <ru«o>opos- The sycamine is
the mullierry tree (Aforvt), as is evident from Di-
jecorides, Theophrastus (H. P. i. 6, $ 1; 10, § 10;
13, § 4, Ac.), and various other Greek writers; sea
Celsius, Hitrob. I. 288. A form of the same word,
vvKannrfi, is still one of the names for the mul-
" • The sias of this tree mad* It a fitting emblem
for tbt Saviour's use (Luke xvii. 6). " Its ample
girth, Its wide-spread arms branching off from the par-
snt trunk only a ftw feet from the ground, Its eoor-
ttous roots, at thick, as numerous, and as wide-spread
aw the deep soli below as the branches extend Into
*■ an- above, made It the very beet type of Invtod-
s" (Thomson, Land and Book, 1. 24).
8YCAMORR
lierry jet in Greece (see Heldreieh'a Nutqtjbmtm
Gruchenlandt, Atheo. 1862, p. 19. » Moras sJba
L. und H. nigra L. ^ Moppd, VLtmpyni, and Mev
mi, auch Svccuoirpd' — pcleag. mm*, — ed."V
Both black and white mulberry trees are —"«^
in Syria and Palestine, and are largely cultivated
there for the sake of supplying food to the caterpil-
lars of the silk- worm, which are bred in great num-
bers. The mulberry tree is too well known to ren-
der further remarks necessary. W. H.
SYCAMORE (npptP, thuVmA : «W-
pivot. aVKo/utp4a or avKoumpalu, in the N. T :
tycamurut, mollis, ficttum). The Hebrew word
occurs in the 0. T. only in the plural form mase.
and once fern., Ps. lxxviii. 47 ; and it is in the
LXX. always translated by the Greek word «W-
r>ot. The two Greek words occur only onee each
the N. T , avxifuros (Luke xvii. 6), and e-vrs-
limpia (Luke xix. 4). Although it may be admit-
ted that the sycamine is properly, and in Luke
xvii. 6, the mulberry, and the tycamore the Jio-
mulberry, or sycamore-fig (Ficui tycomorm), yet
the latter is the tree generally referred to in the 0.
T., and called by the LXX. tyeanme, as 1 K. x.
27; 1 Chr. xxvii. 28; Ps. lxxviii. 47; Am. vii. 14.
Dioscorides expressly says SiHtofupor, eViei S« ml
toDto avKd/umr Aeyovci, lib. L cap. 180. Com-
pare Uesenius, Thuaurut Heb. p. 1476 b; Winer,
liicb. ii. 65 E; RoaenmiJller, AlUrttumskumde, R
ir. § 281 ff.; Celsius, Hierob. I 810.
The tycamore, or Jiff-mulberry (from avtcor
fg, and /i6por, mulberry), is in Egypt and Pake-
tine a tree of great importance and very extensive
use. It attains the size of a walnut tree, has wide-
spreading branches, and affords a delightful shade.*
On this account it is frequently pl«"»H by the
waysides. Its leaves are heart-shaped, downy on
the under aide, and fragrant. The fruit grows di-
rectly from the trunk itself on little sprigs, and in
clusters like the grape. To make it eatable, each
fruit, three or four days before gathering, must, it
is said, be punctured with a sharp instrument or
the finger-nail. Comp. Theophraatus, De Gnu.
Plata, i. 17, J 9; HitL PL iv. S, ( 1; Pliny, H.
ti. xiii. 7; ForsklL Deter. Plant, p. 182. This
was the original employment of the prophet Amos,
as he says, vii. 14.* Hasaelquist (Trav. p. 360;
Lond. 1766) says, "The fruit of this tree tastes
pretty well ; when quite ripe it is soft, watery,
somewhat sweet, with a very little portion of an
aromatic taste." It appears, however, that a
species of gall insect (Cympt tycomori) often spoils
much of the fruit •' The tree," Haaaelquist adds,
>• la wounded or cut by the inhabitants at the time
it buds, for without this precaution, as they aav, it
will not bear fruit" (p. 261). In form and amcB
and inward structure it resembles the fig, and hence
its name. The tree is always verdant, and beats
fruit several times in the year without being con-
fined to fixed seasons, and la thus, as a permanent
food-bearer, invaluable to tbe poor. The wood of
the tree, though very porous, is exceedingly durable.
It suffers neither from moistuie nor neat. The
This writer supposes the sycamine and syoamne* tns
to be one and the same. H.
» linos says of Umseu* he was D'Q|?Q7 dV"13
LXX. Kv(£mv ovuifLiva ". Vulg. mtftmiu lytaminm ; i.
a cutter of the fruit for the purpose of rlpenassj ft
%rifm Is tbe very word used >>y Thsoph r astaw.
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SYCHAR
Kgyjtkn mommy coffins, which are made of it, an
■till perfectly sound after an entombment of thou-
sands of years. It was much uW For doors, and
huge furniture, such as sofas, tables, and chairs."
So great waa the value of these trees, that David
appointed for them in his kingdom a special over-
seer, a* he did for the olives (1 Chr. nvii. 38);
and it is mentioned as one of the heaviest of Egypt's
calamities, that her sycamores were destroyed liy
hailstones (Ps lxxviii. 47). That which is called
sycamore in N. America, the Occidental pi me or
iutton-ioood tree, has no resembbuioe whatever to
the sycamore of the Bible; the name is also applied
to a species of maple (the Acer /jsrtnln-ptilnmu or
FnUe-phne), which is much used by turners and
millwrights. 11
SYCHAR
8181
SY'OHAR (2vx«> in N A C I); but Bee.
Text 2iy4> "i* B: Sicknr ; but Codd. Am. and
Fuld. Sychar: Syriae, Socar), A place named
a 8es Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, U. 110, Iond.
|Boi> R For coffins, boxes, tables, doors, and otber
tweets whlob required large and thick planks, for idols
add wooden statues, tbe sycamore was principally em-
V4oyed ; and from toe quantity discovered in tbe tombs
atom, it is evident that the tree n cultivated to a
peat extent " Don, however, believed that the mnm-
ay - c ases of the Mgypttans were made of the wood of
the fWrfio mjora, a tree wbloh furnishes the bebseteo
plums. There can be no doubt, however, that toe
wood of the Fitta tyeomorui was extensively used m
soeieat days. The dir climate of Kgypt might have
helped to nave p r ese rved the timber, which must have
teen valuable hi a country where large timber trees
only in John iv. 8. It is specified as a dty of
Samaria, called Sychar, near the ground which
Jacob gave to Joseph his son; and there was tut
well of Jacob."
Jerome believed that the name was merely •
copyist's error for Sychem ; but the unanimity of
the MSS. is sufficient to dispose of this supposition.
Sychar was either a name applied to the town of
Shechem, or it was an independent place. 1. The
first of these alternatives is now almost universally
accepted. In the words of Dr. Robinson {Bibl. He*.
ii. 2U0), •' In consequence of the hatred which ex
isted between the Jews and the Samaritans, and in
allusion to their idolatry, the town of Sicbem re-
ceived, among the Jewish common people, the by-
name Sychar. - ' This theory may be correct, but
the only support which can be found for it is the
very imperfect one afforded by a passage in Isaiah
(xxviii. 1, 7), in which tbe prophet denounces the
Ephraimites as tliicdrbn — " drunkards ; " and bj
a passage in Habakkuk (ii. 18) in which tbe word*
moreli $htker, " a teacher of lies," are supposed tc
contain an allusion to Moreh, tbe original name of
the district of Shechem, and to the town itself.
But this is surely arguing in a circle. And had
such a nickname been applied to Shechem so habit-
ually as its occurrence in St. John would seem to
imply, there would be some trace of it in those
passages of the Talmud which refer to the Samari-
tans, and in which every term of opprobrium and
ridicule that can be quoted or invented it heaped
on them. It may be affirmed, however, with cer-
tainty that neither in Targum nor Talmud is there
any mention of such a thing. Iightfoot did not
know of it. The numerous treatises on the Sa-
maritans are silent about it, and recent close search
has failed to discover it
Presuming that Jacob's well was then, where it
la now shown, at the entrance of the valley of
IfAblus, Shechem would be too distant to answer
to the words of St John, since It most have been
more than a mile off.
" A city of Samaria celled Sychar, near to the
plot of ground which Jacob gave to Joseph " —
surely these are hardly tbe terms in which such a
place as Shechem would be described ; for though it
was then perhaps at the lowest ebb of its fortunes,
yet the tenacity of places in Syria to name and
fame is almost proverbial.
There la not much force in the argument that
St Stephen uses the name Sychem in speaking of
Shechem, for be is recapitulating the ancient hit
tory, and the names of the Old Testament narrative
(in the LXX. form) would come most naturally to
his mouth. But the earliest Christian tradition, la
the persons of Eusebius and the Bordeaux Pilgrim
— both in the early part of the 4th century —
discriminates Shechem from Sychar. Eusebius
(Onomntt. 3»xAp and Aov(d) lays that Sychar
* •Trench states after Robinson (see Bibt. Rrt. H.
290), that - There an no sycamores now In the Plata
of Jericho" (.Studies in the Gospels, p 884, Amer.ed.).
But Trtatram (Land «/ Israel, p. BOO) says: "Uses
(near Jericho) was a floe old sycamore fig-tree, perhaps
a lineal descendant, and nearly the last, of that lute
which Zacohssus climbed." In his Nat. HI*, of the
Bible, p. 899, be says that this tree " si very easy Is
climb, with Its short trunk and its wide Is trial
branches forking ont in all directions ; and would
nVurally be selected by Seeotueus (Luke six. 4) as
the most accessible position from which to obtain a
view of our Lord as he passed." H
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81 22
BTCHAK
was in front of the city of Neapolis; and, again,
that it lay by the aide of Uiza, which wae ° three
miles from Neapolis. Sycbein, on the other hand,
he plaoee in the suburbs of Neapolis by the tomb
of Joseph. The Bordeaux Pilgrim describes Se-
ebim as at the foot of the mountain, and as con-
taining Joseph's monument ' and plot of ground
(villti). And he then proceeds to say that a thou-
sand paces thence was the place called Sechar.
And notwithstanding all that has been said of
the predilection of Orientals for the water of certain
springs or wells (Porter, Handbook, p. 342), it does
appear remarkable, when the very large number of
sources in NAblut itself is remembered, that a
woman should hare left them and come out a dis-
tance of more than a mile. On the other hand,
we need not suppose that it was her habit to do so;
it may have been a casual visit.
9. In favor of Sychar having been an independ-
ent place is the fact that a village named 'Askar
UXwfcft) still exists ' at the southeast foot of
Ebal, about northeast of the Well of Jacob, and
about half a mile from it. Whether this is the
village alluded to by Eusebiua, and Jerome, and the
Bordeaux Pilgrim, it is impossible to tell. The
earliest notice of it which the writer has been able
to discover is in Quaresniius (F.lucitlatio, ii. 808 6).
It is uncertain if he is speaking of himself or
quoting Brocardua. If the latter, be hod a different
copy from that which is published.'' It is an im-
portant point, because there is a difference of more
than four centuries between the two, Brocardua
having written about 1280, and Quaresmius about
.630. The statement is, that " on the left of the
well," «. e. on the north, as Gerisim has just been
spoken of as on the right, " is a large city (oppidvm
miij/aum), but deserted and in ruins, which is be-
lieved to have been the ancient Sichem. . . . The
natives told me that they called the place Iitnr."
A village like 'Attar ■ answers much more ap-
propriately to the casual description of St- John
than so large and so venerable a place as Sbechem.
On the other hand there is an etymological dif-
ficulty in the way of this identification. 'Afkar
begins with the letter 'Am, which Sychar does not
appear to have contained ; a letter too stubborn and
siduriug to be easily either dropped or assumed in
a name. [But see p. 2979 a, (A.) — A.]
In favor of the theory that Sychar was a " nick-
name " of Sbechem, it should not be overlooked
that St John appears always to use the expression
Kryitunt, "called," to denote a soubriquet or
title borne by place or person in addition to the
name, or to attach it to a place remote and little
known. Instances of the former practice are xi.
16, xx. 24, xix. 13, 17; of the latter, xi. M.
These considerations have been stated not so
ranch with the hope of leading to any conclusion
an the identity of Sychar, which seems hopeless, as
with the desire to show that the ordinary expbuia-
■ The text of BumMus reads « .. 9 miks ; but this
3urncted by Jerome to 8.
6 The tomb or monument alluded to in tbees two
^usages must have occupied the place of the Moslem
tomb of Ymuf, now shown at tba mot of Oerisun, not
fur from the east gate of Nablut.
c Dr Rosen, in XeiUeluift dtr D M O. xiv. 68*.
Tan de Velds (S. t P. 11. 883) proposes 'Aikax as the
aattve place of Judas Iaoarlot.
J Pirtaape this li one of the variations spoken of by
i <U. fiBBi.
SYENB
tion Is not nearly so obvious as it Is usually a
to be. [Shechem, at the end.] O.
SY'CHEM (2vx«>: Sichem; Cod. Amiat
Bgcktm). The Greek form of the word Sbechem,
the name of the well-known city of Central Pales-
tine. It occurs in Acts vii. 16 only. The main
interest of the passage rests on its containing two
of those numerous and singular variations from the
early history, as told in the Pentatem-h, with which
the speech of St. Stephen/ abounds. [Stephen.]
This single vena exhibits an addition to, and a
discrepancy from, the earlier account (1.) The
patriarchs are said in it to have been buried at
Sycbeni, whereas in the O. T. this is related of the
bones of Joseph alone (Josh. xxiv. 32). (2.) The
sepulchre at Sychem is said to have been bought
from Emmor by Abraham; whereas in the 0. T.
it was the cave of Machpehh at Kirjatb-arba which
Abraham bought and made into his sepulchre, and
Jacob who bought the plot of ground at Sbechem
from Humor (Gen. xxxiii. 19). In neither of these
cases is there any doubt of the authenticity of the
present Greek text, nor has any explanation been
put forward which adequately meets the difficulty
— if difficulty it be. That no attempt should have
been made to reconcile the numerous and obvious
discrepancies contained in the speech of St Stephen
by altering the MSS. is remarkable, and a cause of
great thankfulness. Thankfulness because we are
thus permitted to possess at once a proof that it is
possible to be as thoroughly inspired by the Spirit
of God as was Stephen on this occasion, and yet
have remained ignorant or forgetful of minute facta,
and a broad and conspicuous seal to the unim-
portance of such slight variations in the different
accounts of the sacred history, as long aa the gen-
eral tenor of the whole remains harmonious.
A bastard variation of the name Sychem, namely,
Sichem, is found, and its people are mentioned
SY'OHEM ITE, THE (ro» 2u X <p: Bamu),
in Jud. v. 16. This passage is remarkable for giving
the inhabitants of Shechem an independent place
among the tribes of the country who were dispos-
sessed at the conquest G.
* 8YGOMOKE, originally and properly as
written in the A. V. [Sycamore.] ft
SYETAJS (SvfcjAos; [Va*- « eweeot;] Alex.
Hffvn\«: cm. in Vulg.) = Jehiel 3 (1 Esdr. i. 8;
eomp. 8 Chr. xxxr. 8). [The A. V. ed. 1611 reads
<• Steins."]
SYETIE, properly Sevexeh (n3V? [see be-
low]: li^rn; [Alex, Zenrn, Xovr/rr/:] Bytnt), a
town of Egypt on the frontier of Cush or Ethiopia
The prophet Exekiel speaks of the desolation of
Egypt " from Higdol to Seventh, even unto tht
border of Cush " (xxix. 10), and of its people beinp
slain " from Higdol to Seveneh " (xxx. 6). Migdo?
was on the eastern border [Migdol], and Seveneh
is thus rightly identified with the town of Syene,
which was always the last town of Egypt on the
• The Identity of Askar with Sychar a supported
by Dr. Thomson (Land tmd Book, eh. xxzl), and by
Mr. Williams In the Diet, of Gratr. <*. 413 »\. [Se
Bwald, Ottck. iv. 284. v. 818, 8* Amg. ; Nenhauer
iHog. rfu Talmud (1868), p. 169 f. ; Caspar!, Caves,
ceo*. Emkihmg (1889), p. 108 f. ; eomp. E aus sst
Pat. p. 162 f.—A.)
/ These are examined at gnat length, and eiefc
orately resoneilsd, in the Mne Tulmrtm ef Osama
Wordsworth, I860, pp. 66-69.
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SYNAGOGUE
H*th, though at one time Included in the noma
Nubia. Its ancient Egyptian name is SUN
(Brugich, Gtoyr. JrucArift. i. 166, tab. i., No. 65),
preserved in the Coptio COTiJl, CEltOH,
and toe Arabic Attain, The modern town la
•lightly to the north of the old site, which la marked
bj an interesting early Arab burial-ground, covered
with remarkable tombstones, having inscriptions
in the Cufic character. ChampoUion suggests the
derivation CA, causative, OVHit, OVejl,
« to open," aa though it signified the opening or key
of Egypt (L'tiyypU, i. 161-166), and this is the
meaning of tbe hieroglyphic name. B. 8. P.
SYNAGOGUE Cevraywy^: Synagogn). It
may be well to note at the outset the points of con-
tact between the history and ritual of the syna-
gogues of the .lews, and the facts to which the
inquiries of the Biblical student are principally
directed. (1. ) They meet us as the great charac-
teristic institution of the later phase of Judaism.
More even than the Temple and its sen-Ices, in the
time of which the N. T. treats, they at once repre-
sented and determined the religious life of the
people. (2.) We cannot separate them from the
most intimate connection with our Lord's life and
ministry. In them He worshipped in his youth,
and in his manhood. Whatever we can loam of
the ritual which then prevailed tells us of a worship
which He recognized and sanctioned; which for
that reason, if for no other, though, like the state-
lier services of the Temple, it was destined to para
away, is worthy of our respect and honor. They
were the scenes, too, of no small portion of his
work. In them were wrought some of hie mightiest
works of healing (Mark 1. 23: Matt ili. 9; Luke
xiii. 11). In them were spoken some of the most
glorious of bis recorded words (Luke iv. 16 ; John
vi. 69); many more, beyond all reckoning, which
are not recorded (Matt. ir. 23, xiii. 64 ; John xviii.
SO, etc., etc.). (8.) There are the questions, lead-
ing na back to a remoter past: In what did the
worship of the synagogue originate? what type was
it intended to reproduce? what customs, alike in
nature, if not in name, served aa tbe starting-point
for it? (4.) The synagogue, with all that be-
longed to it, was connected with the future aa well
as with the past. It was the order with which the
first Christian believers were most familiar, from
which they were most likely to take the outlines,
or even the details, of the worship, organization,
government of their own society. Widely divergent
aa the two words and the things they represented
afterwards became, the Ecclesia had its starting-
point in the Synagogue.
Keeping these points in view, it remains to deal
.♦ith the subject in a somewhat more formal manner.
L .Vast*. — (1.) The Aramaic equivalent
MfKZKD first appears in tbe Targum of Onkelos
as • substitute for the Hebrew mj ( = congre-
gation) in the Pentateuch (Leyrar/atf •*/>.). The
more precise local designation, HQ^SH JT2
\Belh ha- Cemeieth = House of gathering), be-
fogs to a yet later date. This is, in itself, tolerably
4rong evidence that nothing precisely answering
to the later synagogue was recognized before the
Exile. If it had been, the name was quite a* likely
to have been perpetuated as the thing.
(9.) The word avyayttyli, not nnknow In clas-
■cal Greek (Time. ii. 18, Plato, SepubL 696 d.),
SYNAGOGUE
Si33
became prominent in that of the Hellenists. It
appears in the LXX. aa the translation of not leal
than twenty-one Hebrew words in which the idea
of a gathering is implied (Tromm. Citicorrfnn/. s. v. ).
With most of these we have nothing to do. Two
of them are more noticeable. It is used 130 limes
for n^fj, where the prominent idea is that of an
appointed meeting (Geseniua, t. e.), and 26 times
for 'f^Q, a meeting called together, and therefore
more commonly translated in the LXX. by in-
KKrjata. In one memorable passage (Prov. v. 14),
the two words, iuchitaia and owarycryt, dwti-ed
to have such divergent histories, to be reprsaenta-
tivea of such contrasted systems, appear in close
juxtaposition. In the books of the Apocrypha tbe
word, as in those of the O. T., retains its general
meaning, and is not used specifically for any recog-
nized place of worship. For this the received phrase
seems to be rcVoi rpoo-cuyfif U Mace. iii. 46,
3 Maoc. vii. 20). In the N. T., however, the local
meaning la the dominant one. Sometimes the word
is applied to the tribunal which was connected with
or sat in the synagogue in the narrower sense
(Matt. x. 17, xxiii. 34: Mark xiii. 9; Luke xxi. 12,
xii. 11). Within the limits of the Jewish Church
it perhaps kept its ground aa denoting the place of
meeting of the Christian brethren (J as. ii. 8). It
seems to have been claimed by some of tbe peeudo-
J udaiaing, half-Gnostic sects of the Asiatic churches
for their meetings (Rev. ii. 9;. It was not alto-
gether obsolete, as applied to Christian meetings,
in tbe time of Ignatius (Ep. ad TralL c 6, ad
Polyc. c. 8). Even in Clement of Alexandria the
two words appear united as they had done in the
LXX. (rsrl ri)r o w uywyiir facAncYa?, Strom, vi.
P\ 638). Afterwards, when the chasm between Ju-
daism and Christianity became wider, Christian
writers were fond of dwelling on the meanings of
tbe two words which practically represented them,
and ahowuig how far the Synagogue was excelled
by the Ecclesia (August. Enarr. in Pa lxxx.;
Trench, Synonym* of N. T. § i.). The cognate
word, however, crin^is, was formed or adopted in
its place, and applied to the highest act of worship
and communion for which Christians met (Suicer,'
The*, a. v.j [Sophocles, dr. Ltx. a. v.]).
n. Butory. — (1.) Jewish writers have claimed
for their synagogues a very remote antiquity. In
well-nigh every place where the phrase " before the
Lord " appears, they recognize in it a known
sanctuary, a fixed place of meeting, and therefore
a synagogue (Vitringa, De Synag. pp. 271 el teg.).
The Targum of Onkelos finds in Jacob's " dwelling
in tents " (Gen. xxv. 27) his attendance at a syna-
gogue or house of prayer. That of Jonathan finds
them in Jndg. v. 9, and in " the calling of assem-
blies" of Is. i. 18 (Vitringa, pp. 271-816).
(2.) Apart from these far-fetched Interpretations,
we know too little of the life of Israel, both before
and under the monarchy, to be able to say with
oertainty whether there was anything at all corre-
sponding to tbe synagogues of later date. On the
one hand, it ia probable that if new moons and
Sabliaths were observed at all, they must have been
attended by some celebration apart from, as well as
at, the Tabernacle or the Temple (1 Sam. xx. 6:
9 K. iv. 33). On the other, to far as we find
traces of such focal worship, It seems to have fatal
t<« .■eadily into a fetich-religion, eeerifleea to ephoda
an£ ieraphlm (Judg. viii. 97, xvii. 6) In groves and
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8134
SYNAGOGUE
Mi high-places, offering nothing but ■ contrast to
the " reasonable service," the prayers, psalms, in-
struction in the Law, of the later synagogue. The
ipeci&l mission of the Priests and Levites under
Jehoehaphat (3 Chr. xvii. 7-9) shorn that there
was no regular provision for reading the " book of
the law of the Lord " to the people, and makes it
probable that even the rule which prescribed that It
should be read once every seven years at the feast
of Tabernacles had fallen into disuse (Deut- xxxi.
10). With the rise of the prophetic order we
trace a more distinct though still a partial approxi-
mation. Wherever than was a company of such
prophets there must have been a life analogous in
many of its features to that of the later Essenes
and Therapeutsa, to that of the amobia and mon-
asteries of Christendom. In the abnormal state of
the polity of Israel under Samuel, they appear to
have aimed at purifying the worship of the high-
places from idolatrous associations, and met on
fixed days for sacrifice and psalmody (1 Sam. ix.
12, x. 5). The scene in 1 Sam. xix. 30-34 indi-
cates that the meetings were open to any worship-
pers who might choose to come, as well as to " the
sons of the prophets," the brothers of the order
themselves. Later on in the time of Eliaha. the
question of the Shunammite's husband (3 K. iv. 33),
" Wherefore wilt thou go to him (the prophet) to-
day? It is neither now moon nor sabbath," implies
frequent periodical gatherings, instituted or perhaps
revived by Ehjah and his successors, as a means of
sustaining the religious life of the northern king-
dom, and counteracting the prevalent idolatry. The
date of Pa. Ixxiv. is too uncertain for us to draw any
inference as to the nature of the " synagogues of
God" (^ , !!S' ,a » meeting-places of God), which
the invaders are represented as destroying (v. 8).
It may have belonged to the timo of the Assyrian
or Chaldesan Invasion (Vitringa, Synng. pp. 396-
405). It has been referred to that of the Macca-
bees (De Wette, Ptalmen, m loc. ), or to an inter-
mediate period when Jerusalem was taken and the
land laid waste by the army of Bagoses, under Ar-
taxerxes XI. (EwaM, Poet. Bich. ii. 358). The
u assembly of the elders," in Ps. evil. 33, leaves us
In like uncertainty.
(8.) During the exile, in the abeyance of the
Temple - worship, the meetings of devout Jews
probably became more systematic (Vitringa, De
Synag. pp. 413-439; Jost, Judenthvm, i. 16S;
Oornitius, De Synagog. in Ugollni, The: xxi.),
•md must have helped forward the change which
tppimrs so conspicuously at the time of the Return.
Che repeated mention of gatherings of the elders
> f Israel, sitting before the prophet EsekieL, and
hearing his word (Ea. viii. 1, xiv. 1, xx. 1, xxxiii.
31), implies the transfer to the land of the captiv-
ity of the custom that had originated in the schools
a* the prophets. One remarkable passage may
possibly contain a more distinct reference to them.
Those who still remained in Jerusalem taunted the
prophet and his companions with their exile, as
outcasts from the blessings of the sanctuary. " Oct
a The passage Is not without its difficulties. The
Interpretation given above is supported by the LXX.,
"ulg., and A. V. It is confirmed bj the general ton-
nuw of Jewish interpreters (Tatsblus, In Oil. Sat.
m loco, Calmet, s. r Synae/ogv*). Tbe other render-
hkf* (eomp. Ewald and Hoeenmuller, in ioc.\ « I will
t» U them a sanctuary, for a little time, • or "in a
ttcle meeaiMe,'- give a leae eatlefrotory meaning- The
SYNAGOGUE
ye far from the Lord; unto us is this tul given b
a possession." The prophet's answer is, that U
was not so. Jehovah was as truly with than in
their " little sanctuary " as He had been in the
Temple at Jerusalem. His presence, not the out-
ward glory, was itself the sanctuary (Ex. xi. 15
18).° The whole history of Ezra presupposes ths
habit of solemn, probably of periodic meetings
(Ear. viii. 16; Neh. viii. 3, ix. 1; Zech. vii. 5).
To that period accordingly we may attribute tbe
revival, if not the institution of synagogues. The
" ancient days " of which St James speaks (Acts
xv. 31) may, at least, go back so far. Assuming
Ewald's theory as to the date and occasion of Ps.
Ixxiv., there must, at some subsequent period, ban
been a great destruction of the buildings, and a
consequent suspension of the services. It is, at
any rate, striking that they are not in any way
prominent in the Maccabeean history, either as ob-
jects of attack, or rallying points of defense, unless
we are to see in the gathering of the persecuted
Jews at Maspha (Mirpah) as at a " place where
they prayed aforetime in Israel" (1 Mace iii. 46),
not only a reminiscence of its old glory as a holy
place, but tbe continuance of a more recent custom.
When that struggle was over, there appears to have
been a freer development of what may be called the
synagogue parochial system among the Jews of
Palestine and other countries. The influence of
John Hyrcanus, the growing power of the Phari-
sees, the authority of the Scribes, the example,
probably, of the Jews of the "dispersion" (Vi-
tringa, p. 426), would all tend in tbe same direction.
Well-nigh every town or village had its one or
more synagogues. Where the Jews were not in
sufficient numbers to be able to erect and fill a
building, there was the wpo<rc»x4< 0T P""* <"*
prayer, sometimes open, sometimes covered in,
commonly by a running stream or on the sea-shore,
in which devout Jews and proselytes met to wor-
ship, and, perhaps, to read (Acts xvi. 18; Jos.
Ant. xiv. 10, 33; Juven. Sat. iii. 296).* Some-
tiroes the term wponvxh ( = n^Ef] H"?) was
applied even to an actual synagogue (Jos. VU. c
64).
(4.) It is hsrdly possible to overestimate the
influence of the system thus developed. To it wa
may ascribe the tenacity with which, after the
Maocahssan struggk), the Jews adhered to the re-
ligion of their fathers, and never again relapsed
into idolatry. The people were now in no danger
of forgetting the Law, and the external ordinances
that hedged it round. If pilgrimages were still
made to Jerusalem at the great feasts, the habitual
religion of the Jews in, and yet more out of Pales-
tine, was connected much more intimately with
the synagogue than with the Temple. Its simple,
edifying devotion, In which mind and heart could
alike enter, attracted the heathen proselytes who
might have been repelled by tbe bloody sacrifices ¥
the Temple, or would certainly have bean driven
from it unless they could make up their minds la
submit to circumcision (Acts xxi. 88; eomp.
language of the later Jews applied the term « saoe-
tuary " to the ark-end of the synagogue (i*/ta).
ft We may trace perhaps in this selection of looaH
ties, like the "seer! rantts nemiu" cf Juv. fiat, sa
18, the reappearance, freed from Its old abomtnettooe
of tbe attachment of the Jews to the worship of the
groves, of tbe'eharm which lad them to bow sows
under " every green tree " (Is Ml. 6 ; Jer. t . SO).
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SYNAGOGUE
FaMKLTOs). Han too, at in the cognate order
af the Scribea, there m an influence tending to
diminish and ultimately almost to destroy the
authority of the hereditary priesthood. The ser-
ricea of the synagogue required no sons of Aaron ;
gave them nothing more than a complimentary
precedence. [Priests; Scribes.] The way was
silently prepared for a new and higher order, which
should rise in " the fullness of time " out of the
decay and abolition of both the priesthood and the
Temple. In another way too the synagogues every-
where prepared the way for that order. Not
" Moses " only, but " the Prophets " were read in
them every Sabbath-day, and thus the Messianic
hopes of Israel, the expectation of a kingdom of
Heaven, were universally diffused.
III. Structure. — (1.) The sue of a synagogue,
like that of a church or chapel, varied with the
population. We have no reason for believing that
there were any fixed laws of proportion for its di-
mensions, like those which are traced in the Taber-
nacle and the Temple. Its position wee, however,
determinate. It stood, if possible, on the highest
ground, in or near the city to which it belonged.
Failing this, a tall pole rose from the roof to render
it conspicuous (Leyrer, s. v. St/wig. in lleraog's
Beal-tncykl.). And its direction, too, was fixed.
Jerusalem was the Kiblth of Jewish devotion. The
synagogue was so constructed, that the worshippers
as they entered, and as they prayed, looked toward
it" (Vitringa, pp. 178, 457). The building was
commonly erected at the cost of the district,
whether by a church-rate levied for the purpose,
or by free gifts, must remain uncertain (Vitringa,
p. 229). Sometimes it was built by a rich Jew,
or even, as in Luke vii. 5, by a friendly proseh te.
In the later stages of eastern Judaism it was often
erected, like the mosques of Mohammedans, near
the tombs of famous Kabbis or holy men. When
the building was finished it was set apart, as the
Temple had been, by a special prayer of dedication.
From that time it had a consecrated character.
The common acts of life, eating, drinking, reckon-
ing up accounts, were forbidden in it No one
was to pass through it as a short cut Even if it
ceased to be used, the building was not to be ap-
plied to any base purpose — might not be turned,
«. g. into a bath, a laundry, or a tannery. A
scraper stood outside the door that men might rid
themselves, before they entered, of anything that
would be defiling (I^eyrer, /. c, and Vitringa).
(9.) In the internal arrangement of the syna-
gogue we trace an obvious analogy, mutatis mu-
tandis, to the type of the Tabernacle. At the
SYNAGOGUE
8135
a The practice of a fixed Kibtih ( m direction) In
stayer was clearly very aoclent, and commended Itself
to some special necessities of the eastern character.
1b Ps. xxvill., ascribed to David, we have probably
the earliest trace of it (De Watte, t'n loe.). It Is recog-
nised in the dedication prayer of Solomon (1 K vHl.
28, a at.). It appears as a fixed role In the devotions
of Daniel (Dan. rl. 10). It was adopted afterwards
by Mohammed, and the point of the Klbleb, after
same lingering reverence to the Holy City, transferred
from Jerusalem to the Kaaba of Mecca. The early
Christian practice of praying toward the sast indi-
cates a like feeling, and probably originated In the
adoption by the churches of Europe and Africa of
the structure of the synagogue. The position of the
altar in those churches rested on a like analogy. The
able of the Lord, bearing witness of ths blood of the
ptm Covenant, took the place of the Ark which oon-
1 the Law that was the groundwork of the Old.
upper or Jerusalem end stood the Ark, the chest
which, like the older and more sacred Ark, eon
Uined the Book of tho Law. It gave to that end
the name and character of a sanctuary ( Vj^rj).
The same thought was sometimes expressed by its
being called after the name of Aaron (Buxtorf,
St/nag. Jud. ch. x.), and was developed still further
in the name of CAphereth, or Mercy-seat, given to
the lid, or door of the chest, and in ths Veil which
hung before it (Vitringa, p. 181). This part of
the synagogue was naturally the place of honor.
Here were the TparoKaBtSplcu, after which Phari-
sees and Scribes strove so eagerly (Matt, xxiii. 8),
to which the wealthy and honored worshipper was
invited (James ii. 2, 3). Here too, in front of the
Ark, still reproducing the type of the Tabernacle,
was the eight-branched lamp, lighted only on the
greater festivals. Besides this, there was one lamp
kept burning perpetually. Others, brought by de-
rout worshippers, were lighted at the beginning of
the Sabbath, i. e. on Friday evening (Vitringa, p.
198).* A little further toward the middle of the
building was a raised platform, on which several
persons could stand at once, and in the middle of
this rose a pulpit in which the Reader stood to
read the lesson, or sat down to teach. The con-
gregation were divided, men on one side, women on
the other, a low partition, five or six feet high,
running between them (Philo, Dt ViL Contempt.
ii. 478). The arrangements of modern synagogues,
for many centuries, hare made the separation more
complete by placing the women in low side-galleries,
screened off by lattice-work (Leo of Modena, in
Heart, Cirim. RiUg. i.). Within the Ark, as
above stated, were the rolls of the sacred books.
The rollers round which they were wound were
often elaborately decorated, the cases for them em-
broidered or enameled, according to their material.
Such cases were customary offerings from the rich
when they brought their infant children ou the
first anniversary of their birthday, to be blessed
by the Kabbl of the synagogue.' As part of the
fittings we have also to note (1), another chest for
the Haphtaroth, or rolls of the prophets. (2.)
Alms-boxes at or near the door, after the pattern
of those at the Temple, one for the poor of Jerusa-
lem, the other for local charities. 1 ' (8.) Notice
boards, on which were written the names of offend
ere who had been " put out of the Synagogue."
(4.) A chest for trumpets and other musical instru-
ments, used at the New Years, Sabbaths, and other
festivals (Vitringa, Leyrer, I «.).*
IV. Officer*. — (1.) In smaller towns there was
t> Here also the customs of the ■astern Church,
the votive silver lamps hanging before the shrines
and holy places, bring the old practice vividly be'nre
our eyes.
' The custom, It may be noticed, connects itself
with the memorable history of those who " brought
young children " to Jesus that He should touch them
(Mark x. 18).
d If this practice exbted, as Is probable, In ths first
century, It throws light upon ths special stress laid
by q t. Paul on ths oolleetton for the " peer saints "
In Jerusalem (1 Cor. xvt. etc.). The Christian
Ohurehss were not to be behind the Jewish Syria.
get nss in their s- ntrlbuoeos to the Palestine Beuef
run!
• * For remains of ancient synagogues In (sallies,
see JvbiM en Jnritk Sfn a g opui, by Capt. C. W. ■/)•■
son ( Quarterly Staummt *f t*> Martini Mtflmntsen
Fund, No. U. 1889). II
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8186
SYNAGOGUE
often hut one Rabbi (Vitringa, p. MO). Where a
luller organization was possible, there waa a college
of Elden (D^pT. —-Kptafivrtpot, Luke rii. 3) pre-
sided over by one who waa kot' iioxhv, 6 eW<-
avviywyos (Luke viii. 41, 49, xiii. 14; Acta xvfli.
B, 17). To these eiders belonged a variety of syn-
onyms, each with a special significance. They
were D , D3"1S (Pamasim = -rostra, Eph. iv.
11), watching over their nock, wpo*<rr&r*t, i)jo6-
utyoi, as ruling over it (1 Tim. t. 17; Heb. xiii.
7 ). With their head, they formed a kind of Chap-
ter, managed the affairs of the synagogue, possessed
the power of excommunicating (Vitringa, pp. 649-
621, 727).
(2.) The most prominent functionary in a large
synagogue was known aa the l"P vU7 (8hlBach =
legatus), the officiating minister who acted as the
delegate of the congregation, and waa therefore the
chief reader of prayers, etc., in their name. The
conditions laid down for this office remind us of St.
Paul's rule for the choice of a bishop. He waa to
be active, of full age, the father of a family, not rich
or engaged in business, possessing a good voice, apt
to teach (comp. 1 Tim. 111. 1-7; Tit. i. 6-9). In
him we find, aa the name might lead us to expect,
the prototype of the oVyeAot tocAqo-fas of Rev. i.
20, ii. 1, Ac. (Vitringa, p. 984).
(3.) The CAnsadn CJ-JO), or fenuerfif of the
synagogue (Luke iv. 20) had duties of a lower kind
resembling those of the Christian deacon, or sub-
deacon. He was to open the doors, to get the
building ready lor service. For him too there were
conditions like those for the Ugatvi. I Jke the fe-
gnttu and the eldtrt, he waa appointed by the im-
position of hands (Vitringa, p. 836). Practically
be often acted during the week aa school master of
the town or Tillage, and in this way came to gain
a prominence which placed him nearly on the same
level aa the legato*.*
(4.) Besides these there were ten men attached
to every synagogue, whose functions have been the
subject-matter of voluminous controversy.' They
were known aa the Batlanim (D'2?tS2 =0(t'ori),
and no synagogue was oomplete without them.
They were to be men of leisure, not obliged to la-
bor for their livelihood, able therefore to attend the
week-day aa well aa the Sabbath services. By some
(Lightfoot, ffor. Heb. in Malt. iv. 23, and, in part,
Vitringa, p. 632) they have been identified with
the above officials, with the addition of the alma-
eoUeetors.* Rhenferd, however (Ugolini, Thei. voL
a * With the account here given of the functions of
the Sh'Jiach or tarafuj, and of the CAizzdjt, should
be com pared the more detailed statements of Dr. Qlns-
burg In his valuable and elaborate art. Synagogue, Jo
the 3d ed. of Kltto's Cgcl. of BM. Lit. He makes the
atflee of Che Cktuzan In the time of Christ, and for sev-
sral centuries later, more like that of the sexton or
battue In our churches, than that of deacon, and de-
nies that either he or the Ugaiiu was appointed by
the imposition of bands. The function of the legatus,
he mvs, " was not permanently vested in any individ-
ual ordained for this purpose, but was alternately con-
tarred upon any lay member who was supposed to
possess the qualUcatlous necessary for offering up
prayer In the name of the congregation." A.
o The two treatises De dutm Otioxit, by Rhenferd
eodVltrliiga In Gjrollni's Tftesavnu, vol. xxi., occupy
•ere than 700 folio pages. The p res en t writer has
SYNAGOGUE
xxi.), sees in them simply a body of men,
nently on duty, making up a congregation (tea
being the minimum number d ), so that there migh
be no delay in beginning the service at the propel
hours, and that no single worshipper might gr
away disappointed. The latter hypothesis is sup-
ported by the fact that there waa a like body of
men, the Stationarii or Viri Stationia of Jewish
Archaeologists, appointed to act as permanent rep-
resentatives of the congregation in the services of
the Temple (Jost, Gttch. JvdttUk. L 168-172). It
is of course possible that in many cases the same
persons may have united both characters, and bee? ;
«. e., at once Oiioa and alms-collectors.
(6.) It will be seen at once how closely the or-
ganization of the synagogue was reproduced in that
of the Ecclesia, Here also there was the single
presbyter-bishop [Bishop] in small towns, a council
of presbyters under one bead in large cities. The
legnttu of the synagogue appears in tbe aVyysAoi
(Rev. i. 20, ii. 1), perhaps also in the droVroAet
of the Christian Church. To tbe elders as such
is given the name of Shepherds (Eph. iv. 11; 1
Pet v. 1). They are known also as r/yovucrei
(Heb. xiii. 7). Even the transfer to the Christian
proselytes of the once distinctively sacerdotal name
of Itptii, foreign as it waa to tbe feelings of the
Christians of the Apostolic Age, was not without
its parallel in the history of the synagogue. Sceva,
the exorcist Jew of Ephesus, was probably a " chief
priest " in this sense (Acts xix. 14). In the edicts
of the later Roman emperors, the terms ipx'eptit
and Itptii are repeatedly applied to the rulers of
synagogues (Cod. Theodos. De Jud., quoted by
Vitringa, De decern Oliotit, in Ugolini, Thee. xxi.).
Possibly, however, this may have been, in part,
owing to the presence of the scattered priests, after
the destruction of the Temple, as the Rabbis or
elders of what was now left to them as their only
sanctuary. To them, at any rate, a certain prece-
dence was given in the synagogue sen-ices. They
were invited first to read tbe lessons for the day.
The benediction of Num. vi. 22 was reserved for
them alone.
V. Worthip. — (1.) The ritual of the syna-
gogue was to a large extent the reproduction (here
also, as with the fabric, with many inevitable
changes) of the statelier liturgy of the Temple.
This is not the place for an examination of the
principles and structure of that liturgy, or of the
baser elements, wild Talmudio. legends, curses
against Christiana under the name of Epicureans,'
and other extravagances which have mingled with
it (HeCauL Old Path; eh. xvii., xix.). it will be
not read them through. Is there any one living who
baa?
e Ughtrbofs classification is as follows. The Tan
consisted of three Judges, the Legatus, whom this
writer identifies with the Chaasan, three Parnsstm,
whom ha identifies with alms-collectors and compares
to tbe dea co n s of the church, the Targumist or inter-
preter, the school-master and his assistant. The whole
is, however, rmry conjectural.
rf This wss based on a fcntutfc Inference from Hum
xlv. 27. Tbs ten unfaithful spies were spoken of as
an " evil confrtgation." Sankrdr. It. 6, in Ughtjbot,
I.e.
e • Dr. Ginsberg, art Smtafogue in tbe 8d ed. ef
Kltto's Cyrbp. of BM. Lit., 111. 907, note, denies that
the Jewish prayers oontaln " curses sgalnst ChrissHns
under the name of Bpicureeos." His account ef ttu
Jewish liturgy Is vary full and interesting. A.
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SYNAGOGUE
Aoagh, In this place, to notice In what way the
ritual, no leas than the organization, was connected
with the facta o; the N. T. history, and with the
life and order of i he Christian Church. Here too
we meet witli multiplied coincidences. I; would
hardly be an exaggeration to gay that the worship
of the Church was identical with that of the Syna-
gogue, modified (1) by the new truths, (9) by the
new institution of the Supper of the Lord, (8) by
the spiritual Ckariimata.
(2.) From the synagogue came the use of fixed
forms of prayer. To that the first disciples had
been accustomed from their youth. They had asked
their Master to give them a distinctive one, and He
had complied with their request (Lukeii. 1), as
tiie Baptist had done before for his disciples, as
every Kabbi did for his. The forms might be and
were abused. The Pharisee might in synagogues,
or, when the synagogues were closed, in the open
street, recite aloud the devotions appointed for
hours of prayer, might gabble through the Shtma
(" Hear Israel," etc , from Deut. vi. 4), his Kad-
ditk, hit Bhemtnek Kire.h, the eighteen Bemckoth
or blessings, with the " vain repetition " which has
reappeared in Christian worship. But for the dis-
ciples this was, as yet, the true pattern of devo-
tion, and their Master sanctioned it. To their
minds there would seem nothing inconsistent with
true heart worship in the recurrence of a fixed order
(«rr« TS^if, 1 Cor. xiv. 40), of the same prayers,
hymns, doxologies, such as all liturgical study leads
us to think of as existing in the Apostolic Age. If
the gifts of utterance which characterized the first
period of that age led for a time to greater freedom,
to unpremeditated prayer, if that was in its turn
succeeded by the renewed predominance of a formal
fixed order, the alternation and the struggle which
have reappeared in so many periods of the history
of the Church were not without their parallel in
that of Judaism. There also, was a protest against
the rigidity of an unbending form. Eliezer of
Lydda, a contemporary of the second Gamaliel
(drc a. D. 80-116), taught that the legatut of the
synagogue should discard even the Skemdnek Et-
rik, the eighteen fixed prayers and benedictions of
the daily and Sabbath services, and should prey as
bis heart prompted him. The offense against the
formalism into which Judaism stiffened, was appar-
ently too great to be forgiven. He was excommu-
nicated (not, indeed, avowedly on this ground), and
died at Canarea (Jost, Guek. Judmtk. ii. 38, 46).
(8.) The large admixture of a didactic element
in Christian worship, that by which it was distin-
guished from all Gentile forms of adoration, was
derived from the older order. " Moses " wag •' read
hi the synagogues every Sabbath-day " (Acts xv.
1), the whole Law being read consecutively, so as
ao be completed, according to one cycle, in three
years, according to that which ultimately prevailed
and determined the existing divisions of the He-
brew text (Bible, and Leyrer, I. c), in the 63
seeks of a single year. The writings of the Proph-
ets were read as second lessons in a corresponding
order. They were followed by the Derask, the
\iyot TapcueKfotit (Acts xiii. 15), the exposition,
the sermon of the synagogue. The first Cnriatian
synagogues, we must believe, followed this order
«ith but little deviation. It remained for them
i eJbre long to add " the other Scriptures " which
Aev had teamed to recognize as more precious even
jhan the Law itself, 'he " prophetic word " of the
Sew Testament whicn not leas truly than that of
SYNAGOGUE
3137
the Old, came, in epistle or in narrative, from the
same Spirit [Scriptuhe]. The synagogue use «
Psalms again, on the plan of selecting those which
had a special fitness for special times, answered te
that which appears to have prevailed in the Church
of the first three centuries, and for which the sim-
ple consecutive repetition of the whole Psalter, in a
day as in some Eastern monasteries, in a week at
in the Latin Church, in a month as in the English
Prayer-book, is, perhaps, a less satisfactory substi-
tute.
(4.) To the ritual of the synagogue we may
probably trace a practice which has sometimes been
a stumbling-block to the student of Christian an-
tiquity, the subject-matter of fierce debate among
Christian controversialists. Whatever account may
be given of it, it is certain that Prayers for the
Dead appear in the Church's worship as soon as w<
have any trace of it after the immediate records of
the Apostolic age. It has well been described by a
writer, whom no one can suspect of Romish ten
dencies, as an "immemorial practice." Thougl
" Scripture is silent, yet antiquity plainly speaks."
The prayers " have found a place in every early
liturgy of the world" (EUicott, Destiny of tkt
CrtiUure, Semi. vi.). How, indeed, we may ask,
could it have been otherwise? The strong feeling
shown in the time of the Maccabees, that it was
not "superfluous and vain" to pray for the dead
(2 Mace. xii. 44), was sure, under the influence of
the dominant Pharisaic Scribes, to show itself in
the devotions of the synagogue. So far as we trace
back these devotions, we may say that there also
the practice is " immemorial," as old at least as
the traditions of the Rabbinic fathers (Buxtorf, De
St/nag. pp. 709, 710 ; McCauL Old Patht, ch.
xxxviii.). There is a probability indefinitely great
that prayers for the departed (the Kiiddith of later
Judaism) were familiar to the synagogues of Pales-
tine and other countries, that the early Christian
believers were not startled by them as an innova-
tion, that they passed unoondemned even by our
Lord himself. The writer already quoted sees a
probable reference to them in 2 Tim. 1. 18 (EUi-
cott, PatL Epiiilet, in loc.). St. Paul remember-
ing Onesiphorus as one whose " house " had been
bereaved of him, prays that he may find mercy of
the Lord " in that day." Prayers for the dead
can hardly, therefore, be looked upon as anti-Scrip-
tural. If the English Church has wisely and
rightly eliminated them from her services, it is not
because Scripture says nothing of them, or that
their antiquity is not primitive, but because, in
such a matter, experience is a truer guide than the
silence or the hints of Scripture, or than the voice
of the most primitive antiquity.
(6.) The conformity extends also to the times
of prayer In the hours of service this was obvi-
ously the case. The third, sixth, and ninth hours
were, in the times of the N. T. (Acts iii. 1, x. 8,
9), and had been, probably, for some time before
(Ps. lv. 17; Dan. vi. 10), the fixed times of devo-
tion, known then, and still known, respectively as
the Sknck&ritli, the Mincha, and the 'Ardbilk;
the} had not only the pratigt of an authoritative
tradition, but were connected respectively with the
names of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, to whom, as
to the first originators, their institution was ascribed
(buxtorf, Synag. p. 280). The same hours, it is
well known, were recognized in the Church of the
second, probably in that of the first century aks
;* 'lem. Al. Slroin. I. c; TertulL Dt Oral e. in.).
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SYNAGOGUE
The sacred days belonging to the two syste.ua
seem, at first, to present a contrast rather than a
resemblance; but here, too, there is a symmetry
which points to an original connection. The sol-
emn days of the synagogue were the second, the
flfth, and the seventh, the last or Sabbath being
the conclusion of the whole. In whatever way the
chance was brought about, the transfer of the
sanctity of the Sabbath to the Lord's Day involved
a corresponding change in the order of the week,
and the first, the fourth, and the sixth became to
the Christian society what the other days had been
to the Jewish.
(6. ) The following suggestion as to the mode in
which this transfer was effected, involves, it is be-
lieved, fewer arbitrary assumptions than any other
[comp. Lokd'b Day, Sabbath], and connects it-
self with another interesting custom, common to
♦.he Church and the Synagogue. It was a Jewish
custom to end the Sabbath with a feast, in which
tiiey did honor to it as to a |jartiiig king. The
taut was held in the synagogue. A cup of wine,
over which a special blessing had been spoken, was
banded round (.lost, Uetch. Judenlh. t. 180). It
is obvious that, so long as toe Apostles and their
followers continued to use the Jewish mode of
reckoning, so Ions, i. «. as they fraternized with
their lirethren of the stock of Abraham, this would
coincide in point of time with their SiTrvor on the
firtt day of the week. A supper on what we
should call Sunday evening would have been to
them on the tramd. By degrees, as has been
shown elsewhere [Lord's Sctpkr], the time be-
came later, passed on to midnight, to the early
dawn of the next day. So the Ixird's Supper
ceased to be a supper really. So, ss the Church
rose out of Judaism, the supper g<«x its holiness
to the coming, instead of Jtrimny it from the de-
parting day. The day came to be itvpuucfi, because
it began with the Ittrvov Kvpuucir." Gradually
the Sabbath ceased as such to lie observed at all.
The practice of observing both, as in the Church
of Rome up to the fifth century, gives us a trace
of the transition period.
(7.) From the synagogue lastly came many less
xmspicuous practices, which meet us in the litur-
gical life of the first three centuries. Ablution,
entire or partial, before entering the place of meet-
ing (Heb. x. 22; John xiti. 1-15; Tertull. De Or«i.
eap. xi.) ; standing and not kneeling, as the attitude
of prayer (Luke xviii. 11; Tertull. ibid. cap. xxiii.);
ie arms stretched out (Tertull. ibid. cap. xiil.)
the face turned toward the Kibleh of the East
<Clem. Al. Strom. La.); the responsive Amen of
the congregation to the prayers and benedictions
of the elders (1 Cor. xiv. 16).* In one strange ex-
ceptional custom of the Church of Alexandria we
trace the wilder type of Jewish, of oriental devotion
Here, in the dosing responsive chorus of the prayer,
• It has always to be boms in mind that ths word
•as obviously coined for tb* purposes of Christian lift,
•ad Is applied in the line instance to the supper (ICor.
at 201, afterwards to the day (Rev. 1. 10).
* One point of contrast Is ss striking as these points
of rese m blance. Tbe Jew prayed with his head cov-
rrsd, with the TaUitk drawn over his ears and reach-
'■f to the shoulders. The (task, however, habitually
a worship ss In other sets, wen ban-headed ; and
JM Apostle of the Gentile ohurehes, renouncing all
. serlr prsjadisss, recognises this as more fitting, mors
SYNAGOGUE
the worshippers not only stretched oat their ■
and lifted up their hands, but leapt np with wild
gestures (rout re wiSat Arrvetpo/ter), as if the;
would fain rise with their prayers to heaven itself
(Clam. Al. Strom, vii. 40).° This, too, reproduced
a custom of the synagogue. Three times did the
whole body of worshippers leap up simultaneously
as they repeated the great Ter-sanctus hymn of
Isaiah vi. (Yitringa, p. 1100 ff. ; Buxtorf, cap. x.).
VI. Judicial Function!. — (1.) The language ol
the N. T. shows that tbe officers of the synagogue
exercised in certain cases a judicial power. The
synagogue itself was the place of trial (Luke xiL
11, xxL 13); even, strange as it may seem, of tbe
actual punishment of scourging (Matt. x. 17 ; Hark
xiii. 0). They do not appear to have had the right
of inflicting any severer penalty, unless, under this
bead, we may include that of excommunication, or
" putting a man out of the synagogue " (John xii.
42, xvi. 2), placing him under an anathema (1 Cor.
xvi. 22; Gal. I 8, 9), "delivering him to Satan "
(\ Cor. v. 5; 1 Tim. i. 20). (Meyer sod Stanley,
in loc.) In some cases they exercised the right,
even outside tbe limits of Palestine, of seizing the
persons of the accused, and sending them in chains
to take their trial before the Supreme Council at
Jerusalem (Acts ix. 2, xxii. 6).
(2.) It is not quite so easy, however, to define
the nature of the tribunal, and the precise limits of
its jurisdiction. In two of the passages referred to
(Matt. x. 17; Mark xiii. 9) they are carefully dis-
tinguished from the mrttpia, or councils, yet both
appear as instruments by which tbe spirit of re-
ligious persecution might fasten on its victims.
Tbe explanation commonly given that the council
sat in the synagogue, and was thus identified with
it, is hardly satisfactory (Leyrer, in Herzog's RtnU
Encyk. " Synedrien "). It seems more probable
that the council was the larger tribunal of 23, which
sat in every city [Council], identical with that
of tbe seven, with two l-evites as assessors to each,
which Josepbus describes ss acting in the smaller
provincial towns (Aat. iv. 8, § 14; B. J. 11. 20,
§ 5), d and that under the term synagogue we an
to understand a smaller court, probably that of the
Ten judges mentioned in the Talmud (Gem. HJeros.
SanJiedr. L c), consisting either of the elders, the
chazxan, and the legatus, or otherwise (as Herxfetd
conjectures, 1. 892) of the ten Batlanim, or Orion'
(see above, IV. 4).
(3.) Here also we trace tbe outline of a Christian
institution. The sWAno-la, either by itself or by
appointed delegates, was to act as a Court of Arbi-
tration in all disputes among its members. The
elders of tbe Church were not, however, to descend
to the trivial disputes of daily life (to. jSiarruret).
For these any men of common sense and fairness,
however destitute of official honor and position («
Jfoi/rJewjusVoi) would be enough (1 Cor. vL 1-8).
natural, more in harmony with the right relation of
the esxee (1 Oar. xL 4).
c The same curious praenee existed In the 17th
century, and is perhaps not yet extinct In the Ohureh
of Abyssinia, in this, ss in other things, preserving
more than any ether Christian society, the type of
Judaism (Ludolf, Mm. JBtluap. ill. 6 ; Stanlsy, Eattrr*
CftwcA, p. 12).
d The identification of these two Is doe to an m
genloos conjecture by Orotiue (on Matt. v. 21). Iks
addition of two sertbss or secretaries 'takes skis nszo
bar In both oasts equal.
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SYNAGOGUE
fat the elders, as for those of the synagogue, were
Merrxl the graver offenses against religion and
morals. In such cases the; had power to excom-
municate, to " put out of " the Ecclesia, which had
taken the place of the synagogue, sometimes bj
their own authority, sometimes with the consent
of the whole society (1 Cor. v. 4)- It is worth men-
tioning that Hammond and other commentators
have seen a reference to these judicial functions in
James ii. 3-4. The special sin of those who fawned
upon the rich was, on this view, that they were
"jwlgtt of evil thoughts,'' carrying respect of per-
sons into their administration of justice. The in-
terpretation, however, though ingenious, is hardly
tumciently supported. E. H. P.
* Stpvigotjiie* tit related to the Sprettd of Chrit-
liunily. — That the first preachers of the gospel
made much use of the synagogues in spreading the
new faith is evident from many passages in the
hook of Acts. Thus Haul in Damascus (ix. 30), im-
mediately after his conversion, " preached Christ in
the synagogues, that he is the Sou of God." So
Paul and ltamabas at Salaniia in Cyprus (xiii. 5)
" preached the word of God in the synagogues of
the .'ews ; " and so again at Autioch in Pisidia (xiii.
14-16); and yet again at Iconium (xiv. 1). When
Paul and Silas had come to Amphipolis (xrii. 1, 3),
•-where was a synagogue of the Jews," it is stated
that " Paul, <it kit mauner wru, went in unto them,
And three sabbath-days reasoned with them out of
the Scriptures." Coining thence to Berea (xvii. 10),
they "went into the synagogue of the Jews." At
Athens (xvii. 16, 17), while Paul was waiting for
h.4 companions, " he disputed in tlie synagogue with
the Jews, and with the devout" [Greeks]. At
Corinth (xviii. 4), "he reasoned in the synagogue
every sabbath, and persuaded the Jews and the
Greeks." At Epbesus (xviii. 19) "he himself
entered into the synagogue, and reasoned with the
Jews." In like manner, A polios at Epbesus (xviii.
36) " began to speak boldly in the synagogue ; " and
when, in Aebaia (xviii. 28), " he mightily convinced
the Jews, and that publicly, showing by the Scrip-
tures that Jesus was Christ," it was, doubtless, in
the synagogues that he did so. That this use
jf the place was sometimes bng continued is seen
in the statement of xix. 8, that in Epbesus Paul
** went into the synagogue, and spake boldly for the
space of three months, disputing and persuading
Jbe things concerning the kingdom of God."
These passages are more than sufficient to show
that iu the early diffusion of Christianity the syna-
gogues bore a very important part. To its first
preachers they afforded a pulpit and an audience, —
a place where they could set forth their new doctrine,
and an assembly prepared to bear it. In the free
ti id pliable order of the synagogue-service, an oppor-
unity of Scripture-reading, exposition, or exhorta-
. on seems to have been offered to any who wished
It Of such opportunities our 1-ord had made
habitual use (Matt. iv. 33, xiii. 54; Hark 1. 21;
John vi. 69; "I ever taught in the synagogues,"
John xviii. 30). In Luke It. 16, it is said of
Jesus at Nazareth, that, "« hit custom wu, he
went into the synagogue on the sabbath-day, and
stoorf up to read," and after the reading began an
tddress to the people. When Paul and Bamalias
wen at Antioch in Pisidia (Acts xiii. 15), it is
Jtatsd that, "after the reading of the law and the
arophets, tltt rulert of the tymtyoyue tent unto
♦era, saying, Ye men and brethren, if ye have any ,
word of exhutatiou for the people, say on." The
SYNAGOGUE, THE GBEAT 3189
opposition of the Jews to Christianity was not for
some time so developed that its apostles were ex-
cluded from this privilege of the synagogue. If
every Jewish community (and one was found in
almost every city of the civilized world) there were
persons ready to hear and receive a faith which
offered itself as the necessary complement of the
Jewish religion and scriptures. But the syna-
gogues brought together many Gentiles, who bad
either become members of the Jewish body by cir-
cumcision, or had adopted the belief and worship
of the Jews without submitting to the ritual law
[PkoselttbsJ. The latter class were, doubtless,
more open than the Jews themselves to the truths
and principles of Christianity.
It was under the influences of the synagogue that
the Greek language assumed the peculiar character
which fitted it to be the vehicle for Christian teach-
ing. That process of translating Jewish ideas into
Greek words, which we see first in the Septuaglnt.
must have gone on wherever Jewish worship was
conducted in the Greek language; that is, in most
synagogues out of Palestine, and, to some extent
certainly, hi those of Palestine itself. [Language
op the New Testament.] Hence arose the
idiom of the New Testament writers, colored by
Semitic forms of speech, and thoroughly impreg-
nated with the religious conceptions common to
both the Old and New Testaments. The posses-
sion of such an idiom, fully developed and widely
understood, was an important advantage to the first
preachers of Christianity. Many new words must
be formed, many old words taken in new connec-
tions and senses, before the language of Xenophon
could express the doctrine of Christ. But changes
like these require time for their accomplishment :
if it had been left for the apostles to make and in-
troduce them, the spread of the new religion must
have been seriously retarded.
It is not easy to overestimate the value of these
preparations and opportunities for the preaching of
the gospel. Unquestionably, they had much to do
with its immediate and rapid progress. The Ntw
Testament accounts of this progress will not seen,
incredible to any one who duly appreciates these
favoring influences. Among the causes which by
divine arrangement paved the way for the spread
of Christianity, we may claim as high a place for
the general planting of the Jewish synagogues, as
for the universal diffusion of the Greek language.
or the unifying conquests of the Roman Empire
J. H.
SYNAGOGUE, THE GREAT (njJJ
rHYIjin). The Institution thus described, though
not Biblical in the sense of occurring as a word in
the Canonical Scriptures, is yet too closely con-
nected with a large number of Biblical facts and
names to be passed over. In the absence of direct
historical data, it will be best to put together the
traditions or conjectures of Rabbinic writers.
(1.) On the return of the Jews from Babylon, a
great council was appointed, according to these
traditions, to reorganise the religious. life of the
people. It consisted of 120 members (Megilhth,
17 A, 18 c), and these were known as the men of
the Great Synagogue, the successors of the prophets,
themselves, in their turn, succeeded by scribes
prominent, individually, as teachers ( Ante Abotk.
i 1). Ezra was recognized, as president. Among
the other members, in part together, in part sue-
ceasively, were Joshua, the, high-priest, Zerubbaba)
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SYNTYCHE
sod their companions, Daniel and the three " chil-
dren," the prophet* Haggai, Zechariah, Halaehi,
the mien Nehemiah and Mordecai. Their aim wai
to restore again the crown or glory of Israel, i. e.
bo reinstate in its majesty the name of God at
Great, Mighty, Terrible (Deut- vii. 21, z. 17; Neh.
1. 5, iz. 32; Jer. xxxii. 18; Dan. iz. 4). To this
end they collected all the sacred writings of former
ages and their own, and so completed the canon of
the 0. T. Their work included the revision of the
text, and this was settled by the introduction of
the vowel points, which have been handed down to
us by the Masoretic editors. They instituted the
least of Purim. They organized the ritual of the
synagogue, and gave their sanation to the Sliemdneh
i'trih, the eighteen solemn benedictions in it
(Ewald, Gttch. iv. 193). Their decrees were quoted
afterwards as those of the elders (the rpftrfivrtpot
of Mark vii. 8, the ipxalot of Matt. v. 21, 27, 33),
the Ditne SSphirim (=worda of the scrilies), which
were of more authority than the Law itself. They
left behind them the characteristic saving, handed
down by Simon the high-priest, the last member
of the order, " Be cautious in judging; train up
many scholars ; set a hedge about the Law " (Pirkt
Aboth, i. 1). [Sckibks.]
(2.) Much of this is evidently uncertain. The
absence of any historical mention of such a body,
not only in the 0. T. and the Apocrypha, but in
Josephus, Philo, and the Seder (Aim, so that the
earliest record of it is found in the Pirke Abnth,
eirc. the second century after Christ, had led some
critics (e. g, De Wette, J. D. Michaelis) to reject
the whole statement as a Rabbinic invention, rest-
ing on no other foundation than the existence, after
the exile, of a Sanhedrim of 71 or 72 roemliers,
charged with supreme executive functions. Ewald
(Getck. Itr. iv. 192) is disposed to adopt this view,
and looks on the number 120 as a later element, in-
troduced for its symbolic significance. Jost (Getch.
da Jud. i. 41) maintains that the Greek origin of
the word Sanhedrim point* to its later date, and
that it* function* were prominently judicial, while
those of the so-called Great Synagogue were prom-
inently legislative. He recognises, on the other
hand, the probability that 120 was used as a round
number, never actually made up, and think* that
the germ of the institution is to be found in the
86 names of those who are recorded as having
joined in the solemn league and covenant of Neh.
x. 1-27. The narrative of Neh. viii. 13 clearly
Implies the existence of a body of men acting as
xnmsellors under the presidency of Ezra, and these
nay have been (as Jost, following the idea of an-
other Jewish critic, suggests) an assembly of dele-
gates from all provincial synagogues — a synod (to
nse the terminology of a later time) of the National
Church. The Pirkt Aboth, it should be men-
tioned, speaks of the Great Synagogue as ceasing
*o exist before the historical origin of the San-
aeOrim (z. 1), and it is more probable that the lat-
ter rose out of an attempt to reproduce the former
than that the former was only the mythical trans-
fer of the latter to an earlier time. (Comp. Leyrer,
l v. Bynagog& dit grout, in Herzog'a Encyklop. )
E. H. P.
SYNTYCHE {ivrrixv [accident, event]:
Synimhf\ a female iiember of the Church of
rtiibpp., mentioned (Phil. iv. 2, 8) along with an-
jcher named EuouiAff (or rather Euodta). To
•hat has been said under the latter head the fol-
lowing may be added. 'The Apostle's injunction
SYRACUSE
to these two women is, that they shook) Bv» Is
harmony with one another: from which we fnfct
that they had, more or less, failed in this respect.
Such harmony waa doubly important, if they held
an office, a* deaeonnesses, in the church : and it is
highly probable that this was the case. They bad
afforded to St. Paul active cooperation under dif
ficult circumstances (tV re? tvayyt\ltp crvr1)6\n<m
Itoi, ver. 2), and perhaps there were at PhiHppi
other women of the same class (aTriw i, ibid.). At
all events this passage is an illustration of what the
Gospel did for women, and women for the Gospel,
in the Apostolic times: and it is tbe more interest-
ing, as having reference to that church which was
the first founded by St. Paul in Europe, and the
first member of which was Lydia. Some thoughts
on this subject will be found in RUliet, Comm, sur
tE/Atrt avx Philipp. pp. 811-814. J. S. H.
SYR'ACTJSE(2upajtoD<rai: Syraaua). The
celebrated city on tbe eastern coast of Sicily. St.
Paul arrived thither in an Alexandrian ship from
Melita, on his voyage to Rome (Acts zxviii. 12).
The magnificence which Cicero describes as still re-
maining in hi* time, was then no doubt greatly im-
paired. The whole of the resources of Sicily had
been exhausted in the civil wars of Caaar and
Pontpey, and the piratical warfare which Sextua
Pompeius, tbe youngest son of the latter, subse-
quently carried on against the triumvir Octavius.
Augustus restored Syracuse, as also Catana and
Centoripa, which last bad contributed much to the
successful issue of his straggle with Sex tu* Pompeius.
Yet the island Ortygia, and a very small portion of
the mainland adjoining, sufficed for the new colo-
nists and the remnant of the former population.
But the site of Syracuse rendered it a convenient
place for the African corn-ships to touch at, for the
harbor was an excellent one, and the fountain Are-
tbusa in the island furnished an unfailing supply of
excellent water. The prevalent wind in this part of
the Mediterranean is the W. N. W. This would
carry the vessels from the corn region lying east
ward of Cape Bon, round the southern point of
Sicily, Cape Pachynus, to the eastern shore of the
island. Creeping up under the shelter of this, they
would lie either in the harbor of Messana, or at
Rhegium, until the wind changed to a southern
point and enabled them to fetch the Campanian
harbors, Puteoli or Gaeta, or to proceed as far a*
Ostia. In crossing from Africa to Sicily, if the
wind was excessive, or varied two or three point*
to the northward, they would naturally bear up for
Malta, — and this had probably been the case with
tbe " Twins," the ship in which St. Paul found a
passage after hi* shipwreck on the coast of that isl-
and. Arrived in Malta, they watched for the op-
portunity of a wind to take them westward, and
with such a one they readily made Syracuse. To
proceed further while it continued blowing would
have exposed them to the dangers of a tee-shore, and
accordingly they remained •' three days." TTie»
then, the wind having probably shifted into a west-
erly quarter so as to give them smooth water,
coasted the shore and made (Ttpi«A0oVr<r xarnr-
Tiiaaii.tr ds ) Rhegium. After one day there, the
wind got round still more and blew from tbe south
they therefore weighed, and arrived at Puteoli in the
course of the second day of the run (Act* xxviii.
12-14).
In the time of St. Paul's voyage, Sicily did not
supply the Romans with com to the extent it had
done in the time of King Hiero, and in a leas degree
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SYRIA
M kta as the time of Cicero. It Is an erroi, how-
ever, to suppose that the soil m exhausted; for
Strabo expressly says, that for corn, and some other
productions, Sicily even surpassed Italy. But the
oouniry had become depopulated by the long series
if wars, and when it passed into the hands of Rome,
her great nobles tunied vast tracts into pasture.
In the time of Augustus, the whole of the centre
of the island was occupied in this manner, and
among its exports (except from the neighborhood
of the volcanic region, where excellent wine was
produced), fat stock, hides, and wool appear to have
been the prominent articles. These grazing and
horse-breeding farms were kept up by slave labor;
and this was the reason that the whole island was
in a chronic state of disturbance, owing to the
rlaves continually running away and forming bands
of brigands- Sometimes these became so formi-
dable as to require the aid of regular military opera-
tions to put them down ; a circumstance of which
Tibenus ijracchus made use as an argument in
favor of his measure of sn Agrarian law (Appian,
B. C i. a), which would have reconverted the spa-
cious grass-lands into small arable farms cultivated
by Koman freemen.
In the time of St. Paul there were only fire Ro-
man colonies in Sicily, of which Syracuse was one.
The others were C'atana, Tauromenium Thernue,
and Tyndaris. Messana too, although not a colony,
was a town filled with a Roman population. Prob-
ably its inhabitants were merchants connected with
the wine trade of the neighborhood, of which Mes-
sana was the shipping-port. Syracuse and Panor-
mus ware important as strategical points, and a
Roman force was kept up at each. Sicels, Sicani,
Morgetes, and Iberes (aboriginal inhabitants of the
island, or very early settlers), still existed in the
Interior, in what exact political condition it is im-
possible to say ; but most likely in that of villeins.
Some few towns are mentioned by Pliny as having
the Latin franchise, and some as paying a fixed
tribute; but with the exception of the five colonies,
the owners of the soil of the island were mainly
great absentee proprietors, and almost all its prod-
uce came to Rome (Strabo, vi. c. 2 ; Appian, B. C.
Iv. 84 ff., v. 15-118; Cicero, Verr. iv. 63; Plin.
B. N. li. 8). i. W. B.
SYRIA (D^IH.: Ivpta: Syria) Is the term
need throughout our version for the Hebrew Aram,
as well as for the Greek ivpla. The Greek writers
generally regarded it as a contraction or corruption
of Assyria (Herod, vii. 63; Scylax, PeripL. p. 80;
Dionys. Perieg. 970-970; Eustath. Comment, ad
loc., etc.). But this derivation is exceedingly doubt-
ful. Most probably Syria is for Teyria, the coun-
try about Tmr ('TIS), or Tyre, which wea the first
of the Syrian towns known to the Greeks. 11m
resemblance to Assyria (Twtj) Is thai purely ac-
cidental; and the two words must be regarded as
in reality completely distinct.
1. Geographical Extent. — It is very difficult to
fix the limits of Syria. The Hebrew Aram seems
to commence on the northern frontier of Palestine,
sod to extend thence northward to tne skirts of
Taurus, westward to the Mediterranean, ajd east-
ward probably to the Khabour River. Its chief
livhdons are Aram-Oammesek, or " Syria of Ua-
■utms," Aram-Zobah, or " Syria of Zcbah," Arara-
Kaharaur, >' Mesopotamia," or " Syria of the Tw.
Bran "and Padau-Aram, "the plain Syria," oi
SYRIA
8141
" the plain at the foot of the mountains.' Of theat
we cannot be mistaken in identifying the lirst with
the rich country about Damascus, lying between
Anti-Libanus and the desert, and the last with the
district about Harran and Orfah, the flat country
stretching out from the western extremity of Mona
Masius toward the true source of the Khabour at
Riii el-Am. Aram-Naharaim seems to be a term
including this last tract, and extending beyond it,
though how far beyond is doubtful. The " two
rivers " intended are probably the Tigris and the
Euphrates, which approach very near each other in
the neighborhood of Diarbekr; and Aram-Naha-
raim may have originally been applied especially to
the mountain tract which here separates them. If
so, it no doubt gradually extended its meaning; fbt
in Gen. xxiv. 10 it clearly includes the district
about Harran, the Padan-Aram of other places.
Whether the Scriptural meaning ever extends much
beyond this is uncertain. It is perhaps most prob-
able that, as the Mesopotamia of the later Greeks,
so the Aram-Naharaim of the Hebrews was limited
to the northwestern portion of the country con-
tained between the two great streams. [See Meso-
potamia.] Aram-Zobah seems to be the tract
between the Euphrates and Code-Syria; since, on
the one hand, it reaches down to the Great River
(2 Sam. viii. 3, x. IS), and on the other excludes
Haniath (3 Sain. viii. 9, 10). The other divisions
of Aram, such as Aram-Maachah and Aram-beth-
Rechob, are more difficult to locate with any cer-
tainty. Probably they were portions of the tract
intervening between Anti-Libanus and the desert.
The Greek writers used the term Syria still mora
vaguely than the Hebrews did Aram. On the one
hand they extended it to the Euxine, including in
it Cappadocia, and even Bithynia (Herod, i. 73, 76,
ii. 104; Strab. xvi. 1, $ 9; Dionys. Perieg. 973);
on the other they carried It to the borders of Egypt,
and made it comprise Philiatia and Edom (Herod,
iii. 5; Strab. xvi. 3, $ 3). Again, through the
confusion in their minds between the Syrians and
the Assyrians, they sometimes included the country
of the latter, and even its southern neighbor Baby-
lonia, in Syria (Strab. xvi. 1, § 3). Still they seem
always to have had a feeling that Syria Proper was
a narrower region. Herodotus, while he calls the
Cappadocians and the Assyrians Syrians, gives the
name of Syria only to the country lying on the Med-
iterranean between Cilicia and Egypt (ii 106, 167,
169, iii. 6,91). Dionysitis, who speaks of two Syria*,
an eastern and a western, assigns the first plan
to the latter (Peritg. 896). Strabo, like Herod-
otus, has one Syria only, which he defines as the
maritime tract between Egypt and the Gulf of Issue.
The ordinary use of the term Syria, by the LXX.
and New Testament writers, is even more restricted
than this. They distinguish Syria from Phoenicia
on the one hand, and from Samaria, Judsaa, Idu-
mssa, etc., on the other. In the present article it
seems best to take the word in this narrow sense,
and to regard Syria as bounded by Amanus and
Taurus on the north, by the Euphrates and the
Arabian desert on the east, by Palestine, or the
Holy Land, on the south, by the Mediterranean
near the mouth of the Orontes, and then by Pbo»
nicia upon the west The tract thus circumscribed
i is about 800 miles long from north to south, tad
from 60 to 160 miles broad. It contains an ana
of about 30,000 square miles.
3. General Phyical Feature*. — The general
character of the tract is mountalnmii. aa the He
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3142
STRIA
brew name Ann (hum a root signifying ■• Might ")
sufficiently implies. On the west, two longitudinal
chains, running parallel with the coast at no great
distance from one another, extend along two thirds
of the length of Syria, from the latitude of Tyre to
that of Antioch. These chains, toward the south,
were known respectively as Libanus and Anti-
Libanus, after which, about 1st. 39°, the more
western chain, libanus, became Bargylus, while the
eastern, sinking into comparative insignificance,
was without any special appellation. In the lati-
tude of Antioch the longitudinal chains are met by
the chain of Amanus, an outlying barrier of Taurus,
having the direction of that range, which in this
part is from southwest to northeast. From this
point northward to the true Taurus, which here
bounded Syria, and eastward to the Kuphrates
•bout Bireli-jik and Sumeual, the whole tract ap-
pears to consist of mountains infinitely ramified;
below which, toward S'/jur and Aleppo, are some
elevated plains, diversified with ranges of hills, while
south of these, in about lat. 16°, you enter the
desert. The most fertile and valuable tract of
Syria is the long valley intervening between IJ-
banus and Anti-Libanus, which slopes southward
from a point a little north of Baalbek, and is there
drained by the LiOmy ; while above that point the
slope is northward, and the streams form the
Orontes, whose course is in that direction. The
northern mountain region is also fairly productive;
but the soil of the plains about Aleppo is poor, and
the eastern flank of the Anti-Libanus, except in one
place, is peculiarly sterile. The exception is at the
lower or southern extremity of the chain, where
the stream of the Borada forms the rich and de-
lightful tract already described under the head of
Damascus.
8. The Motmt'iin Range*. — («.) Lebanon. Of
the various mountain ranges of Syria, Lebanon
po ss e ss es the greatest interest. It extends from the
mouth of the Litany to Arlcn, a distance of nearly
100 miles, and is composed chiefly of Jura lime-
stone, but varied with sandstone and basalt It
culminates toward its northern extremity, half-way
between Tripoli and Beyrut, and at this point at-
tains an elevation of nearly 10,000 feet (Robinson,
BibL Reiearc/iet, iii. 647). Anciently it was
thickly wooded with cypresses, cedars, and firs; but
It is now very scantily clothed. As a minute de-
scriptiou of its present condition has been already
given in the proper place, it is unnecessary to pro-
long the present account. [Lebanon.] (6.) Anti-
Libanus. This range, as the name implies, stands
over against Lebanon, running in the same direc-
tion, i. e. nearly north and south, and extending
the same length. It is composed of Jura limestone,
oolite, and Jura dolomite. The culminating point
Is Hernion, at the southern, or rather the south-
eastern end of the chain ; for Anti-Libanus, unlike
libanus, bifurcates at its fewest extremity, dividing
into two distinct ridges, between which flows the
stream of the Hatbryn. Hermon is thought to ex-
xed the height of 9,000 feet. (c. ) Bargylus. Mount
iargylus, called now JtM Notniri toward the
south, and toward the north JtM Kraad, extends
worn the mouth of the Nahr eUKcbir (Eleutherus),
learly opposite Hems, to the vicinity of Antioch, a
Jstance of rather more than 100 miles. It Is
«parated from Lebanon by a comparatively level
Voct, IS or 20 miles broad (ei-Bukeva), through
which Lows the stream called tl-KeUr. Mount
oatvjlus is broader than Lebanon, and throws out
STRIA
• number of short spars east and west both toasoe
the sea and toward the valley of the Orontes
One of the western spars terminates in a mmrk-
able headland, known to the ancients as Mourn
Cuius, and now called Jtbtl tt-Akra, or the ■' Baal
Mountain," which rises abruptly from the sea to s
height exceeding 5,000 feet. At the northern ex-
tremity of Bargylus, where it overhangs the knrer
course of the Orontes, was Daphne, the dehooos
suburb of Antioch, and the favorite haunt of its
luxurious populace, (d.) Amanus. North of the
mouth of the Orontes, between its course end tfce
esstern shore of the Gulf of Issus (/jfaiM/rrm, 1 ,
lies the range of Amanus, which extends frees the
southwest end of the gulf, in a northeasterly di-
rection, a distance of 86 or 90 miles, and fnnllr
forma a junction with Taurus in about long. 96°
86'. Amanus divides Syria from Cilida, aud is s
stony range with bold rugged peaks and conies!
summits, formed of serpentines and other secondary
rocks supporting a tertiary formation. Its average
elevation is 5,000 feet, and it terminates abruptly at
Rat tl-Khanzir, hi a high cliff overhanging then.
There are only two or three passes across it; and
one alone, that of Btiim, is tolerably commodious.
Amanus, like Anti-Libauus, bifurcates at its south
western extremity, having, besides its termination
at the Rat el-Klicmzir, another, now called Jfa*<
Oat/h, which approaches within about six miles of
the mouth of the Orontes, and seems to be tls
Pieria of Strsbo (xvi. 2, § 8). This spur is of
limestone formation. The flanks of Amanus are
well clothed with forests of pine, oak, and larch, or
copses of myrtle, arbutus, oleander, and other
shrubs. The range was well known to the Assyrians,
who called it Khamnna, and not unfreauently rit
timber iu it, which was conveyed thence to their
capital.
4. The Rktrt. — The principal rivers of Syria
are the Litany and the Orontes. The Litany springs
from a small lake situated in the middle of the
Ccele-Syrian valley, alout six miles to the south-
west of Baalbek. Hence it descends the valley
called el-Bikaa, with a course a little west of
south, sending out on each side a number of canals
for irrigation, and receiving rills from the opposite
ranges of libanus and Anti-Libanus, which com-
pensate for the water given ofE The chief of then
is called ei-2Mrdbny, and descends from Lebanon
near ZahUh. The Bikaa narrows as it proceeds
southward, and terminates in a gorge, through
which the litany forces itself with a course which
is still to the southwest, flowing deep between high
precipices, and spanned by a bold bridge of a single
arch, known at the Jitr Burgltut. Having emerged
from the ravine, it flows first southwest by west,
and then nearly due south, till it reaches the lati-
tude of Tyre, when meeting the mountains of Upon
Galilee, it is forced to bend to the west, and, paw-
ing with many windings through the low coast
tract, enters the sea about 6 miles north of the
great Phoenician city. The entire course of the
stream, exclusive of small windings, is about ou
miles. The source of the Orontes is but about U
miles from that of the Litany. A little north of
Baalbek, the highest point or water-abed of the
Code-Syrian valley is reached, and the ground be-
gins to descend northward. A small rill breaks
out from the foot of Anti-Libanus, which, site?
flowing nearly due north for 16 miles across tbi
plain, meets another greater source given cat by
Lebanon in tat 84" ST, which it uow eWdsrtt
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SYRIA
the true "haul of the stream." The Orontes from
this point flows down the valley to the northeast,
tod passing through the Bnhr tl-Kmlrs — s lake
about i miles long and 3 broad — approaches H fins
(Ernes* ), which it leaves on its right bank. It
than flows for 20 miles nearly due north; after
which, on approaching Hamnk (Hnmath), it makes
a slight bend to the east round the base of the
Jebel Erbayn, and then, entering the rich pasture
country of eUGhab, runs northwest and north to
Jitr Undid. The tributaries which it receives in
this part of its course are man; but small, the only
one of any importance being the Wady el-Saruj,
which enters it from the west a little below Hamath.
At Jier Hadkt, or " the Iron Bridge," the course
of the Orontes suddenly changes. Prevented by
the range of Amanus from flowing any further to
the north, it sweeps round boldly to the west, and
receiving a large tributary — the Knra-Su — from
the northeast, the volume of whose water exceeds
its own, it enters the broad valley of Antioch,
" doubling back here upon itself, and flowing to
the southwest." In this part of its course the
Orontes has been compared to the Wye (Stanley,
Sinai ami Palatine, p. 409). The entire length
of the stream is estimated at above 300 miles.
Its modem name is the Nahr ei-Asi, or •' Rebel
Stream," an appellation given to it on account of
Its violence and impetuosity in many parts of its
course.
The other Syrian streams of some consequence,
besides the Litany and the Orontes, are the Ba-
rada, or River of Damascus, the Kotoeik, or River
of Aleppo, and the Snjur, a tributary of the Eu-
phrates. The course of the Bnrnda has already
been described under the head of Damascus. [Da-
mascus.] The Koictik rises in the highlands
south of Am- Tab, from two sources, one of which
is known as the Buhldu-Su, or " Fish- River." It
seems to be the Chalus of Xenoplion (Anab. i. 4,
{ 9). Its course is at first east, but soon becomes
south, or a little west of south, to Aleppo, after
which it meanders considerably through the high
plain sooth of that city, finally terminating in a
marsh known as el-Matkh. The Sajur rises a
little further to the north, in the mountains north
of A in- Tab. Its course for the first 35 miles is
southeast, after which it runs east for 15 or 20
miles, finally resuming its. first direction, and flow-
ing by the town of Sajur into the Euphrates. It
is a larger river than the Kotetit, though its course
is scarcely so long.
6. The Lakes. — Tit principal lakes of Syria,
are the Agh-Dengiz, or Lake of Antioch; the 8a-
bakhah, or Salt Lake, between Aleppo and Balis;
the Bakr ei-Kadee, on the Upper Orontes ; and
the Balir tUMerj, or Lake of Damascus, (a.) The
Lake of Antioch is an oblong fresh-water basin, 10
miles long by 7 broad, situated to the north of the
Orontes, where it sweeps round through the plain
of Umk, before receiving the Kara-Su. It is
formed by the waters of three large streams — tne
Karn-Su, the AJrin, and the Armul — which col-
lect the drainage of the great mountain tract lying
northeast and east of Antioch, between the 36th
and 37th parallels. It has been argued, from the
silence of Xenophon and Strabo, that this lake did
not exist in ancient times ( Kennel], JUustratUme of
the Expedition of Cams, p. 66), but modern Inves-
tigations pnrsued upon the spot are thought to dis-
prove this theory (Aim-worth, Researches m Meso-
etfmin. p 299). The water! flow into the lake on
STRIA
3148
the east and north, and flow oat ot it at Its south-
west angle by a broad and deep stream, known at
the Kara-Su, which falls into the Orontes a few
miles shove Antioch. (6.) The Sabakhah it a salt
lake, into which only insignificant streams flow,
and which has no outlet. It lies midway between
Balis and Aleppo, the route between these places
passing along its northern shore. It is longer than
the Lake of Antioch, but narrower, being about 13
miles from east to west, and 4 miles only from
north to south, even where it is widest, (e ) The
Bakr eUKadee is smaller than either of the forego-
ing lakes. It has been estimated at 8 miles long
and 3 broad (Pococke, Description of the East,i
140), and again at 6 miles long and 3 broad (Chit-
ney, Euphrates Exp. i. 394), but has never bean
accurately measured. Pococke conjectures that it
is of recent formation ; but his only reason seems to
be the silence of ancient writers, which is scarcely
sufficient to prove the point- (d.) The Bahr et-
\ferj, like the piece of water in which the Koictik
or River of Aleppo ends, scarcely deserves to he
called a lake, ainee it is little better than a large
marsh. The length, according to Colonel Chesney.
is 9 miles, and the breadth 2 miles ( EuphraL Exp.
i. 503); but the size seems to vary with the seasons,
and with the extent to which irrigation is used
along the course of the Burada, A recent travel-
ler, who traced the Burada to its termination,
found it divide a few miles below Damascus, and
observed that each branch terminated in a marsh
of its own; while a neighboring stream, the
Aioadj, commonly regarded as a tributary of the
Barada, also lost itself in a third marsh separate
from the other two (Porter in Geograph. Joum.
xzvi. 43-46).
6. The Great Valley. — By far the most im-
portant part of Syria, and on the whole its most
striking feature, is the great valley which reaches
from the plain of Umk, near Antioch, to the nar-
row gorge on which the Litany enters in about lat.
33° 80'. This valley, which runs nearly parallel
with the Syrian coast, extends the length of 230
miles, and has a width varying from 6 or 8 to 15
or 20 miles. The more southern portion of it was
known to the ancients as Coele-Syria, or " the
Hollow Syria," and hat been already described.
[Oelzstria.] In length this portion is rather
more than 100 miles, terminating with a screen of
hills a little south of Heme, at which point the
northeastern direction of the valley also ceases,
and it begins to bend to the northwest. The lower
valley from Heme downward is broader, generally
speaking, and richer than the upper portion. Here
was "Hamath the Great" (Am. vi. 2), now
flamah ; and hers too was Apamela, a city but
little inferior to Antioch, surrounded by rich pas-
tures, where Seleucus Nlcator was wont to feed COO
elephants, 800 stallion horses, and 80,000 mares
(Strab. xvi. 2, § 10). The whole of this region is
fertile, being watered not only by the Orontes, but
by the numerous affluents which flow into it from
the mountain ranges inclosing the valley on either
aide.
7. The Northern Highlands.— Northern Syria,
especially the district called Commagene, between
Taurus and the Euphrates, is still very insuffi-
ciently explored. It seems to be altogether an ele-
vated tract, consisting of twisted spurs from Taurus
and Amanus, with narrow valleys between them,
which open out into bare and sterile plains. The
valleys themselves are not vary fertile. They art
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3144 SYRIA
watercl by small streams, producing often abun-
dant fiali, and, for the moat part, flowing into the
Orontes or the Euphrates. A certain number of
the more central one*, however, unite, and consti-
tute the " river of Aleppo," which, unable to reach
cither of the oceanic streams, forms (as we have
seen) a lake or marsh, wherein its waters evaporate.
Along the course of the Euphrates there is rich land
and abundant vegetation; but the character of the
country thence to the valley of the Orontes is bare
uid woodless, except in the vicinity of the towns,
where fruit-trees are cultivated, and orchards and
gardens make an agreeable appearance. Host of
this region is a mere sheep-walk, which grows more
and more harsh and repulsive as we approach the
south, where it gradually mingles with the desert.
The highest elevation of the plateau between the
two rivers is 1500 feet; and this height is reached
soon after leaving the Euphrates, while toward the
west the decline is gradual.
8. Tit Eatltrn Detert. — East of the Inner
mountain-chain, and south of the cultivsble ground
about Aleppo, is the great Syrian Desert, an " ele-
vated dry upland, for the most part of gypsum and
marls, producing nothing but a few spare bushes of
wormwood, and the usual aromatic plants of the
wilderness." Here and there bare and Htony ridges
of no great height cross this arid region, but fail to
draw water from the sky, and have, consequently,
no streams flowing from them. A few wells sup-
ply the nomad population with a brackish fluid.
The region is traversed with difficulty, and has
never been accurately surveyed. The most remark-
able oasis is at Palmyra, where there are several
small streams and abundant palm-trees. [See Tad-
moh.] Toward the more western part of the re-
gion along the foot, of the mountain range which
there bounds it, is likewise a good deal of tolerably
fertile country, watered by the streams which Sow
eastward from the range, and after a longer or a
shorter course are lost in the desert. . The best known
and the most productive of these tracts, which seem
stolen from the desert, is the famous plain of Da-
mascus — the eUUhutah and tUMrrj of the Arabs
— already described in the account given of that city.
[Dahascus.] No rival to this " earthly paradise ' '
U to be found along the rest of the chain, since no
other stream flows down from it at all comparable
to the Barada; but wherever the eastern side of the
chain has been visited, a certain amount of cultiva-
ble territory has been found at its foot; corn is
grown In places, and olive-trees are abundant
(Burckhardt, TravtU in Syria, pp. 124-129; Po-
oocke, Dtseription of the Eatt, ii. 146). Further
from the hills all is bare and repulsive; a dry, hard
desert like that of the Sinaitio peninsula, with a,
soil of marl and gravel, only rarely diversified with
sand.
9. Ckitf Dmtiont. — According to Strabo, Syria
Proper was divided into the following districts:
(1.) Comma ginij (2.) Cyrrhuticn; (3.) Sekucii;
(4.) Colt-Syria ; and (5.) Damntctni. If we take
ha limits, however, as laid down above ({ 1), we
oust add to these districts three others: Chalybo-
utu, at the country about Aleppo; Chalcit or
Ckcilciatcd, a small tract south of this, about the
ake In which the river of Aleppo ends; and Pal-
myreni, or the desert so far as we consider it to
save been Syrian, (a.) Commagtne" lay to the
a The root of this name appears in the early Assyr-
ian UMCripttaif as that of a people, the QummuUi, or
SYRIA
north. Its capital was SamosaU or BumtUvt
The territory is said to have been fairly fertile, but
small; and from this we may gather that it did not
descend lower than about Ain- Tab. (6.) From Am-
Tali, or perhaps from a point higher up, commenced
Cirrhatica or Cyrutica. It was bounded on the
north by Ccmmag&ni, on the northwest by Ana-
mu, on the west and southwest bv Stleueu, and
on the south by Chalybomtu at the region of Cbal-
ybon. Both it and Commngtni reached eastward
to the Euphrates. CyrrhttHoa waa so called from
its capital Cyrrbus. which seems to be the modem
Corui. It included Hierapolis (Bambuk), Batnae
(Da/inbt), and Gindarus (Umdaritt). (c.) Chal-
ybonitis adjoined Cyrrhestica on the south, lying
Ictween that region and the desert. It extended
probably from the Euphrates, about Bcdit, to Mount
St. Simeon (Amguli Dngh). like Cyrrhestica, it
derived its name from its capital city, which was
Chalybon, now corrupted into Bnltb or Aleppo.
(of.) Chalcidiee^ was south of the more western por-
tion of Chalybonitis, and was named from its capi-
tal, Chalcis, which seems to be marked by the mod-
ern Ktnnnutrin, a little south of the lake in which
the River of Aleppo ends (Pococke, TravtU, ii. 149).
(«.) Seleucis lay between Cyrrhestica, Chalybonitis,
and Chalcis on the one side, and the Mediterranean
on the other. It was a large province, and con-
tained four important subdivisions: (1) Seleucis
Proper or Pieria, the little comer between Amanus
and the Orontes, with its capital, Seleucia, on the
coast, above the mouth of the Orontes: (2) Anti-
ochis, the region about Antioch; (3) Ijiodicenl,
the coast tract between the mouth of the Orontes
and Phoenicia, named after it* capital, Laodieeia
(still called Ladikiytk), which was an excellent
port, and situated in a most fertile district (Strab.
xvi. 2, § 9); and (4) Apanienl, consisting of the
valley of the Orontes from Jitr Undid to Bamah,
or perhaps to Bant, and having Apameia (now Fa-
mitk) for its chief city. (/.) Coele-Syria lay south
of Apameia, being the continuation of the Great
Valley, and extending from Btmt to the gorge in
which the valley ends. The chief town of this
region was Heliopolis (BaaJbtk). (o.) Damascene
included the whole cultivable tract between the
bare range which breaks away from Anti-Ubanus
in lat. 33° 80', and the hills which shut in the
valley of the Auqj on the south. It lay east of
Code-Syria and southwest of Palmyren*. (A.)
Palmyren^ was the name applied to the whole
of the Syrian Desert. It waa bounded on the east
by the Euphrates, on the north by Chalybonitis
and Chalcidiee', on the west by Apameiid and
Code-Syria, and on the south by the great desert of
Arabia.
10. Principal Totnu.— The chief towns of Syria
may be thus arranged, a* nearly as possible in the
order of their importance: 1. Antioch; 2. Damas-
cus; 3. Apameia; 4. Seleucia; B. Tadmor or
Palmyra; 6. Laodieeia; 7. Epiphaneia (Hamath);
8. SamosaU; 9. Hierepolie (Mabog); 10. Chaly-
bon ; 11. Emesa ; 12. Heliopolis ; 13. Laodieeia
ad Ubaoum; 14. Cyrrhus ; IS. Chalcis; 16
Poseldelum ; 17. Heraeleia ; 18. Gindarus ; It
Zeugma ; 20. Thapaacus. Of these, SamosaU
Zeugma, Thapaacus, are on the Euphrates ; Seleucia,
Laodieeia, Poseideium, and Heraeleia, on the sea-
shore; Antioch, Apameia, Epi ph a n eia, and Ernes*
QtmmuMci. They dwell, hrwsvsr, east of the fw
pbrotss, between Sumeuti sn4 Diarbrlr
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SYRIA
(ff«M) on the Orontes; Hdiopods and Lsodleeia
ad litnnum, in Ccele-Syria; HierapolU, Chalybon,
Cyrrhus, Chalcis, and (iindarus, in the northern
highland!; Damascus on the skirts, and Palmyra
in the centre of the eutern desert.
11. ffittorj. — The flnt occupant* of Syria ap-
pear to hare been of Hamitic descent The Ca-
naarjtiah racs, the Hittites, Jebusites, Amorites,
etc, are 'jonnected in Scripture with Egypt and
Ethiopia., Cuah and Hizraim (Gen. z. 6 and 15-18) j
and even independently of this evidence, there seems
to be sufficient reason for believing that the races
in question stood in close ethnic connection with
the Cushite stock (Rawllnaon's fferodotus, tv. 243-
S45). These tribes occupied not Palestine only,
hot also Lower Syria, in very early times, as we
sony gather from the fact thai Hamath is assigned
to them in Genesis (x. 18). Afterwards they seem
to have become possessed of Upper Syria also, for
when the Assyrians first push their conquests be-
yond the Euphrates, they find the Hittites (KhntU)
established in strength on the right bank of the
Great River. After a while the first comers, who
were still to a great extent nomads, received a
Sbemitie infusion, which most probably came to
them from the southeast. The family of Abraham,
whose original domicile was in lx>wer Babylonia,
may, perhaps, be best regarded as furnishing us
with a specimen of the migratory movements of the
period. Another example is that of Chedorlaomer
with his confederate kings, of whom one at least —
Amrapbd — must have been a Shemite. The move-
ment may hare begun before the time of Abraham,
and hence, perhaps, the Shemitic names of many of
the inhabitants when Abraham first comes into the
country, as Ablmelech, Melchlzedek, Eliezer, etc."
The only Syrian town whose existence we find dis-
tinctly marked at this time is Damascus (Gen. xiv.
15, xv. 2), which appears to hare been already a
place of some importance. Indeed, in one tradition,
Abraham is said to hare been king of Damascus
at a time (Nie. Dam. Fr. 30); but this is quite
unworthy of credit. Next to Damascus must be
placed Hamath, which la mentioned by Moses as a
well -known place (Num. xiii. 21, xxxiv. 8), and
appears in Egyptian papyri of the time of the
eighteenth dynasty (Cambridge Kuayt, 1858, p.
168). Syria at this time, and for many centuries
afterwards, seems to have been broken up among a
number of petty kingdoms. Several of these are
mentioned in Scripture, as Damascus, Rehob,
Maachah, Zobah, Geshur, etc. We also hear oc-
casionally of " the kings of Syria and of the Hit-
tites" (1 K. x. 29; 2 K. vii. 8) — an expression
Indicative of that extensive subdivision of the tract
among numerous petty chiefs which is exhibited to
as very clearly in the early Assyrian inscriptions.
At various times different states had the preemi-
nence; but none was ever strong enough to estab-
lish an authority over the others.
The Jews first come into hostile contact with the
Syrians, under that name, in the time of David.
The wars of Joshua, however, must have often been
with Syrian chiefs, with whom he disputed the
po ss es s io n of the tract about Lebanon and Hermon
(Josh. xt. 2-18). After his time the Syrians were
apparently undisturbed, until David begin his ag-
gressive wars upon tbem. Claiming the frontier of
the Euphrates, which God had promised to Abraham
> B Is possible, however, that than ;
" > equivalents of she ml ni
IN
SYRIA 8145
(Gen. xv. 18), David made war on Hadaoezer, Una
of Zobah, whom he defeated in a great battle, kill-
ing 18,000 of his men, and taking from him 1,000
chariots, 700 horsemen, and 20,000 footmen (2 Sam.
viii. 3, 4, 13). The Damascene Syrians, having
endeavored to succor their kinsmen, were likewist
defeated with great loss (ibid. ver. 5); and the
blow so weakened them that they shortly afterwards
submitted and became David's subjects (ver. 6).
Zobah, however, was far from being subdued as
yet. When, a few years later, the Ammonites de-
termined on engaging in a war with David, and
applied to the Syrians for aid, Zobah, together with
Beth-Rehob, sent them 20,000 footmen, and two
other Syrian kingdoms furnished 13,000 (2 Sam.
x. 6). This army being completely defeated by
Joab, Hadadezer obtained aid from Mesopotamia
(ibid. ver. 16), and tried the chance of a third bat-
tle, which likewise went against him, and produced
the general submission of Syria to the Jewish
monarch. The submission thus begun continued
under the reign of Solomon, who " reigned over
all the kingdoms from the river (Euphrates) unto
the land of the Philistines and unto the border of
Egypt; they brought presents and served Solomon
all the days of his life" (1 K. iv. 21). The only
part of Syria which Solomon lost seems to bare
been Damascus, where an independent kingdom
was set up by Rezon, a native of Zobah (1 K. zi.
23-25). On the separation of the two kingdoms,
soon after the accession of Rehoboam, the remainder
of Syria no doubt shook off the yoke. Damascus
now became decidedly the leading state, Hamath
being second to it, and the northern Hittites,
whose capital was Carchemlsh near Bambuk, third.
[Carchkmish.] The wars of this period fall most
properly Into the history of Damascus, and have
already been described in the account given of that
city. [Damascus.] Their result was to attach
Syria to the great Assyrian empire, from which it
passed to the Babylonians, after a short attempt
on the part of Egypt to hold possession of it, which
was frustrated by Nebuchadnezzar. From the
Babylonians Syria passed to the Persians, under
whom it formed a satrapy in conjunction with
Judaa, Phoenicia, and Cyprus (Herod, iii. 91). Its
resources were still great, and probably it was hi*
confidence in them which encouraged the Syrian
satrap, Megabazug, to raise the standard of revolt
against ArUxerxes Longimanus (B. c. 447). After
this we hear little of Syria till the year of the battle
of Issus (b. C. 333), when it submitted to Alex-
ander without a struggle.
Upon the death of Alexander Syria became, 'or
the first time, the head of a great kingdom. On
the division of the provinces among his generals
(B. c. 321), Seleucus Nlcator received Mesopotamia
and Syria; and though, in the twenty years of
struggle which followed, this country was lost and
won repeatedly, it remained finally, with the ex
ception of Coele-Syria, in the hands of the prince
to whom it was originally assigned. That prince,
whose dominions reached from the Mediterranern
to tbe Indus, and from the Oxus to the Southern
Ocean, having, as he believed, been exposed to
great dangers on account of the distance from
Greece of his original capital, Babylon, resolved
immediately upon his victory of Ipsus (B. c 301)
to fix his metropolis in the West, and settled upon
is "nay be persons whloh names might in that
of slues Hamitu
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3146
STBIA
Syria as the fittest place for it. Antioeh was be-
gan in B. o. 300, «nd, being finubed in a few years,
mi made the capital of Seleucua' kingdom. Hie
whole realm was thenceforth ruled from thii centre,
and Syria, which had long been the prey of stronger
eountries, and had been exhausted by their ex-
action*, grew rich with the wealth which now flowed
into it on all side*. The luxury and magnificence
of Antioeh were extraordinary. Broad straight
street*, with colonnades from end to end, temples,
statues, arches, bridges, a royal palace, and various
other public buildings dispersed throughout it,
made the Syrian capital by far the most splendid
of all the cities of the East. At the same time, in
the provinces, other towns of large size were grow-
ing up. Seleucia in Pieria, Apameia, and both
Laodiceins were foundations of the Seieucidc, as
their names sufficiently indicate. Weak and in-
dolent as were many of these monarch*, it would
seem that they had a hereditary taste for building;
and so each aimed at outdoing his predecessors in
the number, beauty, and magnificence of his con-
structions. As the history of Syria under the
Selencid princes has been already given in detail,
in the articles treating of each monarch [Anti-
ochus, Dkmetbius, Seleucus, etc.], it will be
unnecessary here to do more than sum it up gen-
erally. The most flourishing period was the reign
of the founder, Niestor. The empire was then al-
most as large as that of the Aciuemenian Persians,
for it at one time included Asia Minor, and thus
reached from the Jigean to India. It was organized
into satrapies, of which the number was 79. Trade
flourished greatly, old lines of traffic being restored
and new ones opened. The reign of Nicator's son,
Aiitiochus I., called Soto, was the beginning of
the decline, which was progressive from his date,
with only one or two alight interruptions. Soter
lost territory to the kingdom of Pergamus, and
failed in an attempt to subject Bithynia. He was
also unsuccessful against Egypt. Under his son,
Antiochus II., called Bt6t, or " the God,'' who
ascended the throne in B. c. 261, the disintegration
of the empire proceeded more rapidly. The revolt
of Parthia in B. c. 266, followed by that of Bactria
in B. c. 254, deprived the Syrian kingdom of some
of its best provinces, and gave it a new enemy
which shortly became a rival and finally a superior.
At the same time the war with Egypt was prose-
cuted without either advantage or glory. Fresh
losses were suffered in the reign of Seleucua II.
(Callinieua), Antiochus the Second's successor.
While Callinicus was engaged in Egypt against
Ptolemy Euergetes, Eumenes of Pergamus obtained
possession of a great part of Asia Minor (b. c. 242) ;
and about the same time Arsaces II., king of
Parthia, conquered Hyrcania and annexed it to
his dominions. An attempt to recover this latter
province cost Callinicus his crown, as he was de-
feated and made prisoner by the Parthians (a. c
220). In the next reign, that of Seleucua III.
(Ceraunus), a slight reaction set in. Most of Asia
Minor was recovered for Ceraunus by his wife's
nephew, Achsras (b. c. 224), and be was preparing
to invade Pergamus when he died poisoned. His
successor and brother, Antioehus III., though he
gained the surname of Great from the grandeur of
his expeditions and the partial success of some of
them, can scarcely be said to have really done any-
thing toward raising the empire from its declining
oondltion, since his conquests on the side of Egypt,
of Code-Syria, Phoenicia, and Palestine.
SYRIA
formed no sufficient compensation for the loss of
Asia Minor, which be was forced to sale to Korn
for the aggrandisement of the rival kingdom <f
Pergamus (B. 0. 190). Even had the territorial
balance been kept more even, the ill policy of making
Home an enemy of the Syrian kingdom with which
Antiochus the Great is taxable, would have neces-
sitated our placing him among the princes to whom
its ultimate ruin was mainly owing. Toward the
East, indeed, be did something, if not to thrust
back the Parthians, at any rate to protect his em-
pire from their aggressions. But the exhaustion
consequent upon his constant wars and signal de
feats — more especially those of Raphia and Mag-
nesia — left Syria far more feeble at his death than
she had been at any former period. The almost
eventless reign of Seleucus IV. (Philopator), his scat
and successor (b. o. 187-175), is sufficient proof
of this feebleness. It was not till twenty years of
peace bad recruited the resources of Syria in men
and money, that Antiochus IV. (Epiphanes), brother
of Philopator, ventured on engaging in a great war
(b. c. 171) — a war for the conquest of Egypt. At
first it seemed as if the attempt would succeed.
Egypt was on the point of yielding to her foe of sc
many years, when Rome, following out her tradi-
tions of hostility to Syrian power and influence,
interposed her mediation, and deprived Epiphanes
of all the fruits of his victories (b. c. 168). A
greater injury was, about the same time (b. c. 167),
inflicted on Syria by the folly of Epiphanes him-
self. Not content with replenishing hu treasury by
the plunder of the Jewish temple, be madly ordered
the desecration of the Holy of Holies, and thai
caused the revolt of the Jews, which proved a per-
manent loss to the empire and an aggravation of
its weakness. After the death of Epiphanes the
empire rapidly verged to its fall. The regal power
fell into the hands of an infant, Antiochus V.
(Euputor), son of Epiphanes (b. c. 164); the nobles
contended for the regency ; a pretendearto the crown
started up in the person of Demetrius, son of
Seleucus IV.; Rome put in a claim to administer
tbe government; and amid the troubles thus caused,
the Parthians, under Mithridates I., overran the
eastern provinces (b. C- 164), conquered Media,
Persia, Susiana, Babylonia, etc, and advanced their
frontier to the Euphrates. It was in vain that
Demetrius II. (Nicator) made an attempt (b. c.
142) to recover the lost territory ; his boldness cost
him his liberty; while a similar attempt on the
part of his successor, Antiochus VII. (Sidetss), cost
that monarch his life (b. c. 128). Meanwhile, in
the shorn Syrian kingdom, disorders of every kind
were on the increase; CommagSne' revolted and
established her independence; civil wars, murders
mutinies of the troops, rapidly succeeded one an-
other; the despised Jews were called in by both
sides in the various struggles; and Syria, in the
space of about ninety years, from b. c. 164 to B. o.
64, had no fewer than ten sovereigns. AU the
wealth of the country had been by this time dis-
sipated ; much bad flowed Roniewards in the shape
of bribes; more, probably, bad been spent on the
wars; and still mora bad been wasted by the kings
in luxury of every kind. Undei these circumstances
the Romans showed no eagerness to occupy the
exhausted region, which passed under the power of
Tigranes, king of Armenia, in b. o. 88, and was
not made a province of tbe Roman Enpire till after
Pompey's complete defeat of Mithrilatss sod Ms
ally Tigranes, b. c. 64.
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STRIA
Tha chronology of this period hu been well
■acted out by Clinton (F. H. vol ill. pp. 308-
148), from whom the following table of the kings,
with the dates of their secession, is taken : —
STRIA
8147
Kings.
Length of
Data of
Reign.
Accession.
1. Satsneos Hkator . . .
82 rear".
Oet. 812
3. Antioehua Botar . . .
18 «
Jan. 280
8. Anooohue Theos . . .
16 «
Jan. 281
4. Satracus Callinteus . .
20 it
Jan. 248
1 Bafeucus Oeiaunus . .
8 n
Aug. 228
8. Anttochus Magnus , .
SS "
Aug. 228
7. Balsuous Phtlopator . .
12 "
Oet. 187
8 Anttachua Kplphsnes
11 "
Aug. 175
• Andoehas Kupator . .
2 «
Deo. 184
10 Dametrlua Soter . . .
12 «
Nor. 162
U Alexander Bate . , .
5 »
Aug. ISO
12. Demetrius Nieator (1st reign)
8 «
Not. 148
18. Antioehua Sdetes . . .
8 «
Feb. 187
14. Demetrius Nieator (2d reign)
8 «
l«b. 128
16. Anooohns Qrypos . .
18 "
Aug 126
16. Anttocbus Oysloenas
18 "
118
17. AnUochos Xusebes and 1
Pbllippua . . . . J
12 «
86
14 «
88
18 Anoochns AaiaUeua . .
4 "
69
As Syria holds an important plane, not only In
the Old Testament, but iu the New, some account
si* its condition under the Romans must now be
given. That condition was somewhat peculiar.
While the country generally was formed into a Ro-
man province, under governors who were at first
propnetors orquiestors, then proconsuls, and finally
legatee, there were exempted from the direct rule
of the governor, in the first place, a number of
" bee cities," which retained the administration of
their own attain, subject to a tribute levied accord-
lag to the Roman principles of taxation ; and idly,
a number of tracts, which were assigned to petty
princes, commonly natives, to be ruled at tbeir
pleasure, subject to the same obligations with the
free cities as to taxation (Appian, Sgr. SO). The
free cities were Antioch, Sekucia, Apanwia, Epi-
pbaneia, Tripolia, Sidon, and Tyre; the principali-
ties, Commagenl, Chalets ad Belum (near BaiU-
Me), Arethusa, Abila or Abilene, Palmyra, and
Damascus. The principalities were sometimes
called kingdoms, sometimes tetrarchies. They
•ere established where it was thought that the na-
tives were so inveterately wedded to their own cus-
toms, and so well disposed for revolt, that it was
necessary to consult their feelings, to natter the
national vanity, and to give them the semblance
without the substance of freedom, (a.) Comma-
gtne' was a kingdom (rtgnum). It bad broken off
from Syria during the later troubles, and become a
separata state under the government of a branch of
the Seleucidie, who affected the names of Antiocbus
and Mithridates. The Romans allowed this eon-
titfou of things to continue till A. D. 17, when,
■pan the death of Antiochus III., they made Com-
magene' into a province; in which condition it con-
tinued till A. D. 38, when Caligula gave the crow*.
to Antiochus IV. (Epiphanes), the son of Ant'-
eohus III. Antiochus IV. continue*! king till A.
t>. 78, when be was deposed by Vespasian, and
Sotcmagene' waa finally absorbed into the Empire.
He had a son, called abr Antioehua and Epiphanes,
•ho waa betrothed to Unuilla, the sister of " King
Agrippa," nnd afterwards the wife of Felix, the
procurator of Judan. (4.) Chalcis "ad Belum "
was not tbe city so called near Aleppo, which gave
name to the district of Cnakridiee, but a town ot
lew importance near Heliopolis (Baalbek), whence
probably the suffix " ad Belum." It is mentioned
in this connection by Strabo (xvL 3, { 10), and
Joaephus says that it was under Lebanon (Ami. xiv.
7, § 4), so that there oannot be much doubt as to
its position. It must have been in the " Hollow
Syria " — the modern Bikaa — to tbe south of
Baaibtk (Joseph. B. J. i. 8, $ 2), and therefore
probably at Anfnr, where there are large isms
(Robinson, BibL Rtt. ill. 498, 497). This too was
generally,or perhaps always, a •'kingdom." Pom-
pey found it under a certain Ptolemy, "the son oi
Menmeus," and allowed hies to retain possession of
it, together with certain adjacent districts. From
him it passed to bis son, Lysanias, who was put to
death by Antony at the instigation of Cleopatra
(ab. B. c. 84), after which we find its revenues
farmed by Lysanias' steward, Zenodortn, the roy-
alty being in abeyance (Joseph. Ant. xv. 10, § 1).
In B. c. 28 Chalcis was added by Augustus to the
dominions of Herod the Great, at whose death it
probably passed to his son Philip (ibid. xvii. 11, §
4). Philip died A. d. 34; and then we lose sight
of Chalcis, until Claudius in his first year (A. D.
41) bestowed it on a Herod, the brother of Herod
Agrippa I., still as a " kingdom." From this
Herod it passed (a d. 49) to his nephew, Herod
Agrippa II., who held it only three or four years,
being promoted from it to a better government
(ibid. xx. 7, § 1). Chalcis then fell to Agrippa's
cousin Aristobulus, son of the first Herodian king,
under whom it remained till A. D. 73 (Joseph. B.
t. vii. 7, § 1). About this time, or soon after, it
ceased to be a distinct government, being finally
absorbed into tbe Roman province of Syria, (c.)
Arethusa (now Xtttan) was for a time separated
from Syria, and governed by phylarchs. The city
lay on the right bank of the Cronies between Ha-
mah and Hems, rather nearer to the former. In
the government were included the Emiseni, or peo-
ple of Hems (Emesa), so that we may regard it as
comprising tbe Cronies valley from the Jtbtl Kr-
onyn, at least as high as the Bahr et-Knde$, or
B'iktirtt-Htmt, the lake of Hems. Only two gov-
ernors are known, Sampsiceraraus, and Jamblichus,
his son (Strab. xvi. 2, § 10). Probably this prin-
cipality was one of the first absorbed. (</. ) Abilene^
so called from its capital Abila, was a " tetrarchy."
It was situated to the east of Anti-Libanus, on the
route between Baalbek and Damascus (Aim. Ant.).
Ruins and inscriptions mark the site of tbe capital
(Robinson, Bibi. Rn. Hi. 479-482), which waa at
tbe village called et-8uk, on the river Barada, just
where it breaks forth from the mountains. The
limits of the territory are uncertain. We first hear
of this tetrarchy in St. Luke's Gospel (iii. 1), where
it is said to have been in tbe possession of a certain
Lysanias at tbe commencement of St. John's min-
istry, which was probably A. D. 87. Of this Ly-
sanias nothing more is known ; he certainly cannot
be the Lysanias who once held Chalcis; since that
Lysanias died above sixty years previously. Eleven
years after tbe date mentioned by St. Luke, A. D.
38, tbe heir of Caligula bestowed " the tetrarchy of
Lysanias," by which Abilene 1 is no doubt intended,
on the elder Agrippa (Joseph. Ant. xviii. 6, § 10);
and four years later Claudius confirmed the asms
prince iu the possession of the " J file of Lysanias '
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3148
SYRIA
STRIA
{ibid. xix. 8, § 1). Finally, In A. o. 68, Clandlu*,
among other grants, conferred on th« younger
Agrippa " Abila, which had been the tetnrchy of
Lysanias " (ibid. xx. 7, § 1). Abila in taken by
Plaeidu*, one of the general* of Vespasian, In B. c.
69 (Joseph. BelL Jud. iv. 7, § 6), and thenceforth
•u anncied to Syria. («.) Palmyra appear* to
have occupied a different position from the reat of
the Syrian principalities. It was in no aenae de-
pendent upon Rome (Plin. B. N. v. 86), but rely-
ing on its position, claimed and exercised the right
of self-government from the breaking up of the
Syrian kingdom to the reign of Trajan. Antony
made an attempt against it, b. c. 41, but failed.
It was not till Trajan's successes against the Par-
thians, between a. d. 114 and A. D. 116, that
Palmyra was added to the Empire. (/.) Damas-
sis is the last of the principalities which it is nec-
essary to notice here. It appears to have been left
by Pompey in the hands of an Arabian prince,
Aretas, who, however, was to pay a tribute for it,
and to allow the Romans to occupy it at their pleas-
ure with a garrison (Joseph. Ant. xW. 4, § 6; 6,
§ 1 ; 11, f 7). This state of things continued
most likely to the settlement of the Empire by Au-
gustus, when Damascus was attached to the prov-
ince of Syria. During the rest of Augustus' reign,
and during the entire reign of Tiberius, this ar-
rangement was in force; but it seems probable that
Caligula on his secession separated Damascus from
Syria, and gave it to another Aretas, who was king
of Petra, and a relation (son ?) of the former. [See
Akbtas.] Hence the fact, noted by St. Paul (2
Cor. xt. 33), that at the time of his conversion
Damascus was held by an " ethnarch of king Are-
tas." The semi-independence of Damascus is
thought to have continued through the reigns of
Caligula and Claudius (from A. D. 37 to A. D. 64),
but to have come to an end under Nero, when the
district was probably reattached to Syria.
The list of the governors of Syria, from its con-
quest by the Romans to the destruction of Jeru-
salem, has been made out with a near approach to
accuracy, and is as follows: —
Data or Date of
Names. TIUm ofofltee. sneering Quitting
office. office.
At. Aniline Soaurus .
L. (Urdus PhUippus .
.Lsntulus HarcelUuus
Oabinlos . . ■
Ciassus . . .
Cassliis .
M. Oalpurnius Bibulus
Seat. Julius Cesar .
i). CawiHui Bassos .
|Q. CornMlclus . . .
(I.. Statius Mureus .
It. Marclui Crlspos .
• I. Caasius Lougtnus ■
I.. Decidlus Saxa . .
P. Tentldlus Bassos .
U. Sottas ....
L. Muoatlut Planeus .
L. Oalpurnlos Bibulus
Q,. DMlus ....
H Valerius Ucasalla .
Varro ....
ML Tlpatnlos Agrippa
at TulUus ....
K. Vlpsantas Agrippa
H.TItias ....
0. Ssauut Saturnlnus
f. (MBtUlm Varus .
: Quaxtor pro
I ponton . i. 0. 62
Proprietor . . 61
Propraetor
, Proconsul
Qutattor.
Proconsul
Pressor
Date a!
Detest
Names,
Ttussof onW.
entering
anttffag
offlee.
P. Sulpeam Qulrlnus
. Legatus.
A. B. 6
Q. Cawllins HetaUus
Creaeus Silaaos .
} Legatus.
• •
n
II. Calpurnlot Plso .
. Legatus .
. . 17
. . »
3n. Sentlns Satumlnus
. Prolegatus
. . 19
L*. Pomponlus Jlaoeus
.' ProprsBtor
. . 21
. . 66
. . 66
. . 16
P. Petrooius . . ,
. Legatus.
. .66
. . 43
Vlbtas Harsus . . .
. Legatus .
. . 43
. . 48
0. Cassias Longlnus .
. Lsgatus .
. . 48
. . 61
T. Namldlus i Quadratus Legatus .
. 61
. 66
Dominus Corbulo
. Lsgatus .
. . 60
. 41
Clndus . .
Lsgatus.
46
0. Osstlns Qallus . .
. Lsgatus.
*
. . 67
P. Iicinius Muclanus
. Lsgatus .
. . 67
66
received authority from the
Senate to dispossess Bassus,
but tailed.)
Proconsul B. a 48 B. 0. 42
Legatus .
Legatus .
Legatus .
Legatus .
Legatus .
Legatus .
Legatus .
Legatus .
Legatus.
Legatus.
41
40
88
as
81
80
16
11 .
7 .
•
40
86
81
30
. 7
. 8
A...8
The history of Syria during this period may be
summed up in a few words. Down to the battle
of Pharselia, Syria was fairly tranquil, the only
troubles being with the Arabs, who occasionally at-
tacked the eastern frontier. The Roman governors
labored hard to raise the condition of the province,
taking great pains to restore the cities, which had
gone to decay under the later Seleocidse. Gabinius,
proconsul in the years 66 and 65 B. c., made him*
self particularly conspicuous in works of this kind.
After Pharsalia (b. c. 46) the troubles of Syria wen
renewed. Julius Cssaar gave the province to hie
relative Sextus in b. c. 47; but Pompey's party
was still so strong in the east, that in the next
year one of his adherents, CsBcilins Bassus, pot
Sextus to death, and established himself in the
government so firmly that he was able to resist for
three years three proconsuls appointed by the Senate
to dispossess him, and ouly finally yielded upon
terms which he himself offered to his antagonist*.
Many of the petty princes of Syria sided with him,
and some of the nomadic Arabs took his pay and
fought under his banner (Strab. xvi. 8, { 10).
Bassus had but just made his submission, when,
upon the assassination of Casar, Syria was disputed
between Cassius and Dolabella, the friend of An.
tony, a dispute terminated by the suicide of Dola-
bella, B. c. 43, at Laodiceia, where he was besieged
by Cassius. The next year Cassius left his province
and went to 1'hilipul, where, after the first unsuc-
cessful engagement, he too committed suicide.
Syria then fell to Antony, who appointed a* his
legate L. Decidius Saxa, in B. o. 41. The troubles
of the empire now tempted the Parthian* to seek
a further extension of their dominions at the ex-
pense of Rome, and Pacorus, the crown-prince, son
of Arsaces XIV., assisted by the Roman refugee,
Labienus, overran Syria and Asia Minor, defeating
Antony's generals, and threatening Rome with the
loss of all her Asiatic possessions (b. c. 40-39).
Ventidlua, however, in B. c. 38, defeated the Par-
thian*, slew Pacorus, and reco v ered for Rome bet
former boundary. A quiet time followed. From
b. o. 38 to B. a 31 Syria was governed peacea bly
by the legates of Antony, and, after his defeat at
Actium and death at Alexandria in that year, by
those of Augustus. In B. C. 87 took place that
formal division of the provinces between Augustus
and the Senate, from which the imperial adminis-
trative system dates; and Syria, being from its ex-
posed situation among the prorinaa prmcipi*
continued to be ruled by legates, who were of
consular rank (coiuuta-M) and bore severally the
1 Celled " Vbxtua " by laettas.
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SYBIA
fall title of " Legato* Auginti pro pnetore." Dur-
ing the whole of this period the province enlarged
or aootracted iU limits acoording as it pleased the
reigning emperor to bestow tracts of laud on the
native princes, or to resume them and place them
under his legate. Judaea, when attached in this
way to Syria, occupied a peculiar position. Partly
perhaps on account of its remoteness from the Syr-
ian capital, Antioeh, partly no doubt because of
•he peculiar »h«~*»i- of its people, it was thought
best to make it, in a certain sense, a separate gov-
ernment A special procurator was therefore ap-
pointed to role it, who was subordinate to the
governor of Syria, but within his own province had
the power of a legatus. [See Jud.ka.] Syria
continued without serious disturbance from the
expulsion of he Parthians (b. t. 38) to the break-
ing out of the Jewish war (a. d. 86). In B. c.
18 it was visited by Augustus, and in A. D. 18-19
ty Gennanicus, who died at Antioeh in the last-
Lamed year. In A. D. 44-47 it was the aoane of
a severe famine. [See Aqabcs.] A little earlier
Christianity had begun to spread into it, partly by
means of those who " ware scattered " at the time
of Stepneu'a persecution (Acta zL 19), partly by
the exertions of St. Paul (GaL i. 21). The Syrian
Church soon grew to be one of the most flourishing
(Acts xiii. 1, zv. 83, 35, 41, Ac.). Here the name
sf " Christian " first arose — at the outset no doubt
• gibe, but thenceforth a glory and a bout.
Antioeh, tbe capital, became as early probably as
A. D. 44 the see of a bishop, and was soon recog-
nized as a patriarchate. The Syrian Church is ac-
tosed of laxity both in faith and morals (Newman,
Arians, p. 10); but, if it must admit the disgrace
if having given birth to Lucian and Paulus of
Samoaata, it can ebuui on tbe other band the glory
*f such names ss Ignatius, Theophilus, Kphraeni,
and Bob) las. It suffered without shrinking many
.•rievoos persecutions; and it helped to make that
emphatic protest against worldlineas and luxurious-
neas of living at which monasticisni, according to
its original conception, must be considered to have
aimed. The Syrian monks were among tbe most
earnest and most self-denying; and tbe names of
HUarion and Simon Stylites are enough to prove
that a moat important part was played by Syria in
(he ascetic movement of the 4th and 5th centuries.
(For the geography of Syria, see Pooocke's Da-
Kripiiou of the East, vol. ii. pp. 88-309; Burck-
Asrdt's Travtlt in Syria and the Holy Land, pp.
1-409; Robinson's biter Biblical Researches, pp.
419-625; Stanley's Sinai and Palestine, pp. 403-
414; Porter's Five years in Damascus; Ains-
worth's Travels in the Track of tlie Ten Thousand,
rp. 57-70; Researches, tie., p. 290 ff For
he history under the Seleucidae, see (besides tbe
original sources) Clinton's Fasti llelltnici, vol. iii.
Appendix iii. pp. 308-346; Vaillant's lmperium
Stltuddarum, and Frolich's Annates Serum ti
Hegmm Syrun. For the history under the Romans,
see Norisius, Cenotophia Pitana, Op. vol. iii. pp.
484-431.) 6. E.
• For a table of Meteorological Observations
taken at Beirut from Nov. 1868 to July 1869 see
Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Etplorn.tJn
fund. No. iii., 1869. "he two articles on Mount
>ebanon, in the JSM. Bacra, xxvi. 541-571, and
\7S-718, by Rev. T. Laurie, D. D, treat some-
yhat fully of the topography and antiquity of
Northern Syria. For a graphic description of
3o»V8yria (the modem Buka'a), the great military
SYKO-PHCBNICIAN 3149
r jad of tbe ancient invaders of Palestine, an Bas>
linson's Ancient Monarchies, iii. 244 ff. H.
• SYB1AO, Dan. ii. 4. [Stbjam.]
SYBIAO VEBSION8. [Vkbmobs, Sts>
LAG]
• 8YK1AN Otp^: lipof. Syrut), a na-
tive or inhabitant of Syria (Gen. xxr. 80, xxviii. ft,
xxxi. 80, 24; Deut. xxvi. 5; 2 K. v. 20). The
plural, " Syrians," is commonly the translation of
C^?, Aba*; e. o. 2 Sam. viil. ft- 13, x. 6-19
Ac.; but of W^ff^, 2 K. viU. 28, 29, is. II;
comp. 2 Chr. xxii. 5. " In the Syrian language "
or '• tongue," 8 K. zviii 86; la. xxxvi. 11; Ear. iv.
T; or "in Syriac," Dan. it 4, Is JTOTJ? (a««-
orf: Syriace, Byra lingua, sermon* Syro); in 8
Maoo. xv. 86, if lupuuejj fetrjj , t»ce Syriaca
• SYBIA-MA'AOHAH, 1 Chr. xix- ft.
[Abam: Maachah, 2].
SY'BO-PHCENIO'IAN CSvpoaWUurra
[Lachm., Tisch., 8th ed.], lupvpolruruu [Bee.
Text; Xipa ioivUiaaa or Svpoip., Griesb., Tisoh.
7th ed., Treg.], or lipa *olyum [no good MS.] :
Syro-Phamusa) occurs only in Hark vii. 26. The
coinage of tbe words " Syro-Phoeuicia," and " 8y-
ro-Phaeuiciaiit," seems to have been the work of
the Romans, though it is difficult to say exactly
what they intended by the expressions. It has
generally been supposed that they wished to dis-
tinguish the Phoenicians of Syria from those of
Africa (the Carthaginians); and the term "Syro-
phoenix " has been regarded as the exact converse
to " Libypbosnix " (Al&rd, in he.). But the Liby-
phoenioes are not the Phoenicians of Africa gen-
erally — they an a peculiar race, half- African and
half-Phoenician ("mixturo Punieum Afris genua,"
Iiv. xxi. 22). The Syro-Phajuicians, therefore,
should, on this analogy, be a mixed race, half-Phoe-
nicians and half-Syrians. This is probably the
tense of the word in the satirists Lucilius (ap. Nou.
Marc. U» proprietat. term. iv. 431 ) and Juvenal
(SaL viii. 159), who would regard a mongrel
Oriental as peculiarly contemptible.
In later times a geographic sense of the terms
superseded the ethnic one. The Emperor Hadrian
divided Syria into three parts, Syria Proper, Syro
Phoenioe, and Syria Paliestiiia; and henceforth a
Syro-Phcenician meant a native of this sub-prov-
ince (Lucian, De Cone Dear. J 4), which included
Phoenicia Proper, Damascus, and Palmyrenei.
As the geographic sense bad not come into uss
in St. Mark's time, and as tbe ethnic one would be
a refinement unlikely in a sacred writer, it is per-
haps most probable that he really wrote 2ipo
♦otViffffo, " a Phoenician Syrian," which is found
in some copies. [The reading lipa vwiKiOTa i*
much better supported. — A.]
St. Matthew uses " Canaanitiah" (XcwoWaHn
tbe place of St, Mark's " Syro-Phcenician," or
" Phoenician Syrian," on the same ground that the
LXX. translate Canaan by Phoenicia (voicfcn).
The terms Canaan and Phoenicia had succeeded
one another as geographical names in the same
country; and Phoenicians were called " Canaan -
ites," just as Englishmen are called " Britons."
No eobolosion as to the identity of the Canaanltea
with the Phoenicians can properly be drawn from
tne indifferent use of the two terms. (See Uawiln
son's Herodotus, voL iv. pp. 343-845.) Q. B.
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6150 SYKTIS
• 8YKTI8. [QinciuAHM.]
• BYZTTGUS or SYN'ZYGTT8, PhD. It.
L [Yoks-fzllow, Amor, ed.J
TAANACH (qy&Z Qxtfa. eosffa, Dietr.):
Caxtuc [Vat Zaxaic], OarctXi 9tomix, [iSaaraXi
Vat. corrupt;] AJex. totwax, Tavax, ncSayaaS,
StvvaXi 8aayax : [Thenae^ Thanac, Tkanach).
An undent Canaanitiih city, whose king ia enum-
erated amongst the thirty-one conquered by Joab.ua
(Joeb. xii. 21). It came into the hands of toe half
tfbe of Manasseh (Josh. xvii. 11, xxi. 25 ; IChr. vii.
29), though it would appear to have lain outside
their boundary and within the allotment of either
Issachar or Asher (Josh. xvii. 11), probably the
former. It was bestowed on the Kohaihite Levitee
(Josh. xxi. 25). Taanach was one of the places
in which, either from some strength of position, or
from the ground near it being favorable for their
mode of fighting, the Aborigines succeeded in mak-
ing a stand (Josh. xvii. 12; Judg. L 27); and in
the great struggle of the Canaanites under Sisera
against Deborah and Barak, it appears to have
formed the head-quarters of their army (Judg. t.
19). After this defeat the Canaanites of Taanach
were probably made, like the rest, to pay a tribute
(Josh. xvii. 13; Judg. i. 28), but in the town they
appear to have remained to the hut. Taanach is
almost always named in company with Megiddo,
and they were evidently the chief towns of that
fine rich district which forms the western portion
of the great plain of Esdraelon (1 K. iv. 13).
There it ia still to be found. The identification
of Tn'annui with Taanach, may be taken as one of
the surest in the whole Sacred Topography. It was
known to Eusebius, who mentions it twice in the
Onomattiam (eaavdx ""^ Baxxrj) as a "very
large village," standing between 3 and 4 Roman
miles from Legio — the ancient Megiddo. It was
known to bap-Parchi, the Jewish mediaeval travel'
ksr, and it still stands abont 4 miles southeast of
Ltjjin, retaining its old name with hardly the
change of a letter. The ancient town was planted
on a large mound at the termination of a long
spur or promontory, which runs out northward
from the hills of Manaateh into the plain, and
leaves a recess or bay, subordinate to the main
plain on its north aide and between it and Lejjin.
The modem hamlet dings to the S. W. base of
ihe mound (Rob. ii. 316, 329; Van de Velde, L
158; Stanley, Jtwith Ckurch, pp. 321, 322).
In one passage the name ia slightly changed both
in [the] original and A. V. [Tanach.] G.
ta'akath-shixoh (rrVri rgsn
[circle of Shiloh, Fiirat]:' er/Mura gal SeAAnj
[Vat. SfAAne-a]; Alex. Tarae* e-nXac Tanath-
8*h). A place named once only (Josh. xvi. 6) aa
one of the landmarks of the boundary of Ephraim,
but of which boundary it seems impossible to as-
certain. All we can tall ia, that at this part the
•numeration is from west to east, Jsnohah being
last of Taanath Shiloh. With this agrees the
statement of Eusebius (Owmattiam), who places
TABBAL
Jsnohah 12, and Tbenath, or aa tt was thea eesW
Thena, 6 10 Roman miles east of Keapolia. Jam-
hah has bean identified with aome probability at
rant*, on the road from Ndbim to the Jordan
Valley. The name Tdaa, or Am Tina, seems U
exist in that direction. A place of that name was
seen by Robinson N. E. of Mtjdtl (BiU. Ra. iii
295), and it is mentioned by Berth (Bitter, Jordan,
p. 471), bat without any indication of its position.
Much stress cannot however be laid on Eusebins'a
identification.
In a list of places contained in the Taknnd
(Jerusalem MtgtUah L), Taanath Shiloh ia said te
be identical with Shiloh. Thia has been recent!}
revived by KnrU (6'ese*. da AIL Btmda, iL 70a
His view is that Taanath was the ancient Canasta*
name of the place, and Shiloh the Hebrew name,
conferred on it in token of the " rest " which al-
lowed the Tabernacle to be established there after
the conquest of the country had been completed.
This is ingenious, but at present it ia a mere con-
jecture, and it is at variance with the identification
of Eusebius, with the position of Janohah, and, aa
far as it can be inferred, of Michmethath, which ia
mentioned with Taanath Shiloh in Josh. xvi. 8.
G.
TAB'AOTH (TafiaAt; Alex. Tafittt: Tob
loch). Tabbaoth (1 Esdr. v. 29).
TAB'BAOTH {IT!9jlQ [rmox, Go.]: TajB
aM\ [Vet. TafiS, Toflcw*;] Alex. Ta0$am»
Tabbaoth, Tebbaoth). The children of Tabbaoth
were a family of Nethinim who returned with Ze-
rubbabd (Ear. U. 43; Neh. vii. 46). The name
occurs in the form Tabaoth in 1 Esdr. v. 20.
TARBATH (H3& [peril. ctUbraUd]: lor
&&»; Alex. rajSaf : Ttbbath). A place mentioned
only in Judg vii. 22, in describing tbe light of
the Midianite host after Gideon's night attack.
The best fled to Beth-ehittah, to Zererab, to the
brink of Abel-roeholah on (\V) Tabbath. Beth-
shittah may be Shtttah, which hes on the open
plain between Jtbtt Fukia and Jobtl Duhf, i
miles teat of Aim JaUd, the probable scene of
Gideon's onslaught. Abel-mebotsh was no doubt
in the Jordan Valley, though it may not hare been
so much as 8 miles south of Beth-sbean, where
Eusebius and Jerome would place it But no
attempt seems to have been made to identify Tab-
bath, nor does any name resembling it appear in
the books or maps, unless it be Ttimkhat-Fahit,
i. c "Terrace of Fahil." This is a very striking
natural bank, 600 feet in height (Rob., in. 325),
with a long, horizontal, and apparently flat top,
which is embanked against tbe western face of the
mountains east of the Jordan, and descends with a
very steep front to the river. It is such a remark-
able object in the whole view of this part of the
Jordan Valley that it ia difficult to imagine that it
did not bear a distinctive name in ancient as well aa
modern times. At any rate, there is no doubt
that, whether this Tvbukah represents Tabbath or
not, the ktter was somewhere about thia part of
the Gbor. G.
TAB'EAIi (bfcOp [Corfu. jowf]: Ts*e*>'
Tabttl). Properly "Tebed," the patkaoh being
a • Dietrich resolves tbe nin Into TBaaath by
MtohCOst. HOr. La. p. 90S, 6*J Aufl.L H.
s "
chief towns or the district of
to JUand, Pal. p. 461).
aaiaaas (rap. M, «,
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TABEEL
<*« to the pause (Gesen. Lehrg. $ 62, 1 b ; Btb.Or.
| 89, 4 c). Tbe ton of Tabaal mi apparently an
Ephnumite in the army of Pekah the eon of Rema-
Bah, or a Syrian in the arm; of Rezin, when they
went np to beaiege Jerusalem in the reign of Ahas
(Is. vii. 8). The Aramaic form of the name favora
the Utter snppoaition [oomp. Tabkimhoh]. The
Targum of Jonathan renders the name aa an appel-
lative, •' and we will make king in the midat of her
him who aeema good to ua" ("K2>?7 19 l"T
►*3 {)• Kaabi hj Gtmatria tome the name into
HTO"% Simla, by which apparently he would un-
derstand Hemaliah.
TAB-BBL (VM5p [ate above]: ToBt^A:
Thabttl). An officer of the Persian government
in Samaria in the reign of Artaxerxes (Ear. iv. 7).
Hia name appears to indicate that he was a Syrian,
for it is really the same as that of the Syrian vassal
af Kesin who is called in our A. V. " Tabael." Add
to this that the letter which he and hia companions
mote to the king waa in the Syrian or Arama-an
language. Gesenius, however (Jet. L 280), think*
that he may have been a Samaritan. He is called
Tabkluds in 1 Eadr. ii. 16. The name of Tobial
the father of Tobit is probably the name.
W. A. W.
TABEIililXTS (To^AAies: BabtP&m) 1 Esdr.
B. 16. [Tabkeu]
TAB'ERAH (fTTOrpri [a bmtuny]: fcrw-
ota/iM- The name of a place in the wilderness of
reran, given from tbe bet of a >• burning " among
the people by the " fire of tbe Lord " which there
took place (Num. xi. 3, Deut. iz. 22). It has not
been identified, and is not mentioned among the list
of encampments in Num. xxxiii. U. 11.
TABERING (hlSS^nQ : ttfeyyiuW.
outrmuranta). The obsolete 'word thus used in
the A. V. of Nah. ii 7 requires some explanation.
The Hebrew word connects itself with f\F\, » a
timbrel," and tbe image which it brings before us
'w this passage is that of tbe women of Nineveh, led
away into captivity, mourning with tbe plaintive
cones oi doves, and beating on their breasts in an-
guish, as women beat upon their timbrels (eomp.
Pa. IxviH. 28 [96], where the same verb is used).
Tbe LXX. and Vulg., as above, make no attempt
at giving the exact meaning. The Targum of
Jonathan gives • word which, like the Hebrew, ha*
the meaning of « tympanixantee." Tbe A. V. in
like manner reproduces tbe original idea of tbe
words. Tbe " tabour " or u tabor " was a musical
Mtrument of tbe drum type, which with the pipe
amed the band of a country village. We retain
■ trace at once of the word and of the thing in the
» tabourine " or •» tanibourine " of modem music,
in the " tabret" of tbe A. V. and older English
•Titers. To " tabour," aoeurdingly, is to beat with
tad ncrokes as men beat upon such an instrument.
The verb is found in this sens* in Beaumont and
Fletcher, The Tamer Tamed ("I would tabor
aer "). and answers with a singular felicity to tbe
auct meaning of the Hebrew. E. H. P.
TABERNACLE 0?t{k?, bnfo: <.«,»->-
ttbenaeutmm). The daseriptioc jf the Tabernacle
and it* materials will lie found under Tuple.
The writer of that article holds that he eannot deal
satisfactorily with th* structural order and propor-
TABERNACLE
8151
tions of the one without discussing also thou of tat
other. Here, therefore, it remains for us to treat —
(1) of the word and its synonyms; (2) of tbe his-
tory of the Tabernacle itself; (3) of its relation I*
the religious life of Israel; (4) of the theories af
later times respecting it
I. The Word and iti Bgnomgms. — (I.) Th*
first word thus used (Ex. xxv. 8) is l«Jtpt? (ibfim-
«U), formed from 73^= to settle down or dwell,
and thus itself = dwelling. It connects itself with
the Jewish, though not Scriptural, word Shechinah,
as describing the dwelling-place of the Divine Glory.
It is noticeable, however, that it is not applied in
prose to tbe oommon dwellings of men, the tents of
the Patriarchs in Genesis, or those of Israel in the
wilderness. It seems to belong rather to the speech
of poetry (Ps. lxxxrii. 9; Cant i. 8). Tbe loftier
character of the word may obviously have helped ts
determine its religious use, and justifies translator*
who have the choice of synonyms like " tabernacle "
and •» tent " in a like preference.
(2.) Another word, however, is also usod, more
connected with the oommon life of men; VHN
(Met), the " tent " of the Patriarchal age, of Abra-
ham, and of Isaac, and of Jacob (Gen. ix. 21, 4c).
For the most part, as needing something to raise it,
it a used, when applied to the Sacred rent, with
some distinguishing epithet. In one passage only
(1 K. i. 39) does it appear with this meaning by
itself. The LXX. not distinguishing between the
two words gives evrnvrj for both. The original
difference appears to have been that /flH repre-
sented the outermost covering, the black goat's hah*
curtains; ^SljTQ, the inner covering, the curtain*
which rested on the boards (Gesenius, s. v.). Th*
two words sre accordingly sometimes joined, aa in
Ex. xxxix. 32, xl. 2, 6, 29 (A V. "the tabernacle
of the tent "). Even here, however, the LXX.
gives enrntWj only, with the exception of the ear.
UcL of i, o-Ki)iH) tiii owetriis In Ex. xL 29.
(3 ) JT2 (Baith): oUos: dtmus, is applied to
the Tabernacle in Ex. xxiii. 19, xxxiv. 28 ; Josh. vL
24, ix. 23; Judg. xviii. 31, xx. 18, as it had been,
apparently, to the tenta of the Patriarchs (Gen.
xxxiii. 17). So tar as it diners from the two pre-
ceding words, it ex p ress es more definitely the idea
of a fixed,settled habitation. It was therefore fitter
for the sanctuary of Israel after the people were
settled in Canaan, than during their wanderings.
For us the chief interest of the word lies in its hav-
ing descended from a yet older order, the first word
ever applied in the O. T. to a local sanctuary,
•> Beth-el," <• the home of (Sod " (Gen. xxriii. 17,
22), keeping its place, side by side, with other
words, tent, tabernacle, palace, temple, synagogue,
and at last outliving all of them, rising, in the
Christian Ecclesia, to yet higher uses (1 Tim. iii.
181.
(4.) &fi (A-doe**), tt^JTl? (MUcdith): oyC
(urua, aytacrrtipior, to a-yior, ra tyia'- tanetua-
num. tbe holy, consecrated place, and therefore ap-
plied, according to the graduated scale of holiness
of which the Tabernacle bore witness, sometimes to
the whole structure (Ex. xxv. 8; Lev. xii. 4 >, soma-
times to the jourt into which none but the priest*
might enter (Lev. iv. 8; Num. iii. 88, iv. 13/,
sometimes to tee innermost sanctuary of aD, this
Holy of Holies (Lev. iv. 6?). Here alar th* wot*!
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Sad an earlier starting-point and a far-reaching his-
tory. Em-Mishpat, the city of judgment, the
seat of aome old oracle, had been alao Kadesh,
the sanctuary (Gen. xiv. 7 ; Ewald, Oetck. 1st. U.
807). The name tUKhuds dings will to the walla
of Jerusalem.
((>•) '? S ft (fiHeaV): raif- temphsm, as meaning
the stately building, or palace of Jehorah (1 Chr.
xxlx. 1, 19), is applied more commonly to the
Temple «(1K. xxiv. 18, 4c.), but was used also
(probably at the period when the thought of the
Temple had affected the religions nomenclature of
the time) of the Tabernacle at Shiloh (1 Sam. i. 9,
iii. 3) and Jerusalem (Ps. t. 7). In either case the
thought which the word embodies is, that the
"tent," the " house," is royal, the dwelling-place
af the great king.
(6.) The two words (1) and (3) receive a new
meaning in combination (a) with TJTO {mi' id),
and (6) with D-Hyr!, ka'editk. To understand
the full meaning of the distinctive titles thus formed
is to possess the key to the significance of the whole
Tabernacle, (a.) The primary force of "T37J is "to
meet by appointment," and the phrase 'HN
1 yiO has therefore the meaning of " a place of or
for a fixed meeting." Acting on the belief that
the meeting in this case was that of the worship-
pers, the A. V. has uniformly rendered it by " tab-
ernacle of the congregation " (so Seb. Schmidt,
" tentorium conventQs ; " and Luther, " Stifts-
hiitte" in which Stift=Pfarrkirehe), while the
LXX. and Vulg. confounding it with the other
epithet, have rendered both by j; arnrii too /'-p-
rvplovi and " tabemaculum testimonii." None of
these renderings, however, bring out the real mean-
ing of the word. This is to be found in what may
be called the focus ckuriciu, as the interpretation
of all words connected with the Tabernacle. •' This
shall be a continual burnt-offering ... at the
door of the tabernacle of meeting flJIO) where
I will meet you (T5JK, yvwcWioonai) to speak
there unto thee. And there will I meet PPIPJ,
ralfouaj) with the children of Israel. And f. will
wnctify (VHtp'-Ti?) the tabernacle of meeting . . .
sod I wiH dwell (\n3JBJ) among the children
rf Israel, and will be tiieir God. And they shall
know that I am the Lord their God " (Ex. xxix.
48-46). The same central thought occurs in Ex.
xxv. 23, " There I will meet with thee " (comp. also
Ex. xxx. 6, 86; Num. xvii. 4). It is clear, there-
fore, that " congregation " is inadequate. Not the
gathering of the worshippers only, but the meeting
of God with his people, to commune with them, to
make himself known to them, was what the name
embodied. Ewald has accordingly suggested Offen-
btsrungszelt = Tent of Revelation, as the best equir-
TABERNACLB
slent (Atterthimer, p. 130). This mads the phut
a sanctuary. Thus it was that the ten! was ths
dwelling, the house of God (BShr, SymboUi, i. 81)
(7.) The other compound phrase, (6.) Villi
n^JJT, as connected with TC3 (=to bear wit-
ness), is rightly rendered by ij ajcnyj) rov /taprvplcv,
tabemaasaim testimonii, die Wohtmng des Zeng-
misses, " the tent of the testimony " (Num. ix. 16)
ii the tabernacle of witness " (Num. xvii. 7, xviii.
3). In this case the tent derives its name from
that which is the centre of its holiness. The two
tables of stone within the ark are emphatically (Ac
testimony (Ex. xxv. 16, 31, xxxi. 18). They were
to all Israel the abiding witness of the nature and
will of God. The tent, by virtue of its relation to
them, became the witness of its own significance as
the meeting-place of God and man. The probable
connection of the two distinct names, in sense as
well as in sound (Bohr, Symb. i. 83; Ewald, Alt.
p. 230), gave, of course, a force to each which no
translation can represent.
II. History. — (1.) The outward history of the
Tabernacle begins with Ex. xxv. It comes after
the first great group of Laws (xix.-xxiii.), after the
covenant with the people, after the vision of the
Divine Glory (xxiv.)- For forty days and nights
Moses is in the mount. Before him there lay a
problem, as measured by human judgment, of gi-
gantic difficulty, in what fit symbols was he to em?
body the great truths, without which the nation
would sink into brutality? In what way could
those symbols be guarded against the evil which be
had seen in Egypt, of idolatry the most degrading ?
He was not left to solve the problem for himself.
There rose before him, not without points of con-
tact with previous associations, yet in no drgrea
formed out of them, the " pattern " of the Taber-
nacle. The lower analogies of the painter and the
architect seeing, with their inward eye, their com-
pleted work, before the work itself begins, may help
us to understand bow it was that the vision on the
mount included all details of form, measurement,
materials, the order of the ritual, the apparel of the
priests. 11 lie is directed in his choice of the tw»
chief artists, Bezaleel of the tribe of Judah, e Alioliat
of the tribe of Dan (xxxi.)- The sin of the golden
calf apparently postpones the execution. For s
moment it seems as if the people were to be left
without the Divine Presence itself, without any
recognised symbol of it (Ex. xxxiii- 3). As in a
transition period, the whole future depending on the
penitence of the people, ou the intercession of their
leader, a tent is pitched, probably that of Moses
himself, outside the camp, to be provisionally the
Tabernacle of Meeting. There the mind of the
Lawgiver enters into ever-closer fellowship with the
mind of God (Ex. xxxiii. 11), learns to think of
Him as "merciful and gracious" (Ex. xxxiv. 6),
in the strength of that thought is led back to the
fulfillment of the plan which had seemed likely to
end, as it began, in vision. Of this proviaiouU
« • In Acts vH. 48, n tabernaele n In ths A. V. Is
anachronuitto. It nhould be " habitation " or " place
af abode " (see Seboleoald'i Hints for the Improvement
rnr'tnt A. V., p. 40) David desired to bnild a Temple
lor Jehovah ; ths Tabernacle had already existed Cor
smturlaa. H.
• An Interesting parallel is found In the preparation!
lor the Tempi*. There also the extremest minutiae
•are among the things which the Lard mad* David
n to understand in writing by bis hand upon hbn,'
i. $. by an Inward illumination which af-uned to ex-
clude the alow prooaaa of deliberation as I dseaakn (1
Chr. xxvill. 19).
' The prominanae of artistic power in the genaal
ogks of the tribe of Judab Is worth noticing (1 Chr
Iv. 4, 14, 21, 88). D*^ also, in toe psssw of Hires*. •
afterwards eonsp'ouous (2 Chr. at 14 ; essay, llvi
i«,14).
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tabernacle it has to be noticed, that there wit m
fet no ritual and no priesthood. The peoplS went
Mt to it at to an oraclt (Ex. xxxiii. 7). Joshua,
though of the tribe of Ephraim, had free access to
it (Ex. xxxiii. 11).
(2.) Another outline Law was, howerer, given;
another period of solitude, like the first, followed.
The work could now be resumed. The people
offered the necessary materials in excess of what
was wanted (Ex. xxxvi. 6, 6). Other workmen
(Ex. xxxvi. 3) and work-women (Ex. xxxv. 88)
paused themselves under the direction of Bezaleel
and Aboliab. The parti were completed sepa-
rately, and then, on the first day of the second
year from the Exodus, the Tabernacle itself was
erected and the ritual appointed for it begun (Ex.
xl. 9).
(3.) The position of the new tent wse itself sig-
nificant. It stood, not, like the provisional Taber-
nacle, at a distance from the camp, but in its very
centre. The multitude of Israel, hitherto scattered
with no fixed order, were now, within a month of
its erection (Num. ii. 2), grouped round it, at
around the dwelling of the unseen Captain of the
Most, in a fixed order, according to their tribal rank.
The Priests on the east, the other three families of
the Levites on the other sides, were closest in at-
tendance, the " body-guard " of the Great King.
[Lkvitks.] In the wider square, Judah, Zebulun,
Issachar, were on the east; Ephraim, Manssseh,
Benjamin, on the west; the less conspicuous tribes,
Dan, Asber, Naphtali, on the north; Reuben, Sim-
ton, Gad, on the south side. When the army put
itself in order of march, the position of the Taber-
nacle, carried by the Levites, was still oentral, the
tribes of the east and south in front, those of the
north and west in the rear (Num. ii.). Upon it
there rested tbe symbolic cloud, dark by day, and
fiery red by night (Ex. xL 38). When tbe cloud
removed, the host knew that it was the signal for
them to go forward (Ex. xl. 36, 37; Num. ix. 17).
As long as it remained, whether for a day, or
month, or year, they continued where they were
(Num. ix. 15-23). Each inarch, it must be re-
membered, involved the breaking up of the whole
structure, all the parts being carried on wagons
by tbe three Levite families of Kohath, Gershon,
and Henri, while the " sons of Aaron " prepared
for the removal by covering everything in the
Holy of Holies with a purple cloth (Num. iv. 6-
16).
(4.) In all special facts connected with the Tab-
ernacle, the original thought reappears. It it the
place where man metis with God. There tbe Spirit
"comes upon " the seventy Elders, and they proph-
esy (Num. xi. 24, 25). Thither Aaron and Mir-
iam are called out, when they rebel against tbe
■not of tbe Lord (Num. xii. 4). There the
" glory of the Lord " appears after the unfaithful-
ness of the twelve spies (Num. xiv. 10), and tbe
rebellion of Korah and his company (Num. xvi. 19,
49), and the sin of Heribah (Num. xx. S). Thither,
when there is no sin to punish, but a difficulty to
be met, do tbe daughter! of Zelophehad come to
bring their cause •• before the Lord " (Num. xxvii.
»). There, when the death of Hoses draws near,
a The oesurrenes of the asms distinctive word it
■a. xxxrUL 8, implies a neoxnbsd dsdieaaoa of some
tM, by which women bound themselves to the est
Hot of tat TaeerneeU, probably as singers and daa-
«s». What ws lad voder HI was the MTuptlon of
TABERNACLK 8158
is the solemn "charge" given to his stooenot
(Deut. mi. 14).
(6.) At long as Canaan remained unconquered,
and the people were still therefore an army, the
Tabernacle was probably moved from place to place,
wherever the host of Israel was, for the time, en-
camped, at Gilgal (Josh. iv. 19), in the valley be-
tween Ebal and Gerixim (Josh. viii. 30-35); again,
at the headquarters of Gilgal (Josh. ix. 6, x. 15,
43); and, finally, as at "the place which the Lord
had ehostn," at Shiloh (Josh. ix. 27, xrBi. 1). The
reasons of tbe choice are not given. Partly, per-
haps, its central position, partly its belonging to
the powerful tribe of Ephraim, the tribe of the
great captain of the host, may have determined the
preference. There it continued during the whole
period of the Judges, the gathering-point for " the
beads of tbe fathers" of the tribes (Josh. xix. 61),
for councils of peace or war (Josh. xxii. 12; Judg.
xxi. 12), for annual solemn dances, in which the
women of Shiloh were conspicuous (Judg. xxi. 21).
There, too. as the religion of Israel sank towards
the level of an orgiastic heathenism, troops ol
women assembled, 11 shameless as those of Hidian.
worshippers of Jehovah, and, like the (<pdtovAoi
of heathen temples, concubines of his priests (1
Sam. ii. 22). It was far, however, from being
what it was intended to be, the one national sanc-
tuary, the witness against a localized and divided
worship. The old religion of the high placet kept
its ground. Altars were erected, at first under pro-
test, and with reserves, as being not for sacrifice
(Josh. xxii. 2d), afterwards freely and without
scruple (Judg. vi. 94, xiii. 19). Of the names by
which tbe one special sanctuary was known at this
period, those of the " House," or the " Temple,"
of Jehovah (1 Sam. L 9, 24, iii. 3, 16) are most
prominent.
(6.) A state of things which was rapidly assim-
ilating the worship of Jehovah to that of Ashta-
roth, or Mylitta, needed to be broken up. The
Ark of God was taken and the sanctuary lost itt
glory ; and the Tabernacle, though it did not per-
ish, never again recovered it' (1 Sam. iv. 22).
Samuel, at once the Luther and the Alfred of Is-
rael, who had grown up within its precincts, treat*
it as an abandoned shrine (so Ps. Ixxviii. 60), and
sacrifices elsewhere, at Mizpeb (1 Sam. vii. 9), at
Ramah (ix. 12, x. 13), at Gilgal (x. 8, xi. 16). It
probably became once again a movable sanctuary,
less honored as no longer possessing the symbol rf
tbe Divine Presence, yet cherished by the priest-
hood, and tome portions, at least, of its ritual kept
up. For a time it seems, under Saul, to hart
been settled at Nob (1 Sam. xxi. 1-6), which thus
became what it had not been before — a priestly
city. The massacre of the priests and the flight of
Abiathar mutt, however, have robbed it yet further
of itt glory. It had before lost the Ark. It now
lost the pretence of the High-Priest, and with it
the oracular ephod, the Unix and the Thummim
(1 Sam. xxii. 20, xxiii. 6). What change of for-
tune then followed we do not know. The fad
that all Israel was encamped, in the last days of
Saul, at Gilboa, and that there Saul, though with-
out success, inquired of the Lord by Urim (1 Sam.
tat original practlee (comp. Xwald, Aiunh. 297).
the dances of Judg. xxi. 21, we bare a stage of Is
ataon.
» Bwald (OstdWcaw, Ii. 640) I
was eoaajueral sad laid waste.
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xxviii. 4-6), make* it probable that tie Tabernacle,
as of old, m in the encampment, and that Abia-
thar had retnmed to it. In some way or other, it
found its way to Gibeon (1 Chr. xvi. 89). The
anomalous separation of the two things which, in
the original order, had been joined, brought about
yet greater anomalies; and, while the ark remained
at Kirjath-jearim, the Tabernacle at Gibeon con-
nested itself with the worship of the high-places
(1 K. ill. 4). The capture of Jerusalem and the
erection there of a new Tabernacle, with the ark, of
which the old had been deprived (i Sam. vi. 17; 1
Chr. xt. 1), left it little more than a traditional,
historical sanctity. It retained only the old altar
of burnt-offerings (1 Chr. xxi. 89). Such as it
was, however, neither king nor people could bring
themselves to sweep it away. The double service
went on ; Zadok, as high-priest, officiated at Gib-
eon (1 Chr. xvi. 39); the more recent, more pro-
phetic sen-ice of psalms and hymns and music,
under Asaph, gathered round the Tabernacle at
Jerusalem (1 Chr. xvi. 4, 37). The divided wor-
ship continued all the days of David. The sano-
tity of both places was recognized by Solomoh on
his accession (1 K. iii. 15; 2 Chr. 1. 8). But it
was time that the anomaly should cease. As long
as it was simply Tent against Tent, it was difficult
to decide between them. The purpose of David
fulfilled by Solomon, was that the claims of both
should merge in the higher glory of the Temple.
Some, Abiathar probably among them, clung to the
old order, in this as in other things [Solomok;
UltiM and Thummim], but the final day at laat
came, and the Tabernacle of Meeting was either
taken down," or left to perish and be forgotten.
So a page in the religious history of Israel was
closed. So the disaster of Shiloh led to its natural
consummation.
III. Relation to the Retigiout life of Itrael —
(1.) Whatever connection may be traced between
other parts of the ritual of Israel and that of the
nations with which Israel had been brought into
contact, the thought of the Tabernacle meets us as
entirely new." The " house of God " [Bethel]
of the Patriarchs had been the large " pillar of
stone" (Gen. xxviii. 18, 19), bearing record of
some high spiritual experience, and tending to lead
men upward to it (Bahr, Symbol, i. 93), or the
grove which, with its dim, doubtful light, attuned
the souls of men to a divine awe (Gen. xxi. 33).
The temples of Egypt were stately and colossal,
hewn in the solid rock, or built of huge blocks of
granite, aa unlike as possible to the sacred tent if
Israel. The command was one in which we can
trace a special fitness. The stately temples be-
longed to the house of bondage which they were
leaving. The sacred places of their fathers were in
tie land toward which they were journeying. In
the mean while they were to be wanderers in the
wilderness. To have set up a Bethel after the old
pattern would have been to make that a resting-
place, the object then or afterwards of devout pU-
TABEBNav,*LE
grimage; and the multiplication of tueh places
at the* different stages of their march would have
led inevitably to polytheism. It would bare failed
utterly to lead them to the thought whfcsh they
needed most — of a Divine Presence neier ab-
sent from them, protecting, ruling, judging. A
sacred tent, a moving Bethel, was the fit sanctu-
ary for a people still nomadic e It was capable of
being united afterwards, as it actually came to be,
with " the grove " of the older cultiu (Josh. xxtv.
28).
(S.) The structure of the Tabernacle was obvt-
onaly determined by a complex and profound sym-
bolism ; but its meaning remains one of the things
at which we can but dimly guess. No interpreta-
tion is given u. the Law itself. The explanations
of Jewish writers long afterwards are manifestly
wide of the mark. That which meets us in the
Epistle to the Hebrews, tbe application of the type*
of the Tabernacle to the mysteries of Redemption,
was latent till those mysteries were msde known.
And yet we cannot but believe that, as each por-
tion of the wonderful order rose before the inward
eye of the lawgiver, it must have embodied dis-
tinctly manifold truths which he apprehended
himself, and sought to communicate to others. It
entered, indeed, into tbe order of a divine educa-
tion for Moses and for Israel; and an education by
means of symbols, no less than by means of words,
presupposes an existing language. So far from
shrinking, therefore, as men have timidly and un-
wisely shrunk (Witsius, jEgyptiaca, in Ugolini,
The*, vol. i.) from asking what thoughts tbe Egyp-
tian education of Moses would lead him to connect
with the symbols be was now taught to use, we
may see innt a legitimate method of inquiry — al-
most the only method possible. Where that fails,
the gap may be filled up (as in Bahr, Symbol pat-
aim) from the analogies of other nations, indicating,
where they agree, a widespread primeval symbol-
ism. So far from laboring to prove, at the price
of ignoring or distorting facta, that everything waa
till then unknown, we shall as little expect to find
it so, as to see in Hebrew a new and heaven-born
language, spoken for the first time on Sinai, writ-
ten for the first time on the Two Tables of the Cov-
enant.
(3.) The thought of a graduated sanctity, like
that of the outer court, the Holy Place, tbe Holy of
Holies, bad its counterpart, often the same lumber
of stages, in the structure of Egyptian temples
(Bahr, i. 216). Tbe interior Adytum (to proceed
from the innermost recess outward) was small in
proportion to the rest of the building, and com-
monly, aa in the Tabernacle (Joseph. Ant. ii. 6,
§ 3), was at the western end (Spencer, iii. 9), and
was unlighted from without.
In the Adytum, often at least, was the sacred
Ark, the culminating point of holiness, containing
tbe highest and most mysterious symbols, winged
figures, generally like those of the cherubim (Wil-
kinson, Arte EyypL v. 275; Kenrick, Jigypt, 1.
a The lang cage of 2 Chr. v. 6, leaves tt doubtful
whether the Tabernacle then referred to was that
at Jerusalem or Gibeon. (But ass Joseph. Ant. vlil.
MM
» Spencer (Dt Itf. tttbrmr. ill. 8) labors hard, but
not successfully, to prow that the tabernacles of Mo-
■Mh of Anion v. 28, were ths prototypes of tbe Tent of
Westing. It bu to be remembered, however, (1) that
BM word used in Amos (i»w0M) Is never used of tl*
ait
(2) that ths Moloch-wonhip represented a defection el
the people tubuqiunt to the erection of ths Tabernacle.
On these grounds, then, and not from any abstract ie-
pugnance to the Idea of such a transfer, I abide by the
statement in the text.
• Analogies of like wants met hi a like way, with as
ascertainable historical connection, are to be found
among the Qastulians and other tribes of nulla. MS
Africa (811. Ital. ill. 289), anil In the Sacred Tent ef Ms
Garthsgmlaa encampments (Med. Hs.aa.fik
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MO), the emblem* of stability and life. Hen were
tstward points of resemblance. Of all elements of
Egyptian worship this was one which could be
transferred with least hazard, with most gain. No
•os could think that the Ark itself was the likeness
sf the God he worshipped. When we ask what
pie the Ark its holiness, we an led on at once to
the infinite difference, the great gulf between the
two systems. That of Egypt was predominantly
amxi&tl, starting from the productive powers of
Battue. The symbols of those powers, though not
originally involving what we know as impurity,
tended to it fatally and rapidly (Spencer, iii. 1 ;
Warburton, Divine Legation, II. 4 note). That of
land was predominantly ethical The nation was
taught to think of God, not chiefly as revealed in
nature, bat as manifesting himself in and to the
spirits of men. In the Ark of the Covenant, as the
highest revelation then possible of the Divine Na-
ture, were the two tables of stone, on which were
graven, by the teaching of the Divine Spirit, and
therefore by u the finger of God," ° the great un-
changing laws of human duty which had been pro-
iumed on Sinai. Here the lesson taught was
plain enough. The highest knowledge was as the
amplest, the esoteric as the exoteric. In the depths
sf the Holy of Holies, and for the high-priest as for
iU Israel, there was the revelation of a righteous
Will requiring righteousness in man (Saalschiitz,
AreUot. c. 77). And over the Ark was the Coph-
ereth (Mebcy-Skat), so called with a twofold ref-
erence to the root-meaning of the word. It covered
Hat Ark. It was the witness of a mercy covering
sins As the " footstool " of God, the " throne "
sf the Divine Glory, it declared thai over the Law
which seemed so rigid and unbending there rested
the compassion of Ohe forgiving " iniquity and
t ransgre s s ion." * And over the Mercy-seat were
the I'HKBUBIM, reproducing, in part at least, the
i/mboligm of the great Hamitic races, forms famil-
iar to Moses and Israel, needing no description for
them, interpreted for us by the fuller vision of the
later prophets (Ez. i. 5-13, x. 8-15, zli. 19), or by
the winged forms of the imagery of Egypt. Rep-
resenting as they did the manifold powers of na-
tare, crested life in its highest form (Ktibr, i. 841),
their "overshadowing wings." " meeting" as in
tekm of perfect harmony, declared that nature as
veil as man found its highest glory in subjection to
s Divine Law, that men might take refuge in that
Order, as nnder "the shadow of the wings" of
Uod (Stanley, Jewish Church, p. 98). Placed
•here those and other like figures were, in the tem-
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3155
« The equivalence of tbe two phrases, " by the
Spirit of God," and " by the finger of God," Is sssn
tv canparlnit Matt. xU. 28 and Luke xl. 20. Com p.
w> the language of Clement of Alexandria (Strvm. vi.
i IS) and the use of " the hand of the Lord " ta 1
K iviH. 46; J K. 111. 15 ; Ka. I. 8, ill. 14 ; 1 Ohr.
ttvfil 1».
* Ewald, giving to T3Jt the root of CSphtmh, the
■caning uf '' to scraps," " erase," derives from that
weaning the idea implied in tbe LXX. UiKm'jior, and
stake that the word ever signified rVtfefia (.AlUrtk.
SB.U*,12B>.
' A fall dleeasslon of the sabjsct Is obviously Im-
SoweMe here, bat it may he useful to exhibit briefly
ae chief thoughts which have been 'jonneetal with
fee asnbme that are most prominent In the language
rfsjmbolrfto. Arbitrary as some of them ma. seem,
• sonVtenl Induction to establish each will ha found
• Mar's elaborate a Vstl t a tto u , 1. 121-855, and other
pies of Egypt, they might be hindrance* and not
helps, might sensualize instead of purifying the
worship of the people. But it was part of the wis-
dom which we may reverently trace in tbe order of
the Tabernacle, that while Egyptian symbols an
retained, as in the Ark, the Cherubim, the Cant
and the Thuhmim, their place is changed. They
remind the high-priest, the representative of the
whole nation, of the truths on which the order rests.
The people cannot bow down and worship that
which they never see.
The material not less than the forma, in ths
Holy of Holies was significant The acacia or
shittim-wood, least liable, of woods then accessible,
to decay, might well represent the imperishable-
ness of Divine Truth, of the Laws of Duty (Biihr,
i. 986). Ark, mercy-seat, cherubim, the very
walls, were all overlaid with gold, the noblest of all
metals, the symbol of light and purity, sun-light
itself as it were, fixed and embodied, the token of
the incorruptible, of the glory of a great king
(Biihr, i. 283). It was not without meaning that
all this lavish expenditure of what was most costly
was placed where none might gaze on it. The gold
thus offered taught man, that the noblest acts of
beneficence and sacrifice are not those which are
done that they may be seen of men, but those
which are known only to Him who " seeth in
secret " (Matt. vi. 4). Dimensions also had their
meaning. Difficult as it may be to feel sure that
we bare the key to tbe enigma, there ran be but
little doubt that the okler religious systems of the
world did attach a mysterious significance to each
separate number; that the training of Moses, as
afterwards the far less complete initiation of Pythag-
oras in the symbolism of Egypt, must hare made
that transparently clear to him, which to us is
almost impenetrably dark.' To those who think
over the words of two great teachers, one heathen
(Plutarch, De It. et Ot. p. 411), and one Christian
(Clem. Al. Strom, vi. pp. 84-87), who had at least
studied as far as they could the mysteries of the
religion of Egypt, and had inherited part rf the old
system, the precision of the numbers in the plan of
the Tabernacle will no longer seem unaccountable.
If in a cosmical system, a right angled trianglo
with the sides three, four, fire, represented the triad
of Osiris, bis, Orus, creative force, receptive matter,
the universe of creation (Plutarch, I c), the perfect
cube of tbe Holy of Holies, tbe constant recurrence
of the numbers 4 and 10, may well be accepted as.
works. Comp. Wilkinson, Anc. E*. It. 190-199;
Levrer In Herzog's Encyelop. « StfftshUtte."
Oira — The Godhead, Eternity, Lib, Creative Fores,
the Son, Han.
TWO — Hatter, Time, Death, Receptive Capacity, the
Moon, Woman.
Thus (as a number, or In ths triangle) — Ths
Universe In connection with God, the Abso-
lute In itself, the Unconditioned, God.
Tons (the number, or in the square or cube) — Con-
ditioned Existence, the World as created.
Divine Order, Revelation.
Sxtih (as = 8 + 4) — The Union of the World and
God, Rest (as in the Sabbath), Peace, Blessing,
Purification.
Tzv (s- — 1 + 2 + 8 + 4) — Completeness, moral
and physical, Perfection.
Fm — Perfection halt attained, lncompte r e n sss,
Twain — The Signs of the Zodiac, the Cycle of ths
Seasons ; In Israel tbe Idea 1 number of thi
people, of the Covenant of God wfh that*
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symbolizing cider, stability, perfection (Bohr, 1.
825 ).«
(4.) Into the inner sanctuary neither people nor
the priests u i body erer entered. Strange u it
may eeeni, that it which everything represented
light and life mi left in utter darkness, in pro-
found solitude. Once only in the year, on the
Day op Atohemeut, might the high-priest
enter. The strange contrast has, however, its
parallel in the spiritual life. Death and life, light
and darkness, are wonderfully united. Only
thiough death can we truly lire. Only by passing
into the u thick darkness " where God is (Ex. xx.
SI ; 1 K. viii. 12), can we enter at all into the
" light inaccessible," in which He dwells everiaat-
u.gly. The solemn annual entrance, like the with-
drawal of symbolic forms from the gaze of the
people, was itself part of a wise and divine order,
.'utercourse with Egypt had shown bow easily the
symbols of Truth might become common and
familiar things, yet without symbols, the truths
themselves might be forgotten. Both dangers were
met. To enter once, and once only in the year,
into the awful darkness, to stand before the Law
of Duty, before the presence of the God who gave
it, not in the stately robes that became the repre-
sentative of God to man, but as representing man
hi his humiliation, in the garb of the lower priests,
bsre-footed and in the linen ephod, to confess his
own sins and the sins of the people, this was what
connected the Atonement-day (Cip/mr) with the
Mercy-eeat ( Cipherttli ). And to come there with
blood, the symbol of life, touching with that blood
the mercy-eeat, with incense, the symbol of adora-
tion (l.ev. xvi. 12-14), what did that express but
the truth: (l)tbat nun must draw near to the
righteous God with no lower offering than the pure
worship of the heart, with the living sacrifice of
body, soul, and spirit; (2) that could such a
perfect sacrifice be found, it would have a myste-
rious power working beyond itself, in proportion to
its perfection, to cover the multitude of sins?
(5. ) From all others, from the high-priest at all
other times, the Holy of Holies was shrouded by the
double Veil, bright with many colors and strange
forms, even a* curtains of golden tissue were to be
seen hanging before the Adytum of an Egyptian
temple, a strange contrast often to the bestial form
behind them (Clem. Al. Pad. ui. 4). In one
memorable instance, indeed, the veil was the wit-
ness of higher and deeper thoughts. On the shrine
of Is'is at Sais, there were to be read words which,
though pointing to a pantheistic rather than an
ethical religion, were yet wonderful in their lofti-
ness, " I am all that has been (ray to •yrywo'j),
and is, and shall be, and my veil no mortal bath
withdrawn" (awexdAv^sv) (De Is. et Mr. p.
834). Like, and yet more, unlike the truth, we
fed that no such words could have appeared un the
\cU of the Tabernacle. In that identification of
'.he world and God, all idolatry whs latent, as in
Jli faith of Israel in the I AM, all Idolatry was
deluded. 11 In that despair of any withdrawal of
the veil, of any revelation of the Divine Will, there
were latent all the arts of an unbelieving priestcraft,
substituting symbols, pomp, ritual for such a revela-
■ The symbol mappeais In the most startling form
'm the closing visions of the Apocalypse. There the
aeavenly Jerusalem Is described, in words which
absolutely exclude the literalism which hss sometimes
■sea blindly applied to it, as a etty nnr-equare,
TAUKKNACLB
tion. But »nat then was the meaning of the vat
which met the gaze of the priests as they did
service in the sanctuary ? Colors in the art of
Egypt were not less significant than number, and
the four bright colors, probably, after the fashion
of that art, in parallel bands, blue symbol of
heaven, and purple of kingly glory, and crimson of
life and joy, and white of Ught and purity (Bohr, L
806-330), formed in their combination no remote
similitude of the rainbow, which of old had been
a symbol of the Divine covenant with man, the
pledge of peace and hope, the sign of the Divine
Presence (Ex. i. 28; Ewald, Alterth, p. 833).
Within the veU, Ught and truth were seen in their
unity. The veil itself represented the infinite
variety, the woAvrohtiAor <r<xf>(o of the divine
order in Creation (Eph. iii. 10). And there again
were seen copied upon the veil, the mysterious forms
of the cherubim ; how many, or hi what attitude,
or of what sue, or in what material, we are not
told. The words " cunning work " hi Ex. xxxvi.
35, applied elsewhere to combinations of embroidery
and metal (Ex. xxviii. 15, xxxi 4), justify perhaps
the conjecture that here also they were of gold. In
the absence of any other evidence it would have
been, perhaps, natural to think that they repro-
duced on a larger scale, the number and the
position of those that were over the mercy-eeat.
The visions of Ezekiel, however, reproducing, as
they obviously do, the forms with which his priestly
life had made him familiar, indicate not teas than
four (c. L and x.), and those not all alike, having
severally the faces of a man, a lion, an ox, and an
eagle, strange symbolic words, which elsewhere we
should have identified with idolatry, but which here
were bearing witness against it, emblems of the
manifold variety of creation as at ones manifesting
and concealing God.
(8.) The outer sanctuary was one degree lest
awful in its holiness than the inner. Silver, the
type of Human Purity, took the place of gold, the
type of the Divine Glory (Bahr, i. 284). It was to
be trodden daily by the priests, as by men who lived
in the perpetual consciousness of the nearness of
God, of the mystery behind the veil. Barefooted
and in garments of white linen, like the priests of
Isis [Pmests], they accomplished their ministra-
tions. And here, too, there were other emblems
of Divine realities. With no opening to admit
light from without, it was illumined only by the
golden lamp with its seven lights, one taller than
the others, as the Sabbath is more sacred than the
other days of the week, never all extinguished
together, the perpetual symbol of alh derived gifts
of wisdom and holiness in man, reaching their
mystical perfection when they shine in God's sanc-
tuary to his glory (Ex. xxv. 31, xxvii. 20; Zech.
iv. 1-14). The Shew-brxad, the "bread of
faces," of the Divine Presence, not unlike in out-
ward form to the sacred cakes which the Egyptians
placed before the shrines of their gods, served aa a
token that, though there was no form or likeness
of the Godhead, He was yet there, accepting all
offerings, recognizing in particular that special
offering which represented the life of the nation at
once in the distinctness of its tribes and in its
12,000 furlongs in length and breadth and heigh)
(Uev. xxi. 18).
t> The name Jehovah, It has been well said, wsf
" the rending asunder of the vail of Bale." (Stanley
Jnsiat Clank, p. 110.)
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mity M a people (Ewald, AUerth. p. ISO). The
Meaning of the Altar or Ihck^sk mi not leu
sbtious. The cloud of fragrant snuke was the
natural, almost the universal, emblem of the
heart's adoration (Pa. ezlL 2). The incense
sprinkled on the shew-bread and the lamp taught
men that all other offerings needed the inter-
mingling of that adoration. Upon that altar no
"strange Ire" was to be kindled. When fresh
Ira aas needed it was to be taken from the Altab
op Bitrkt-offerihq in the outer oourt (Lot. ii.
24, x. 1). Very striking, as compared with what
is to follow, is the sublimit; and the puritj of
these symbols. It Is as though the priestly order,
already leading a consecrated life, were capable of
understanding a higher language which had to be
translated into a lower for those that were still
without (Saakehiita, AtxMoL f 77).
(7.) Outside the tent, but still within the con-
secrated precincts, was the Court, fenced in by an
enclosure, yet open to all the congregation as well
as to the Levites, those only excepted who wen
ceremonially unclean. No Gentile might pass
beyond the curtains of the entrance, but every
member of the priestly nation might thus far
' draw near " to the presence of Jehovah. Here
therefore stood the Altar of Burnt-ofperixgs,
at which Sacrifices in all their varieties were
offered by penitent or thankful worshippers (Ex.
xxvii. 1-8, xxxriii. 1), the brazen Layer at which
those worshippers purified themselves before they
sacrificed, the priests before they entered into the
sanctuary (Ex. xxx. 17-21). Here the graduated
scale of holiness ended. What Israel was to the
world, fenced in and set apart, that the Court of
the Tabernacle was to the surrounding wilderness,
just ss the distinction between it and the sanc-
tuary answered to that between the sons of Aaron
and other Israelites, just as the idea of holiness cul-
minated personally in the high-priest, locally in the
Holy of Holies.
IV. Thtoria of Later Tima. — (1.) It is not
probable that the elaborate symbolism of such a
structure was understood by the rude and sensual
multitude that came out of Egypt In its fullness
perhaps no mind but that of the lawgiver himself
ever entered into it, and even for him, one half, and
that the highest, of its meaning must have been
altogether latent. Yet it was not the less, was
perhaps the more fitted, on that account to be an
instrument for the education of the people. To
the moat ignorant and debated it was at least a
witness of the nearness of the Divine King. It
met the craving of toe human heart which prompts
to worship, with au order which was neither Idol-
atrous nor impure. It taught men that their fleshly
nature was the hindrance to worship; that it ren-
dered them unclean ; that only by subduing it, kill-
ing it, at they killed the bollock and the goat,
could they oflfer up an acceptable sacrifice ; that
such a sacrifice was the condition of forgiveness, —
a higher sacrifice than any they could offer the
ground of that forgiveness. The sins of the past
were considered as belonging to the fleshly nature
which was slain and oflered, not to the tree inner
self of the worshipper. More thoughtfu. minds
were led inevitably to higher truths. They were
tot slow to see in the Tabernacle the parable of
Sod's presence manifested in Creation. Dar kn es s
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8161
• II It curious to note how In Clement of Alsxan-
Mt Has tw sj mil of tttwaisltHou swat sasli other.
was ss his pavilion (2 Sam. xxii. 12). He hat
made a Tabernacle for the Sun (Ps. xix. 4). The
heavens wire spread out like its curtains. The
beams of his chambers were in the mighty waters
(Ps. civ. 2, 8; Is. xL 22; Lowth, Dt Sac Pott.
rili.). The majesty of God seen in the storm sod
tempest was as of one who rides upon a cherub (2
Sam. xxii. 11). If the words, " He that dwelleth
between the cherubim," spoke on the one side of a
special, localized manifestation of the Divine Pres-
ence, they spoke also on the other of that Presence
as in the heaven of heavens, in the light of setting
sons, in the blackness and the flashes of the thun-
der-clouds.
(2.) The thought thus uttered, essentially poet
leal in its nature, had its fit place in the psalms
and hvnrns of Israel. It lost Its beauty, it led men
on a false track, when it was formalized into a sys-
tem. At a time wben Judaism and Greek pbil
osophy were alike eifete, when a feeble physical
science which could read nothing but its owe
thoughts in the symbols of an older and deeper
system, was after its own fashion rationalizing
the mythology of heathenism, there were found
Jewish writers willing to apply the same principle
of interpretation to the Tabernacle and its order.
In that way, it seemed to them, they would secure
the respect even of the men of letters who could
not bring themselves to be Proselytes. The result
appears in Josephus and in Philo, in part also in
Clement of Alexandria and Origen. Thus inter-
preted, the entire significance of the Two Tables of
the Covenant and their place within the ark disap-
peared, and the truths which the whole order rep
resented became cotmienl instead of ethical. If
the special idiosyncrasy of one writer (Philo, Dt
Prnfug.) led him to see in the Holy of Holies
and the Sanctuary that which answered to the Pla-
tonic distinction between the visible (ouVfrrrcO and
the spiritual (ronra*)i the coarser, less intelligent
Josephus goes still more completely into the new
system. The Holy of Holies is the visible firma-
ment in which God dwells, the Sanctuary as the
earth and sea which men inhabit {Ant. iii. 8, § 4,
7; 7, § 7). The twelve loaves of the show-bread
represented the twelve months of the year, the
twelve signs of the Zodiac. The seven lamps were
the seven planets. The four colors of the veil were
the four elements (<rroi ysio), air, fire, water, earth.
Even the wings of the cherubim were, in the eyes
of some, the two hemispheres of the universe, or
the constellations of the Greater and the Lesser
Bears! (Clem. Alex. Strom, v. $85). The table
of shew-bread and the altar of incense stood on the
north, because north winds were most fruitful, the
lamp on the south because the motions of the plan-
ets were southward (ibid. §{ 34, 86). We need not
follow such a system of Interpretation further. It
was not unnatural that the authority with which it
started should secure for it considerable respect.
We find it reappearing in some Christian writers,
Chrysostom (Hon. in Joann. Bapt.) and Theodo-
ret (Quasi, m Exod.) — in tome Jewish, Ben
Uzziel, Kirochi, Abarband (Bahr, 1. 103 t). It
was well for Christian thought that the Chumh
had in the Epistle to the Hebrews and the Apoc-
alypse of Su John that which helped to save It
from the pedantic puerilities of this physioo-the-
obgy."
leading somstimas to ntravagances liks those In bat
to thoughts at cam 'oltj and trot
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(3). It will bare been clear from »U that hiu
oean said that the Epistle to the Hebrewi has not
been looked on as designed to limit our inquiry
into the meaning of the symbolism of the Taber-
nacle, and that there is consequently no ground for
adopting the system of interpreters who can aee in
it nothing but an aggregate of types of Christian
mysteries. Such a system has, in fact, to choose
between two alternatives. Either the meaning was
made clear, at least to the devout worshippers of
old, and then it is no longer true that the mystery
was bid " from ages and generations," or else the
mystery was concealed, and then the whole order
was voiceless and unmeaning as long as it lasted,
then only beginning to be instructive when it was
" ready to vanish away." Rightly viewed there is.
it is believed, no antagonism between the interpre-
tation which starts from the idea of tymbolt of
Great, Eternal Truths, and that which rests on the
idea of type foreshadowing Christ and his Work,
and his Church. If the latter were the highest
manifestation of the former (and this is the key-
note of the Epistle to the Hebrews), then the two
systems run parallel with each other. The type
may help us to understand the symbol. The sym-
bol may guard us against misinterpreting the type.
That the same things were at once symbols and
types may take its place among the proofs of an in-
sight and a foresight more than human. Not the
veil of nature only but the veil of the flesh, the
humanity of Christ, at once conceals and manifests
the Eternal's Glory. The rending of that veil en-
abled all, who bad eyes to see and hearts to believe,
to enter into the Holy of Holies, into the Divine
Presence, and to see, not less clearly than the High
Priest, as he looked on the ark and the Mercy Seat,
that Righteousness and Lore, Truth and Mercy
were as one. Blood had been shed, a life had been
offered wbicb, through the infinite power of its
Lore, was able to atone, to satisfy, to purify."
(4.) We cannot here follow out that strain of a
higher mood, and it would not be profitable to enter
into the speculations which later writers have en-
grafted on the first great thought. Those who wish
to enter upon that line of inquiry may find materi-
als enough in any of the greater commentaries on the
Epistle to the Hebrews (Owen's, Stuart's Bleek's,
lioluck's, Delitzsch'B, Alford's), or in special treat-
i<es, such as those of Van Till (Dt Tabernac. in
C'golini, The*, viii.): Bede (Expotitio Myttica et
Mornlit Motnid Tnbernaniti); Witsius (De Tab-
mi. /.frit Mynteriu, in Miscall. Sscr.). Strange,
outlying hallucinations, like those of ancient Rat-
bis, inferring, from " the pattern showed to Moses
in the Mount," the permanent existence of a heav-
enly Tabernacle, like in form, structure, proportions
to that which stood in the wilderness (Leyrer, L c),
or of later writers who have seen in It (not Id the
spiritual but the anatomical sense of the word) a
type of humanity, representing the outer bodily
framework, the inner vital organs (Friederich,
Symb. der Mot. StifitthuUe, In Leyrer, I c; and
Kwald, AU. p. 838), may be dismissed with a sin-
gle glance : —
Borne of these have been already noticed- Others, not
to be pawed over, are, that the seven lamps set forth
the varied degrees and forms (ro&vfieput «al iro&vrprf-
«wr) of God's Revelation, the form and the attitude of
3w Cherubim, the union of active ministry and grate-
W, oeaaehaa contemplation (Strom, v. JJ 88, 87).
• The aUraaons to the Tabernecls In the Apoc aly pse
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w Nob ragkmiam dl lor, ma goarda e passe."
(5.) It is not^quite as open to us to Ignore a
speculative hypothesis which, though in itself un-
substantial enough, has been lately revived under
circumstances which have given it prominence. It
has been maintained by Von Bohlen and Vatke
(Bohr, i 117, 273) that the commands and the de-
scriptions relating to the Tabernacle in the Books
of Moses are altogether unhistorical, the result of
the effort of some late compiler to ennoble the cra-
dle of his people's history by transferring to a re-
mote antiquity what he found actually existing in
the Temple, modified ouly so far as was necessary
to fit it in to the theory of a migration and a wan-
dering. The structure did not belong to the time
of the Exodus, if indeed there ever was an Exodus.
The Tabernacle thus becomes the mythical after-
growth of the Temple, not the Temple the histor-
ical sequel to the Tabernacle. It has lately been
urged as tending to the same conclusion that the
circumstances connected with the Tabernacle in
the Pentateuch are manifestly unhistorical. The
whole congregation of Israel are said to meet in a
court which could not have contained more than a
few hundred men (Colenso, Ptntattuch and Book
of Joshua, P. I. c. iv., v.). The number of priests
was utterly inadequate for the services of the Taber-
nacle (ibid. c. xx.). The narrative of the bead-
money collection, of the gifts of the people, is full
of anachronisms (ibid. c. xiv.).
(6.) Some of these objections — those, e. g. as
to the number of the first-born, and the dispropor-
tionate smallneas of the priesthood, have been met
by anticipation in remarks under Priests and Le-
vites, written some months before the objections,
in their present form, appeared. Others bearing
upon the general veracity of the Pentateuch his-
tory it is impossible to discuss here. It will be
sufficient to notice such as bear immediately upon
the subject of this article. (1.) It may be said
that this theory, like other similar theories as to the
history of Christianity, adds to instead of dimin-
ishing difficulties and anomalies. It may be pos-
sible to make out plausibly tbst what purports to
be the first period of an institution, is, with all its
docuii.enta, the creation of the second; but the
question then comes how we are to explain the ex-
istence of the second. The world rests upon an
elephant, and the elephant on a tortoise, but the
footing of the tortoise is at least somewhat Inse-
cure. (2. ) Whaterer may be the weight of the
argument drawn from the alleged presence of the
whole congregation at the door of the Tabernacle
tells with equal force against the historical exist-
ence of the Temple and the narrative of its dedica-
tion. There also when the population numbered
some seven or eight millions (2 Sam. xxir. 9), >• all
the men of Israel " (1 K. viii. 2), all •• the congre-
gation " (ver. 5), all the children of Israel (ver. 63)
were assembled, and the king " blessed " all the
congregation (w. 14, 65). (3.) There are, it is
believed, undesigned touches indicating the nomad
life of the wilderness. The wood employed for the
Tabernacle is not the sycamore of the valleys nor
are, as might be expected, fall of Interest. As In a
vision, which loses sight of all time limits, the Templt
of the Tabernacle Is seen In heaven (Bar. xv. 6), aa4
yet In the heavenly Jerusalem th«r» <s no Temple seat
(xxL 22). And In the heavenly Temple then Is as
longer any veil ; it Is open, and the ark of the «0»
•rant Is dearly seen (at. 19).
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t*e cedar of Lebanon, aa afterwards in the Temple,
hat the shittim of the Sinaitio peninsula. [Shit-
taii Trek, Shittm.] The abundance of fine
liuen points to Egypt, the aeal or dolphin akina
(" badgers " in A V. but aee Geaenioa a. v.
ttf n$) to the ahorea of the Bed Sea. [Badqhb-
Skinb.] The Levites are not to enter on their
office till the age of thirty, aa needing for their
work at bearera a man's full strength (Num. iv.
83, 30). Afterwards when their duties are chiefly
those of singers and gate-keepers, they were to be-
gin at twenty (1 Chr. xxiii. 24). Would a later
history again hare excluded the priestly tribe from
all share in the structure of the Tabernacle, and
left it in the hands of mythical persons belonging
to Judah, and to a tribe then so little prominent
aa that of Dan? (4.) There remains the strong
Kgyptian stamp impressed upon well-nigh every
part of (be Tabernacle and its ritual, and implied
in other incidents. (Gomp. Priests, Levities,
Ubim ajjd Thvmuim, Bbazbh Skbpekt.]
• Whatever hearing this may have on our views of
the things themselves, it points, beyond all doubt,
to a time when the two nations had been brought
into close contact, when not jewels of silver and
gold only, but treasures of wisdom, art, knowledge
were •' borrowed " by one people from the other.
To what other period in the history before Samuel
than that of the Exodus of the Pentateuch can we
refer that intercourse? When was it likely that a
wild tribe, with difficulty keeping its ground against
neighboring nations, would have adopted such a
complicated ritual from a system so alien to its own ?
So it is that the wheel comes full circle. The facts
which when urged by Spencer, with or without a
hostile purpose, were denounced as daring and dan-
gerous and unsettling, are now seen to be witnesses
to the antiquity of the religion of Israel, and so to
the substantial truth of the Mosaic history. They
are used as such by theologians who in various de-
grees enter their protest against the more destruc-
tive criticism of our own time (Hengstenberg,
Egypt and the Book* of Motet ; Stanley, Jtwitk
Church, lect iv.). (5.) We may, for a moment,
put an imaginary case. Let us suppose that the
records of the 0. T. had given us in 1 and 2 Sam.
a history like that which men now seek to substi-
tute for what is actually given, bad represented
9an>"fl ss the first great preacher of the worship of
Elohim, Gad, or some later prophet as introducing
for the first time the name and worship of Jehovah,
and that the 0. T. began with this (Colenso, P. II.
c xxi.). Let us then suppose that some old papy-
rus, freshly discovered, slowly deciphered, gave us
the whole or the greater part of what we now find
in Exodus and. Numbers, that there was thus given
an explanation both of the actual condition of the
people and of the Egyptian element so largely in-
termingled with their ritual. Can we not imagine
with what jubilant zeal the books of Samuel would
■hen have been " critically examined," what incon-
sistencies would have been detected in them, how
eager men would have been to prove that Samuel
had had credit given him for a work which was not
TABERNACLES, FEAST OF 3159
his, that not he, but Hoses, was the founder of the
polity and creed of Israel, that the Tabernacle on
Zion, instead of coming fresh from David's creative
mind, had been preceded by the humbler Taber-
nacle in the Wilderness? E. H. P.
TABERNACLES, THE FEAST OF
(rnBJpn an : hoprii o-«j»S»-: feria taAernao-
ulorum : *pNn ^n, Ex. xxin. IS, " the feast of
ingathering: " o-rnrairn-yfa, John vii. 2; Jos. AM.
viiL 4, § S : *-icnrai, Philo, lit Stpt. § 24 ; f, <no)r «,
Plut Sympot. iv. 62), the third of the three great
festivals of the Hebrews, which lasted from the Hth
till the 22d of Tisri.
I. The following are the principal passsgss is
the Pentateuch which refer to it: Ex. xxiii. it,
where it is spoken of as the Feast of ingathering,
and is brought into connection with the othir fes-
tivals under their agricultural designations, the
Feast of Unleavened Bread and the Feast of Harvest ;
Lev. xxiii. 34-36, 39-43, where it is mentioned ss
commemorating the passage of the Israelites through
the desert; Deut, xvi. 13-15, in which there is no
notice of the eighth day, and it is treated as a
thanksgiving for the harvest; Num. xxix. 12-38,
where there is an enumeration of the sacrifices
which belong to the festival; Deut. xxxi. 10-18,
where the injunction is given for the public reading
of the Law in the Sabbatical year, at the Feast of
Tabernacles. In Neh. viii. there is an account of
the observance of the feast by Ezra, from which
several additional particulars respecting it may be
gathered.
II. The time of the festival fell in the autumn,
when the whole of the chief fruits of the ground,
the corn, the wine, and the oil, were gathered in
(Ex. xxiii. 16; Lev. xxiii. 89; Deut. xvi. 18-16).
Hence it is spoken of ss occurring " in the end of
the year, when thou hast gathered in thy labors
out of the field." Its duration was strictly only
seven dajs (Deut. xvi. 13; Ez. xlv. 26). But it
was followed by a day of holy convocation, distin-
guished by sacrifices of its own, which was some-
times spoken of as an eighth day (Lev. xxiii. 36;
Neh. viii. 18).
During the seven days the Israelites were com-
manded to dwell in booths or huts" formed of the
boughs of trees. These huts, when the festival was
celebrated in Jerusalem, were constructed in the
courts of houses, on the roofs, in the oourt of the
Temple, in the street of the Water Gate, and ka
the street of the Gate of Epbraim. The boughs
were of the olive, palm, pine, myrtle, and other
trees with thick folisge (Neh. viii. 16, 16). The
command in Lev. xxiii. 40 is said to have been so
understood, 6 that the Israelites, from the first day
of the feast to the seventh, carried in their hania
» the fruit (as In the margin of the A. V., not
branchu, as in the text) of goodly trees, with,
branches of palm trees, boughs of thick trees, and
willows of the brook."
According to Rabbinical tradition, each Israelite
used to tie the branches into a bunch, to be carried
in his hand, to which the name lulab' was given.
* The word HSD means « a hut," and Is to U
■wttafinshsd from vHr^, r a tent of skins or eloth,"
atuoh is the term applied to the Tabernacle of the
ttaajrafeOon. 8m Ossm. «• e.
» Mas ■> the vtow of the Babbinlets, which appear*
to be counteneieed by a comparison of v. 40 with v
42. But the Karaites held that thr boughs ben men-
tioned were fcr no other purpose than to cover she
huts, and that the willow branches wan merely Bar
tying the parts of the huts together.
• The word aVib strictly means simply a pan
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TABERNACLES, THE FEAST OF
The " fruit of goodly trees " is generally taken by
the Jem to mean the citron." But Jowpkus (Ant.
fii. 10, § 4) says that it wai the fruit of the pertea,
a tree said by Pliny to have been conveyed from
Persia to Egypt (Biit. Nat. xv. 18), and which some
have identified with the peach (Malta ptrnea).
The boughs of thick trees were understood by
Onkelos and others to be myrtles (C^B^rT), but
that no such limitation to a single species could
hare been intended seems to be proved by the
boughs of thick trees and myrtle branches being
mentioned together (Neh. vlii. 15).
The burnt-offerings of the Feast of Tabernacles
were by far more numerous than those of any other
festival. It is said that the services of the priests
were so ordered that each one of the courses was
employed during the seven days (Succah, v. 6).
There were offered on each day two rams, fourteen
lambs, and a kid for a sin-offering. But what was
most peculiar was the arrangement of the sacrifices
of bullocks, in all amounting to seventy. Thirteen
were offered on the first day, twelve on the second,
eleven on the third, and so on, reducing the num-
ber by one each day till the seventh, when seven
Bullocks only were offered (Num. xxix. 13-38).
The eighth day was a day of holy convocation
if peculiar solemnity, and, with the seventh day of
the Passover, and the day of Pentecost, was desig-
nated riH^S [Passoveb, iii. 3343, note ■]. We
are told that on the morning of this day the He-
Drews left their huts and dismantled them, and took
up their abode again in their houses. The special
offerings of the day were a bullock, a ram, seven
lambs, and a goat for a sin-offering (Num. xxix.
36-38).'
When the Feast of Tabernacles fell on a Sab-
batical year, portions of the Law were read each day
in publio, to men, women, children, and strangers
(Dent. xxxi. 10-13). It is said that, in the time
of the Kings, the king himself used to read from a
wooden pulpit erected in the court of the women,
and that the people were summoned to assemble by
sound of trumpet. 1 Whether the selections were
made from the book of Deuteronomy only, or from
the other books of the Law also, is a question. But
according to the Hishna (Sola, vi. 8, quoted by
Beland) the portions read were Deut. i. 1-vi. 4, xi.
13-xiv. 22, xiv. 23-xvi. 22, xviii. 1-14, xxvii. 1-
xxviii. 68 (see Fagius and Roeenmuller on Deut.
izzl. 11; Ugbtfeot, Temple Service, o. xvii.). We
find Kzra reading the Law during the festival " day
by day, from the first day to the last day " (Neh.
rifL 18).<*
III. There are two particulars In the observance
if the Feast of Tabernacles which appear to be re-
ferred to in the New Testament, but are not noticed
hranoh. Buxt Ltx. Thltn. o. 1148; Oarpsor, App.
Cru. p. 416 ; Drusius, Not. Uaj. in Lev. zxiiL
" '''Tb^. So Oukelos, Jonathan, and SuuaA,
Dm Bast. ltx. Talm. sub 2"V"I.
6 The notion of Winstar, Godwin, and others, that
Jee eighth day was called "the day of palms," Is
utterly without foundation. No trace of such a desig-
aation is found in any Jewish writer. It probably
resulted from a theory that the Feast of Tabernacles
asset, like the Passover and Pentecost, have a festival
ts auewe: to it In the calendar of the Christian Church,
sad that « the day of palms" passed into Palm Bun-
in the Old. These were, the ceremony of pouring
out some water of the pool of Siloam, and the
display of some great lights in the court of the
women.
We are told that each Israelite, in holiday attire,
having made up his hilab, before he broke his fast
(Fagius in Lev. xxlli.>, repaired to the Temple with
the lulab in one hand and the citron in the other,
at the time of the ordinary morning sacrifice. The
parts of the victim were laid upon the altar. One
of the priests fetched some water in a golden ewer
from the pool of Siloam, which he brought into the
court through the Water Qate. As he entered the
trumpets sounded, and he ascended the slope ol
the altar. At the top of this were fixed two sirrr
basins with small openings at the bottom. Wine
was poured into that on the eastern side, and the
water into that on the western side, whence it was
conducted by pipes into the Kedron (Maimon. ap.
Carpzor. p. 419). The hnllel was then sung, and
when the singers reached the first verse of Fa.
exviil. all the company shook their hdabi. This
gesture was repeated at the 25th verse, and again
when they sang the 26th verse. The sacrifices
which belonged to the day of the festival were then
offered, and special passages from the Psalms were
chanted.
In the evening (it would seem after the day of
holy convocation with which the festival had com-
menced had ended), both men and women assembled
in the court of the women, expressly to hold a
rejoicing fof the drawing of the water of Siloam.
On this occasion, a degree of unrestrained hilarity
was permitted, such as would nave been unbecoming
white the ceremony itself was going on, in the
presence of the altar and in connection with the
offering of the morning sacrifice (Succah, iv. 9, r.
1, and the passages frftn the Gem. given by Light-
foot, Temple Service, § 4).
At the same time there were set up in the court
two lofty stands, each supporting four great lamps.
These were lighted on each night of the festival.
It is said that they cast their light over nearly the
whole compass of the city. The wicks were fur-
nished from the cast-off garments of the priests,
and the supply of oil was kept up by the sons of
the priests. Many in the assembly carried flam-
beaux. A body of Levitee, stationed on the fifteen
steps leading up to the women's court, played in-
struments of music, and chanted the fifteen psalms
which are called in the A. V. Songs of Degrees
(Pa. exx.-cxxxiv.). Singing and dancing were
afterwards continued for some time. The same
ceremonies in the day, and the same Joyous meet-
ing in the evening, were renewed on each of the
days.
It appears to be generally admitted that the
c A story Is told of Agrippa, that whan he was one*
performing this ceremony, as he came to the words
« thou may'st not set a stranger oval thee which is
not thy brother," the thought of his foreign blood
occurred to him, and he was affected to tsars. But
the bystanders encouraged him, crying out ** Fear not,
Agrippa! Thou art our brother.'* Ughtftwt, T. S. c
rriL
d Dean Alfbrd considers that there may be a refer
ence to the pabuc reading of the Law at the Feast of
Tabernacles, John vii. 19 — " Did not Moms give job
the law T and yet none of you kmpeth the law " —
even If that year was not the Sabbatical year, and lie
obaervenoa did not actually take pises at the thus
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«x* of our Saviour (John vii. 87, 38) — "If an;
nan thirst, let him come unto ms and drink. He
that beUereth on me, as the Scripture hath said,
«rt of his beUy shall flow rivers of living water " —
wre suggested by the pouring out of the water of
Sikam. The Jews seem to hare regarded the rite
■ symbolical of the water miraculously supplied to
Ibar fathers from the rock at Meribah. But they
tUo gave to it a more strictly spiritual signification,
in accordance with the use to which our Lord ap-
pro to turn it. Maiiuouides (note in Succah)
wEes to it the Tery passage which appears to be
rtTeired to by our Lord (Is. xii. 3) — ." Therefore
with joy shall ye draw water out of the wells of
tuition." The two meanings are of course per-
fectly harmonious, as is shown by the use which
St. Paul makes of the historical fact (1 Cor. x. 4)
- " they drank of that spiritual rock that followed
them: and that rock was Christ"
But it is rery doubtful what is meant by " the
last day, that great day of the feast." It would
wan that either the last day of the feast itself, that
u the seventh, or the last day of the religious ob-
srmnees of the series of annual festivals, the eighth,
matt be intended. But there seems to have been
nothing, according to ancient testimony, to distin-
guish the seventh, as a great day, compared with
the otbjr days; it was decidedly inferior, in not
being a day of holy convocation, and in its number
of sacrifices, to the first day." On the other band,
it is nearly certain that the ceremony of pouring
out the water did uot take place on the eighth
day, 4 though the day might have been, by an easy
sarnie, called the great day of the feast (2 Mace.
x.f; Joseph. Ant. iii. 10, § 4; Philo, De Sept.
§ 44). Dean Alford reasonably supposes that the
eighth day may be meant, and that the reference
of our l>ord was to an ordinary and well-known
ub*rwDce of the feast, though it was not, at the
toy time, going on.
We must resort to some such explanation, if we
►loot the notion that our Lord's words (John viii.
U) — * I am the light of the world " — refer to the
(Rat lamps of the festival. The suggestion must
km arisen in the same way, or else from the
*pparstus for lighting not being removed, although
the festival had come to an aid. It should, how-
ler, be remarked that BeugeL Stier, and some
others, think that the words refer to the light of
sioraing which was then dawning. The view that
■ay be taken of the genuineness of John viii. 1-11
si! modify the probability of the latter interpre-
tation.
IT. There are many directions given in the
Miihna for the dimensions and construction of the
sots. They were not to be lower than ten palms,
tot higher than twenty cubits. They were to stand
by thsnnelvea, and not to rest on any external snp-
Jfct, nor to be under the shelter of a larger build-
in?, sr of a tree. They were not to be covered
*Hh skins or cloth of any kind, but only with
tarbs, or, in part, with reed mats or laths. They
*ere to be constructed expressly for the festival, out
« Bat Baxtorf, who contends that St. John speaks
•f UK aaventh day, says that tha modern Jaws of his
■aw tailed that day « the Great Hosaona," and dis-
**a ls»sd I t by a greater attention than usual to
'ear Mesonal appearance, and by performing certain
l*sau tiles la the synagogue (Sy». J*d- xzl).
• * Jshcda, howsver, said that the water was
180
of new materials. Their forms might vary in ac-
cordance with the taste of the owners." According
to some authorities, the Israelites dwelt in them
during the whole period of the festival (Sifri, in
Reland). but others said it was sufficient if they ate
fourteen meals in them, that is, two on each day
(Succah, ii. 6). Persons engaged in religious ser-
vice, the sick, nurses, women, slaves, and minors,
were excepted altogether from the obligation of
dwelling in them, and some indulgence appears to
have been given to all in very tempestuous wtnther
(SuccoA, L ii. ; Miiuater on Lev. xxiii. 40 ; Bust.
Sjpi. Jud. c xxi.).
The furniture of the huts was to be, according to
most authorities, of the plainest description. There
was to be nothing which was not fairly necessary.
It would seem, however, that there was no strict
rule on this point, and that there was a consider-
able difference according to the habits or circum-
stances of the occupant 1 ' (Carpzov, p. 415; Buxt.
" fn. Jua. p. 451 ).
It is said that the altar was adorned throughout
the seven days with sprigs of willows, one of which
each Israelite who came into the court brought
with him. The great number of the sacrifices has
been already noticed. The number of public vic-
tims offered on the first day exceeded those of any
day in the year (Mmach. xiii. 6). But besides
these, the Chagigahs or private peace-offerings
[Passover, iii. 2:146 f.] were more abundant than
at any other time; and there is reason to believe
that the whole of the sacrifices nearly outnumbered
all those offered at the other festivals put together.
It belongs to the character of the feast that on each
day the trumpets of the Temple are said to have
sounded twenty-one times.
V. Though all the Hebrew annual festivals were
seasons of rejoicing, the Feast of Tabernacles was,
in this respect, distinguished above them all. The
huts and the hdabt must have made a gay and
striking spectacle over the city by day, and the
lamps, the flambeaux, the music, and the joyous
gatherings in the court of the Temple must have
given a still more festive character to the night.
Hence, it was called by the Rabbis 3(1, the fttli-
tnf, *ot' {{ox^v. There is a proverb in Succah
(v. 1), '• He who has never seen the rejoicing at the
pouring out of the water of Siloam has never seen
rejoicing in his life." Maimonides says that he
who failed at the Feast of Tabernacles in contrib-
uting to the public joy according to bis means,
incurred especial guilt (Carpzov, p. 419). The
feast is designated by Josephus (Ant. viii. 4, § 1)
iopri/ ayiorrdri) no) fiiyicrn, and by Philo, lop-
tuv fuylvn). Its thoroughly festive nature is
shown in the accounts of its observance in Josephus
(Ant. viii. 4, § 1, xv. 33), as well as in the accounts
of its celebration by Solomon, Ezra, and Judas
Maccabseus. From this fact, and its connection
with the ingathering of the fruits of the year, es
pecially the vintage, it is not wonderful that Plu-
tarch should hsve likened it' to the Dionvsiac fes-
tivals, calling it tvpooQo/io, and Kpanipwpopia
poured out on eight days. (Succah, It. 9, with Bar
tenon's note.)
« There are some curious figures of duVrent forms
of huts, and of the great lights or the feast of Tabarna-
oles, In Sureohualua 1 Jlfij&ffa, vol. 11.
d There If a lively description of some of the hats
used by the Jsws in modem tunas la La fie Jews as
, p. 110, fee.
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8162 tabebxacl.es, feast of
(Sfmpot- iv.)- The account which he ghee of it ia
curious, but it u not much to our purpoee here. It
contain* about sa much truth aa the more famous
passage on the Hebrew nation in the fifth book of
the History of Tadtua.
VI. The main purpose* of the Feast of Taber-
nacles are plainly set forth (Ex. xriii. 16, and Lev.
xxiii. 43). It wa* to be at once a thanksgiving for
the harvest, and a eommemoration of the time when
the Israelii** dwelt in tent* during their passage
through the wilderness. In one of its meanings, it
stands in connection with the Passover, aa the
Feast of Abib, the month of green ears, when the
first sheaf of barter was offered before the Lord ;
and with Pentecost, as the feast of harvest, when
the first loaves of the year were waved before the
altar, in its other meaning, it is related to the Pass-
over as the great yearly memorial of tbe deliverance
from the destroyer, and from the tyranny of Egypt.
The tents of the wilderness furnished a home of
freedom compared with the house of bondage out
of which they had been brought. Hence the
Divine Word assigns as a reason for the command
that they should dwell in hut* during the festival,
"that your generations may know that I made
the children of Israel to dwell in booths, when I
brought them out of the land of Egypt" (Lev.
xxiii. 43).
But naturally connected with this exultation in
their regained freedom, was tbe rejoicing in the
more perfect fulfillment of God's promise, in the
settlement of his people in the Holy Land. Hence
the festival became an expression of thanksgiving
for the rest and blessing of a settled abode, and, as
connected with it, for tbe regular annual cultivation
of tbe grouud, with tbe storing up of the corn snd
the wine and the oil, by which the prosperity of the
nation was promoted snd tbe fear of famine put into
a remoter distance. Thu* the agricultural and the
historical idea* of tbe feast became essentially con-
nected with each other.
But besides this, Philo saw in this feast a wit-
ness for the original equality of all the members of
the chosen race. All, during tbe week, poor and
rich, tbe inhabitant alike of the palace or the hovel,
lived in hut* which, in strictness, were to be of the
plainest and most ordinary materials and construc-
tion. From this point of view tbe Israelite would
be reminded with still greater edification of the per-
ilous snd toilsome march of his forefathers through
tbe desert, when tbe nation seemed to be more im-
mediately dependent on God for food, shelter, and
protection, while the completed harvest stored up
for tbe coming winter set before him the benefit* he
bad derived from the possession of tbe land flowing
with milk and honey which bad been of old prom-
ised tc his race
But the culminating point of this blessing was
tbe est ibliabmeut of the central spot of the national
« gome Jewish authorities and others connect with
Ul* tbe bet that in the month Tisri the weather be-
come* rather cold, and hence there was a degree of
aelf-denial, at least for the rich, in dwelling In huts
(Joseph. Ant. HI. 10. } 4 ; Bust. By*. Jud. p. 447 ;
asl. Ant. Ir. 6). Thsy see in this a reason why Um
eommuiioration of the journey through the desert
abould have besn Used at this season of tbe year.
The notion seems, however, not to be In keeping with
tbe general character of the feast, the time of which
appears to have bean determined entirely ou agricul-
tural grounds. Uenoe the appropriateness of the lan-
guage of the prophet, Zseb. xiv. 18, 17 ; eomff- JKa.
TABITHA
worship fat die Temple at Jerusalem Head* H
wa* evidently fitting that the Feast of fslanasesii
should be kept with in unwonted degree of observ-
ance at tbe dedication of Solomon's Temple (1 K.
viii. 2, 65; Joseph. Ant via. 4, <j 5), again, after
the rebuilding of tbe Temple by Ezra (Neh. riiL
13-18), and a third time by Judas Maeeabsen*
when he had driven out tbe Syrians and restored
the Temple to the worship of Jehovah (2 Mace
x.5-8).
The origin of the Feast of Tabernacle* b by
some connected with Succoth, tbe first halting-
place of the Israelites on their march eat af
Egypt; and the but* are taken not to common
orate the tent* in the wilderness, but the leafy
booths (succoui) in which they lodged for the List
time before they entered the desert. The feast
would thus call to mind the transition from settled
to nomadic life (Stanley, Sinai and Palatine, Ap-
pendix, $ 89).
Carpzov, App. Crit. p. 414; Biihr, SgmboBk, H
624; Buxt. Sen. Jud. e. xxi.; Belaud, Ant. iv. 5;
Ughtfoot, Temple Service, zvi. and Exercil. in
Joan. vii. 2, 37; Otho, Lex. Sab. p. 230; the
treatise Suceah, in tbe Miahna, with Surenhuaiua'
Note*; Hupfeld, De Fat. Bebr. pot ii. Of tbe
monographs on the subject the most important
appear to be, Ikeniua, De Ubatione Aqua in
Fat. Tab. ; Groddek, De Ceranoma Palmanan
in FaL Tab. (in Ugolini, voL rviii.), with the
Notes of Dacha on Suceah, in tbe Jerusalem Ge-
S.C.
TABITHA (Tnj9i6\( [gazelle]: Tabitha), aim
called Dorcas (Aopxis) by St. Luke: a female dis-
ciple of Joppa, " full of good works," among which
that of making clothes for tbe poor is specifically
mentioned. While St. Peter wa* at the neighbor-
ing town of Lydda, Tabitha died, upon which the
disciples at Joppa sent an urgent message to the
Apostle, begging him to come to them without de-
lay. It is not quite evident from the narrative
whether they looked for any exercise of miraculous
power on bis part, or whether they simply wished
for Christian consolation under what they regarded
as the common calamity of their Church ; but the
miracle recently performed on Eneas (Act* ix. 34),
and the expression in ver. 38 (lieAtk <r eats s}*wi>),
lead to the former supposition. Upon his arrival
Peter (bund the deceased already prepared for bur-
ial, and laid out in an upper chamber, where ah*
was surrounded by tbe recipients and the token* of
ber charity. After the example of our Saihmr in
tbe house of Jairus (Matt. ix. 25; Mark v. 40),
" Peter put tbem all forth," prayed for the Divine
assistance, and then commanded Tubitha to arist
(conip. Mark v. 41 ; Lake viii. 64). She opened
her eyes and sat up, and then, assisted by the Apos-
tle, rose from ber couch. This great miracle, as we
are further told, produced an extraordinary effect is
xxill. 16; Dent xvi. 18-17. A* Utile worthy of mors
than a puasing notice Is the connecting the fall or
Jericho with the festival (Oodwyn, p. 72 ; Belaud, lr.
6), and of the seventy bollocks offered durin/t the
■even days being a symbol of the seventy Gentile na-
tions (Belaud, iv. 6 ; Bochart, Pkalig, 1. 16). But of
somewhat more interest Is the older notion found m
Onkeloe, that tbe shade of tbe branches represented
the cloud by day which sheltered the Israelites. Re
renders the words In Lev. xxltt. 48 — "that I mad*
the children of Israel to dwell under tae stale* of
elood."
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TABLB'
Jospa, mid wu the occasion of many conversions
bare (Acta ii. 86-42).
The name of " TaHtha " (NTT?^) is the
Aramaic form aaawerh.fr to the Hebrew >"T*3^$,
i • female gazelle," the gazelle being regarded in
the Ext, among both Jrm and Arab*, aa a stand-
•rd of beauty, — indeed, the word 'O? properly
nans " beauty." St- Luke give* " Dorcas " aa
Um Greek equivalent of the name. Similarly we
b«< lopadr aa the LXX. rendering of Vl? in
Hart, xii. IS, 23; 9 Sam. ii. 18; Prov. ri. 6. It
ku been inferred from the occurrence of the two
lmks, that Tabitba was a Hellenist (aee Whitby,
in /re). This, however, dues not follow, even if we
nigrum that the two names were actually lionie by
be?, as it would seem to have been the practice even
sf the Hebrew Jews at this period to have a Gentile
.rune in addition to their Jewish name. But it ia
Ii; no means clear from the language of St Luke
■bat Tabitna actually bore the name of Dorcas. All
at tdll us is that the name of Tabitha means " ga-
"fe " (iepxdr ), and, for the benefit of bis Gentile
.tvlwi, be aftrrwards speaks of her by the Greek
ajiinlent. At the same time it is very possible
that she may have been known by both names ; and
•e lorn from Joseph us (B. J. iv. 3, § 5) that the
ttune of Dorcas was not unknown in Palestine.
Among the Greeks, also, aa we gather from LucreU
'«■ 1194, it was a term of endearment. Other ex-
lupla of the use of the name will be found in
Wetsten, is foe. W. & J.
* TABLB- See under other beads for impor-
tuit information connected with this word [Meals;
Moxzt-Craiioers; Shew Bkeid; Tabekna-
clz]. The earliest Hebrew term may have been
■iaUtfai (from VOW, to ttrelch out), being
■imply a piece of leather or cloth spread on the
pound on which the food was placed. The word
satarally passed to other applications so as to de-
solo a table of any kind. We read in Judg. i. 7
that the vassals of Adoni-bazek (which see) '< gath-
ered their meat under his table," apparently there-
in a raised cushion or triclinium at that early
period. A table formed part of the furniture of
the prophet Eliaha's chamber (3 K. iv. 10). The
table and its entertainments stand figuratively for
the axil's food which God provides for bis people
(ft txiii. 6, lxix. 33); and also for the enjoy-
•mts of Christ's perfected kingdom in heaven
(HaU. via. 11 ; Luke xiii. 29). To " serve tables "
(Acta ri. 3) meant to provide food, or the means
-f purchasing it, for the poor, as arranged in the
•rioiitive Church at Jerusalem. The » table of the
Led," 1 Cor. z. 21, designates the lord's Supper
u apposed to the " table of demons " (Saiftovlvv)
* feasts of heathen revelling. The " writing-ta-
U>" on which Zacharias wrote the name of John
lake i. 68) was no doubt a "tablet" {.tntxuti-
fcar) covered with wax, on whioh the ancients
*rote with a stylus. Aa TertuUian says: "Zaoh-
■nas loquitur in stylo, auditur in cera."
In Hark rii. 4 " tables " is a mistranslation for
"Ms" or "couohea." The same Greek term
(■Aim) k* rendered " bed " in the nine other pas-
it ocean (Matt. iz. 2, 6; Mark 'v. 91,
* Tas fall form occurs In Judg. Iv. 6, 12 14 ; that
a? Tabor only, in Josh. xtx. S3; Judg. Till. 18; Ps.
tom-B- Jsr.zM.18i Bos. *. L
TABOR AND MOUNT TABOK 1)168
vii. 80; Luke v. 18, viii. 16, ivii. 34; Acta v. lfi;
Rev. ii. 23), and should be so rendered here. Not
beds of every sort are intended in Mark vii. 4, but
as Meyer observes (in foe.), "table-beds" (Speut-
Uiatr), which might be defiled by the leprous, the
menstruous, or others considered unclean, for the
entire context relates to the act of eating. This is
made reasonably certain by the manifest relation of
the passage to Lev. xv. 4, where the same rule is
enjoined, and where the language ia : " Every bed
whereon he lieth that hath the issue, is unclean;
and everything whereon he sitteth shall be un-
clean." They were couches or raised sofas on
which the ancients reclined at meals, or on ordi-
nary occasions may have been little more than
cushions or rugs (see Matt. ix. 6; Acta v. 15)
This washing of such articles was something vhich
the Pharisees were always careful to hare done
after the couches had been used, before they them-
selves would run the risk of any defilement. It
should be sdded that Tischendorf rejects KKlva.
from Mark vii. 4, but against adequate testimony
for it. H.
TA30R and MOUNT" TABOR ("in
112F), probably = "height," as in Slmonis'
Onommticon, p. 800: rcu0/Up [Alex. ToaWtf],
(par SajSoV, Ba$ip, but to 'Iraffioior in Jer.
and Hoses, and in Josephus. who has also 'Arap-
0vptor: Thaoor), one of the most interesting and
remarkable of the single mountains in Palestine.
It was a Rabbinic saying (and shows the Jewish
estimate of the attractions of the locality), that the
Temple ought of right to have been built here, but
was required by an express revelation to be erected
on Mount Moriah. It rises abruptly from the north-
eastern situ of the plain of Ksdraelon, and stands
entirely insulated, except on the west, where a nar-
row ridge connects it with the hills of Nazareth.
It presents to the eye, aa seen from a distance, a
beautiful appearance, being so symmetrical in its
proportions, and rounded off like a hemisphere or
the segment of a circle, yet varying somewhat as
viewed from different directions. The body of the
mountain consists of the peculiar limestone of the
country. It ia studded with a comparatively dense
forest of oaks, piitacias, and other trees and bushes,
with the exception of an occasional opening on the
sides, and a small uneven tract ou the summit.
The coverts afford at present a shelter for wolves,
wild boars, lynxes, and various reptiles. Its height
from the base is estimated at 1,000 feet, but may be
somewhat more rather than less. Its ancient name,'
as already suggested, indicates its elevation, though
it does not rise much, if at all, above some of the
other summits in the viciulty. It is now called
Jtbtl tt- Tir. It lies about six or eight miles al-
most due east from Nazareth. The writer, in re-
turning to that village toward the close of the day
(May 3, 1852), found the sun as it went down in
the west shining directly in his face, with hardly
any deviation to the right hand or the left by a
single turn of the path. The ascent is usually
made ou the west side, near the little village of lit-
bii-ieli, probably the ancient Daberath (Josh. xix.
12), though it can be made with entire ease in othet
places. It requires three-quarters of an hour or an
hour to reach the top. The path is circuitous and
6 • Tristram {Land of ltratl, p. 488) says 1.U0O M
from th» base, and 1,866 from the ssa-snaL ThshUass
t» Tan da VsUts's estuustes It
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TABOR AND MOUNT TABOR
at timet steep, but not so much so u to render it
difficult to ride the entire way. The treei and
bushea are generally to thick as to intercept the
prospect; but now and then the traveller aa he as-
cends cornea to an open ipot which reveala to him
a magnificent view of the plain. One of the moat
pleasing aspects of the landscape, as seen from
such points, in the season of the early harvest, la
that presented in the diversified appearance of the
fields. The different plots of ground exhibit vari-
ous colors, according to the state of cultivation at
the time. Some of them are red, where the land
has been newly plowed up, owing to the natural
properties of the soil ; others yellow or white, where
the harvest is beginning to ripen or is already ripe;
and others green, being covered with grass or spring-
ing grain. As they are contiguous to each other,
or intermixed, these parti colored plots present, aa
looked down upon from above, an appearance of
gay checkered work which is singularly beautiful.
The top of Tabor consists of an ittegular platform
embracing a circuit of half an hour's walk, and
commanding wide views of the subjacent plain
from end to end. A copious dew (alls here dur-
ing the warm months. Travellers who have
spent the night then have found their tents as
wet in the morning aa if they had been drenched
with rain-
It ia the universal judgment of those who have
stood on the spot that the panorama spread before
them as they look from Tabor includes aa great a
variety of objects of natural beauty and of sacred
and historic interest as any one to be seen from
any position in the Holy ljuid. On the cast llu
waters of the Sea of Tiberias, not less than fifteen
miles distant, are seen glittering through the clear
atmosphere in the deep bed where they repose »
quietly. Though but a small portion of the smfact
of the lake can be distinguished, the entire outJins
of its basin can be traced on every »iJe. In II.'.
View of Mount Tabor from the 8. W., from a sketch taken in 1812 by W. Tipping, Esq., and engraved by h*
permission.
tame direction the eye follows the course of the
Jordan for many miles ; while still further east it
rests upon a boundless perspective of hills and
valleys, embracing the modern Haur&n, and
further south the mountains of the ancient Gilead
and Bashan. The dark line which skirts the
horizon on the west is the Mediterranean ; the rich
plains of Galilee fill up the intermediate space as
far as the foot of Tabor. The ridge of Carmel
lifts its head in the northwest, though the portion
which lies directly on the sea is not distinctly
visible. On the north and northeast we behold
the last ranges of Lebanon as they rise into the
oills about Safed, overtopped in the rear by the
snow-capped Hennon, and still nearer to us the
Horns of Hattln, the reputed Mount of the Beati-
tudes. On the south are seen, first the summits
of Gill)Oa, which David's touching elegy on Saul
and Jonathai has fixed forever in the memory of
", and further onward a confused view of
the mountains and valleys which oecnpy the
central part of Palestine. Over the heads of Duhy
and Gilboa the spectator looks into the valley of
the Jordan in the neighborhood of Oeis&n (itself
not within sight), the ancient Heth-shean, on whose
walls the Philistines bung up the headless trunk
of Saul, after their victory over Israel. 1-ooking
across a branch of the plain of Ksdraekm, we
behold Endor, the abode of the sorceress whom tha
king consulted on the night before his fatal battle.
Another little village clings to the hill-aide of
another ridge, on which we gaze with still deeper
interest. It is Kain, the village of that name in
the New Testament, where the Saviour touched
the bier, and restored to life the widow's son. The
Saviour must have passed often at the foot of thia
mount in the course of his journeys in different
parts of Galilee. It is not surprising that Mat
Hebrews looked up with so much admiration tc
this glorious work of the Creator's hand. TW
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mom beauty rata upon itt blow to-day, the same
richness of verdure refreshes the eye, iu contrast
with the bleaker aspect of n many of the adjacent
mountains. The Christian traveller yields sponta-
neously to the impression of wonder and devotion,
and appropriates as his own the language of the
psalmist (Ixxxix. 11, 13): —
" The heavens are thins, the earth also la thine ;
The world and the fullness thereof, thou hast found-
ed them.
The north and the south thou hast created them ;
Tabor and Herman shall rejoice in thy name."
Tabor does not occur in the New Testament,
Lut makes a prominent Agere in the Old- The
hook of Joshua (xix. S3; mentions it as the
S- Tundarj between Iasacbar and Zebulon (see ver.
12). Barak, at the command of Deborah, assem-
tled his forces on Tabor, and, on the arrival of the
opportune moment, descended thence with "ten
thousand men after Mm " into the plain, aud con-
quered Sisera on the banks of the Kiahon (Judg.
iv. 6-15). The brothers of Gideon, each of whom
" resembled the children of a king," were murdered
here by Zebah and Zalmunna (Judg. viii. 18, 19).
Some writers, after Herder and others, tbink that
Tabor is intended when it is said of Iasacbar and
Zebulon in Oeut. xxxlii. 19, that « they shall call
the people unto Me mountain; there they shall
oiler sacrifices of righteousness." Stanley, who
adopts this view (Smai and Palatine, p. 351),
remarks that he was struck with the aspect of the
open glades on the summit as specially fitted for
the convocation of festive assemblies, and could
well believe that in some remote age it may have
been a sanctuary of the northern tribes, if not of
the whole nation. The prophet in Hoe. v. 1, re-
proaches the priests and royal family with having
" been a siiare on Mispah and a net spread upon
Tabor." The charge against them probably is
that tbey had set up idols and practiced heathenish
rites on the high places which were usually selected
for such worship. The comparison in Jer. xlvi.
18, " as Tabor is among the mountains and t'armel
by the sea," imports apparently that these heights
were proverbial for their conspicuousness, beauty,
and strength.
Dr. Robinson (Rueurcha, it. 363) has thus
described the ruins which are to be seen at present
on the summit of Tabor. •• All around the top are
(be foundations of a thick wall built of large stones,
some of which are beveled, showing that the entire
wall was perhaps originally of that character. In
several parts are the remains of towers and bastions.
The chief remains are upon the ledge of rocks on
the south of the little basin, and especially towards
its eastern end ; here are — in indiscriminate con-
fusion — walls, and arches, and foundations, ap-
parently of dwelling-bouses, as well as other build-
iua, some of hewn, and some of large beveled
tone*. The walls and traces of a fortress are
seen here, and further west along the southern
brow, of which one tall pointed arch of a Saracenic
gateway is still standing, and bears the name of
RM tt-Hmoa, > Gate of the Wind.' Connected
with it are loopholes, and others are seen near by.
Stanley, In his JVoltVu of Locatititt
titiud with Ms Print* of Walts, has mentioned some
fartleulars attached to the modern history of Tabor
whlsh appear to have aasa p sd former trave'lers.
•The fcstrass, of which the ruins crown the summit,
sa4 letemiUjr tan satsways, Uke these By which the
These latter fortifications belong to tb. era of the
Crusades ; but the large beveled stones we refer to
a style of architecture not later than the times of
the Romans, before which period, indeed, a town
and fortress already existed on Mount Tabor. In
the days of the crusaders, too, and earlier, there
were here churches and monasteries. The summit
has many cisterns, now mostly dry." The same
writer found the thermometer here at 10 A. M.
(June 18th) at 98° F., at sunrise at 6*c, and at
sunset at 74°. The Latin Christians have now an
altar here, at which their priests from Nazareth
perform an annual mass. The Greeks also have
a chapel, where, on certain festivals, they assemble
for the celebration of religious rites."
Most travellers who have visited Tabor in recent
times have found it utterly solitary so far as regards
the presence of human occupants. It happened to
the writer on his visit here (1853) to meet, un-
expectedly, with four men who had taken up their
abode In tbls retreat, so well suited to encourage
the devotion of religious devotees. One of them
was an aged priest of the Greek Church, a native
of Wallachia, named Erinna, according to his own
account more than a hundred years old, who had
come here to await the final advent of Christ.
Dean Stanley found the old hermit still living in
1863. According to his awn story, Erinna " in bis
early years received an intimation in bis sleep that
he was to build a church on a mountain shown to
him in his dream. He wandered through many
countries, and found his mountain at last in Tabor.
There he lived and collected money from pilgrims,
which at bis death, a few years ago, amounted to
a sufficient sum to raise the church, which is
approaching completion. He was remarkable for
his long beard and for a tame panther, which, like
the ancient hermits, he made bis constant com-
panion " (Sermons in Me AW, p. 191 f.). He
was a man of huge physical proportions, and stood
forth as a good witness for the efficacy of the diet
of milk and herbs, on which, according to bis own
account, he subsisted. The other three men were
natives of the some province. Two of them, having
been to Jerusalem and the Jordan on a pilgrimage,
had taken Tabor in their way on their return
homeward, where, finding unexpectedly the priest,
whom tbey happened to know, they resolved to
remain with him for a time. One of them was
deliberating whether he should not take up his per-
manent abode there. The fourth person was a
young man, a relative of the priest, who seemed to
have taken on himself the filial office of caring for
his aged friend in the last extremity. Iu the
monastic ages Tabor, in consequence, partly, of •
belief that it was the scene of the Saviour's trans-
figuration, was crowded with hermits. It was one
of the shrines from the earliest period which pilgrims
to the Holy Land regarded it as a sacred duty to
honor with their presence and their prayers.
Jerome, iu bis Itinerary of Paula, writes, " Scan-
debat montem Thabor, In quo transfiguratua est
Dominus ; aspidebat procul Harmon et Hermonim
et campos latlssimos Galilaea (Jeered), In quibus
Sisara prostratus est. Torrens Claon qui median
great Bntnan camps of on ■ own country were entered
By one of these gateways my attention was called to
an Arable Inscription, said to be the only one on the
mountain. 11 It records the building or rebuilding of
" this Messed fortress" by the order of the Saltan Abe
Bakt on his return bob the But a. a. 6OT.
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TABOR
planitiem divide) a», et oppidum juxta, Nairn, mon-
strabantur."
Thia idea that our Saviour was transfigured on
Tabor prevailed extensively among such of the
early Christians as adopted legends of this nature
(though not earlier than the 6th century), and re-
appears often still in popular religious works. If
one might choose a place which be would deem
peculiarly fitting for so sublime a transaction, there
la none certainly which would so entirely satisfy
our feelings in tiiis respect as the lofty, majestic,
beautiful Tabor. It is impossible, however, to
acquiesce in the correctness of this opinion. It is
susceptible of proof from the Old Testament, and
from later history, that a fortress or town existed
on Tabor from very early times down to B. o. 50
or 53; and as Josephus says {Brit. Jud. iv. 1, § 8)
that he strengthened the fortifications of a city
there, about A. D 60, it Is morally certain that
Tabor must hve been inhabited during the inter-
vening period, that is, in the days of Christ.
Tabor, therefore, could not have been the Mount
of Transfiguration ; for when It is said that Jesus
took his disciples " up into a high mountain apart
and was transfigured before them" (Matt xvii. 1,
3), we must understand that He brought them to
the summit of the mountain, where they were alone
by themselves (car' i'5/a*)- It is impossible to
ascertain with certainty what place is entitled to
the glory of this marvelous scene. The evan-
gelists record the event in connection with a Jour-
ney of the Saviour to Cassarea Phillppi, near the
sources of the Jordan- It is conjectured that the
Transfiguration may have taken place on one of the
summits of Mount Hernion in that vicinity. [H KR-
mon, Amer. ed.] See Hitter's Enllamde, xv. 394
IT. ; and Lichtensteiu's Ltben Jem, p. 309. For
the history of the tradition which connects Tabor
with the Transfiguration, consult Robinson's Jie-
uarche; ii. 368, 359. [TttANsriauttATloN, Amer.
ed.] * H. B. H.
TATBOB. 0*0$ [height]: [Vat] «« xx ..o!
[Rom.] Alex. Qajjaf. Thabar) is mentioned in
the lists of 1 Cbr. vi. as a city of the Meraritc Le-
vites, in the tribe of Zehulun (ver. 77). The cata-
logue of Levitical cities in .Tosh. xxi. does not con-
tain any name answering to this (comp. vers. 34,
86). But the list of the towns of Zebulun (to.
xix.) contains the name of Chisloth-Tabor (ver.
13). It is, therefore, possible, either that Chisloth-
labor is abbreviated into Tabor by the chronicler,
or that by the time these later lists were compiled,
the Merarites had established themselves on the
sacred mountain, and that Tabor is Mount Tabor.
O.
TA'BOR, THE PLAIN OF("VUJ*l V»b8
[nak of the htiyhi]: j/ tpvt Ba$ip'. querent Tha-
'<or). It hsj been already pointed out [see Plain,
il. 3547 fc], that this is an incorrect translation,
and should be the Oar of Tabor. It Is men-
tioned in 1 Sam. x. 3, only as one of the points In
the homeward journey of Saul after his anointing
by Samuel. It was the next stage In the journey
after " Rachel's sepulchre at ZeUach." But un-
fortunately, like so many of the other spots named
In this Interesting passage, the position of the Oak
rf labor has not yet been fixed.
Ewald seems to consider it certain (onoiss) that
Tabor and Deborah are merely different modes of
pronouncing the same name, and he accordingly
tftotifies the Oak of Tabor with the tree under
TACHMONITK, THB
which Deborah, Rachel's nurse, was buried (Gen
xxxv. 8), and that again with the palm, undes
which Deborah the prophetess delivered her oracles
(Getch. Hi. 39, i. 390, ii. 489), and this again with
the Oak of the old Prophet near Bethel (to. iii.
444). But this, though most ingenious, can only
be received as a conjecture, and the position on
which it would land us — " between Ramah and
Bethel" (Judg. iv. 6), is too far from Rachel's
sepulchre to fall in with the conditions of the nar-
rative of Saul's journey, as long as wo hold that to
be the traditional sepulchre near Bethlehem. A
further, opportunity for examining this most pus-
sling route will occur under Zelzah; but tht
writer is not sanguine enough to hope that au<
light can be thrown on It in the present state of
our knowledge. [See Ramah, Amer. ed.] G.
TABRBT. [Timbrel.]
TAB'RIMON (?b~>3tt: Tafiepe^d; Alex.
Tafttvpanitas Tabrtmon). Properly, Tabrimmon,
u e. "good Is Simmon," the Syrian god; compare
the analogous forms Tobiel, Tobiah, and the PImb-
nician Tab-aram (Gesen. Man. Phan. p. 456).
The father of Benhadad I., king of Syria in the
reign of Asa (1 K. xv. 18).
TAOHE (D?iJ: Kplxof- aVc«H/W«). Th»
word thus rendered occurs only in the description
of the structure of the Tabernacle and its fittings
(Ex. xxvi. 6, 11, 83, xxxv. 11, xxxri. 13, mix.
33), and appears to indicate the small hooks by
which a curtain is suspended to the rings from
which it hangs, or connected vertically, as in the
case of the veil of the Holy of Holies, with the
loops of another curtain. The history of the Eng-
lish word is pbilologically interesting, as presenting
points of contact with many different languages.
The Gaelic and Breton branches of the Keltic fam-
ily give tac, or inch, in the sense of a nail or book.
The latter mewing appears in the attnccnre, sine-
cure, of Italian, in the allaeher, detacher, of French.
On the other band, in the tak of Dutch, and the
Zackt of German, we have a word of like sound
and kindred meaning. Our Anglo-Saxon tnccan
and English take (to seise as with a hook?) are
probably connected with it In later use the word
has slightly altered both its form and meaning, and
the tack is no longer a book, but a small flat-headed
nail (eomp. Dies, Roman. WSrteb. s- r. Tacco).
E.H.P.
TACHTKONITE, THB ('SD^qj-) [see
below]: j Xararatoi; [Comp. i vlhs 'Bm/ua>( :]
enpienturimut). " The Tschmonite (properly,
Tschcemonite) that sat in the seat," chief among
David's captains (3 Sam. xxlii. 8), is in 1 Chr.
xi. 11 called " Jaahobeam an Hachmonite," or, at
the margin gives it, "son of Hschmoni." The
Geneva version has in 3 Sam. xxiii. 8, " He that
sate in the seate of wisedome, being chiefs of '.be
princes, was Adino of Erni," regarding <• Tsch-
monite " as an adjective derived from jJ\J, cM-
ctm, "wise," and in this derivation following
Kimchi. Kennieott has shown, with much ap-
pearance of probability, that the words 3tt^
rQ$3, yfiehlb bauhtbtth, " he that sat in the
seat," are a corruption of Jaahobeam, the true '
name of the hero, and that the mistake arose
from an error of the transcriber, who oarelestly ,
Inserted n^*jfc from the nrrvious vena where*.
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TACKLING
Ha farther considers " the Tachmonite "
a corruption of the appellation in Chronicles, " son
of Hachmoni," which was the family or local name
of Jaahobeam. " The name here in Samuel was
at first ^2Q3nn, the article H at the beginning
baring keen eorrupted into a "1; for the word ?2
in Chronicles is regularly supplied in Samuel by
that article " {DiuerU p. 82). Therefore he con
eludes " Jaahobeam the Hachmonite " to have been
the true reading. Josepbus (Ant. tU. IS, § 4)
calls him '\iooapoi ulbs 'Ax'/wiov, which favors
Keunioott's emendation. W. A. W,
* TACKLING. For this nautical term In
Acts xxvii. 17, see Ship (6). It occurs also Is.
ixxiii. 23, where in the prophet's allegory it
( V^Q) refers to the ropes connected with the Tea-
sel's mast and sails. U.
TAD'MOB Clb"7/p [prob. c% qf palau]:
[in 1 K. ix. 18, Rom. Vat omit, Alex. &tppu>0; in 2
Uhr., Kom.] BotSfiop, [Vat. Bottofiop, Alex. ©«8-
Itop :] Palmira), called " Tadmor In the wilderness "
(3 Chr. riii. 4). There is no reasonable doubt that
this city, said to have been built by Solomon, Is the
same as the one known to the Greeks and Romans
and to modern Europe by the name, in some form
or other, of Palmyra (naA/wpd, rioA/upd, Pal-
mira). The identity of the two cities results from
the following circumstances: 1st, The same city is
specially mentioned by Josephus (AnL viii. 6, § 1)
as bearing in his time the name of Tadmor among
the Syrians, and Palmyra among the Greeks; and
in his Latin translation of the Old Testament, Je-
rome translates Tadmor by Palmira (2 Chr. v:ii. 4).
2dly, The modern Arabic name of Palmyra is
substantially the same as the Hebrew word, being
Tadmur or Tathmur. 3dly, The word Tadmor
has nearly the same meaning as Palmyra, signifying
probably the " City of Palms," from Tatnnr, a palm ;
and this is confirmed by the Aralilo word for Palma,
a Spanish town on the Guadalquivir, which is said
to be called Tadmlr (see Geaenius in his Thunurui,
p. 345). 4thly, The name Tadmor or Tadmor
actually occurs as the name of the city in Aramaia
and Greek inscriptions which have been found
there. Athly, In the Chronicles, the city is men-
tioned as having been built by Solomon after his
conquest of llamath Zobah, and it is named hi
conjunction with "all the store-cities which he
built in Hamath." This accords fully with the
situation of Palmyra [Hamath]; and there Is
no other known city, either in the desert or not in
the desert, which can lay claim to the name of
Tadmor.
In addition to the passage in the Chronicles,
there is a passage in the book of Kings (1 K. ix.
18) in which, according to the marginal reading
(Keri), the statement that Solomon built Tadmor
likewise occurs, But on referring to the original
text ( & tltib), the word is found to be not Tadmor,
out Tamar. Now, as all the other towns men-
tioned in this paasaga with Tamar are in Palestine
Gerer, Beth-horon, Baalath), as it is said of
Tamar that it was " in the wilderness in Hit land,"
tiul as, in Ecekiel's prophetical description of the
TAOMOK
3167
a A mlsandemtaDding of this passaga has count*.
Mooed the Ideas of those who believe In a future sec-
sad return of the Jaws to Palestine. This belief may,
enter BavaUarlj favorable eirousstannes, lead aers-
Holy Land, there Is a Tamar mentioned as one of
the borders of the land on the south (Ex. xhriil
19), where, as is notorious, there is a desert, it is
probable that the author of tbe book of Kings did
not really mean to refer to Palmyra, and that the
marginal reading of '• Tadmor " was founded on the
passage in the Chronicles (see Tueuius, Exegelitchu
Uandbuch, 1 K. ix. 18).
If this is admitted, the suspicion natura'ly sug-
gests itself, that the compiler of the Chronicles may
have misapprehended the original passage in the
book of Kings, and may have incorrectly written
« Tadmor" instead of " Tamar." On this hypothe-
sis there would have been a curious circle of mis-
takes ; and the final result would be, that any sup-
posed connection between Solomon and the foun-
dation of Palmyra must be regarded as purely
imaginary. This conclusion is not necessarily, in-
correct or unreasonable, but there are not sufficient
reasons for adopting It In the first place, the
Tadmor of the Chronicles is not mentioned in
connection with the same cities as the Tamar of
the Kings, so there is nothing cogent to suggest
the inference that the statement of the Chronicle!
was copied from the Kings. Secondly, admitting
the historical correctness of tbe statement that the
kingdom of Solomon extended from Gaza, near tbe
Mediterranean Sea, to Tlpbsab or Thapsacus, on
the Euphrates (1 K. iv. 24; com p. Ps. Ixxii. 8, 9),
it would be in the highest degree probable that
Solomon occupied and garrisoned such a very im-
portant station for connecting different parts of his
dominions as Palmyra. And, even without refer-
ence to military and political considerations, it
would have been a masterly policy in Solomon to
have secured Palmyra as a point of commercial
communication with the Kuphrates, Babylon, and
the Persian Gulf. It is evident that Solomon had
large views of commerce; and as we know that he
availed himself of tbe nautical skill of the Tynans
by causing some of his own subjects to accompany
them in distant voyages from a port on the Red
Sea (1 K. ix. 26, 27, 28, x. 22), it is unlikely that
he should have neglected trade by land with such
a centre of wealth and civilization as Babylon.
But that great city, though so nearly in the same
latitude with Jerusalem that there is not the dif-
ference of even one degree between them, was sep-
arated from Jerusalem by a great desert, so tbat
regular direct communication between the- two
cities was impracticable. In a celebrated passage,
indeed, of Isaiah (xl. 3), connected with "the
voice of him that crieth in the wilderness," images
are introduced of a direct return of the Jewish
exiles from Babylon through the desert Such a
route was known to the Bedawln of the desert ;
and may have been exceptionally passed over by
others; but evidently these images are only poetical,
and it may be deemed indisputable that the sue
cessive caravans of Jews who returned to their own
land from Babylon arrived from the same quarter
as Nebuchadnezzar and the Chaldaans (Jer. i. 14.
15, x. 22, xxv. 9), namely, from the North. In fact,
Babylon thus became so associated with the North
in the minds of the Jews, that in one passage of
Jeremiah « (xxiii. S) it is called " the North coun-
try," and it is by no means imposeible that many
after to Us own realisation. It has not, however, Bee*
hitherto really proved tbat a second dispersion or s
second return of the Jews was ever eontsaapaaaa* at
a»7 Hebrew prophet.
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3168 TADMOR
of the Jews may have been ignorant that Babylon
■h nearly due east from Jerusalem, although
somewhat more than 600 miles distant Now, the
way in which Palmyra would hare been useful to
Solomon in trade between Babylon and the west
la evident from a glance at a good map. By
merely following the road up the stream on the
right bank of the Euphrates, the traveller goes in
a northwesterly direction, and the width of the
desert becomes proportionally less, till at length,
from a point on the Euphrates, there are only
about ISO miles across the desert to Palmyra,"
and thence about the same distance across the
desert to Damascus. From Damascus there were
ultimately two roads into Palestine, one on each
bide of the Jordan ; and there was an easy com-
munication with Tyre by Panelas, or Ceesarea
Philippi, now B&niAs. It is true that the Assyrian
and Cbaldee armies did not cross the desert by
Palmyra, but took the more circuitous road by
Hamath on the Orontes: but this was doubtless
swing to the greater facilities which that route
afforded for las subsistence of the cavalry of which
TADMOA
those armies were mainly composed. For men
purposes of trade, the shorter road by Palmyra
had some decided advantages, as long aa it was
thoroughly secure. See Movers, Dnt Pkdtmiteht
AUtrthum, 3ter Theil, p. 343, Ao.
Hence there are cot sufficiently valid reasons for
denying the statemei t in the Chronicles that Solo-
mon built Tadmor in the wilderness, or Palmyra.
As, however, the city is nowhere else mentioned in
the whole Bible, it would be out of place to enter
into a long, detailed history of it on the present
occasion. The following leading beta, however,
may be mentioned. The first author of antiquitj
who mentions Palmyra is Pliny the Elder (Hut
Nat. r. 36), who says, " Palmira nobilis urbs situ,
divitiia soli et aquis amffinia vasto undique ambitu
areuia includit avros ; " and then proceeds t> speak of
it as placed apart, as it were between the two em-
pires of the Romans and the Parthians, and as tha
first object of solicitude to each at the commence-
ment of war. 'Afterwards it was mentioned by Ap-
pian (De Bell. Cicil. v. 9), in reference to a still
earlier period of time, in connection with a design
Hulas of Tadmor or Palmyra.
* mark Antony to let his cavalry plunder it. The
Inhabitants are said to have withdrawn themselves
and their effects to a strong position on the Kn-
fhrates — and the cavalry entered an empty city,
n the second century A. d. it seems to have been
beautified by the Emperor Hadrian, as may be in-
ferred from a statement of Stephanus of Byzantium
as to the name of the city having been changed to
Hadrianopolis («. ». riaA/uufxl). In the beginning
jf the third century A. D. it became a Roman
oolony under Caracal!* (311-317 A. D.), and re-
ceived the jus Italicum. Subsequently, in the reign
of Gallienus, the Roman Senate invested Odena-
thus, a senator of Palmyra, with the regal dignity,
en account of hla services in defeating Sapor king
of Persia. On the assassination of Odenaihus, his
celebrated wife Zenobia teems to have conceived
the design of erecting Palmyra into an independent
monarchy; and in prosecution of this object, she
for a while successfully resitted the Roman arms.
a The exact latitude aud longitude of Palmyra do
sot anm to have been scientifically taken. Mr. Wood
sssotlnni that hla party had no quadrant with tbem,
She was at length defeated and takei ear-tire b,
the Emperor Aurelian (A. D. 273), who left a
Roman garrison in Palmyra. This garrison was
massacred in a revolt ; and Aiireliau punished tha
city by the execution not only of those who were
taken in arms, but likewise of common peasants, of
old men, women, and children. From this blow
Palmyra never recovered, though there are prooft
of its having continued to be inhabited until tit
downfall of the Roman Empire. There it a frag
ment of a building, with a Latin inscription, bear
ing the name of Diocletian ; and there are existing
walls of the city of the age of the Emperor Justinian .
in 1172. Benjamin of Tudela found 4,000 Jew»
there; and at a later period Abulfeda mentioned it
at full of splendid ruins. Subsequently its very
existence had become unknown to modern Europe,
when, in 1691 A. D., it was visited by acme mer-
chants from the English factory In Aleppo; and aa
account of their discoveries was published in 1698
and there is a disagreement between various map
and geographical works. Aocordlng to »». Johasun
the position is. lat. W W N., and Ions «• IkV »
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TAHAN
■n this PliilosojJtical Transactions (toI. xix. No.
11/, p. 83, No. 218, p. 129). In 1751, Robert
Wood took drawings of the ruins on * vary large
•ale, which he published in 1753, in • splendid folio
work, under the title of Tkt Ruins of Pulmyra,
otherwise, Tadmor hi the Desert. This work still
eoutiuues to be the best on l'almyra; and its valu-
able engravings fully justify the powerful impression
which the ruins make on every intelligent traveller
who crosses the desert to visit them. The colon-
nade and individual temples are inferior in beauty
and majesty to those which may be seen elsewhere
— such, for example, as the Parthenon, and the re-
mains of the Temple of Jupiter, at Athens : and
there U evidently no one temple equal to the Temple
of the Sun at Baalbek, which, as built both at about
the same period of time and in the same order of
architecture, suggests itself moat naturally as an
ol jeet of comparison. But the long lines of Corin-
thian columns at Palmyra, as seen at a distance,
are peculiarly imposing ; and in their general effect
and apparent vutneea, they seem to surpass all
other ruins of the tame kind. All the buildings to
which these columns belonged were probably erected
iu the second and third centuries of our era. Many
inscriptions are of later date, but no inscription
earlier than the second century seems yet to have
been discovered.
For further information consult the original au-
thorities for the history of Palmyra in the Scrip-
torts Historia Augusta, Triyinta Tyranni, xiv.,
V'tvus Aurelianus, xxvi.; Eutropius, ix. cap. 10,
11, 12. In 1696 A. t>., Abraham Seller published
a most instructive work entitled, Tkt Antiquities
of Palmyra, containing lit History of tkt City and
its Emperors, which contains several Greek inscrip-
tions, with translations and explanations. The
Prefiice to Wood's work likewise contains a detailed
history of the city; and Gibbon, in the 11th chap-
ter of the Declint and Fall, baa given an account
of Palmyra with his usual vigor and accuracy. For
an interesting account of the present state of the
ruins see Porter's Handbook for Syria and Pales-
tint, pp. 543-519, and Beaufort's Egyptian Sepul-
chres, etc., vol. i. E. T.
TA'HAN (1CCI [tentfla,*, tnoampmtnC]:
Tuttxi 8««V: Thtlim, Tkaan). A descendant of
Ephraini, but of what degree is uncertain (Num.
xxvi. 35). In 1 Chr. vii. 25 he appears as the son
of Telab.
TA'HANITBS, THE OarTTin [patr.]: i
Tarayi [Vat. -mi]: Tlieheniki). The descend-
ants of the preceding, a branch of the tribe of Eph-
taim (Num. xxvi. 35).
•TAHAP'ANES. [TAHrAimES.]
T A HATH (nriri [place, station]: BadS;
Vat. in ver. 24, Koafl:] Tkakatk). L A Koha-
. lite Levite, ancestor of Samuel and Hemau (1 Chr.
/i. 24, 37 [», 22]).
2. (eoo'S; [Vat. omits;] Alex. &aaB.) Ao-
tord:ng to the present text, sou of Bered, and great-
Irandaon of Ephraim (1 Chr. vii. 20). Burring-
ton, however (Cental L 273), identifies Tabatb
vith Tahan, the son of Ephraim.
3. CSniB; [Vat. Koofu ;] Alex. Hops*-) Grsnd-
tn of the preceding, as the text now standi (1 Chr.
rii. 20). But Burrington considers bim aa a son
at Epliraim (ii. tab. xix.). In this case Tabatb
wis) one of the sons of Ephraim who were slain by
Kit men of Gath in ■ raid made upon their cattle.
TAHPANHE8
816H
TA'HATH (nnpl [set below]-. Karoo? i
[Tkakatk]). The name of a desert-station of thl
Israelites between Makheloth and Tarah (Nam.
xxxiii. 26). The name, signifying "under" or
" below," may relate to the level of the ground.
The site has not been identified.
Tackta, from the same root, is the common word
employed to designate the lower one of the double
villages so common in Syria, the upper one being
foka. Thus Bdtur elfoka is the upper Beth-
horon, Beilur tUacnta the lower one. II. H.
TAH'PANHES, TEHAPH7TEHES,
TAHAP'ANES (DrTJgnn, DJTQSCU-L
DS^nrt, the last form in text, but Ktri has first
[see below] : Tiipras, TdWat: Tapknis, Tapknt).
A city of Egypt, of importance in the time of this
prophets Jeremiah and Ezekiel. The name is evi
dently Egyptian, and closely resembles that of tbe
Egyptian queen Tahpenes. The Coptic name
of this place, r k~A.fyS\&.C, (Quatreuiere, Mem.
Veog. tt Hist. L 297, 298), is evidently derived from
the LXX. form : the Gr. and Lat. forms, AJuprai,
Hdt., Aiiprn, Steph. Byz., Dafno. Itin. Ant., are
perhaps nearer to the Egyptian original (see Par-
they, Zur Krdkuadt lies Allen JEgyptens, p. 528).
Taupanhes was evidently a town of Lower Egypt
near or on the eastern border. When Johanan and
the other captains went into Egypt " they came to
Tahpanbes " (Jer. xliii. 7). Here Jeremiah proph-
esied the conquest of tbe country by Nebuchad-
nezzar (8-13). Ezekiel foretells a battle to be
there fought apparently by the king of Babylon
just mentioned (xxx. 18). The Jews m Jeremiah's
time remained here (Jer. xliv. 1). It was au im-
portant town, being twice mentioned by the latter
prophet with Noph or Memphis (ii. 16, xlvi. 14),
as well as in the passage last previously cited. Here
stood a house of Pharaoh Hophra before which
Jeremiah hid great stones, where the throne of
Nebuchadnezzar would afterwards be Bet, and his
pavilion spread (xliii. 8-10). It is mentioned with
" R&niesae and all the land of Gesen " in Jud. i. 9.
Herodotus calls this place Daphne of Peluaium
(AttoVai al ni)\ouo-lai), and relates that Psammet-
ichus I. here had a garrison against the Arabians
and Syrians, aa at Elephantine against the Ethio-
pians, and at Marea against Libya, adding that in
his own time the Persians had garrisons at Daph-
ne and Elephantine (ii. 30). Daphne was there-
fore a very important post under the XXVIth
dynasty. According to Stephanus it was near
Peluaium (•. v.).
In the Itinerary of Antoninus this town, called
Dcfno, is placed 16 Roman miles to the southwest
of Peluaium (ap. Partbey, Map vi., where observe
that the name of Peluaium is omitted). This po-
sition seems to agree with that of Tel-Dtfennek,
which Sir Gardner Wilkinaon supposes to mark the
site of Daphne ( Modern Egypt and Thebes, i. 447,
448). This identification fevore the inland posi-
tion of the site of Pelusium, if we may trust to the
distance stated in the Itinerary. [Sim.] Sir G.
Wilkiusou (i c.) thinks it was an outpost of Pelu-
sium. It may be observed that tbe Camps, to
XraarewtSa, the fixed garrison of Ionians and Ca-
rians established by Psammetichus I., may pcesi
bly nave been at Daphne. Can the name be oi
Greek origin V If the Hakes mentioned by Isaiah
(xxx. 4) be the same a* Tahpanbes, as ws bass
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8170
TAHPENES
suggested («. v.), this conjecture must be dismissed.
No satisfactory Egyptian etymology of this name has
been suggested, Jablonsld's T4.$e&lieg,
'' the head " or " beginning of the age " ( Oputc i.
343), being quite untenable, nor has any Egyptian
name resembling it been discovered." The name
of Queen Tahpehes throws no light upon this
matter. R. S. P.
TAHTENES (OVJ^TJJPI [see above]: BtKf
aura; [Vat -per; Comp". BfKt<t>tvt>t :] Tapkna),
\ proper name of an Egyptian queen. She m
wife of the Pharaoh who received Hadad the Edom-
ke, arnl who gave him her sister in marriage (1 K.
li. 18-80). In the LXX. the latter is called the
rider sister of Thekemina, and in the addition to
eh. xii. Shiahak (Susakim ) is said to have given
Alio, the elder sister of Thekemina his wife to Jer-
oboam. It is obvious that this and the earlier
statement are irreconcilable, even if the evidence
from the probable repetition of an elder sister be
set aside, and it is scarcely necessary to add that
the name of Shishak's chief or only wife, KARAA-
HAT, does not support the LXX. addition. [Shi-
shak.] There is therefore but one Tahpenes or
Thekemina. At the time to which the narrative
refers there were probably two, if not three, lines
ruling in Egypt, the Tanites of the XXIst dynasty
in the lower country, the high-priest kings at
Tbebee, but possibly they were of the same line,
and perhaps one of the last faineants of the Rame-
ses family. To the Tanite line, as apparently then
the most powerful, and as holding tbe territory
nearest Palestine, the Pharaoh in question, ss well
as the father-in-law of Solomon, probably belonged.
If Manetho's list be correct he may be conjectured
to have been Psuaenoes. [Pharaoh.] No name
that has any near resemblance to either Tahpenes
or Thekemina has yet been found among those of
the period (see Lepaius, KSmytimch). R. S. P.
TAHRE'A (y^l?*? [ernft, cunning] : Ber
pdx"< Alex. Saoat [Comp. Aid. ©apo^O Tharaa).
Son of Hicah, and grandson of Hephibosheth (1
Chr. ix. 41). In tbe parallel list of 1 Cor. viii. 36
his name appears as Tabea.
TAHTIM HOD'SHI, THE LAND OF
."•nnri trnrjE \ntf [«" bek>»] •• «i« 7V e<*-
Baaby < iorir'APaaal [Vat. No0.]; Alex, yqr
tOaur ataaai- terra inferior Hodri). One of the
>laces visited by Joab during his census of the land
af Israel It occurs between Gilead and Dun-jam
(2 Sam. xxiv. 6 ). The name has puzzled all the
interpreters. The old versions throw no light upon
it Fiirst (f/imdwb. 1. 880) proposes to separate
he " Land of tbe Tachtim " from •< Hodshi," and
ja read the latter as Harsh I — the people of Ham-
iheth (comp. .ludg. iv. 2). Thenius restores th».
text of the I XX. to read « the Land of Bashsii,
which is Edrei." This in itself is feasible, although
tt is eertiinly very difficult to connect it with the
Hebrew. Kwald (Geteh. iii. 207) proposes to read
Hermon for Hodshi; and Gesenius (The*, p. 450 a)
iisiuisses the passage with a vix pro Mono haben-
Ahb.
There is a district called the Ard eUtnhta, to
she E. ST. E. of Damascus, which recalls the old
■ Dr. Brofsch, following Mr. Heath (Bxaim Pa-
mri, p. 174), Identic*, tbe tort TeBNoT with Tahpan-
fcss j tut Oils aams doss not seem to us suOdantly
TALHOK
(name — but there Is nothing to show that my It-
raelite was living so far from the Holy Land in tat
tuna of David. 6.
TALENT Cl|3 : raWror : talenltm), the
greatest weight of tbe Hebrew*. Its Hebrew name
properly signifies " a circle " or « globe," and was
perhaps given to it on account of a farm in which
it was anciently made. The Assyrian name of the
talent is litun according to Dr. Hindu.
The subject of the Hebrew talent will be full}
di s c uss e d in a later article [Weights].
R.S.P.
TAL1THA OU'MI (roAiM nripi :
u2o5u> JV^Ti)- Two Syriac words (Mark
v. 41), signifying " Damsel, arise."
The word NfTTtQ occurs in tbe Chaldee para-
phrase of Prov. ix. 3, where it signifies a girl; and
Lightfoot (Bora Btb. Mark v. 41) gives an in-
stance of its use in tin same sense by a Rabbinical
writer. Gesenius ( Tlietawiu, p. 550) derives it
from the Hebrew !T?t3, a lamb. The word ^Qlp
is both Hebrew and Syriac (2 p. fern. Imperative,
KaL and Peal), signifying stand, arise.
As might be expected, tbe last clause of this
verse, after Cumi, is not found in the Syriac ver-
sion.
Jerome (Ep. lvii. ad Pammnchium, Opp. torn. L
p. 308, ed. Vattars.) records that St. Mark was
blamed for a false translation on account of the in-
sertion of the words, '< I say unto thee; " but Je-
rome points to this as an instance of the superiority
of a free over a literal translation, inasmuch as the
words inserted serve to show the emphasis of our
Ixird's manner in giving this oommand on his own
personal authority. W. T. B.
TAL'MAI [2 syl.] CpVCI {furrowed} : ««.
Kafit, SoKafil, BoK/ili [Vat BtXa/itt, BoaXfiti,
BoK/uir ;] Alex. Bt\apfu>, BoK/uu, Bafiti:
Tholmat). 1. One of the three tons of "the
Anak," who were driven out from their settlement
in Kirjath-Arbs, and slain by the men of Judah,
under the command of Caleb (Num. xiii. 22; Josh
xv. 14; Judg. i. 10).
2. (BoKui [Vat 8o\a«i, BoA/kuAum] fa * Sam..
Bak/mt [Vat Boafuu] in 1 Chr.; Alex. BoK/iei,
BoKofiai', BaXfiaX. Tholmal, ThobmaJ.) Son of
Ammihud, king of Geshur (2 Sam. iii. 8, xiii. 37;
1 Chr. iii. 2). His daughter Maachah was one of
the wives of David and mother of Absalom. Ha
was probably a petty chieftain dependent on David,
and his wild retreat in Bashan afforded a shelter to
his grandson after the assassination of Amnon.
TAL'MON (IIO^S 1 [oppressed] : TtKfuiv,
hut TtXauiv ui Neh. xi. 19 ; [in 1 Chr., Vat Tap-
uo/i; in Neh. xi. 19, Vat FA. TtAapaty; xii. 25,
Rom. Vat Alex. FA. 1 omit, FA.» TuAptsy;] Alex.
TcAuar, ToA/avr, TtKafUtr : Telmon). The
head of a family of doorkeepers in tbe Temple,
the porters for tbe camps of the sons of l.evi "
(1 Chr. ix. 17; Neh. xi. 19). Some of hit de-
scendants returned with Zerubbabel (Ear. ii. 42;
Neh. vii. 45), and were employed in their heredi-
tary office in the days of Neheiniah and Esra (Neh.
xii. 25), for the proper names in this passage moat
be considered ss the names of families.
near either to the Hebrew or to the Orsek (e>em>
tntckr. I 800, 801f Tmf. lvL at, 1728).
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TALMUD
• TAI/MTJD. [Phakisexs, iii. 8472 ', and
mte * ; Scribe*, p. 2867, mid note e.]
TAI/SAS (SoAoat; [Vat. loA»o»i Wechel
r«.Waj:] rAateu). Elabah (1 Eedr. ix. 92)
TA'MAH (n$n [prob. fancier] : e^ux;
[Vat.] FA. H/tof: 7Aana). The children of Ta-
mah, or Thamah (£zr. ii. 63), wen among the
Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabel (Neh. viL
M).
TA'MAH C"9$ = "palm-tree"). The
nam: of three women remarkable in the hlstorj of
land.
L (B^iiap- Thamar.) The wife successively of
the two sons of Judah, Es and Ohah (Gen. xxxviii.
6-30). Her importance in the sacred narrative
depends on the great anxiety to keep up the lineage
of Judah. It teemed u if the family were on the
point of extinction. Eb and Ohah had succes-
sively perished suddenly. Judah's wife Bathshuah
died ; and there only remained a child Shelah,
whom Judah was unwilling to trust to the danger-
ous union, as it appeared, with Tamar, lest he
should meet with the same fate as his brothers.
That he should, however, marry her seems to have
been regarded at part of the fixed law of the tribe,
whence its incorporation into the Mosaic Law in
after timet (Deut. xxt. 5; Halt. xxii. 24); and, aa
such, Tamar was determined not to let the oppor-
tunity escape through Judah's parental anxiety.
Accordingly she resorted to the desperate expedient
of entrapping the father himself into the union
which he feared for his son. He, on the first emer-
gence from hia mourning for his wife, went to one
of the festivals often mentioned in Jewish history at
attendant on sheep-shearing He wore on his fin-
ger the ring of his chieftainship ; he carried his staff
in his hand ; he wore a collar or necklace round his
neck. Be was encountered by a veiled woman
on the road leading to Timnath, the future birth-
place of Samson, amongst the hill* of Dan. He
took her for one of the unfortunate women who
were consecrated to the impure rites of the Canaan-
ite worship. [Sodomites.] He promised her,
aa the price of his intercourse, a kid from the flocks
to which be wal going, and left at his pledge his
ornaments and his staff. The kid be sent back by
hit shepherd (LXX.), Hirah of Adullam. The
woman could nowhere be found. Months after-
wards it was discovered to be his own daughter-in-
law Tamar who had thus concealed herself under
the veil or mantle, which she cast off on her return
home, when she resumed the seclusion and dress of
a widow. She was sentenced to be burned alive,
and was only saved by the discovery, through the
pledges which Judah had left, that her seducer was
no less than the chieftain of the tribe. He had the
magnanimity to recognize that she had been driven
into this crime by his own neglect of his promise to
i ; ve her in marriage to his youngest son. " She
iith been more righteous than I . . . . and he
knew her again no more " (Gen. xxxviii. 26). The
fruit of this intercourse wen twins, Pharez and
Zabah, and through Pharaa the sacred line was
continued. Hence the prominence given to Tamar
hi the nuptial benediction of the tribe of Judah
(Both hr. 19), and in the genealogy of our Lord
flfatt.i.8).
The story la Important (lj as showing the slg-
auVance, from early times, attached to the contin-
Moaeof the line of Judah) (9) as a glimpse into
TAMAB 8171
the rough manners of the patriarchal time; (8) at
the germ of a famous Mosaic law.
2. (Btiitapi Alex. Banap [exe. 1 Chr. t>nuap];
Joseph, tjojudpa: Thamar.) Daughter of David
and Maachah the Geshurite princess, and thus sh>
tor of Absalom (2 Sam. xiii. 1-32; 1 Chr. iii 9.
Joseph. Arti. vii. 8, § 1). She and her brothel
were alike remarkable for their extraordinary beauty.
Her name (" Palm-tree " ) may have been given
her on this account. This fatal beauty inspired a
frantic passion in her half-brother Amnon, the eld-
est son of David by Ahinoam. He wasted away
from the feeling that it was impossible to gratify
his desire, " for she was a virgin " — the narratin
leaves it uncertain whether from a scruple on hie
part, or from the seclusion in which in her unmar-
ried state she was kept. Morning by morning, at
he received the visits of hit friend Jonadab, hit is
paler and thinner (Joseph. Ant. vii. 8, § 1). Jona-
dab discovers the cause, and suggests to him the
means of accomplishing his wicked purpose. He
was to feign sickness. The king, who appears to
have entertained a considerable affection, almost
awe, for him, as the eldest son (2 Sam. xiii. 5, 21:
LXX. ), came to visit him ; and Amnon entreated
the presence of Tamar, on the pretext that she
alone could give him food that he would eat. What
follows is curious, as showing the simplicity of the
royal life. It would almost seem that Tamar was
supposed to have a peculiar art of baking palatable
cakes. She came to his house (for each prince ap-
pears to have had a separate establishment), took
the dough and kneaded it, and then in his presence
(for thit was to be a part of his fancy, as though
there were something exquisite in the manner of
her performing the work) kneaded it a second time
into the form of cakes. The name given to these
cakes (lebibah), " heart cakes," has been variously
explained : " hollow cakes " — " cakes with some
stimulating spices " (like our word cardial) — eakes
in the shape of a heart (like the Moravian geruhrte
Herztn, Thenius, ad lac.) — eakes "the delight of
the heart." Whatever it be, it implies something
special and peculiar. She then took the pan, in
which they had been baked, and poured them all
out in a heap before the prince. This operation
seems to have gone on in an outer room, on which
Amnon's bedchamber opened. He caused hia at-
tendants to retire — called her to the inner room
and there accomplished his design. In her touch-
ing remonstrance two points are remarkable. First,
the expression of the infamy of such a crime " hi
lu-atl," implying the loftier standard of morals
that prevailed, at compared with other countries at
that time; ar J , secondly, the belief that even thai
standard might be overborne lawfully by royal au-
thority — " Speak to the king, for he will not with-
hold me from thee." This expression has led to
much needless explanation, from its contradiction to
Lev. xviii. 9, xx. 17: Dent, xxvii. 22: as, e. g.,
that, her mother Maachah not being a Jewess,
there was no proper legal relationship between hei
and Amnon; or that the was ignorant of the law;
or that the Mosaic laws were not then in existence.
(Thenius, auiloc.) It is enough to suppose, what
evidently ber whole speech implies, tint the king
had a dispensing power, which was conceived to
cover even extreme oases.
The brutal hatred of Amnon succeeding to hit
brutal passion, and the indignation of Tamar at
his barbarous Insult, even surpassing her indigna-
tion */. hit shameful outrage, are p eS a rlreHy ami
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8172
TAMAB
graphically told, and in the narrative another
glimpse U given us of the manner) of the royal
household. The unmarried princesses, it seems,
were distinguished by robes or gowns with sleeves
(so the LXX., Josephus, etc., take the word trans-
lated in the A. V. "divers colors")- Such was
the dress worn by Tamar on the present occasion,
and wbeu the guard at Amnon's door had thrust
her out and closed the door after her to prevent her
return, she, in ber agony, snatched handfuls of
ashes from the ground and threw them on her hair,
then tore off her royal sleeves, and clasped ber bare
hinds upon ber head, and rushed to and fro through
the streets screaming aloud. In this state she en-
countered her brother Absalom, who took her to
his house, where she remained as if in a state of
widowhood. The king was afraid or unwilling to
interfere with the heir to the throne, but she was
avenged by Absalom, as Dinah had been by Simeon
and l^evi, and out of that vengeance grew the series
of calamities which darkened the close of David's
reign.
The story of Tamar, revolting as it is, has the
interest of revealing to us the interior of the royal
household beyond that of any other incident of
those times. (1. ) The establishments of the princes.
(2.) The simplicity of the royal employments. (3.)
The dress of the princesses. (4. ) The relation of
the king to the princes and to the law.
3. (Bwjudp; Alex. Bafiap'. Thamar.) Daughter
of Absalom, called probably after her beautiful aunt,
and inheriting the beauty of both aunt and father
(•2 Sam. xir. 27). She was the sole survivor of the
house of Absalom; and ultimately, by her mar-
riage with Uriah of Gibeah, became the mother of
Maachah, the future queen of Judah, or wife of
Abyah (1 K. xv. 2), Maachah being called after
her great-grandmother, as Tamar after her aunt
A. P. S.
TA'MAR ("Up*? [palm-tree] : Bcuitiy' in
both MSS.: Thamar). A spot on the south-
eastern frontier of Judah, named in Kz. xlvii. 19,
xlviii. 28 only, evidently called from a palm-tree.
If not Hazuzon Tamar, the ok) name of En-gedi, it
may be a place called Thamnr in the Onomnttioon
(" Hazazon Tamar"), • day's journey south of
Hebron. The Peutinger Tables give Thamar in the
wne direction, and Robinson (BM. Ret. ii. 198, 201)
.dentines the place with the ruins of an old fortress
it Kurmib. De Saulcy (Narr. i. ch. 7) endeavors
o establish a connection between Tamar and the
Kalaal embarrheg, at the mou'h of the ravine of
that name on the S. W. side of the Dead Sea, on
the ground (amongst others) that the names are
similar. But this, to say the least, is more than
doubtful. A. P. S.
TAM'MUZ (WSrin [see below] I i eqp-
uoA(: Admit). [Ez. viii. 14.] Properly "the
Taminuz," the article indicating that at some time
or other the word had been regarded as an appel-
lative, though at the time of its occurrence and
subsequently it may have been applied as a proper
lame. As it is found once only in the 0. T., and
■hen in a passage of extreme obscurity, it is not
surprising that many conjectures have been formed
concerning it ; and as none of the opinions which
tave been expressed rise above the importance of
■ las, xlvii. U contains an Instance of the double
sranalsrlon not Infrequent In the present tut of the
KB i owe s* n nfii' tmk fcj wr ew c .
TAUMUZ
conjecture, it will be the object of this artloL to set
them forth as clearly as possible, and to give at
least a history of what has been said upon the
subject
In the sixth year of the captivity of Jehoiachin,
In the sixth month, and on the fifth day of the
month, the prophet Ezekiel, as he sat in his house
surrounded by the elders of Judah, was transported
in spirit to the far distant Temple at Jerusalem.
The hand of the Lord God was upon him. and led
him " to the door of the gate of the house of Je-
hovah, which was towards the north ; and behold
there the women sitting, weeping for the Tammuz."
Some translate the last clause '< causing the Tam-
inuz to weep," and the influence which this ren-
dering has upon the interpretation will be seen
hereafter. If PISHI be a regularly formed Hebrew
word, it must be derived either from a root Tt}^
or Tgri (comp. the forms tylVr*, 1=130), which
is not known to exist To remedy this defect Flint
(Handab. s. v.) invents a root to which he gives
the signification " to be strong, mighty, victorious,"
and transitively, " to overpower, annihilate." It is
to be regretted that this lexicographer cannot be
contented to confess his ignorance- of what is un-
known. Boediger (in Gesen. Thet. s- v.) suggests
the derivation from a root, DDJp = TTD ; accord-
ing to which WOjFl is a contraction of WTQJ]1,
and signifies a melting away, dissolution, departure,
and so the aftwur/iiks 'ASinSot, or disappearance
of Adonis, which was mourned by the Phoenician
women, and after them by the Greeks. But the
etymology is unround, and is evidently contrived
so as to connect the name Tammus with the gen-
eral tradition regarding it
The ancient versions supply us with no help.
The LXX., the Targum of Jonathan Ben Uzziel,
the Peshito Syriac, and the Arabic in Walton's
Polyglot, merely reproduce the Hebrew word. The
Vulgate alone gives Admit as a modern equivalent,
and this rendering bas been ragerly adopted by
subsequent commentators, with but few exceptions.
It is at feast as old, therefore, as Jerome, and the
fact of his having adopted it shows that it mutt
have embodied the most credible tradition. In his
note upon the passage he adds that since, accord-
ing to the Gentile fable, Adonis had been slain in
the month of June, the Syrians give the name of
Tammuz to this month, whan they celebrate to him
an anniversary solemnity, in which he is lamented
by the women as dead, and afterwards coming to
life again is celebrated with songs and praises. In
another passage (iicf Pauiinwn. Op. i. p. 102, ed.
Basil. 1566) he laments that Bethlehem was over-
shadowed by a grove of Tammuz, that is, of Adonis,
and that •' in the cave when the infant Christ once
cried, the lover of Venus was bewailed." Cyril «f
Alexandria (in Oteam, Op. iii. 79, ed. Paris, 1638),
and Theodoret (in Ktech.), give the same explana-
tion, and are followed by the author of the Chronloon
Paschale. The only exception to this uniformitj
is in the Syriac translation of Melitu's Apology
edited by Dr. Cureton in his Spicilegimn Sj/i-btctm
The date of the translation is unknown ; the origina,
if genuine must belong to the second century. Tba
following is a literal rendering of the Syriac: •* Ths
sons of Phoenicia worshipped Belthi, the queen ol
Cyprus. For she loved Tamuzo, the son of Cuthsi
the king of the Phoenicians, and forsook bar king
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TAMMUZ
Jam, mid came and dwelt In Gebel, • Ibrtms of
the ITicenicuuis. And at that time she made all
the tillages " aubject to Cuthar the king. For be-
Ibre Tamuzo she had loved Area, and committed
adulter; with him, and Hephsstus her husband
caught her, and was jealous of her. And he (i. t.
Area) came and slew Tamuzo on Lebanon while he
■cade a hunting among the wild boars. 1 ' And from
that time Balthi remained In Oebal, and died in
the city of Aphaca, where Tamuzo was buried "
(p. 25 of the Syriac text). We have here very
clearly the Greek legend of Adonis reproduced with
a simple change of name. Whether this change
is due to the translator, as is not improbable, or
whether be found " Tammuz " in the original of
Melito, it is impossible to say. Be this as it may,
the tradition embodied in the passage quoted is
probably as valuable as that in the same author
which regards Serapia as the deification of Joseph.
The Syriac lexicographer Bar Bablul (10th cent.)
gives the legend as it had come down to his time.
*• Tomuzo was, as they say, a hunter shepherd and
chaser of wild beasts ; who when Belathi loved him
took her away from her husband. And when her
husband went forth to seek her Tomuzo slew him.
And with regard to Tomuzo also, there met him
in the desert a wild boar and slew him. And his
father made for him a great lamentation and weep-
ing in the month Tomuz : and Belathi his wife,
she too made a lamentation and mourning over
tarn. And this tradition was handed down among
the heathen people during her lifetime and after
her death, which same tradition the Jews received
with the rest of the evil festivals of the people, and
in that month Tomuz used to make for him a
great feast. Tomuz also is the name of one of the
months of the Syrians." ' In the next century the
legend assumes for the first time a different form
iu the hands of a Rabbinical commentator. Rabbi
Solomon Isaakl (Raahi) has the following note on
the passage in EzekieL "An image which the
women made hot in the inside, and its eyes were
of lead, and they melted by reason of the heat of
the burning, and it seemed as if it wept; and they
(the women) said, He aaketh for offerings. Tam-
muz ii a word signifying burning, as ^T ?7
T^ njq (D«n. Hi. 19), and njjjl MJVIM
JTT*]^ (ibid. ver. 39)." And instead of render-
ing " weeping for the Tammuz," he gives, what
appears to be the equivalent in French, •' faiaantes
pleurer I'ecbaufK." It la clear, therefore, that
Raahi regards Tammuz aa an appellative, derived
from the Cbaldee root KJH, dzd, " to make hot."
It is equally clear that his etymology cannot be
defended for an instant In the 13th century
(A. D. 1161), Solomon ben Abraham Parcbon in
his Lexicon, compiled at Salerno from the works of
Jehuda Chayug and Abulwalid Merwan ben Gan-
nach, has the following observations upon Tammuz.
" It is the likeness of a reptile which they make
upon the water, and the water is collected in it
and flows through its holes, and it seems aa if it
tent. But the month called Tammuz is Persian,
>nd so are all our months; none of them is from
a BTs* « Cyprians," as Or. Ouraton translates.
* Dr. Canton's seneodatkn of this corrupt passage
•axe* (he only one which can be adopted.
• l» SMs teaaslslkai 1 have fMlewea the m. of ]
TAMMUZ 8178
the sacred tongue, though they are written in the
Scripture they are Persian ; but in the sacred tongnt
the first month, the second month," etc At the
close of this century we meet for the first time with
an entirely new tradition repeated by R. David
Kimchi, both in his Lexicon and Iu his Com-
mentary, from the Afwth tfebuehim of Maimouides.
" In the month Tammuz they made a feast cf an
idol, and the women came to gladden him; and
some say that by crafty means they caused the water
to come into the eyes of the idol which is called
Tammuz, and it wept, as if it asked them to worship
it And some interpret Tammuz ' the bumf one,'
as if from Dan. iil. 19 (see above), i. e. they werl
over him because he was burnt; for thoy used OS
burn their sons and their daughters in the fire, an]
the women used to weep over them. . . . But th )
Rab, the wise, the great, our Rabbi Moshe bar
Maimon, of blessed memory, has written, that .t ii
found written in one of the ancient idolatrous books,
that there was a man of the idolatrous prophets,
and his name was Tammuz. And he called to a
certain king and commanded him to serve the
seven planets and the twelve signs. And that king
put him to a violent death, and on the night of his
death there were gathered together all the images
from the ends of the earth to the temple of Babe),
to the golden image which was the image of the
sun. Now this image was suspended between
heaven and earth, and it fell down in the midst of
the temple, and the images likewise (fell down)
round about it, and it told them what had befallen
Tammuz the prophet Aud the images all of them
wept and lamented all the night; and, as it cap-e
to pass, in the morning all the images flew awsy
to their own temples in the ends of the earth. And
this was to them for an everlasting statute; at the
beginning of the first day of the month Tammuz
each year they lamented and wept over Tammuz.
And some interpret Tammuz as the name of an
animal, for they used to worship an image which
they had, and the Targum of (the passage) 1U72S1
D"*n nn d^s (I* xxxiT. u) is ]rnrwn
vVinro imnn. But in most copies imnr
is written with two vaws." The book of the an-
cient idolaters from which Maimon ides quotes, Is
the now celebrated work on the Agriculture of the
Nabatheans, to which reference will be made here-
after. Ben Melech gives no help, and Abendana
merely quotes the explanations given by Raahi and
Kimchi.
The tradition recorded by Jerome, which identi-
fies Tammuz with Adonis, has been followed by
most subsequent commentators: among others by
Vatablus, Caatellio, Cornelius a Lapide, Osiander,
Caspar Sanctius, Levator, Tillalpaiidus. Selden,
Simonia, Calmet, and in later times by J. D.
Michaelis, Oeseniua, Ben Zeb, RosentnuUer, Maurer,
Ewald, Havernick, Hitzig, and Movers. Luther
and others regarded Tammuz as a name of Bacchus.
That Tammuz was the Egyptian Oalris, and that
hi* worship was introduced to Jerusalem from
Egypt, was held by Calvin, Piseator, Junius,
Leusden, and Ffeifler. This view depends chiefly
upon a false etymology prop osed by Kircber, which
Bahlol hi the Osmbrldg* University library, the read-
ing* of which seem preferable In many respects to these
In the extraet tarnished by Bsrostata se Chwclaehi
(JKf SasHsr, ste. 0. IDU.
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8174
TAMMUZ
connects tin word Tammuz with the Coptic Inmif,
to hide, and to make* it signify the hidden or con-
cealed one; and therefore Osiris, the Egyptian king
•lain by Tjpbo, whose km was commanded by Isb
to be yearly lamented in Egypt. The women weep-
ing for Tanimuz are in this case, according to
Junius, the priestesses of bis.- The Egyptian origin
or the name Tammuz has also been defended by a
reference to the god Anius, mentioned by Plutarch
and Herodotus, who is identical with Osiris. There
Is good reason, however, to believe that Amua is a
acntake for Amuu. That something corresponding
to Tacnraus is found in Egyptian proper names, as
they appear in Greek, cannot be denied. Ta/uur,
an Egyptian, appears in Thucydides (viii. 81) as a
Persian officer, in Xenophon (Anab. i. 4, § 2) as
an admiral. Ihe Egyptian pilot who heard the
mysterious voico bidding him proclaim, " Great Pan
b dead," was called tfcuiefo (Plutarch, De DtfecU
Orae. 17). The names of the Egyptian kings,
Boi/quao-is, TdS/tmris, and e/uaw-ii, mentioned by
Mauetbo (Jos. c. Ap. L 14, 16), have in turn been
compared with Tammua; but unless some more
certain evidence be brought forward than is found
in these apparent resemblances, there b little reason
to conclude that the worship of Tammuz was of
Egyptian origin.
It seems perfectly clear, from what has been said,
that the name Tammua affords no clew to the
identification of the deity whom it designated. The
slight hint given by the prophet of the nature of
the worship and worshippers of Tammuz has been
sufficient to connect them with the yearly mourn-
ing for Adonis by the Syrian damsels. Beyond
this we can attach no especial weight to the expla-
nation of Jerome. It is a conjecture and nothing
more, and does not appear to represent any tradi-
tion. All that can be said therefore is that it is
not impossible that Tammua may be a name of
Adonis the sun-god, but that there is nothii g to
prove it. The town of Byblos in Phoenicia was the
headquarters of the Adonis-worship " The feast in
his honor was celebrated each year in the temple of
Aphrodite on the Lebanon 6 (Lucian, De DtA SyrA,
J 6), with rites partly sorrowful, partly joyful
The Emperor Julian was present at Anttoch when
the same festival was held (Amm. Hare. xxii. 9,
{ 13). It lasted seven days (Amm. Mare. xx. 1),
the period of mourning among the Jews (Ecclus.
xxii. 19; Gen. I. 10; 1 Sam. xxxi. 18: Jud. xvi,
24), the Egyptians (Heliodor. ASth. vii. 11), and
be Syrians (Lucian, De DtA SgrA, § 68), and be-
gan with the disappearance (ifwur/iiis) of Adonis.
Then followed toe search (ftjrno-u) made by the
women after him. His body was represented by a
wooden image placed in the so-called " gardens of
Adonis " ('Atinllor ffrjwet), which were earthen-
ware vessels filled with mould, and planted with
wheat, barley, lettuce, and fennel. They were ex-
posed by the women to the heat of the sun, at the
wise-doom or in the " porches of Adonis; " and
the withering of the plants was regarded as synibol-
ral of the slaughter of the youth by the fire-god
Man. In one of these gardens Adonis was found
again, whence the fable says he was sbin by the
Voar in the lettuce (taax* = Apbaea?), and was
there found by Aphrodite. The finding again («0-
a There was a sample at Amathus, in Cyprus,
shared by Adonis and Aphrodite (Pans tx. 41, } 2) ;
lest the worship of Adonis is said to hare come from
jryrs* t* Assess) at the Urn of lbs Persian War.
TAMMUZ
pteit ) wis the commencement of a wake, atcempo
nied by all the usages which in the East attend
such a ceremony — prostitution, cutting off the hail
(comp. Lev. xix. 28, 29, xxi. 6; Deut. xiv. 1), cut-
ting the breast with knives (Jer. xvi. 6), and pby-
ing on pipes (comp. Matt. ix. 23). The image of
Adonis was then washed and anointed with spices,
placed in a coffin on a bier, and the wound mad*
by the boar was shown on the figure. The peopb
sat on toe ground round the bier, with their clothes
rent (comp. Ep. of Jer, 81, 32 [or Bar. vi. 31,
32] ), and the women bowled aud cried aloud. The
whole terminated with a sacrifice for the dead, and
the burial of the figure of Adonis (see Movers, Phi-
nuirr, i. c. 7). According to Lucian, some of the
inhabitants of Byblos maintained that the Egyp-
tian Osiris was buried among tbem, and that til
mourning and orgies were in honor of him, aud
not of Adonis (De DtA <%rd, § 7). This is in as
cordance with the legend of Osiris as told by Phi
tarch (De I: el 0:). Lucian further relates that,
on the same day on which the women of Byulos
every year mourned for Adonis, the inhabitants of
Alexandria sent them a letter, inclosed in a vessel
which was wrapped in rushes or papyrus, announ-
cing that Adonis was found. The vessel was cast
into the sea, and carried by the current to Byblos
(Procopius on Is. xviii.). It is called by Lucian
&v&\imr ccdM-Ar}*, and b uaid to have traversed
the distance between Alexandria and Byblos in seven
days. Another marvel related by the same narra-
tor b that of the river Adonis (Nahr Ibrahim),
which flows down from the l-ebanon, and once a
year was tinged with blood, which, according to the
legend, came from the wounds of Adonis (comp.
Milton, P. L. 1. 480); but a rationalist of Byblos
gave him a different explanation, how that the soil
of the Lebanon was naturally very red-colored, and
was carried down into the river by violent winds,
and so gave a bloody tinge to the water; and to
tbb day, says Mr. Porter (Hnndb. p. 187), "after
every storm that breaks upon the brow of Lebanon,
the Adonis still 'runs purple to the sea.' The
rushing waters tear from the banks red soil enough
to give them a ruddy tinge, which poetical fancy,
aided by popular credulity, converted into the blood
of Thaniffiua."
The time at which these rites of Adonb were
celebrated is a subject of much dispute. It is not
so important with regard to toe passage in Erekiel
for there dors not appear to be any reason for sup
posing that the time of the prophet's vision was*
coincident with the time at which Tammuz was
worshipped. Movers, who maintained the contrary,
endeavored to prove that the celebration was in the
late autumn, the end of the Syrian year, and cor-
responded with the time of the autumnal equinox.
He relies chiefly for hb conclusion on the account
given by Ammianus Marcellintis (xxii. 9, § 13) el
the feast of Adonis, which was being held at Anti-
och when the Emperor Julian entered the city. It
is char, from a letter of the emperor's (Ep. JuL
52), that be was in Antioch before the first of Au-
gust, and his entry may therefore have taken phvca
in July, the Tammuz of the Syrian year. Thai
time agrees moreo v er, with the explanation of tbt
symbolical meaning of the rite* given by Ammia-
nus Marcelliiius (xxii. 9, § 16), that they were a
token of the fruit* cut down in their prime. No*
» Said to bars bean nrandsd by Etoyns, sat i
puts* fr-her of Adonis.
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TAMMUZ
at Aleppo (Russell, Aleppo, 1. 73 the burnt U au
over before the end of June, and we may furl} con-
chine that tne nme m the case at Antioch. Add
to this that in Hebrew astronomical works HSIpH
TTDiT, tlldphath Tammix, is the "summer sol-
stice." and it seems more reasonable to conclude
that the Adonis feast of the Phoenicians and Syr-
ians was celebrated rather as the summer solstice
than as the autumnal equinox. At this time the
sun begins to descend among the wintry signs (Ken-
rick, J'hmicia, p. 810).
The identification of Tammuz with an idolatrous
prophet, which has already been given in a quota-
tion from Maimonides, who himself quotes from the
Agriculture of the Nabathaant, has been recently
revived by Professor Chwolsohn of St. Petersburg
{Utter Tammtu, etc. 1860). An Arab writer of
the 10th century, En-Nedlm, in his book called
Fihritt el-' Ulwn, says (quoting from Abu Sa'ld
Wahb beu Ibrahim) that in the middle of the
month Tanimus a feast is held in honor of the god
Ta'uz. The women bewailed him because his lord
slew him and ground his bones in a mill, and scat-
tered tbem to the winds. In consequence of this
the women ate nothing during the feast that had
been ground in a mill (Chwolsohn, Die Stabier, etc.
ii. 37). Professor Chwolsohn regards Ta-'ftz as a
corruption of Tammuz; but the most important
paasage in his eyes is from the old Babylonian book
called the Agriculture of the Nabolhmaw, to which
he attributes a fabulous antiquity. It was written,
he maintains, by one Qut'aml, towards the end of
the 14th century B. o., and was translated into
Arabic by a descendant of the ancient Chaldnaus,
whose name was Ibn Washiyyah. As Professor
Chvrobohn's theory has been strongly attacked, and
as the chief materials upon which it is founded are
not yet before the public, it would be equally prem-
ature to take him as an authority, or to pronounce
positively against his hypothesis, though, judging
from present evidence, the writer of this article is
more than skeptical as to its truth. Qut'aml then,
in that dim antiquity from which he speaks to us,
tells the same story of the prophet Tammuz as has
already been given in the quotation from Kimcbi.
It was read in the temples after prayers, to an au-
dience who wept and wailed ; and so great was the
magic influence of the tale that Qut'aml himself,
though incredulous of its truth, was unable to re-
strain his tears. A part, he thought, might be
true, but it referred to an event so far removed by
time from the age in which he lived that he was
compelled to be skeptical on many points. His
translator, Ibn Washiyyah, adds that Tammuz be-
longed neither to the Chaldeans nor to the Ca-
naanites, nor to the Hebrews, nor to the Assyrians,
but to the ancient people of Janbftn. This last,
Chwolsohn conjectures, may be the Shemitic name
given to the gigantic Cushite aborigines of Chal-
dasa, whom the Shemitic Nabathanns found when
tbey first came into the country, and from whom
they adopted certain elements of their worship.
Thus Tammuz, or Tammuzi, belongs to a religious
epoch in Babylonia which preceded the Shemitic
(Chwolsohn, (/aberrate d. AltbabyL Lit. p. 19).
Ibn Washiyyah says moreover that all the Sabiani
af his time, both those of Babylonia and of Harran I
wept and wailed for Tammuz in the montr which
was named after him, but that none of them pre-
served any tradition of the origin of the worship.
Tkie fast alone appears to mKttate strongly against
TANNEB 8175
the truth of Ibn Waahiyyah's story as to the man,
ner in which he discovered the works ho professed
to translate. It has been due to Professor Chwol-
sohn's reputation to give in brief the substance of
his explanation of Tammuz ; but it must be can
fessed that he throws little light upon the obscu-
rity of the subject.
In the Targum of Jonathan on Gen. vill. 6,
•■ the tenth month " is translated " tbo month
Tammuz." According to Castell (Lex. StpL),
tamtM is used in Arabic to denote " the teat of
summer;" and Tamuti is the nanregivec to tot
Pharaoh who cruelly treated the Israelites.
W. A W.
TA'NAOH (TljyW [pert, cattle, Dietr.]: }
•tari.%; Alex, n Bacwax' Thtmack). A sligtt
variation, in the vowel-points alone, of the nam*
Taahach. It occurs in Josh. xxi. 35 only. 0.
TANHUTtfETBUnOl^JEl [comfort] : Bay.
auAB, BaratfUi; [Vat Bart/taB, Bavatuaid;)
Alex. Baytuar in 3 K.: Thanehumeth). 'Ihe fa-
ther of Seraiah iu the time of Uedaliah (3 K. xxv.
33; Jer. xl. 8). In the former passage he is called
" the Netopbathite," but a reference to the parallel
narrative of Jeremiah will show that some words
ban dropped out of the text
TAINS (TdVif), Jud. 1. 10. [Zoah.]
• TANNER. This was Simon's occupation
with whom Peter lodged at Joppa at the time of
his vision on the house-top, and of the arrival of
the messengers from Cornelius (Acta x. 6). He it
termed 0uevtis, for which the more descriptive
equivalent is $voo~oti'fas (from fivptra, a tkin, and
Stya, to tofttn, make topple): while o-*vro8fyn>
(from cicCror, » drtutd hide) designates the oper-
ation with reference to its result or product
Among the Jews, as well as the Greeks and Bo
mans, the tanning process included the removal o>
the hair of the skins, and also the making of the
skins smooth and soft (For the manipulations oi
the art and the depilatory astringents need, see es-
pecially Welch's Disterttttionu in Acta Apottolo-
rum, ii. 91-128.) Skins tanned and dyed were
used for covering the Tabernacle (Ex. xxv. 6, xxvi.
14). [Badokh.] The occupation of the tanner
was in ill-repute among all the ancient nations, es-
pecially the Jews. The Jews considered the enter-
ing into this business and concealing the fact bef jre
marriage, or the entering into it after marriage, a
sufficient cause for divorce. It was also one of -he
few interdicted trades from which they held that no
one could be taken for the office of high-priest or
king. For other reasons as well as the disrepute of
the business, tanners were required to live, or at
least to carry on their work, outside of the cities.
The Greeks and Romans made it a law that they
should remove their houses and workshops out of
the towns, and establish themselves near streams of
other bodies of water. " Apud vetrres ouriarii ple-
ruraque extra urbes, prope flumina, officiuas et
domos suae habuerant, non solum ob mortua ani-
malia, quorum usun. ipsa coram opifieii ratio ef-
fiagitabat; sed etiam ob foetidos in eorum officinv
ft cdibus odores et sondes ; tun Vero, quod aqua
hi, coria prarparantes, nullo fere pacto carere pote-
rant" (Waicb). Yet such restrictions, from the
nature of the case, would be more or lees severe in
different places, and in the same place be enforced
or relaxed very much as a variable public feeling
might dictate Generally In the Easts! |
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3176
TAPHATH
" audi establishments are removed to a distance be-
yond the walls, because they an offensive as well as
prejudicial to health " (Thomson, Land and Book,
ii. 281). Yet even at Jerusalem a tannery is toler-
ated, near the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, a
nuisance and offense to all the neighborhood (Tobler,
Denkmiidiykeiten da Jem*, p. 242).' Peter in
being the guest of Simon may have been less scru-
pulous than most of the Jews. According to the
Talmud the house of a tanner was considered like
that of a heathen. It has been suggested that as
both the host and the guest bore the name of Simon
they may have been related to each other, and that
Peter acted the more freely on that account. It
certainly was not this relationship that brought
Peter to Joppa from Lydda, but information of the
death of Dorcas (Acts ix. 88). The two places
(how Jaffa and Lid) are within sight of each other.
The house of Simon was " by the sea-side "
(Acts x. 6), and though Peter Is said to have dwelt
•lib him '• in Joppa" (Acts ix. 48), we may under-
stand this expression of the suburbs as well as of
the town itself. Stanley seriously thinks that the
house at Jaffa now shown as Simon's may occupy
the original site. It is "close on the sea-shore;
the waves beat against the low wail. In the court-
yard is a spring of fresh water, such as must always
have been needed for the purposes of tanning. . . .
There is a tradition which describes the premises
to have been long employed as a tannery " (Sin.
and PaL p. 369). Sepp suggests with more prob-
ability that it may have been further out of the
town, though at no very great distance from it,
near the mouth of a brook where there are now
four tanneries still in operation (Jerut. u. dot heil.
Land, L 11). H.
TATHATH (D5j? [drop, ornament]: T«-
e)<E6; Alex. Toupara- Tapheth). The daughter of
Solomon, who was married to Ben-Abinadab, one
of the king's twelve commissariat officers (1 K. iv.
11).
• TAPH'NES (ToaWt), Jud. L 9. [Tah-
PAKHKS.] H.
TATHON (* T«<M»r; Joseph. Tox»« or To-
Jia»°' Thopo; Syr. Ttfot). One of the cities in
udsa fortified by Bacchides (1 Mace. ix. 60). It
j probably the Beth-Tafpuah of the Old Test,
which 'ay near Hebron. The form given by Jose-
phus suggests Tekoa, but Grimm (Ezeg. Hand-
inch ) has pointed out that his equivalent for that
name is 0<kw<; and there is besides too much
unanimity among the Versions to allow of its being
accepted. G.
TAPPU'AH 07I9CI [apple, applt-tret]; [in
Josh. xii. 17, Tmipoirr, Alex. Bof/pop; in xv. 34,]
I AX. omits in bath MSS. [but Comp. Ald.TaeV
S,ou«:J Taphhtta). 1. A city of Judah, in the
istrict of the Shefelah, or lowland (Josh. xv. 84).
It is a member of the group which contains Zoreah,
Zanoah, and Jannuth ; and was therefore no doubt
dtuated on the lower slopes of the mountains of
the N. W. portion of Judah, about 12 miles W. of
Jerusalem, where these places have all been identi-
fied with tolerable probability. It is remarkable
that the name should be omitted in both MSS. of
the LXX The Syriae Pesbito has Pathueh,
<• It Is probable that the , Is the sign of the aocu.
save case. Jericho, Immaos, und Bethel, in the
ten pa r ag ra p h, ate earsdnly in the acrasetrie.
TAREA
waich, when connected with thj Enam that fol-
lows it in the list, recalls the Pathuch-enayim of
Gen. xxxviii. 14, long a vexed place with the com-
mentators. [See Ekam, i. 782.] Neither Tap-
puah nor Pathueh have however been encountered.
This Tappuah must not be confounded either with
the Beth-Tappuah near Hebron, or with the Land
of Tappuah in the territory of Ephraim. It is mi-
certain which of the three is named in the list of
the thirty-one kings in Josh. xii.
2. (To>o«, B<vpi6; Alex. E<p$oiw, Bcup9w8;
[Comp. 8a*e)ov«:J Taphua.) A plaice on the
boundary of the "children of Joseph " (Josh, xvi,
8, xvii. 8). Its full name was probably En-tap-
puah (xvii. 7), and it had attached to it a district
called the Land of Tappuah (xvii. 8). This docu-
ment is evidently in so imperfect or confused a state
that it is impossible to ascertain from it the situa-
tion of the places it names, especially as comparv-
tively few of them have been yet met with on the
ground. But from the apparent connection be-
tween Tappuah and the Nachal Kanah, it seems
natural to look for the former somewhere to the
S. W. of N&bhu, in the neighborhood of the Wad*
Fataik, the most likely claimant for the Kanah.
We must await further investigation in this hith-
erto unexplored region before attempting to form
any conclusion. G.
TAPPU'AH (Jl^n [apple]: [Rom. Bar-
«Wr; Tat.] vtewovi; Alex. Bajxpov; [Comp. Ba-
<povi-] Taphua). One of the sons of Hebron, of
the tribe of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 43). It is doubtless
the same as Beth-Tappuah, now Teffuh, near*
Hebron; and the meaning of the record is that
Tappuah was colonized by the men of Hebron.
G.
TAPPU'AH, THE LAND OF (V^*
JTBF) [land of the apple] : Vat. omits; [so also
Rom. Alex.:] terra Taphua). A district named
in the specification of the boundary between Eph-
raim and Manasseh (Josh. xvii. 8). It apparently
lay near the torrent Kanah (probably the Wadj)
t'alitik), but the name has not yet been met with
at all in the central district of Palestine. O.
TA'RAH (rnjjl [turning or wandering]i
TapiS i [Alex. BapaS: Thare,] Num. xxxiii. 27).
A desert-station of the Israelites between Tahatb.
and Mithcah, not yet identified with any known
site. H. H.
TAR'ALAH (n^fcTlJ-l [reeling, drunkemteu,
Ges., Ftirst]: BapenKi; Alex.eopaAa' Thartla).
One of the towns in the allotment of Benjamin
(Josh, xviii. 27, only). It is named between Irped
and Zelah ; but nothing certain is known of the
position of either of those places, and no name at
all resembling Tarnlah has yet been discovered.
Schwarz'a identification (with " Tbanid " Danignl ),
near Lydd, is far-fetched in etymology, and unsuit-
able as to position ; for there is nothing to lead to
the conclusion that the Benjamites had extended
themselves so far to the west when the lists of
Joshua were drawn up. M-
TARB'A CS?$® L/M<,Furst]: Bapi X <
[Vat. Btptf,] Alex'. Bap,, : Tharaa). The Mm*
The principal valley of the town of Hebron a
called HW» Tuffak (Hap to Rosen's paper In T "
D. M. O. xn\ and p. 481).
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TARES
a* Tsfcrse. the sac of Mkah (1 Chr. viil. 35), the
Ibbrew letters M and H bring interchanged, •
phenomenon of rare occurrence (Gewn. Thet. p. 3).
TARES (£(dW: axania). There can be lit-
tle doubt that the {ifaW of the pareble (Matt.
riiL 85) denote the weed called " daniel " {Lolium
tmulintmm), a widelj distributed great, and the
only apeeiea of the order that has deleterious prop-
erties. The word and by the Evangelist is an
Oriental, and not a Greek term. It is the Arabic
a ■»«•
(^ll.S), and the «Ma ()W») of the
id (Buxtorf, Lex. Talm. t. v.). The deri-
>f the Arable word, from uin (■ i «l\),
1 is well suited to the character of the
plant, the grains of which produce Tomiting and
purging, convulsions, and even death. Volney
(Trae. il. 806) experienced the ill effects of eating
its seeds; and the " whole of the inmates of tbe
Sheffield workhouse were attacked some years ago
TARPELITES, THE 8177
Bearded Darnel.
with symptoms supposed to be produced by their
sataeal oaring been accidentally adulterated with
foowm" [Engl CfC i. T. LoHum).' The darnel
before it comes into ear is rery similar in appear-
ance to wheat; hence the command that the tuama
should be left to the harvest, lest while men plucked
an the tares " they should root up also the wheat
with them." Prof. Stanley, howerer (3. d- P.p.
486), speaks of women and children picking out
•torn the wheat in the cornfield* of Samaria the
■ • The <cf<bw Is described In the OttponUm (U.
s. 18) as a plant which « destroys the wheal, and
*M aatasd with bread produces blindness la these
MO
tall green stalks, still called by the Arabs ■
'• These stalks," he continues, " if sown design-
edly throughout the fields, would be inseparable
from the wheat, from which, eren when growing
naturally and by cbanoe, they are at first siebt
hardly distinguishable." See aUo Thomson (Lttnd
and Boot, p. 420): "The grain is just in the
proper stage to illustrate the parable. In those
parts where the grain has headed out, the tana
hare done the same, and then a child cannot mis-
take them for wheat or barley ; but where both are
less developed, tbe closest scrutiny will often fail
to detect them. Eren the farmers, who in this
country generally weed their fields, do not attempt
to separate the one from the other." The grain-
growers in Palestine believe that the tuicAn is
merely a degenerate wheat: that in wet seasons
the wheat turns to tares. Dr. Thomson asserts that
this is their fixed opinion. It is curious to observe
the retention of the fallacy through many ages.
" Wheat and swttn," says Lightfoot (/for. Beb. on
Matt. xiii. 25), quoting from the Talmud, "are not
seeds of different kinds." See also Uuxtorf (Lex.
Talm. e. v. X'TH) : •• Zisania, species tritW
degeneris, sic dicti, quod scortando cum
bono tritico, in pejorem neturain degenerat."
The Roman writers appear to nave enter-
tained a similar opinion with respect to some
of tbe cereals: thus Pliny (B. N. xviil. 17),
borrowing probably from Theopbrastus, asserts
that " barley will degenerate into the oat."
The notion that the titania of the parable
are merely diseased or degenerate wheat has
been defended by P. Brederod (see his letter
to Schultetus in Exercit. Etang. ii. cap. 65),
and strangely adopted by Trench, who (Nutct
en the Parables, p. 91, 4th ed.) regards tbe
distinction of these two plants to be "a
falsely assumed fact." If the tizania of the
parable denote tbe Lolium ttmulentum, and
there cannot beany reasonable doubt about it,
the plants are certainly distinct, and the L.
Usmutentum has as much right to specific
distinction as any other kind of grass.
w. a.
• TARGET. [Arms, I. 2. 6 ; IL 5. b ;
Armory/.]
TARGUMS. [Versions, Chaldr*.]
TARTELITE8, THE (K'.'j?"^:
TapAoAaioi ; Alex. Tap<paA\a7oi : Thar-
phakei). A race of colonists who were planted
in the cities of Samaria after the captivity of
the northern kingdom of Israel (Ear. iv. 9).
■ Tbey hare not been identified with any cer •
tainty. Junius and others have found a kind
of resemblance in name to the Tarpelites in
the Tapyri (TcnrovpoO of Ptolemy (vi. 9,
$ 6), a tribe of Media who dwelt eastward of Ely-
mais, but the resemblance is scarcely more than
apparent. Tbey are called by Strabo Tarvpoi (xi.
514, 615, 620, 523). Others, with as little proba-
bility, have sought to recognize the Tarpelites in the
Tarpetes (Tapwrfrcf , Streb. xi. 496), a Mawtic race.
In the Peshito-Syriao the resemblance is greater, for
they are there called Tarpdye. Furst (Bandub.)
says in no ease can Tarpel, tbe country of tbe Tar-
pelites, be the Phoenician TripolU. W*. A. W.
who eat It ; >• ii Minor, re *rr4uror at^a. +4,(pm
r*r dm», aarett U p.yrspAni eaarei nil sVeWrs*
Ooiap. lib. xiv. o. 1, { i; e. *,»•». 4
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8178 TABSHISH
TAR'SHISH (UTttJ""^ [prot. /ortrrM,
Dktr.]: [generally] erfpo-eit [or tfapo-uj in •*■
txiii. KapxnScfcV; In Ez. Kapxi'^'O'. «*•*■ Alex -
hi Ex. xxxviii. 13, vaAKqsW; LXX. in Is. ii. 16,
iiKaaaai] Thartu, [in la. xxiii., lx., lxvi., and
Ez. xxvii. 36, xxxviii. 13, mare ; in Ez. xxvii. 12,
Cartkagiuauet,] Gen. x. 4). L Probably Tar-
tessus; (jr. Tapn)<r<ro"». A city and emporium of
the Phoenicians in the south of Spain. In psalm
lxxii. 10, it seems applied to a large district of
country ; perhaps, to that portion of Spain which
was known to the Hebrews when that psalm was
written. And the word may have been likewise
used in this sense in Gen. x. 4, where Knobel ( V6U
ktrtqfel der O'enait, Uieaaen, 1850, ad luc.) ap-
plies it to the Tuscans, though he agrees with nearly
all Biblical critics in regarding it elsewhere as sy-
nonymous with Tartessus. The etymology is un-
certain.
With three exception! in the book of Chronicles,
which will be noticed separately (see below, No. 2),
Jhc following are references to all the passages in
the Old Testament, in which the word " Tarshish "
occurs; commencing with the passage in the book
of Jonah, which shows that it was accessible from
Yapho, Yafa, or Joppa, a city of Palestine with a
well-known harbor on the Mediterranean Sea (Jon.
i. 3, It. 2; Gen. x. 4; 1 Chr. 1. T; Is. ii. 16, xxiii
1, 6, 10, 14, lx. 9, lxri. 10 ; Jer. x. 9 ; Ex. xxvii. 12,
85, xxxviii. 13; 1 K. t. 22, xxii. 48 [49] ; [in 1 K.,
A. V. Thakshuh;] Ps. xiriii. 7, lxxii. 10). On
a review of these passages, it will be seen that not
one of them furnishes direct proof that Tarsbish
and Tartessus were the same cities. But their
Identity is rendered highly probable by the follow-
ing circumstances. 1st, There is a very close simi-
larity of name between them, Tartessus being merely
Tarshish in the Aramaic form, as was first pointed
eut by Bochart (Photey, lib. Hi. cap. 7). Thus
the Hebrew word Aththur = Assyria, is in the
Aramaic form Atliir, Aair, and in Greek 'Arovpfa
(Strata, xvi. 1, 2), and 'Arnold (Dion Cass, lxviii.
86) — though, as is well known, the ordinary Greek
farm was 'Ao-rupia. Again, the Hebrew word
Bathnn, translated in the same form in the A. V.
of the Old Testament, is Balkan or Buthrum in
Aramaic, and Baracaia in Greek ; whence also Ba-
tanasain 1-atin (see Buxtorfii Lexicon Chaldaicvm
Talmudicum el RaMnicum, s. vv.). Moreover,
there ate numerous changes of the same kind in
common words; such as the Aramaic numeral 8,
iamnei, which corresponds with the Hebrew word
Aemonth; and teUig, the Aramaic word for
*> snow," which is the same word as the Hebrew
tkeleg (see Gesenius, Thetourvt, p. 1344). And
it is likely that in some way which cannot now be
explained, the Greeks received the word " Tarshish "
from the Phoenicians in a partly Aramaic form, just
as they received in that form many Hebrew letters
of the alphabet. The last sA of Tarshish » would
naturally be represented by the double » in the
Greek ending, as 'toe sound and letter th was un-
known to the Geek language. [Shibboleth.]
8diy, There seems to have been a special relation
between Tarshuh and Tyre, as there was at one
time between Tartessus and the Phoenicians. In
the 23d chapter of Isaiah, there is something like
TAB8IUSH
an appeal toTawhiah to assert its Indapanjawi (a**
ue notes m Hosenmiiller, Gesenius, and EwaU,oa
vrrtt 18). And Arrian (De Kxptd. Alexandri, ii
16, J 3) expressly states that Tartessus was foundec
or colonised by the Phoenicians, saying, toivUui
in tafia jj Tof>n)ff«r<f j. It has been suggested that
this is a mistake on the part of Arrian, becaust
Diodorus (xxii. 14) represents Hamilcar as defeat
iug the Iberians and Tarttuiant, which hat been
thought to imply that the latter were not I'bcaii
as. But it is to be remembered that there was s
river in Hispania Betica called Tartessus, as well at
a city of that name (Strata, iii. 148), and it may
easily have been the case that tribes which dweit oa
its banks may have been called Tartessiana, and ma)
have been mentioned under this name, as defeated
by Hamilcar. Still, this would be perfectly com-
patible with the mot, that the Phoenicians estab-
lished there a factory or settlement called Tartessus,
which had dominion for a while over the adjacent
territory. It is to be borne in mind, likewise, that
Arrian, who must be pronounced on the whole to
be a judicious writer, had access to the writings of
Menander of Epheaus, who translated some of the
Tyrian archives into Greek (Joseph. Ant. ix. 14,
§ 2), and it may be presumed Arrian consulted
those writings when be undertook to give some ac-
count of Tyre, in reference to its celebrated siege
by Alexander, in connection with which he makes
his statement respecting Tartessus.
3dly. The articles which Tarshish is stated by
the prophet Ezekiel to have supplied to Tyre aie
precisely such as we know through classical writers
to have been productions of the Spanish Peninsula.
Ezekiel specifies silver, iron, lead, and tin (Ez. xxvii.
12), and in regard to each of these metals as con-
nected with Spain, there are the following au-
thorities. As to silver, Diodorus, who (v. 36)
speaks of Spain as possessing this metal in the
greatest abundance and of the greatest beauty
(cX«8oV tj wAfurrov lea) wdAAiirrov), and par-
ticularly mentions that the Phoenicians made a
great profit by this metal, and established colonies
in Spain on its account, at a time when the mod*
of working it was unknown to the natives (comp.
Aristot. de ifirabil c 135, 87). This is confirmed
by Pliny, who says (But. Nat. xxxiii. 31), " Ar-
gentum reperittu* — in Hispania pulcherrimnm ; id
quoque in aterili solo, atque etiani montibus ; " and
he proceeds to say that wherever one vein has been
found, another vein is found not far off. With re-
gard to iron and lead, Pliny says, " metallis plumbi,
Jerri, arris, argenti, auri tote ferine Hispania
scatet" (Hut Nat. iii. 4). And as to lead, more
especially, this is so true even at present, that a
writer on Mines and Mining in the last edition of
the Eneyc. Britannica, p. 242, states as follows I
" Spain possesses numerous and valuable lead
mines. The most important are those of Linares,
which are situated to the east of Bailen near the
Sierra Morena. They have been long celebrated,
and perhaps no known mineral field is naturally so
rich in lead as this." And, lastly, in regard to
tin, the trade of Tarshish in this metal is peculiarly
significant, and taken in conjunction with similarity
of name and other circumstances already men-
tioned, is reasonably conclusive a* to its identity
a It Is unsafe co lay any stns« on Tarsvhna (Toa-
sts*), which Stepbanus of Byautlam says (*. r.j was
a city near the Columns -of Hercules. Stephanos was
arobably miaUd by a pwsafe to which ha refers in
PolrMue, HI. 24. The Topnfior of PolyMas <
scarcely have ben very tar from the Pukbnua Ft*
moafcorlwn of Gartbafs.
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TABSHI8H
as. For even now the countries in
Europe, or oil the shores of the Mediterranean Sea
where tin I* found are very lew: and in reference
to ancient times, it would be difficult to name any
lueh countries except Iberia or Spain, Lusitanla,
which was somewhat lew in extent than Portugal,
«nd Cornwall in Great Britain. Now if the Phoe-
aiciana, for purpoeea of trade, really made coasting
forages on the Atlantic Ocean as for a* to Great
Britain, no emporium was more favorably situated
he such ravages than Tartessus. If, however, in
Moordance with the views of Sir G. Comewall
lewis, it is deemed unlikely that Phoenician ships
nade such distant voyages (Historical Siirrry of
Ac Astronomy of Me Ancient*, p. 456), It may be
added, that it la improbable, and not to be admitted
■ a fact without distinct proof, that nearly 600
rears before Christ, when Esekiel wrote his propb-
•ey against Tyre, they should have supplied the
nations on the shores of the Mediterranean with
British tin obtained by the mouths of the Kbone.
Diodorus indeed mentions (v. 38), that in bis time
tin was imported into Gaul (ram Britain, and was
then conveyed on horseback by traders across Gaul
to Massilia, and the Roman colony of Narbo. But
it would be a very different thing to assume that
this was the case so many centuries earlier, when
Rome, at that time a small and insignificant town,
did not possess a foot of land in Gaul; and when,
according to the received systems of chronology, the
settlement of Massilia had only just been founded
by the Phocssans. As countries then from which
Tarshish was likely to obtain it* tin, there remain
only Lusitaiiia and Spain. And in regard to both
of these, the evidenoe of Pliny the Elder at a time
when they were flourishing provinces of the Roman
empire, remains on record to show that tin was
found in each of them (Hist Nat. xxxiv. 47). After
mentioning that there were two kinds of lead,
namely, black lead and white lead, the latter of
which was called " Cassiteros " by the Greeks, and
was fabulously reported to be obtained in islands of
the Atlantic Sea, Pliny proceeds to say, " Nunc cer-
tain est in Lusitantt gigui, et in Galuecia; " and
be goes on to describe where H is found, and the
mode of extracting it (compare Pliny himself, iv.
84, and Diodorus, I. c. as to tin in Spain). It may
be added that Strabo, on the authority of Posei-
donius, had made previously a similar statement
(Ui. 147), though fully aware that in his time tin
was likewise brought to the Mediterranean, through
Gaul by Massilia, from the supposed Cassiterides or
Tin Islands. Moreover, a* confirming the state-
ment of Strabo and Pliny, tin mines now actually
exist in Portugal; both in parts which belonged
to ancient Lusitania, and in a district which formed
part of ancient Gallsecia. 11 And it is to be borne in
mind that Seville on the Guadalquivir, which has
free communication with the sea, is only about 80
miles distant from the Portuguese frontier.
Subsequently, when Tyre lost its Independence,
the relation between it and Tarshish was probably
altered, and for a while, the exhortation of Isaiah
(xxiii. 10) may have been realize! by the Inhabitants
passing through their land, free as a river. This
independence of Tarshish, combined with the over-
shadowing growth of the Carthaginiau power,
would explain why in after times the learned Jews
io not seem to have known where Tarshish was.
TARSHISH
8179
• Namely, to the province* of Porto, Be***, and
Brmfuaa. lipaclmaos ware It 'ha International Bx-
tiMtkmof isoa.
Thus, although in the Septuagint tranaktion of
the Pentateuch the Hebrew word was as dossil
followed as it could be in Greek (0stat », in which
the $ is merely ."I without a point, and « is equiv-
alent to I, according to the pronunciation in modem
Greek), the Septuagint translators of Isaiah and
Ktekid translate the word by " Carthage " and
"the Carthaginians" (Is. xxiii. 1, 10, 14; Ex.
xxrii. 12, xxxviii. 13); and in the Targum of the
book of Kings and of Jeremiah, it is translated
<* Africa," as is pointed out by Gesenius (1 K. xxii.
48; Jer. x. 9). In one passage of the Septuagint
(Is. ii. 16), and in others of the Targum, the word
is translated tea ; which receives apparently some
countenance from Jerome, in a note on Is. ii. 16,
wherein be states that the Hebrews believe thai
Tharsi* is the name of the sea in their own lan-
guage. And Josephus, misled, apparently, by the
Septuagint translation of the Pentateuch, which he
misinterpreted, regarded Tharsis as Tarsus in CiiicU
(Ant. i. 6, § 1), in which he was followed by other
Jews, and (using Tarsus in the sense of all Cilicia)
by one learned writer in modern times. See Hait-
manns Attflddmngm Her Alien, vol. I p. 69, at
quoted by Winer, ». v.
It tallies with the ignorance of the Jews respect-
ing Tarshish, and helps to acoount for it, that in
Strata's time the emporium of Tarteasns had long
ceased to exist, and its precise site had become a
subject of dispute. In the absence of positive proof,
we may acquiesce in the statement of Strabo (iii.
148), that the river Bastis (now the Guadal-
quivir) was formerly called Tartessus, that the city
Tartessus was situated between the two arms by
which the river flowed into the sea, and that the
adjoining country was called Tartessis. But there
were two other cities which some deemed to have
been Tartessus ; one, Gadir, or Gadira (Cadis)
(Sallust, Fragm. lib. ii.; Pliny, HitU Nat. iv. 38,
and Avienus, Oetcripl. Orb. Terr. p. 614); and
the other, Carteia, in the bay of Gibraltar (Strabo,
iii. 151; Ptolem., ii. 4; Pliny, ili. 3; Mela, ii. 6).
Of the three, Carteia, which has found a learned
supporter at the present day (Ersch and Giuber't
KncyctopMie, s. v.), teems to have the weakest
claims, for in the earliest Greek prose work extant,
Tartessus Is placed beyond the Columns of Hercules
(Herodotus, iv. 162); and in a still earlier fragment
of Stesiohorus (Strabo, iii. 148), mention is mad*
of the riter Tartessus, whereas there is no stream
near Carteia ( = El Roccadillo) which deserves to
be called more than a rivulet. Strictly speaking,
the same objection would apply to Gadir; but. for
poetical uses, the Guadalquivir, which is only 20
miles distant, would be sufficiently near. It was,
perhaps, in reference to the claim of Gadir that
Cicero, in a letter to Atticus (vii. 3), jocosely calk)
Balbus, a native of that town, " Tartessiiiiu istum
tuuni." But Tartessius was, likewise, used by
poet* to express the extreme west where the sun
set (Ovid, Mttnm. xiv. 416; Siliut itnlicus, x.
358; compare Sil. Ital. iii. 399).
Literature. — For Tarshish, see Bochart, Phuhg,
lib. iii. cap. 7 ; Winer, Bibliichu JteaUcihitrbucn,
s. v.; and Gesenius, Thesaurus Ling. /Mr. et
Chald. s. v. For Tartessus, see a learned Paper ot
Sir G. Gomewall Lewis, Notts and Qur et, 2d
Seriet, vol. vii. pp. 189-191.
S. If the book of Chronicles it to be followed
there would seem to have lieen a Tarshish, acoes
sible from the Bed Sea, in addition to the Tarshisr
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&iav
TARSHI8H
sf the south of Spain. Thug, with regard to the
•hip* of Tarshish, which Jehoshaphat caused to be
sonatructed at Ezion-geber on the JUanitic Gulf of
Jbe Red Sea (1 K. xxii. 48), it is said in the
Chronicles (2 Chr. xx. 36) that they were made to
go to Tanhiah ; and in like manner the navy of
•hips which Solomon had previously made in Ezion-
geber (1 K. ix. 36) ia said in the Chronicles
(2 Chr. ix. 21) to have gone to Tarehiah with the
servants of Hiram. It ia not to be supposed that
the author of these passages in the Chronicles con-
templated a voyage to Tarshish in the south of
Spain by going round what has aince been called
the Cape of Good Hope. Sir G. Cornewall Lewis
(Note and Qutria, 2d series, vol. vi. pp. 61-64,
81-83) has shown reasons to doubt whether the
sircumnavigation of Africa was ever effected by the
Phoenicians, even in the celebrated voyage which
Herodotus says (iv. 42) they made by Neco'a orders ;
but at any rate it cannot be seriously supposed
that, according to the Chronicles, this great voyage
was regularly accomplished once in three years in
the reign of Solomon. Keil supposes that the
vessels built at Ezion-geber, as mentioned in 1 K.
xxii. 49, 60, were really destined for the trade to
Tarshish in Spain, but that they were intended to
be transported across the isthmus of Suez, and to be
launched in one of the havens of Palestine on the
Mediterranean Sea. (See his Notes ad locum,
Engl, tranal.) But this seems improbable; and
the two alternatives from which selection should be
niade seem to be, 1st, that there were two emporia
or districts called Tarshish, namely, one in the south
of Spain, and one in the Indian Ocean ; or, 2dly,
that the compiler of the Chronicles, misapprehend-
ing the expression "ships of Tarshish," supposed
that they meant ships destined to go to Tarshish ;
whereas, although this was the original meaning,
the words had come to signify large " Phoenician
ships, of a particular size and description, destined
far long voyages, just as in English " East India-
man " was a general name given to vessels, some
of which were not intended to go to India at all.
The first alternative was adopted by Bochart, Pha-
leg, lib. iii. c. 7, and has probably been the ordinary
view of those who have perceived a difficulty in the
•usages of the Chronicles ; but the second, which
vas first suggested by Vitringa, has been adopted
by the acutest Biblical critics of our own time,
such as De Wette, AuVorfuca'on to the Old Tata-
meat, Parker's translation, Boston, 1843, p. 267,
vol. ii. ; Winer, Biblischu Realworterbuch, a. v.;
Gesenius, Thesaurus lingua Heb. et Chali. s. v.,
and Ewald, Guchichlt da Volka Itratl, vol. iii.
1st ed. p. 76; and is acknowledged br Hovers,
C'eAer die WW Chronik. 1884, 264, and Havernick,
Speaelle KinUUung in dot AUt Testament, 1839,
vol. ii. p. 237. This alternative is in itself by far
the most probable, and ought not to occasion any
surprise. The compiler of the Chronicles, who
probably lived in the time of Alexander's succes-
sors, had the book of Kings before him, and in
sopying its accounts, occasionally used later and
lEore common words for words older and more un-
ssual (De Wette, I. c. p. 266). It is probable that
luring the Persian domination Tartessus was in-
■ Sir Mmerson Tennent has pointed out and trans-
lated a very Instructive passage In Xenopbou, CEtonom.
sap. vul., In which the™ Is a detailed description of a
tufa Pharafclan vessel, rt> ptya s-Astov t* OouweV.
this m i n i is ben straok Xsoopbon with the same
TAKSHISH
dependent (Herodotus i. 183); at any rate, l
first visited by the Greeks, it appears to have had
its own kings. It is not, therefore, by any means
unnatural that the old trade of the Phoenician!
with Tarshish had ceased to be understood ; and
the compiler of the Chronicles, when he raid of
" ships of Tarshish," presuming, as a matter of
course, that they were destined for Tarshish, con-
sulted, as he thought, the convenience of his readers
by inserting the explanation as part of the text.
Although, however, the point to which the fleet
of Solomon and Hiram went once in three yean did
not bear the name of Tarshish, the question hen
arises of what that point was, however it srat
called? And the reasonable answer seems to be
India, or the Indian islands. This is shown by the
nature of the imports with which the fleet returned,
which are specified as "gold, silver, ivory, apes,
and peacocks" (1 K. x. 22). The gold might
possibly have been obtained from Africa, or from
Ophir in Arabia [Ophihj, and the ivory and the
apes might likewise have been imported from
Africa; but the peacocks point conclusively, not to
Africa, but to India. One of the English transla-
tors of Cuvier's Animal Kingdom, London, 1829,
vol. viii. p. 136, says, in reference to this bird:
" It has long since been decided that India was the
cradle of the peacock. It is in the countries of
Southern Asia, and the vast archipelago of the
Eastern Ocean, that this bird appears to hare fixed
its dwelliug, and to live in a state of freedom. All
travellers who have visited these countries make
mention of these birds. Thevenot encountered
great numbers of them in the province of Ouzzerat;
Tavernier throughout ail India, and Payrard in the
neighborhood of Calcutta. Labillardiere tells us
that peacocks are common in the island of Java."
To this may be added tbe statement of Sir William
Jardine, Naturalises Library, vol. xx. p. 147.
There are only two species " known ; both inhabit
the continent and islands of India " — so that the
mention of the peacock seems to exclude the possi-
bility of tbe voyage having been to Africa. Mr.
Crawfurd, indeed, in his excellent Dacriptive Dic-
tionary of the Indian Islands, p. 310, expresses an
opinion that the birds are more likely to have been
parrots than peacocks ; and he objects to the pea-
cock, that, independent of its great size, it is of
delicate constitution, which would make it nearly
impossible to convey it in small vessels and by a
long sea voyage. It is proper, however, to mention,
on tbe authority of Mr. Gould, whose splendid
works on birds are so well known, that tbe peacock
is by no means a bird of delicate constitution, and
that it would bear a sea voyage very welL Mr.
Gould observes that it might be easily fed during a
long voyage, as it lives on grain ; and that it would
merely have been necessary, in order to keep it in
a cage, to have out off its train ; which, it is to be
observed, falls off of itself, and is naturally renewed
once a year.
The inference to be drawn from the importation
of peacocks is confirmed by the Hebrew name for
tbe ape and the peacock. Neither of these names
ia of Hebrew, or even Sbemitic origin ; and aeon
points to India.' Thus the Hebrew word for ape is
kind of admiration which every one feels who be
cornea acquainted for the first time with the arrant*
ments of an Ingush man-of-war. Sea Xacjwf. At
tannira, 8th sd. s. v. « Tarshish."
» The word " sktnhaMm " w 'tort, •» Uaawial
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TAR8HISH
Ktfk, white the Sanskrit word ii kapi (see Geae-
■in and rural, «. r , and Max Muller, On Ae Sci-
mct if Language, p. WO). Again, the Hebrew
word for peacock ia tuiki, which cannot be ex-
plained in Hebrew, but i* akin to toka in the Tamil
language, in which it ia likewise capable of expla-
nation. Thus, the Rev. Dr. R. Caldwell, than whom
there ia no greater authority on the Tamil language,
write* an lolkm* from I'auuncottah, Madras, June
'2. 1862: " Toka o ia a well recognized Tamil word
(or peacock, though now used only in poetry. The
Sanskrit tikki refers to the peculiar ores* of the
p1r■'^~^ l ' and means (am*) crUtiUn ; the Tamil toka
refcn to the other and still more marked peculiarity
of the peacock, its tail (>'. e. its train), and means
(tans) Camilla. The Tamil toka signifies, accord-
ing to the d : -4k>uaries, ' plumage, the peacock's tail,
the peacock, the end of a skirt, a flag, and, lastly, a
woman ' (a comparison of gayly-dressed women with
peacocks being implied). The explanation of all
these meaniugs is, that tiika literally means that
which hangs — a hanging. Hence tdkhai, another
form of the same word iu provincial use in Tamil
(see also the Sdgni of Itcdiger iu Ueaenius's Tht-
irinu, p. 1502), means 'skirt,' and in Telngu,
(ten means a tail." It is to be observed, however,
that, if there was any positive evidence of the
voyage having been to Africa, the Indian origin of
the Hebrew name for ape and peacock would not be
of much weight, as it cannot be proved that the
Hebrews first became acquainted with the names of
these animals through Solomon's naval expeditions
from Ezion-geber. Still, this Indian origin of
those names must be regarded as important in the
absence of any evidence in favor of Africa, and in
conjunction with the nut that, the peacock is an
Indian and not an African bird.''
It is only to be added, that then are not suf-
ficient data for determining what were the ports in
India or the Indian islands which were reached by
the fleet of Hiram and Solomon. Sir Kuierson
Tennent has made a suggestion of Point de Guile,
in Ceylon, on the ground that from three centuries
before the Christian era there Is one unbroken
chain of evidence down to the present time, to
prove that it was the grand emporium for the com-
merce of all nations east of the tied Sea. [See
article Tarshish, above.] But however reasonable
this suggestion may be, it can only be received as
pure conjecture, inasmuch ss there is no evidence
hat any emporium at all was in existence at the
*oint de Galls 700 years earlier. It can scarcely
e doubted that there will always henceforth be an
•mporiuni at Singapore; and it might seem a spot
marked out by nature for the commerce of nations:
jet we know how fallacious it would be, under any
ejreumstauces, to argue 2,000 years hence that It
have been a great emporium in the twelfth
•easily regarded ss of Indian origin, " lbba
SB Sanikrit, " elephant" Bat 1 sbeuhabbuu," or
« shenhavon," as the word would be without points,
Is nowhere used for Ivory except in connection with
ibis voyage, the usual word for Ivory being sKen by
ssslf. The conjecture of Rtidlger In Qesenlus's Taf-
ia, s. v. Is very probable, that the correct reading
■m 0*3271 Dtt?, Ivory (sad) ebony M ahen habnlrn,
which Is remarkably confirmed by a passage In 1
■M (xxvil. tt). where he speaks of the men of Dadaa
saving brought to Tyre horns of Ivrwy and ebony,
tram )w.
TARSUS 8181
century, or even previous to the nineteenth jentart
of the Christian era. E. T.
* In addition to the two cities in the extreme
East and West, there were others called Tarshish
One of these, Tarsus of Ciiicin, has a fair claim tc
recognition as mentioned in the O. T. as well as
the N. T. That the name ia the same is shown on
the one hand by the Sept. rendering of KPttTlpI
in Gen. x. i, Jon. 1. 3, Odpweu, and by the saire
rendering by other Greek interpreters in other
passages (Is. ii. 16, xxiii. 10; E*. xxxviii. 13); and
on the other hand, by the (act that in the N. T.
the Greek Tapcit is uniformly rendered in the
ancient Syriac of Acts ix. 11, 30, xi. 29, xxi. 30,
xxii. 3, t f Y K s fWfl , and in the modern Hebrew
B^BHfl. Now Tarsus of Citteia is said to hata
been founded by the Assyrian king Sardanapalus
(Smith's Diet, of Greek ami Ram. O'eogr. a. v.),
and therefore in the time of Jonah would naturally
have been in active communication with Nineveh.
If then we may suppose Tarsus of Cilicia to be the
Tarslilsh of the book of Jonah, we readily sec how
the prophet might have found at Joppa a vessel
bound for this port. The prophet's story, carried
by the ship's crew to Tarsus, would thence have
gone on before him to Nineveh, and would have
prepared the city to receive his preaching. It is
interesting to think of this city ss thus possibly
connected with the ancient prophet sent to the
heathen, and with the Christian Apostle sent to the
Gentiles. " F. G.
TAK'SUS (Tapcit). The chief town of Ciu
cia, " no mean city " in other respects, but Ulna
trious to all time as the birthplace and early
residence of the Apostle Paul (Acts ix. 11, xxi.
30, xxii. 3). It ia simply in this point of view that
the place is mentioned iu the three passages just
referred to. And the only other passages in which
the name occurs are Acts ix. 30 and xi. 25, which
give the limits of that residence in his native town
which succeeded the first visit to Jerusalem after
his conversion, and preceded his active ministerial
work at Antioch and elsewhere (compare Acts xxii.
21 and Gal. i. 21). Though Tarsus, however, ia
not actually mentioned elsewhere, there is little
doubt that St Paul was there at the beginning ot
his second and third missionary journeys (Acta xv
41, xviii. 23).
Even in the flourishing period of Greek history
it was a city of some considerable consequence (Xeu.
Annb. i. 2, § 23). After Alexander's conquest* had
swept this way (Q. Curt. iii. 5), and the Seleucid
kingdom was established at Antioch, Tarsus usually
belonged to that kingdom, though for a time it was
under the Ptolemies. In the civil wars of Rome
« The Omsk* reserved the peacock through the
Persians, as is shown by the Greek name ta&s, tomv,
which Is nearly Identical with the Persian name tails,
im» a Lis ■ The feet that the peaco c k Is mentioned
for the Drat time In Aristophanes, Am, 102, 200 (being
unknown to the Homeric poems), agrees with this
Persian origin.
b • When It la asM (3 Chr. la. 21) that " ones every
three years came the ihips of Tanhlsu," H Ii Burly
Implied that the length of a voyage corresponded la
some mwuure with the Interval or time at which M
was repeated. This accords very welt with a Tarshlat
In India, bat not with a Tarshfah In Spain, f . a.
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8182
TARTAR
K took Caesar's side, and on the occasion of a visit
from him had its name changed to Jnliopolia (Cass.
Bell. Alt*. 66; Dion Case. xhii. 26). Augustus
made it a " free city." We are not to nippoae
jhat St Paul had, or could have, hia Roman eitizeu-
ahip from this circumstance, nor would it be neces-
sary to mention this, but that many respectable
commentator* hate fallen into this error. We
ought to note, on the other hand, the circumstances
in the social state of Tarsus, which had, or may be
conceived to hare had, an influence on the Apostle's
trainine and character. It was renowned as a
place of education under the early Roman emperors,
htrebo compares it in this respect to Athens and
TARTAK
Alexandria, giving, as regards the teal for las
showed by the residents, the preference to Tai
(xiv. 673). Some eminent Stoics resided here,
among others Atbenodonis, the tutor of Augustus,
and Nestor, the tutor of Tiberius. Tarstn also was
a place of much commerce, and St Basil describes
it as a point of union for Syrians, Citici&ns, Isaup.
■ans, and Cappadodans (Basil, Ep. Emei. Samoa.
Epitc.).
Tarsus was situated in a wide and fertile plain
on the banks of the Cydnus, the waters of which
are famous for the dangerous fever caught by Alex-
ander when bathing, and for the meeting of Ai.tonj
and Cleopatra. This part of Cilicja was into
in Roman times by good roads, especially one cross-
ing the Tarsus northwards by the « CUieian Gates"
to the neighborhood of Lystra and Iconlum, the
other Joining Tarsus with Antioch, and passing
eastwards by the " Amanian" and " Syrian Gates."
No ruins of any importance remain. The following
Onto of
aalboritiet may be consulted: Belley in toL xxrii.
of the Aendimie da fntcripl. ; Beaufort's Kara-
wumia, p. 275 j Leake's Ann Minor, p. 814;
Barlow's Aores and Penates, pp. 81, 173, 187.
J. S. H.
TARTAK {pl^nn [see below]: ttaofcU:
Tka/ikat). One of the gods of the Artie, or At-
rKe, eoioaisU who were planted in the cities of
Samaria after the removal of the trilies by Sbal-
maneser (9 K. xvii. 31). According to Rabbinical
tradition, Tartak is said to hare been worshipped
under the form of an ass (Talni. BabL Sanhedrim,
fol. 63 A). From this it has been conjectured that
this idol was the Kgyptian Typho, but though in
the hieroglyphics the ass is the symbol of Typho,
it was so far from being regarded as sn object of
worship, that it was considered absolutely unclean
(Hut It. el 0$. o. 14). A Persian or Pehhi
origin has been suggested for Tartak, according to
which it signifies either "intense darkness," or
"hero of darkness," or the underworld, and a*
perhaps some planet of ill-luck as Saturn or Han
(Gee. The*.; r'Uret, Handab.). The Carmenians,
a warlike race on the Persian Gulf, worshipped
Man alone of all the gods, and sacrificed an ase
In his honor (Strabo, xv. 727). Perhaps some
trace of this worship may have given rise to the
Jewish tradition. W. A. W.
TAKTAN (N-lTtf [see below] : tVpfeV
[Tat eo»«VI. TontcW; [In Is., Vat'' Sin. Ala
NasVu>0 Tknrlhan), which occurs only in 9 E>
xriil. 17, and Is. xx. 1, has been generally regards*
as a proper name. (Gesen. Lex. Htb. s. v.; Winer
KeahMrltrbuck ; Kitto Bibl CgchpaKL, eta.
Digitized by CjOOQIC
TATHAI
s, on account of the Identity of name,
Jhat the i»me person is intended in the two places.
Kitto, with more caution, notes that this is uncer-
tain. Recent discoveries make it probable that in
Tartan, aa in Rabaaris and Rabshakeh, we hare not
a proper name at ail, but a title or official designa-
tion, like Pharaoh or Surena." The Assyrian TVir-
tnn is a general, or commander-in-chief. It seems
as if the Creek translator of 9 Kings had an inkling
of the truth, and therefore prefixed the article to
all three names (&wt<rrti\t fkuriKftis '\<raupl»»
rir 6ap0a> icol t o y *Pa$lr (?) teal r » r "Pmfd-
ernr irphs rhr /tariAta 'Efriclav), which he very
rarely prefixes to the names of persons where they
are first mentioned.
If this be the true account of the term Tartan,
we must understand in 3 K. xviii. 17, that Sen-
nacherib sent " a general," together with bis " chief
eunuch " and " chief cup-bearer," on an embassy
to Hezekiah, and in Is. xs. 1 that » a general " —
probably a different person — was employed by
Sargon against Ashdod, and succeeded in taking
the city. 6. R.
TATNAI [2 syl.] PjFjEl [perh. gi/l) :
ewsWaf; [Vat. Btwarcu, %a»tans, TavOarai;]
Alex. QaBearai, [eaSoWfr:] Thathnnaii Si-
monis, Gesenius, Fiirst), Satrap (77119) of the prov-
ince west of the Euphrates in the time of Darius
Hystaapis and Zerubbabel (Ezr. v. 3, 6, vi. 6, 13).
[Shktiiab-Bozsai.] The name is thought to be
Persian. A. C. H.
* TATJ or TAV, one of the Hebrew letters.
[Wmrura.] H.
TAVEKNS, THE THREE. [Three
Taverns.]
TAXES- In the history of Israel, as of other
nations, the student who desires to form a just
estimate of the social condition of the people must
take into account the taxes which tbey had to pay.
According as these are light or heavy may vary the
happiness and prosperity of a nation. To tbem,
though lying in the background of history, may
often be traced, as to the true motive-power, many
political revolutions. Within the limits of the
present article, it will not be possible to do more
than indicate the extent and form of taxation in
the several periods of Jewish history and it* influ-
ence on the life of the people.
I. Under the Judges, according to the theocratic
government contemplated by the law, the only pay-
ments obligatory upon the people as of permanent
obligation were the Tithes, the Fikst Fruits,
the Redemption-money of the first-born, and
ether offerings aa belonging to special occasions
[Priests]. The payment by each Israelite of the
vlf-shekel as " atonement-money," for the servioa
of the Tabernacle, on taking the census of the people
(Ex. xxx. 18), does not appear to have had the
character of a recurring tax, but to have been sup-
plementary to the free-will offerings of Ex. xxv.
1-7, levied for the one purpose of the construction
of the sacred tent In later times, indeed, after the
return from Babylon, there was an annual payment
TAXES
8188
a Banna, tbs Parthian term fcr " a genera),' was
■Ran mistaken for a proper nam* by tbs classical
writs™. (Stiab. xvl. 1, t 28 ; Appfau, Btli. Forth, p.
HO ; Won Cass. xl. 16 ; Plut. Cross p. {61, M, etc.)
laeltus ta tbs first anchor who seems to be aware that
it Is a title Una. vL 42).
for maintaining the fabric and services of the
Temple; but the Cut that this begins by the vol-
untary compact to pay one third of a shekel (Neb.
x. 39) shows that till then there was no such pay-
ment recognised as necessary. A little later the
third became a half, and under toe name of too
didrachma (Matt xvii. 94) was paid by every Jew,
in whatever part of the world he might lie living
(Jos. Ant. xviii. 9, J 1). Luge sums were thus
collected in Babylon and other eastern cities, and
were sent to Jerusalem under a special escort (Jos.
Ant 1. c. ; Cic. pro Flacc. c. 98). We hare no
trace of any further taxation than this during the
period of the Judges. It was not in itself heavy:
it was lightened by the feeling that it was paid as
a religious act In return for it the people secured
the celebration of their worship, and the presence
among them of a body of men acting more or less
efficiently as priests, judges, teachers, perhaps also
aa physicians. [Priests.] We cannot wonder
that the people should afterwards look back to the
good old days when they had been so lightly bur-
dened.
II. The kingdom, with its centralized govern-
ment and greater magnificence, involved, of course,
a larger expenditure, and therefore a heavier taxa-
tion. This may have come, during the long his-
tory of the monarchy, in many different forms,
according to the financial necessities of the times.
The chief burdens appear to have been: (1.) A tithe
of the produce both of the soil and of live stock,
making, together with the ecclesiastical tithe, 20
per cent on incomes of this nature (1 Sam. viii.
15, 17). (9.) Forced military servioa for a month
every year (1 Sam. viii. 19; 1 K. ix. 29; 1 CUr.
xxvii. 1). (3.) Gifts to the king, theoretically free,
like the old Benevolences of English taxation, but
expected as a thing of course, at the commence-
ment of a reign (1 Sam. x. 27) or in time of war
(comp. the gifts of Jesse, 1 Sam. xvi. 20, xvii. 18).
In the case of subject-princes the gifts, still mads
in kind, armor, horses, gold, silver, etc., appear to
hare been regularly assessed (1 K. x. 95; 9 Chr.
ix. 94). Whether this was ever the case with the
presents from Israelite subjects must remain uncer-
tain. (4.) Import duties, chiefly on the produce
of the spice districts of Arabia (1 K. x. 15). (5.)
The monopoly of certain branches of commerce, as,
for example, that of gold (1 K, Ix. 28, xxii. 48),
fine linen or byssus from Egypt (1 K. x. 28), and
horses (ibid. ver. 99). (6.) The appropriation to
the king's use of the early crop of hay (Am vii. 1).
This may, however, have been peculiar to the
northern kingdom or occasioned by a special emer-
gency (EwaM, Prvph. in loc.).*
It is obvious that burdens such as these, coming
upon a people previously unaccustomed to them,
must have been almost intolerable. Even under
Saul exemption from taxes is looked on as a
sufficient reward for great military services (1
Sam. xvii. 95). Under the outward splendor and
prosperity of tbe reign of Solomon there lay the
deep discontent of an over-taxed people, and II
contributed largely to the revolution that followed.
The people complain not of Solomon's idolatry
but of their taxes (1 K. xii. 4). Of aU the king's
officers he whom they hate most is Adorax at
> The history of the drought in the reign of Aheb
(1 K. xvlil. 5) snows that In such oases a power axe
this most have been essential to the support of Is*
cavalry of tbs royal army.
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8184
TAXES
Adobulam, who ih "over the tribute" (1 K.
ifi. 18). At timo, too, in the history of both
the kingdoms there were special burdens. A trib-
ute of 50 shekels » bead had to be paid by Meua-
bem to the Assyrian king (3 K. it. 80), and
under his successor Hoahea, this assumed the form
of an annual tribute (2 K. xvii. 4; amount not
stated). After the defeat of Josiah by Pharaoh-
Neoho, in like manner a heavy income-tax had to
be imposed on the kingdom of Judah to pay the
tribute demanded by Egypt (2 K.. xxiii. 85), and
the change of masters consequent on the battle of
Carchemish brought in this respect no improve-
ment (Jos. Ant. x. 9, §§ 1-8).
III. Under the Persian empire, the taxes paid
by the Jews were, in their broad outlines, the
same in kind as those of other subject races. The
financial system which gained for Darius Hystaspis
the name of the "shopkeeper king" (xaVntor,
Herod, iii. 89), involved the payment by each
satrap of a fixed sum as the tribute due from his
province (ibid.), and placed him accordingly in the
position of a publicanm, or farmer of the revenue,
exposed to all the temptation to extortion and
tyrauny inseparable from such a system. Here,
accordingly, we get glimpses of taxes of many
kinds. In Judsja, as in other provinces, the in-
habitants had to provide in kind for the mainte-
nance of the governor's household (comp. the case
of Themistoclea, Thuc. i. 138, and Herod, i. 192,
li. 98), besides a money-payment of 40 shekels a
day (Neb. v. 14, 15). In Ext. ir. 13, 20, vii. 24,
we get a formal enumeration of the three great
blanches of the revenue. (1.) The iT-TO, fixed,
meeumred payment, probably direct taxation (Gro-
tius). (2.) 1/?, the excise or octrvi on articles
of comumpiion (Gesen. s. r.). (3.) TJ 'H> prob-
ably the toll payable at bridges, fords, or certain
stations on the high road. The influence of Ezra
secured for the whole ecclesiastical order, from the
priests down to the Nethinim, sn immunity from
all three (Ezr- vii. 24); but the burden pressed
heavily on the great body of the people, and they
complained bitterly both of this and of the iy-
yafAi'iov, or forced service, to which they and their
cattle were liable (Neh. ix. 37). They were com-
pelled to mortgage their vineyards and fields, bor-
rowing money at 12 per cent., the interest being
payable apparently either in money or in kind
(Neh. v. 1-11). Failing payment, the creditors
Exercised the power (with or without the mitiga-
tion of the year of Jubilee) of seizing the per-
sons of the debtors and treating them as slaves
(Neh. v. 5; comp. 2 K. iv. 1). Taxation was
leading at Jerusalem to precisely the same evils as
those which appeared from like causes in the early
history of Rome. To this cause may probably
be ascribed the incomplete payment of tithes or
ofleriigs at this period (Neh. xiii. 10, 12; Hal.
Ui. 8). and the consequent necessity of a special
poll-tar of the third part of a shekel for the ser-
vices of the Temple (Neh. x. 32). What could be
done to mitigate the evil was done by Nebemiah,
but the taxes continued, and oppression and injus-
tice marked the government A the province accord-
ingly (Eotl. v. 8).«
IV. Under the Egyptian and Syrian kings the
a lb* later data of the book Is assumed in this
sfesaaes. Comp. Eoousuuss.
TAXES
taxes paid by the Jews became yet heavier The
u (arming " system of finance was adopted in Hi
worst form. The Persian governors had hid to
pay a fixed sum into the treasury. Now the taxes
were put up to auction. The contract sum fai
those of Phoenicia, Judiea, Samaria, bad been es-
timated at about 8.000 talents. An unscrupulous
adventurer (e. g. Joseph, under Ptolemy Euergetea)
would bid double that snm, and would then gc
down to the province, and by violence and cruelty
like that of Turkish or Hindoo collectors, squeen
out a large margin of profit for himself (Jos. Ant
xii. 4, J 1-5).
Under the Syrian kings we meet with an luges •
ious variety of taxation. Direct tribute {<p6p*i)
an excise duty on salt, crown-taxes (or/yKvei,
golden envoi, or their value, sent yearly to the
king), one half the produce of fruit trees, one third
that of com land, a tax of some kind on cattle:
these, as the heaviest burdens, are ostentatiously
enumerated in the decrees of the two Demetriuses
remitting them (1 Maoc x. 29, 30, xi. 35). Ever
after this, however, the golden crown and scarlet
robe continue to be sent (1 Mace. xiii. 39). The
proposal of the apostate Jason to farm the revenues
at a rate above the average (460 talents, while
Jonathan — 1 Mace. xi. 28 — pays 300 only), and
to pay 150 talents more for a license to open a
circus (2 Mace. iv. 9), gives us a glimpse of
another source of revenue. The exemption given
by Antiochus to the priests snd other ministers,
with the deduction of one third for all the residents
in Jerusalem, was apparently only temporary (Jos.
Ant. xii. 3, 5 3).
V. The pressure of Roman taxation, if not
absolutely heavier, was probably more galling, as
being more thorough and systematic, more dis-
tinctively a mark of bondage. The capture of
Jerusalem by Pompey was followed immediately
by the imposition of a tribute, and within a short
time the sum thus taken from the resources of the
country amounted to 10,000 talents (Jos. Ant. xiv.
4, $5 4, 6). The decrees of Julius Csssar showed
a characteristic desire to lighten the burdens that
pressed upon the subjects of the republic. The
tribute was not to be farmed. It was not to be
levied at all in the Sabbatio year. One fourth
only was demanded in the year that followed (Jos.
Ant. xiv. 10, §§ 5, 6). The people, still under the
government of Hyrcanus, were thus protected
against their own rulers. The struggle of the
republican party after the death of the Dictator
brought fresh burdens upon the whole of Syria,
and Cassius levied not less than 700 talents from
Judsea alone. Under Herod, as might be expected
from his lavish expenditure in public buildings,
the taxation became heavier. Even in years of
famine a portion of the produce of the soil was
seized for the royal revenue (Jos. Ant. xv. 9, } 1),
and it was not till the discontent of the people
became formidable that he ostentatiously dimin-
ished this by one third (Jos. Ant. xv. 10, § 4). it
was no wonder that when Herod wished to found a
new city in Trachonitis, and to attract a population
of residents, he found that the most effective bait
was to promise immunity from taxes (Jos. Ant
xvii. 2, § 1), or that on his death tbe people should
be loud in their demands that Archelaus sbonhf
release them from their burdens, com planing spe-
cially of the duty levied on ill sales (Jos. Ant. xvii
8, $ 4).
When Judssa became formally a Roman srov
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TAXIHG
mm, tta whole financial system of tie Emplra ana
M • natural oonaequenoe. The tans were sys-
tematically fanned, and toe publican a pp e are d aa
a new earn to the country. [Pcblicaxs.] The
Parteria ware levied at harbors, piera. and the gates
•f cities. These were the tVAb of Matt. xvil. 24;
Rom. zili. 7. In addition to this then waa the
(jimt or poll-tax (Cod. D. gives irix«p<i\ai»r in
Mark xii. 15) paid by every Jew, and looked upon,
far that reaeon, aa the special badge of servitude.
It waa about the lawfulness of tbii payment that
the Kabbia disputed, while they were content to
acquiesce in the payment of the customs (Matt.
nil. 17; Mark xii. 13; Lake xx. 20). It was
against this apparently that the struggles of Judas
of Galilee and his followers were chiefly directed
(Joe. Ant. xviii. 1, § 6; B. J. ii. 8, § 1). United
with thia, aa part of the same system, there was
also, in all probability, a property-tax of some
kind. Quirinus, after the deposition of Archelaos,
was tent to Syria to complete the work — begun,
probably, at the time of our Lord's birth — of
valuing and registering property [Cyhknios, Tax-
OKI], and this would hardly have been necessary
far a mere poll-tax. The influence of Joazar the
high-priest led the people generally (the followers
ef Judas and the Pharisee Sadduo were the only
marked exceptions) to acquiesce in thia measure
and to make the required returns (Jos. Ant. xviii,
1, § 1); but their discontent still continued, and,
under Tiberius, they applied for some alleviation
(Tee. Ami. ii. 49). In addition to these general
•axes, the inhabitants of Jerusalem wen subject to
a special house-duty about this period ; Agrippa, in
his desire to reward the good-will of the people, re
mltied it (Jos. Ant. xix. 8, § 3).
It can hardly be doubted that In this, aa in most
ether cases, an oppressive taxation tended greatly
to demoralize tbe people. Many of the most glar-
ing faults of the Jewish character are distinctly
traceable to it. Tbe fierce, vindictive cruelty of
the GaliUeans, the Zealots, tbe Sicarii, was its
natural fruit. It was not the least striking proof
that the teaching of our Lord and his disciples waa
more than the natural outrush of popular feeling,
that it sought to raise men to the higher region in
which all such matters were regarded as things
hidlfierent; and, instead of expressing the popular
impatience of taxation, gave, as the true counsel,
the precept " Bender unto Cesser tbe things that
are Cesser's," " tribute to whom tribute is due,
•■atom to whom custom." E. H. P.
TAXING. I. ($ ivaypwrf-. detcriptio, Luke
tt. <; proftmo, Acta v. 87) The oognate verb
fcro7pa>a)«o-0ai in like manner Is rendered by >' to
be taxed" in the A. V.,« while tbe Vulgate em-
rn •• ut deacriberetur unlrersus orbis " in Luke
1, and " ut proflterentur singull " In ver. 8.
Doth the Latin words thus used are found In claas-
leai writers with the meaning of a registration or
twtnal return of population or property (Cic Verr.
k. 8, { 47; <fc Off i. 7; Sueton. 7t6er. p. 30).
The English word oonveys to us more distinctly
the notion of a tax or tribute actually levied, but
It appears to have been used In the 16th century
far the simple assessment of a subsidy upon the
property of a given county (Bacon, Hen. VII. p,
17), or the registration of the people for the pur-
er In Bab. xtt. 28 (ep etfsraetir avevtyaafW"* 4r
tssrsft), where the Idea Is that of the registration
<f the ftrit-bom as eUsams of tbe heavenly Jara-
TAXIKO 8186
pose of a poll-tax (Camden, Hiit. of Eh*.). TMs
may account for the choice of the word by Tmdal
in lieu of " description " and « profession," which
Wicklifle, following the Vulgate, had given. Since
then " taxing " has kept its ground in most Eng
lish versioiis with the exception of "tribute" in
the Geneva, and '< enrolment " in the Khemisb of
Acta v. 37. The word i.roypa<p4) by itself leaves
tbe question whether the returns made were of
population or property undetermined. Josephus,
using the words i) Inrarlfirjait Taw ovemv (Ant.
xviii. 1, J 1) sa an equivalent, shows that "the
taxing " of which Gamaliel speaks included both.
That connected with the nativity, the first step
toward the complete statistical returns, was prob-
ably limited to the former (Greswell, Harmony, I.
542). In either ease "eensus " would have seemed
the most natural Latin equivalent, but in the Greek
of tbe N. T., and therefore probably in the familiar
Latin of the period, as afterwards in the Vulg.,
that word atides off into the sense of the tribute
actually paid (Matt. xvii. 24, xxii. 17).
II. Two distinct registrations, or taxings, are
mentioned in the N. T., both of them by St. Luke.
Tbe first is said to have been the result of an edict
of the emperor Augustus, that " ail the world (». e.
the Roman empire) should be taxed (InoypA-
4eo*6ai waVar t»> olnoui±ivnr) (Luke ii. 1), and
is connected by the Evangelist sjith tbe name of
Cyreniua, or Quirinus. Tbe second, and more im-
portant (}) bxoyfKUph, Acta v. 37), is referred to '.n
the report of Gamaliel's speech, and is thete die-
tinctly aasociated, in point of time, with the revolt
of J udae of Galilee. The account of Josephus (Ant.
xviii. 1, § lj B.J. ii. 8, § 1) brings together the
two names which St. Luke keeps distinct, with an
interval of several years between them. Cyreniui
comes as governor of Syria after the deposition of
Arobelaus, accompanied by Copouius as procurator
of Judaea. He is sent to make an assessmeut of
the value of property In Syria (no Intimation being
given of its extension to the oiroupsVi)), and it Ut
this which rouses Judss and his followers to their
rebellion. The chronological questions presented
by these apparent discrepancies have been discussed,
so far as they are connected with the name of the
governor of Syria, under Cyhehius. An account
of the tumults caused by the taxing will be found
under Judas or Uaulkk.
III. There are, however, some other questions
connected with the statement of Luke ii. 1-3, which
call for some notice. «
(1.) The truth of the statement has been ques-
tioned by Strauss (Ltbtn Jem, I. 28) and De VVette
(Comm. in foe.), and others, on the ground that
neither Josephus nor any other contemporary writer
mentions a census extending over the whole empire
at this period (a. u. c. 750). An edict like this,
causing a general movement from the cities where
men resided to those In which, for some reason or
other, they were to be registered, must, it is said,
have been a conspicuous fact, such aa no historian
would pass over. (2. ) Palestine, it la urged further,
was, at this time, an independent kingdom under
Hetod, and therefore would not hare come under
the operation of an imperial edict (3.) If such a
measure, involving tbe recognition of Roman sov-
ereignty, had been attempted under Herod, it \
saiem, ths A. > has simply "wstttaa," the 'war
"qui ooosorlpti seats,"
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8186 TAXING
hma roused the nme resistance u the m
senna under Quiriiius did at a later period. (4.)
The statement of St Luke that "all went to be
taxed, every one into his own city," is said to be
inconsistent with the rules of the Roman census,
which took cognizance of the place of residence only,
not of the place of birth. (5.) Neither in the
Jewish nor the Roman census would it hare been
necessary for the wife to travel with her husband
In order to appear personally before the registrar
(ceasttor). The conclusions from all these objec-
tions are, that this statement belongs to legend, not
to history; that it was a contrivance, more or less
ingenious, to account for the birth at Bethlehem
(that being assumed in popular tradition as a pre-
conceived necessity for the Messiah) of one whose
kindred lived, and who himself had grown up at
Nazareth ; that the whole narrative of the Infancy
of our l»rd, in St. Luke's Gospel is to be looked
on as mythical. A sufficient defense of that narra-
tive may, it is believed, be presented within com-
paratively narrow limits.
(1.) It must be remembered that our history of
this portion of the reign of Augustus is defective.
Tacitus begins bis Annals with the emperor's death.
Suetonius is gossiping, inaccurate, and ill-arranged.
Dion Caraius leaves a gap from A. u. c. 718 to 758,
with hardly any incidents. Josephus does not pro-
fess to give a history of the empire. It might easily
be that a general census, cir. A. v. o. 749-760,
should remain unrecorded by them. If the measure
was one of frequent occurrence, it would be all
the more likely to be passed over. The testimony
of a writer, like St. Luke, obviously educated and
well informed, giving many casual indications of a
study of chronological data (Luke i. S, iii. ; Acts
xxiv. 27), and of acquaintance with the Herodian
family (Luke viii. 3, xxiii. 8; Acts xii. SO, xiii. 1)
end other official people (Acts xxiii.-xxvi.), recog-
nizing distinctly the later and more conspicuous
aWvpa^r), must be admitted as fair presumptive
evidence, hardly to be set aside in the absence of
any evidence to the contrary. How hazardous such
an inference from the silence of historians would be,
we may judge from the fact that there was un-
doubtedly a geometrical survey of the empire at
some period in the reign of Augustus, of which
none of the above writers take any notice (comp.
the extracts from the Rei Agrariaj Scriptorea in
GresweU, Harmony, i. 687). It has been argued
further that the whole policy of Augustus rested on
a perpetual communication to the central govern-
ment of the statistics of all parts of the empire.
The inscription on the monument of Ancyra (Gra-
ter, Coi-pui Jntcript. i. 230) names three general
•souses in the years A. v. c. 726, 746, 767 (comp.
Sueton. Octav. c 28; GresweU, Harm. 1. 535).
Dion Cass. (lv. 13) mentions another in Italy in
A. o. C. 757. Others In Gaul are assigned to A
O. ft 727, 741, 767. Strabo (vi. 4, § 2) writing
aarir hi the reign of Tiberius, speaks of /tla r&v
nu iifiat ri^atuy, as if they were common
things. In A. u. c. 726, when Augustus offered to
resign his power, he laid before the senate a " ratio-
narium imperii " (Sueton. Octav. c. 28). After
be death, in like manner, a "breviarium totius
imperii " was produced, containing full returns of
Ike population, wealth, resources of all parts of the
• She fullness with which J-aapbus dwells on the
of David's census sad the tone In which he
it {Ant . vii. 18) make at probable that there
TAXING;
empire, a careful digest apparently of foots i
during the labors of many years (Sueton. Oetae. a.
101 ; Dion Cass, lv.; Tacit. Ann. I 11). It wiD
hardly seem strange that one of the routine official
steps in this process should only be mentioned by
a writer who, like St Luke, had a special reason
for noticing it A census, involving property-re-
turns, and the direct taxation consequent on them,
might excite attention. A mere itwoypapi would
have little in it to disturb men's minds, or fbrea
itself upon a writer of history.
There is, however, some evidence, more or lea*
circumstantial, in confirmation of St Luke's state-
ment. (1.) The inference drawn from the silence of
historians may be legitimately met by an inference
drawn from the silence of objectors. It never oc-
curred to Celsus, or Lucian, or Porphyry, question-
ing all that they could in the Gospel history, to
question this. (2.) A remarkable passage in Sui-
dsa (». *. a><rypae)r() mentions a census, obviously
differing from the three of the Ancyran monument,
and agreeing, in some respects, with that of St
Luke. It was made by Augustus not aa censor,
but by his own imperial authority {Si(ar alrrj,
comp. ilfiMf Uy/im, Luke ii. 1). The returns
were collected by twenty commissioners of high
rank. They included property as well as popula-
tion, and extended over the whole empire, (ft.)
Tertullian, incidentally, writing controversially, not
against a heathen, but against Marcion, appeals to
the returns of the census for Syria under Scntiua
Saturninus as accessible to all who cared to search
them, and proving the birth of Jesus in the city ol
David (Tert. adv. Mare. it. 19). Whatever diffi-
culty the difference of names may present [comp
Cyrekiub], here is, at any rate, a strong indica-
tion of the fact of a census of population, cir. A. v.
O. 749, and therefore in harmony with St Luke's
narrative. (4.) GresweU (Harm. i. 476, iv. 6) bat
pointed to some circumstances mentioned by Jose-
phus in the last year of Herod's life, and therefore
coinciding with the time of the Nativity, which im-
ply some special action of the Roman government
in Syria, the nature of which the historian care-
lessly or deliberately suppresses.' When Herod
attends the council at Berytus there are mentioned
as present, besides Saturninus and the Procurator,
of rep) IWoaVior wf>«V/8«ts, as though the officer
thus named had come, accompanied by other com-
missioners, for some purpose which gave him for
the time almost coordinate influence with the gov-
ernor of Syria himself {B. J. i. 27. § 2). Just after
this again, Herod, for some unexplained reason,
found it necessary to administer to the whole peo
pie an oath, not of allegiance to himself, but ol
good-will to the emperor ; and this oath 6,000 of the
Pharisees refused to take (Joseph. AnL xvii. 2, § 4;
B. J. i. 29, $ 2). This statement Implies, it is
urged, some disturbing cause affecting the pubfie
tranquillity, a formal appearance of all citizens be-
fore the king's officers, and lastly, some measure
specially distasteful to the Pharisees. The narra-
tive of St Luke offers an undesigned explanatioc
of these phenomena.
(2.) The second objection admits of as satisfac-
tory an answer. The statistical document already
referred to Included subject-kingdoms and allies,
no leas than the provinces (Sueton. L c). 8
may have been a superstitious uuwUliagness to apeak
of this population census, which would not aejfly •
the property assessment of QoIeIdus.
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TAXING
lognatas hid an; desire to kmiw the resources of
ludssa, the position of Herod made bim neither
trilling nor able to resist. From first to last we
meet with repeated instances of subservience. He
does not dare to try or punish his sons, but refers
their cause to the emperor's cognizance (Joseph.
Ant xvi. 4, § 1, xvii. 5, § 8). He holds his king-
dom on condition of paying a fixed tribute. Per-
mission is ostentatiously given him to dispose of
the succession to his throne as he likes best (Joseph.
Ant. xri. 4, § 5). He binds his people, as we have
seen, by an oath of allegiance to the emperor (Jo-
seph. Ant. xvii. 2, <j 4). The threat of Augustus
that he would treat Herod no longer as an ally but
as a subject (Joseph. Ant. xri. 9, § 3) would be
followed naturally enough by some such step as
this, and the desire of Herod to regain his faror
would lead him to acquiesce in it.
(3.) We need not wonder that the measure
should have been carried into effect without any
popular outbreak. It was a return of the popula-
tion only, not a valuation of property ; there was
no immediate taxation as the consequence. It
might offend a party like the Pharisees. It was
aot likely to excite the multitude. Even if it
teemed to some the prognostication of a coming
change, and of direct government by the Konian
emperor, we know that there was a large and influ-
ential party ready to welcome that change as the
best thing that could happen for their country (Jo-
seph. Ant. xvii. 11, § 2).
(4.) The alleged inconsistency of what St Luke
narrates is precisely what might be expected under
the known circumstances of tbe case. The census,
though Konian in origin, was effected by Jewish
instrumentality, and in harmony therefore with
Jewish customs. The alleged practice is, however,
doubtful, and it has been maintained (Husclike,
tier den Census, etc. in Winer "SchaUung")
that the inhabitants of the provinces were, as far
as possible, registered in their Jorum oriyinit —
not in the place in which they were only residents.
It may be noticed incidentally that the journey
from Nazareth to Bethlehem belongs to a time when
Galilee and Judaea were under tbe same ruler, and
would therefore have been out of tbe question (as
tbe subject of one prince would certainly not be
registered as belonging to another) after the death
of Herod the (Jreat. The circumstances of the
Nativity indicate, if tbey do not prove, that Joseph
went there only for personal enrollment, not because
he was the possessor of house or land.
(6.) Tbe last objection as to the presence of the
Virgin, where neither Jewish nor Konian practice
would have required it, is perhaps the most frivolous
and vexatious of all. If Mary were herself of tbe
bouse and lineage of David, there may have been
special reasons for her appearance at Bethlehem.
In any case the Scripture narrative is consistent
with itself. Nothing could be more natural, look-
ing to tbe unsettled state of Palestine at this period,
than that Joseph should keep his wife under his
own protection, instead of leaving her by herself
to an obscure village, exposed to danger and re-
proach. In proportion to tbe hopes he had been
taught to cherish of the birth of a Son of David,
In proportion also to his acceptance of the popular
belief tnat the Christ was to be bum in the city of
Jtavid (Matt. ii. 6; John vil. 42), would be hit
tain to guard against tbe accident of birth in the
laspised Nazareth out of which " no good thins; ''
> (John i. 48).
taxing 8181
The literature connected with this subject is, at
might be expected, very extensive. Every com-
mentary contains something on it. Meyer, Words-
worth, and Alford may be consulted as giving lbs
latest summaries. Good articles will be found rai-
der « SchaUung" in Winer, Realwb.; and Her-
cog's Ktal-Encykkp. A very full and exhaustive
discussion of all points connected with the subject
is given by Spanheim, Dubia Kvang. ii. 3-9; and
Richardus, Diss, de Cent* Augusti, in Menthen'i
Thesaurus, ii. 428; oomp. also Ellioott, IluUeam
Lectures, p. 6T. E. H. P.
* The exact nature of the census at the time of
our Lord's birth cannot be ascertained, at we know
nothing of the census itself except what Luke tells
us. That all the provinces were suljectod to an
iraypaft indicates nothing, since this might be
on one plan in Syria and Judasa, and on another in
Gaul. At that age of Rome it was still the policy
not to smooth down all the differences in tbe em-
pire. A. W. Zumpt in his recent work, Das Ge~
burtsjakr Christi (Leipi. 1869), strives to show
that the awcypotW) was held for the purpose of
levying a capitation tax. For had it been of the
same kind with the census of Quirinius, in A. D.
6, when property in land was oertainly registered
and assessed, we might expect, Zumpt thinks, to
have mention made of it by Josepbus, and to hear
of commotions such as occurred owing to that oen-
sus. But if tributtm capitis included only a poll-
tax, of equal amount for all, what need to send
the population to the ancestral abodes of their
tribes, families, and smaller subdivisions ? If how-
ever this tax included also a levy upon movable
properly (see Rein, in Pauly v. triiuimm, Marquardt
in Bekker-Marq. iii.), there would be more need to
make a registration at the places where the holders
of property had been gathered for this purpose is
earlier times.
This census then cannot be shown to be a mere
enumeration of inhabitants. The population of
the provinces does not appear to have been counted
except for the purpose of ascertaining their taxable
capacity. It has been said that the BieviaHnm of
Augustus contained lists of the population of the
empire, but tbe passages (Tac. AmuU. i. 11 ; Suet.
August, sub flu., Dion Cass. lvi. § 33, ed. Stun)
show only that Augustus had prepared a brief
statement of tbe resources of the empire in money
and troops together with the expenses. Pliny the
elder, although often referring to measurements of
distances made under the supervision of Agrippa
gives no sufficient proof that he was acquainted
with general tables of population. A passage of
the lexicographer Suidas, under the word Augustus,
does indeed speak of an enumeration, but all schol-
ars admit, we believe, that the fact to which he re-
fers is to be restricted to the number of Roman
citizens. In the other passage spoken of on page
8186, it is clearly implied that tribute was the ob-
ject of the oWo-v/w^. This passage, notwithstand
ing its errors and its derivation from a Christian
writer, who had Luke ii. in bis mind, is thought by
A. W. Zumpt and Marquardt, two of tbe leading
archaeologists of our day, to contain substantial truth
(Zumpt, u. i., p. 160; Bekker-Marq. iii. 2. 108).
Tbe difficulty found by some in a census of
Judaea, when Herod was king there, is best met by
Wieseler, in his recent Beitrdgc (Gotha, 1869), a
supplement to his Synapse. Herod had very limited
powers. He could not make war on his own account,
nor even coin money in gold and silver. Judies
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1188 TEBAH
had been subject to tribute from Pompey's time
iown to the appointment of Herod u king, end
there m indications that this (objection to Romas
taxation did not eeaae at bia accession. Comp.
Wieseler, u. a., pp. 67, 69 ff. If made under the di-
rection of the president of Syria by Jewish officers,
it would not greatly differ from a similar registra-
tion made by Herod, nor need it hare alarmed the
■ewe, if carefully managed.
Some find it bard to before that Joseph, if tiring
at Nazareth, could be obliged to go to Bethlehem
to be registered. We are forced to say that noth-
ing is known of the relations of men to the tribes
and towns of their lathers at this period of Jewish
history. The difficulty here is an argument from
»»r ignorance and cannot be removed. Tertullian,
a lawyer of no mean learning, accepted the state-
ment. If it be called mythical, we can fairly say
that the myth does not inrent new usages but
grows up around old ones. So, then, if the history
of our Lord's birth were a myth, this passage it-
self would prore that Joseph might bare gone to
Bethlehem to be registered, consistently with pre-
railing usage in Judasa. Add to this that family
genealogies were still kept up, as is shown by the
eases of Zachariaa, father of John, of Anna,
daughter of Phauuel (Luke ii. 38), though belong-
ing to one of the ten tribes, of our Lord's family
(Kuseb. Hut. iii. SO), and by the family registers
of Matthew and Luke, which at least show that it
was then supposed that descent might be and ought
to be traced a good way backwards.
One more remark: in the discussions on the
taxing and some other historical difficulties, Lake
is brought to the stand by a certain class of writ-
ers, as if be had no 'jidependent authority in him-
self. But this is unfair. Luke's honesty is more
clear than that of Josephus, and his accuracy in
many respects is shown by modern research to be
great. If one puts against a statement of bia the
absence of all mention by Josephus, or other his-
torians, this is unfair, and proceeds upon the as-
sumption that there ia a great balance of proba-
bility against the truth of the Gospels. Such .a
one should also remember too, that Joseph us de-
spatches the whole reign of Archelaus in a few
passages; that Dion Cassius is defective just where
we want bia testimony, and that Tacitus begins his
annals after the birth of Christ, and notices only
that which is politically important to Roma.
T.D.W.
TEH AH (TT3B> [jfci«o*ter]: TajW«: Tabu).
Eldest of the sons of Nahor, by bis concubine Reu-
mah (Gen. xxii. 24). Josephus calls him To/fcusj
{Ant i. 6, § 5).
TEBAiil'AH pffT^ltp [Jekocak tmasersss
or pvrjfie; Ges.]: Ta£W; Alex. Tcu3eXias: Ta-
tt&asy Third son of Hosah of the children of
Verari (1 Chr. xxvL 11).
TB'BETH. [Mouth.]
• TEHAPHTIEHES, Ex. sxx. 18. [Ta»-
raJTBES.]
TEHINTJAH (n}OJ? [<T» f<* "we*
•sere*]: 6aiudV; Alex, earn; [Comp. e, f rri-]
Ttfmrna). The father or founder of Ir-Nahaeb,
the dty of Wahssh, and son of Esbton (1 Chr. ir.
(9) His name only occurs in an obscure geneal-
igy of the tribe of Judah, among those who are
■U « the men of Rechah."
TEKOA
TEIL-TREE. [Oak.]
TEKO'A sod TEKCAH (VVQ, »■* It
3 Sam. xrr. 9 only, 7T$'ipn [see bebw]: e«n.
and e««oW; Joseph. Bacmi, St/ran: Theemt,
Thtcue), a town in the tribe of Judah (9 Chr. xi.
6, as the associated places show), on the range ol
hills which rise near Hebron, and stretch eastward
toward the Dead Sea. These bilks bound the
new of the spectator as he looks to the south from
the summit of the Mount of Olives. Jerome (in
Amos, Fream.) says that Tekoa was six Roman
miles from Bethlehem, and that as be wrote (in
Jerem. ri. 1) he bad that Tillage daily before his
eyes ( Thtkoam quotkHe oaitit ctrmnms). In his
Onomattictm (art. Elthtct, 'EA0f«n£) he represents
Tekoa as nine miles only from Jerusalem; but else-
where he agrees with Eusebius in making the dis-
tance twelve miles. In the latter case he reckons
by the way of Bethlehem, the usual course in going
from the one place to the other ; but there may
hare been also another and shorter way, to which
he has reference in the other computation. Soma
suggest (Bachiene, PalSilma, ii. 60) that an error
may hare crept into Jerome's text, and that we
should read tvrtltt there instead of nine. In S
Chr. xx. SO (see also 1 Mace. ix. 83), mention is
made of " the wilderness of Tekoa," which must be
understood of the adjacent region on the east of
the town (see infm), which in its physical charac-
ter answers so entirely to that designation. It is
evident from the name (derived from VJiJr\ "to
strike," said of driving the stakes or pins Into the
ground for securing the tent), as well as from the
manifest adaptation of the region to pastoral pur-
suits, that the people who lived here must hare
been occupied mainly as shepherds, and that Tekoa
in its best days could have been little more than a
cluster of tents, to which the men returned at in-
tervals from the neighboring pastures, and in which
their families dwelt during their absence.
The Biblical interest of Tekoa arises, not so much
from any events which are related as baring oc-
curred there, as from its connection with various
persons who are mentioned in Scripture. It is not
enumerated in the Hebrew catalogue of towns in
Judah (Josh. rr. 48), but is inserted in that pas-
sage of the Septuagint. The " wise woman *" whom
Josh employed to effect a reconciliation between
David and Absalom was obtained from this place
(3 Sam. xir. 2). Here also, Ira, the son of Ikkesb,
one of David's thirty "mighty men" (0*723)
was born, and wan called on that account " the Te-
koite " (3 Sam. xxiii. 36). It was one of the plaosa
which Rehoboam fortified, at the beginning of his
reign, as a defense against invasion from the south
(3 Chr. xi. 6). Some of the people from Tekoa
took part in building the walls of Jerusalem, aftoi
the return from the Captivity (Neb. iii. 6, 27). In
Jer. ri. 1 the prophet exclaims, " Blow the trum-
pet in Tekoa and set up a sign of fire in Betb-Hse-
xram " — toe latter probably the " Frank Moun-
tain," the cone-shaped hill so conspicuous from
Bethlehem. It is the sound of the trumpet as a
warning of the approach of enemies, and a signat-
ure kindled at night for the same purpose, which
are described here sa so appropriately heard and
seen, in the hour of danger, among the mountains
of Judah. Put Tekoa is chiefly memorable as the
birthplace of the prophet Amos, who was hare c
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TBKOA
\/) • spas Isl voles from heaven to leave bis occupa-
tion m "a herdman " and "» gatherer of wild
lap, ■' and was sant forth thence to Bethel to testify
■gainst the sins of the kingdom of Israel (Amos vii.
14)." Aeeustomed as Amos was to a shepherd's
life, he must have been familiar with the solitude
of the desert, and with the dangers there incident
to such an occupation. Some effect of his peculiar
training amid such somes mar be traced, as critics
thick (De Wette, £i«L m AlU Tut. p. 866), in
the ooutents and style of his prophecy. Jerome
(ad Am. i. 3) says, ••.... etiam Amos proph-
etani qui pastor de putoribus fuit et pastor Don in
locis eultis et arboribus ac vineis eonsitis, aut oerte
inter sylvaa et prata virentia, aed in lata eremi vas-
titate, in qua veraatur leonum feritas et interfectio
peeorum, arlit mum want ewe Mtnmmibiu." " The
imager; of his visions," says Stanley, " is full of
his country life, whether in Judsa or Ephmini.
The locusts in the royal meadows, the basket of
fruit, vineyards and fig-trees, the herds of cows
rushing heedlessly along . the hill of Samaria, the
shepherds fighting with lions for their prey, the
lion and the bear, the heavy-laden wagon, the sift-
ing of corn, — these are his figures " (Jtwitli
Church, i. 3K9, Anier. ed.). See, also, the striking
remarks of Dr. Pussy (Introd. UiAmot). Compare
Am. ii. 13, iii. 4, 18, iv. 1, vi. 12, vii. 1, <fa.
In the genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 34, and
iv. 5), Ashur, a posthumous son of Henon and a
brother of Caleb, is mentioned as the father of
Tekoa, which appears to mean that he was the
founder of Tekoa, or at least the owner of that vil-
lage. (See Roediger in tieaen. Thet. iii. 1518.)
If he was the owner of the village, it wss of course
In his capacity as the prince or sheik of Tekoa
(Bertheau, Bichtr tier Chr. p. 17).
Tekoa is known still as Ttk&'a, and, though it
lies somewhat aside from the ordinary route, baa
been visited and described by several recent travel-
lers. The writer was there on the 21st of April,
1863, during an excursion from Jerusalem by the
way of Bethlehem and Unit. Its distance from
BtU Lahm agrees precisely with that assigned by
the early writers as the distance between Tekoa
and Bethlehem. It is within sight also of the
"Frank Mountain," beyond question the famous
Herodinm, or site of Herod's Castle, which Jose-
phus (*. J. ir. 9, $ 6) represents ss near the an-
cient Tekoa. It lies on an elevated hill, which
spreads itself out into an irregular plain of mod-
erate extent Its "high position" (Robinson,
ASM. Re*. L 486) " gives it a wide prospect. To-
ward the northeast the land slopes down toward
Wady Khtreitin ; on the other sides the hill is
surrounded by a belt of level table-land; beyond
which are valleys, and then other higher hills. On
the south, at some distance, another deep valley
runs off southeast toward the Dead Sea. The view
In this direction is bounded only by the level moun-
tains of Moab, with frequent bursts of the Dead
Sea, seen through openings among the rugged and
desolate intervening mountains." The scene, on
the occasion of the writer's journey above referred
to, was eminently a pastoral one, and gave back no
doubt a faithful image of the olden times There
TKKOA
8180
were two encampments of shepherds tnera, consist-
ing of tents covered with the black goat-skins M
commonly used for that purpose; they were sup-
ported on poles and turned up in part on one side,
so as to enable a person without to look into the
interior. Flocks were at pasture near the tents
and on the remoter bill-sides in every direction.
There were horses and cattle and camels also,
though these were not so numerous ss the sheep
and goats. A well of living water, ot the outskirts
of the village, was a centre of great interest and
activity; women were coming and goiry with their
pitchers, and men were filling the troughs to watea
the animals which they had driven thither for that
purpose. The general aspect of the region was
sterile and unattractive; though here and then
were patches of verdure, and some of the fields,
which had yielded an early crop, bad been recently
ploughed up as if for some new species of cultiva-
tion. Fleecy clouds, white as the driven snow,
were floating toward the Dead Sea, and their shad-
ows, as they chased each other over the landscape,
seemed to be fit emblems of the changes in the des-
tiny of men and nations, of which there wss so
much to remind one at such a time and in such a
place. Various ruins exist at Tekoa, such as the
walls of houses, cisterns, broken columns, and heaps
of building-stones. Some of these stones hare the
ao-called " beveled " edges which are supposed to
show a Hebrew origin. There was a convent hen
at the beginning of the 6th century, and a Chris-
tian settlement in the time of the Crusaders; aud
undoubtedly most of these remains belong to mod-
em times rather than ancient. Among these should
be mentioned a baptismal font, sculptured out of a
limestone block, three feet and nine inches deep,
with sn internal diameter at the top of four feet,
and designed evidently for baptism ss sdministered
In the Greek Church. It stands in the open air,
like a similar one which the writer saw at ■/«/h«,
near Btitin, the sncient Bethel. [Ophki, Amer.
ed.} See more fully in toe Christian Retieu (New
York, 1853, p. 610).
Near Ttk&'a, among the same mountains, on
the brink of a frightful precipice, 6 are the ruins of
Khirtitin, which some have thought may be a
corruption of Kerioth (Josh. xv. 36), sod in that
case perhaps the birthplace of Judas the traitor,
who was thence catted Iscariot, i. «. * man of Keri-
oth." It is impossible to survey the scenery of the
place, and not feel that a dark spirit would find it-
self in its own element amid the seclusion and wild-
ness of such a spot. High up from the bottom of
the ravine is an opening in the face of the rocks
which leads into an immense subterranean laby-
rinth, which many suppose may have been toe
Cave of Adullam, in which David and his followers
sought refuge from the pursuit of Saul. [Adul-
lam.] It is large enough to contain hundreds of
men, and is capable of defense against almost any
attack that could be made upon it from without.
When a party of the Turks fell upon Tekffa and
sacked it, a. d. 1188, most of the inhabitants, an-
ticipating the danger, fled to this cavern, and thus
saved their lives. It is known among the Arabs
as the "Cave of Refuge." It may be questioned
■ a journey «f 6 or 7 kosas aauy, aataej Me way how he wss impresses' there. His mat ho
i (18 muss) north of Jar—slam poise en rsaehuuj Its plies was ss on his carbine scut
wake the (shoes, box ths next moment he was so aw#d
that ha dared not disturb the attsuee (Aaitt <a ass)
Mart— load, iu. JSt. U.
Shai Isfcoawassouthoftt. H.
• • A ssUIness almost fearful hangs over the seep
It. Ton Sottuaart tslls us In his eharsetsris-
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6190 TEKOA
fltobmson, 1. 481) whether thii ni the aetiad
place of David's retreat, but it illustrates, at all
(tecta, that peouKar geological formation of the
country, which accounts for such frequent allusions
to >' dens and cares " in the narrations of the Bi-
ble. The writer was told, as a common opinion of
the natives, that some of the passages of this par-
ticular excavation extended as for as to Hebron,
several miles distant, and that all the cord at Jeru-
salem would not be sufficient to serve as elew for
traversing its windings. [Odollam.] Tobler, in
his exploration of the care, found a number of sar-
eopbagi and some Phoenician inscriptions.
One of the gates of Jerusalem in Christian times
teems to have borne the name of Tekoa. Arculf,
at any rate, mentions the " gate called Tecuitis "
hi his enumeration of the gates of the city (a. d.
TOO). It appears to have led down Into the valley
of the Kedrou, probably near the southern end of
the east wall. (See Tobler - s Topogr. von Jeruea-
lem, p. IBS.) But his description U not very clear.
Can it be to this that St. Jerome alludes in the
•ingulai expression in the MpiL Paula (fj 18),
.... reverter Jerotoiymam et per Tktcuam tu-
que Amoe, rutiinnltm montit OUvtli Crucem atpi-
ciam. The Church of the Ascension on the sum-
mit of Olivet would be just opposite a gate in the
east wall, and the "glittering cross " would be par-
ticularly conspicuous if seen from beneath its
shadow. There is no more prima facie improba-
bility in a Tekoa gate than in a Bethlehem, Jaffa,
or Damascus gate, all which still exist at Jerusalem.
But it is strange that the allusions to it should be
to rare, and that the circumstances which made
Tekoa prominent enough at that period to cause a
gate to be named after it should have escaped pres-
ervation. H. B. 11.
TEKO'A (y'lpf) [1nking,pUching of ienti]:
8firatf : Tkeena). A name occurring in the gene-
alogies of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 24, ir. 6), as the ton
of Ashur. There is little doubt that the town of
Tekoa is meant, and that the notice implies that
the town wat colonised or founded by a man or a
town of the name of Ashub. O.
TEKCITB, THE (^Sp^U; m cbr -
"S'lpflU [patr.]: le.Wmi [Vat. Alex. -«-],
e Beawl [Vat. FA. eXms], i *>««*>lTwr [Vat -ni- ;
in Neh., oi tUnui/t, Vat tu>, Alex. -« M , FA.
-sip, -wi>:] de Tkeeua, [Theeuittt, Thecuenus)).
Ira ben-Ikkeah, one of David's warriors, is thus
designated (2 Sam. xxiii. 26; 1 Chr. xi. 28, xxvii.
»). The common people among nut TxKorrBB
tiiplaved great activity in the repairs of the wall
,«" Jerusalem under Nehemiah. They undertook
two lengths of the rebuilding (Neh. iii. 6, 27).
It is however specially mentioned that their
•lordi " (DrT3 4 T»4) took no part in the work.
6.
TBIr-AOBIB (3\Dl*"bjP) [Chald. «»•»-*»«]:
turcwpes: ad aeervum wxearum frugum) [Ex. iii.
15] wat probably a city of ChaMs» or Babylonia,
tot of Upper Mesopotamia, as generally imagined.
TBLAJB8AB
(Set Calmet on Ea. iii. IB, and Winer, ad wee.',
The whole teem of Esekiel's preaching and virions
ms to have been CbaMsea Proper; and the rivet
Chebar, as already observed [tee Chebab], wat
not the Khatour, but a branch of the Euphrates.
Ptolemy has in this region a Thel-beaeane and a
Thai-etna (Geograpk. v. 20); bnt neither nam*
can be identified with Tel-abib, unlets we suppose
a serious corruption. The element " Tel " in Tel-
abib, is undoubtedly '• hill." It it applied in mod-
ern times by the Arabs especially to the mounds or
heaps which mark the site of ruined cities all over
the Mesopotamia!! plain, an application not very
remote from the Hebrew use, according to which
" Tel " is " especially a heap of stones " (Gesen.
oof toe.). It thus forms the first syllable in many
modern, as in many ancient names, throughout
Babylonia, Assyria, and Syria. (See rtssfmsnn.
Biol Orient, iii. pt ii. p. 784.)
The LXX. have given a translation of the lea,
by which we can tee that they did not regard it at
proper name, bnt which it quite inexplicable.
The Vulgate likewise translates, and correctly
enough, so far as Hebrew scholarship is concerned ;
but there seems to be no reason to doubt that tbt
word is really a proper name, and therefore ought
not to be translated at alL G. B.
TEXAH fllbfl [ereoo*]: «£*«>; Alex.
OoAc: Tkak). A 'descendant of Ephraim, and
ancestor of Joshua (1 Chr. vii. 28).
TEL'AIM (D*Mbt?n, with the article
[Iambi] : «V TaXydXwi in both MSS., and so also
Josephus: quan agnot). The place at which Saul
collected and numbered his forces before his attack
on Amalek (1 Sam xv. 4, only). It may be iden-
tical with Telesi, the southern position of which
would be suitable for an expedition against Ama-
lek ; and a certain support is given to this by the
mention of the name (Thailam or Tbelam) in
the LXX. or 2 Sam. iii. 12. On the other band
the reading of the LXX. in 1 Sam. xv. 4 (not only
in the Vatican MS., but alto in the Alex., usually
to dost an adherent or the Hebrew text), and ol
Josephus (Ant. ri. 7, $ 2), who is not given to fol-
low o the LXX. slavishly — namely, Gilgal, is re-
markable; and when the frequent connection of that
sanctuary with Saul's history is recollected, it it al-
most sufficient to induce the belief that in this cast
the LXX. and Josephus have preserved the right
name, and that instead of Telaim we should, with
them, read Gilgal. It should be observed, how-
ever, that the Hebrew MSS. exhibit no variation
in the name, and that, excepting the LXX. and the
Targum, the Versions all agree with the Hebrew.
The Targum renders it ''lambs of the Passover,"
according to a curious fancy, mentioned elsewhere
in the Jewish books ( Taikut on 1 Sam.xv. 4, Ac.),
that the army met at the Passover, and that the
census was taken by counting the lambs. 6 This
is partly Indorsed by Jerome in the Vulgate.
G.
TELAS'SAJft Pwbrj [Aogrion AalTjt
eewrSsV, BeeuiB; [Alex. auAatrtrap, *k>UMst<
• ia this Instance his rendering Is more worthy of
tosaw, because It aould have been easy for him to
tat* mtereretsd the same as the Rabbis do, with
•boss traditions ha was well acquainted.
» A sbnilar fancy In reference to the name Bxaxx
d taao. xt 8) to found In the Mldrash. It it
literally at meaning " broken ptsess of pottery," by
which, as by counters, the numbering was sSkettd
Bsask and Telaim are eooeUtsed by the T s l ssuttt t i
sa two of the ten numberinssi of a t t est, fast staff
Mart.
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TELEM
■n. fai Is., e«i««:] Tkdaunr, Tkahuar) b
wnUonad in 9 ICxix. 13 and in lb xxxvii. 18 a*
* city inhabited by " the children of Eden," whleh
had bean conquered, and m held in the time of
Sennacherib by the Assyrians. In the former pas-
sage the name U rather differently given both in
Uebreir and English. [Thelasab.] In both
it U connected with Gcaan (Gauzanitia), Haran
(CarrhaB, now Hat-ran), and Reaeph (the Rntnppa
of the Assyrian Inscriptions), all of which belong
to the hill country above the Upper Masopotamian
plain, the district from which rise the Kkabir and
Belli: riven. [See Mesopotamia, Gozah, and
Uajlah.] It is quite in accordance with the indi-
cations of locality which arise from this connection,
to find Eden joined in another passage (Ex. xxviL
83) with Haran and Aaahnr. Telaasar, the chief
city of a tribe known as the Bern Eden, must have
bean in Western Mesopotamia, in the neighborhood
of Huron and Orb. It would be uncritical to
attempt to fix the locality more exactly. The
TEMA
8191
la probably the same as Talmox In Neh. zH. M,
the name being that of a family rather than of
an individual. In 1 Eadr. ix. 36 he Is called Tou
BANKS.
TEL-HAR'SA, or TEL-HAKESHA
(H^hO"bn [aw below]: tXAapiprd; [in Est.,
Tat corrupt: in Neh., Vat FA Apnea, Alex.
©fAafxra:] Tkelkarta) was one of the Babylonian
towns, or villagea, from which some Jews, who
"could not show their father's bouse, nor their
seed, whether they were of Israel," returned to
Judasa with Zerubbabel (Ear. ii. 59; Neh. vii. 61).
Geaenius renders the term " Hill of the Wood "
(Lex. ad voc.). It was probably in the low conn-
try near the sea, In the neighborhood of Tel-Metah
and Cherub; but we cannot identify it with any
known site. G. B.
TBL-MEliAH (nb^"Vn {hill of soft]:
0<A/tc A<x, 9t\fuXd0; [Vat. in Etr., Ot Pf u\t»-
is one which might have been given by the Aasyr- I&,; Alex. 9ekfitvt\, S>X/i«Xey; FA. in Neb,
ians to any place where they bad built a temple j e«p>««A«8:] ThtSnaUt) is joined with Tel-Harai
to Asshur,<> and hence perhaps its application by
the Targums to the Reean of Gen. x. 13, which
must have been on the Tigris, near Nineveh and
Calah. [Rkskji.] G. B.
TE'LEM (D*?$ tepprtukm] : iuimssu*
Alex. TeAtp: Ttlem). One of the cities in the
axtreme south of Judah (Josh. xv. 34). It occurs
between Ziph (not the Ziph of David's escape) and
BxAurru : but has not been identified. The name
Dhuilam is found in Tan de Telde'i map, attached
to a district immediately to the north of the JCttb-
bet eUBavi, louth of tt-MUh and Ar'arak — a
position very suitable; but whether the coincidence
of the name is merely accidental or not, is not at
present ascertainable. Telem is identified by some
with Telaim, which is found in the Hebrew text of
1 8am. xr. 4; but there is nothing to say either
for or against this.
The LXX of 3 Sam. ii!. 13, in both MSS., ex-
hibits a angular variation from the Hebrew text.
Instead of " on the spot " (VPtrjrj, A. T. inoor-
aaotly, "on his behalf") they read' "to Thaikun (or
Theism) where he was." If this variation should
be substantiated, there is soma probability that
Mam or Telaim is intended. David was at the
fane king, and quartered in Hebron, but there is
3 reason to suppose that he had relinquished his
marauding habits; and toe south country, where
Telem lay, had formerly been a favorite field for
his expeditions (1 Sam. xxvii. 8-11).
The Tat. LXX. in Josh. xix. 7, adda the name
0oAx<f> between Remmon and Ether, to the towns
of Simeon. Thie is said by Kusebius (Onomatt.)
and Jerome to have been then existing as a very
Urge village called Thella, 16 miles south of Ekm-
tneropolia. It is however claimed as equivalent to
Tochkx. G.
TETjEM (D^p [oRpreuum]: TcA/i*>; [Vat.
r«Xqp; FA \ Alex. TtAAmt: Tatem). A porter
« doorkeeper of toe Temple in the time of Ears,
who had married a foreign wife (Ear. x. 34). He
and Cherub in the two pasaages already cited under
Tkl-Haksa. It is perhaps the Thelme of Ptolemy
(v. 30), which some wrongly read as Theama
(8EAMH for BEAMH), a city of the low salt tract
near the Persian Gulf, whence probably the name,
which means " Hill of Salt " (Geaen. Lex. Heb.
sub voc). Cherub, which may be pretty surely
identified with Ptolemy's Chiripha (Xipi^d), waa
in the same region. G. B.
TE'MA (NpV? [<*» <*« rigkt, soutf] : eotpdV:
Tkema, [terra Atutri}). The ninth son of Iah-
mael (Gen. xxv. 16; 1 Chr. i. 30); whence the
tribe called after him, mentioned in Job vi. 19,
"The troops of Tema looked, the companies of
Sbeba waited for them," and by Jeremiah (xxv.
33), " Dedan, Tema, and Bus; " and also the land
occupied by this tribe: " The burden upon Arabia.
In the forest in Arabia shall yejodge, O ye trav-
elling companies of Dadanlm. The inhabitant* of
the land of Tema brought water to him that was
thirsty, they prevented with their bread him that
fled " (Is. xxi. 13, 14).
The name is identified satisfactorily with Tegmd,
«•«* -.
-' I » "| a small town on the confines of Syria,
between it and Wadi eUKura, on the road of the
Damascus pilgrim-caravan (Maraud, s. v.). It is
in the neighborhood of Doatnat eU/endel, which
agrees etymologically and by tradition with the
Ishmaelite Dumah, and the country of Keyddr,
or Kkdar. Teymi is a well-known town and
district, and is appropriate in every point of visw
as the chief aBttlement of lahmael's eon Tenia. Ik
is commanded by the castle called el-Ablak (or
tUAblnk el-Ford), of Es-Semilw-al (Samuel) Ibn-
'Adiya the Jew, a oontemporary of Imra d-Keys
(A. d. 660 dr.); but according to a tradition it
was built by Solomon, which points at any rate to
its antiquity (oomp. eH-Bekree, in Marini, iv. S3) ;
now in ruins, described as being built of rubble
and crude bricks, and aaid to be named el-Ablak
from having whiteness and redness in its structure
It would signify simply " th. HIU of Assam-."
Tetene, "the Hill of Ana," a narc* whtoB
to have ban applied in later nmsa to the etty
by the Aaiyriana " Aashur," and marked by the
at KiUk Sk-rghai (Steps. Bys. ad voc TtAeV*.)
• The passage Is in such eonfuskm In the Ti
MS., that I* la dlfacult rightly to aarign the
and Impossible to mfjr anything from the
ahmta.
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8192 TBMAK
IMartsU, a. t. Abide). Thl* fortress wm, like
Hut of Aoomoi tUemJel, to be on* of the strong-
holds that mutt have protected tin caravan route
■long the northern frontier of Arabia; and they
recall the pauage tallowing the enumeration of the
ion* of Ishmad : " Then [are] the eona of Ishmael,
and tbeae [an] their name*, by their louns, and
by their outlet; twelve prineet according to then-
nations " (Gen. xxr. 16).
Teymd signifies "a desert," "an unfilled db-
trict," etc. Freytag («. v.) write* the name with-
out a long final ol\f, but not *o the Marind.
Ptolemy (xix. 6) mention* tififa) in Arabia De-
oarta, which may be the tame place a* the editing
Teymd. The LXX reading eeeme to have a refer-
ence to Tkmah, which tee. & S. P.
• " The tmop* of Tame," " the companie* of
8heba" (Job vi. 19), elsewhere referred to as
" predatory bands " [Shkba], were, probably,
aompanies of travellers, or caravana, crouing the
wildemeai in the dry season. Parched with thirst,
they pressed forward with eager hope to the re-
membered beds of winter-streams, only to find that
under the extreme heat the winding " brook " bad
disappeared — evaporated and absorbed in the sands
— leaving it* eiiannel a* dry as the contiguous
desert. TTieir keen disappointment was a lively
image of the experience of Job, when in his deep
affliction he looked for sympathy bom his brethren,
and listened to censure instead of condolence.
The simile, poetic and vivid, is scarcely less forci-
ble hi its broader application to the Ulnsiveness of
the fairest earthly promises and to the fading hopes
of mortals. [Dkckitfuu-t, Amer. ed.j Bivkb,
2.] S. W.
TB'MAK (;^n [en tie right hand, toss*]:
aVuuaV Theman). L A son of Eliphaa, son of
Esan by Adah (Gen. xxxvi. 11; 1 Chr. i. 86, 58),
afterwards named as a doke (phylareh) of Edom
(ver. 16), and mentioned again in the separate list
(w. 40-48) of '.'the name* of the rulers [that
earns] of Esau, according to their families, efler
their places, by their names; " ending, » these be
the dokes of Edom, according to their habitations
in the land of their possession : he [is] Esau the
father of the Edomkea."
2. [Rom. Tat. Bafuw, Am. 1. IS; FA. and Sin.
Offuv, Jar. xlix. 7, Ob., Hah.: Theman, tmtur,
aaeriuYes.] A country, and probably a city, named
after the Edomite phylareh, or from which the
phylareh took bis name, as may be perhaps inferred
from the verses of Gen. xzxvi. just quoted. The
Hebrew signifies "south," etc. <see Job ix. 9; Is.
tlui. 6; besides the use of it to mean the south
tide of the Tabernacle in Ex. xzri. and xxriL, etc.);
and it is probable that the land of Teman was a
southern portion of the land of Edom, or, in a
wider sense, that of the tons of the East, the
Bene-kedem. Teman U mentioned in five places by
the Prophet*, in four of which it is connected with
Sdom, showing it to be the same place as that Mi-
litated in the list of the duke*; twice it Is named
nth Dedan.
"Concerning Edom, tans saith the Lord of
hosts: [Is] wisdom ns more in Teman ? is counsel
pf«t"»< from the prudent? it their wisdom ran
TEMPLB
(shed? Flee ye, tarn back, dwatl deep, 1
itants of Dedan" (Jer. xhx. 7, 8); and "I wfl
•oak* it [Edom] desolate from Teman; and they
of Osdaa shall fall by the sword " (Et. xxr. 18).
This eonneetion with the great Keturshite bibs
of Dedan gives additional importance to Teman,
and helps to fix he geographical position. This is
farther defined by a passage in the chapter of Jar.
already cited, w. 90, 91, where it is said of Kdom
and Teman, "The earth is moved at the noise of
their 601; at the ery the noise thereof was beard
hi the Red Boa (yam Suf)." In the sublime
prayer of Habekkuk, ft it written, "God cam*
from Teman, and the Holy One from Mount Paran ™
(Hi. 8). Jeremiah, it ha* been seen, speaks of the
wisdom of Teman ; and the prophecy of Obedieh
implies the saint (rr. 8, 9), " Shall I not in that
day, earth the Lord, even destroy the wise (men)
out of Edom, and understanding out of the mouut
of Esau? And thy [mighty] men, Teman, shall
be dismayed." In wisdom, the descendants of
Esau, and especially the inhabitants of Teman,
seem to have bean preeminent among the sons of
the East.
In com mon with most Edomite name*, Teman
appear* to hare been lost. The occupation of the
country by the Nabathssena seems to have oblit-
erated almost all of the traces (always obscure) of
the migratory tribes of the desert. It ia not likely
that much can ever be done by modern research tc
clear up the early history of this part of the " east
country." True, Enttbius and Jerome mention
Teman as a town in their day distant 16 miles
(according to Eusebius) from Petra, and a Roman
post The identification of the existing Mean (set
Burckhardt) with this Teman may be geograph-
ically correct, bat It cannot rest on etymologies!
groands.
The gentilie noun of Teman i* "O^C ( Job "■
11; xxii. 1), and Eliphaa the Temanite was on*
of the wise men at Edom. The gen. n. oacuas
also in Gen. xxxvi. 84, where the land of Tstnanl
(so in the A. V.) 1* mentioned. E 8- P.
TF/MAXL [Tkmah.]
TETOANITE. [Tkmah.]
TEMTSNI 03JPVD [patr.]: Bmf*lr< Tkm.
mam). Son of Aahur, the father of Tekoa, by hi*
wife Naatah (1 Chr. hr. »). [Tkkoa.]
• TEMPERANCE (A. V. Act* xx'v. 96.
Gal. T. 98; 9 Pet i. 6) is the rendering of the
Greek tyyeWua, which signifies " self-control,"
the restraint of all the appetites and passions.
" Temperate " is used in the A. V. in a correspond-
ing sense. A.
« • la some of tt» topographical ailnslens ia this
trtick, the reader will reocamlm the author's peculiar
■Ski unsupported theory respecting the topography of
, which we have examined In the erttcla
TEMPLE.* There i* perhaps no building of
the ancient world which has excited so much at
tention since the time of its destruction as the
Temple which Solomon built at Jerusalem, and it*
successor a* rebuilt by Herod. It* spoils wen
considered worthy of forming the principal illus-
tration of one of the most beautiful of Roman
triumphal arches, and Justinian's highest areM»
tectural ambition was that be might surpass it
Throughout the Middle Ages it influenced to a
considerable degree the forms of Christian churches,
Jxaaatuaa (U. 1889 C, Amer. ad.), and whkfc w* ;
without comment here, as not etJsctmg his i
respecting tola educe — Its history, Its mnm, duaaw
(Ion*, style of archite ct ure, eta. 8. W.
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TBMPLE
tad iU psculiaritie* wen the watchwords and rslly-
mg point* of all setnclatiom of builders- Since
the revival of learning in the 16th century its
arrangement* have employed the peni of number-
leaf learned antiquarians, and architect* of every
country have wasted their science in trying to re-
produce it* forma.
But it U not only to Christiana that the Temple
of Solomon i* ao interesting; the whole Moham-
medan world look to it as the foundation of all
architectural knowledge, and the Jews still recall
it* glories and sigh over their loss with a constant
tenacity, unmatched by that of any other people
to any other building of the ancient world.
With all this interest and attention it might
fairly be assumed that there was nothing more to
be skid on such a subject — that every source of
information had been ransacked, and every form of
restoration long ago exhausted, and some settlement
of the disputed point* arrived at which had been
generally accepted. This is, however, far from
being the case, and few things would be more curi-
ous than a collection of the various restorations
that have been proposed, as showing what different
meanings may be applied to the same set of simple
architectural terms.
The most important work on this subject, and
that which was principally followed by restorers
■n the 17th and 18th centuries, was that of the
brothers Pradi, Spanish Jesuits, better known as
Villalpandi. Their work was published in folio at
Borne, 1596-1604, superbly illustrated. Their idea
if Solomon's Temple was, that both in dimensions
and arrangement it was very like the Escurial in
Spain. But it is by no means clear whether the
Escurial was being built while their book was in
the press, in order to look like the Temple, or
whether Its authors took their idea of the Temple
from the palace. At all events their design is so
much the more beautiful and commodious of the
two, that we cannot but regret that Herrera was
not employed on the book, and the Jesuit* set to
wild the palace.
When the French expedition to Egypt, in the
Ant years of this century, had made the world
familiar with the wonderful architectural remains
af that country, every one jumped to the conclusion
that Solomon's Temple must nave been designed
after an Egyptian model, forgetting entirely how
tateful that land of bondage was to the Israelites,
ind how completely all the ordinances of their
religion were opposed to the idolatries they had
escaped from — forgetting, too, the centuries which
had elapsed since the Exode before the Temple was
erected, and bow little communication of any sort
there had been between the two countries m the
interval.
The Assyrian discoveries of Botta and Layard
have within the last twenty years given an entirely
new direction to the researches of the restorers, and
this time with a very considerable prospect of auo-
•res, for the analogies are now true, and whatever
can be brought to bear on the subject is In the
right direction." The original seats of the progen-
itors of the Jewish races were in Mesopotamia.
Their language waa practically the same as that
spoken on the banks of the Tigris. Their historical
traditions were consentaneous, and, so far as we can
Judge, almost all tbe outward symbolism of their
•auglons was the same, or nearly so. Unfortunately,
however, no Assyrian temple has yet been ex-
of a nature to thrwrauch ught on tnis
801
TBMPLE
8198
subject, and we are still forced to have recourse so
the later buildings at Persepolis, or to general de-
ductions from the style of the nearly contemporary
secular buildings at Nineveh and etaewbere, for
such illustrations as are available. These, however,
nearly suffice for all that is required for Solomon's
Temple. For the details of that erected by Herod
we must look to Borne.
Of the intermediate Temple erected by Zerub-
babel we know very little, but, from the circum-
stance of its having been erected under Persian
influences contemporaneously with the buildings at
Persepolis, it is perhaps the one of which it would
be most easy to restore the details with anything
like certainty.
Before proceeding, however, to investigate the
arrangements of the Temple, it is indispensable
first carefully to determine those of tbe Tabernacle
which Moses caused to be erected in the Desert of
Sinai Immediately after the promulgation of the
Law from that mountain. For, as we shall pres-
ently see, the Temple of Solomon was nothing more
nor less than an exact repetition of that earlier
Temple, differing only in being erected of mora
durable materials,' and with exactly double the
dimensions of its prototype, but still in every eaten
tial respect so identical that a knowledge of the
one is indispensable in order to understand the
other.
Tabernacle.
The written authorities for the restoration of the
Tabernacle are, first, the detailed account to be
found in the 26th chapter of Exodus, and repeated
in the 36th, verses 8 to 88, without any variation
beyond the slightest possible abridgment Sec-
ondly, the account given of the building by Josephua
(Ant ill. 6), which is so nearly a repetition of the
account found in the Bible that we may feel assured
that he had no really important authority before
him except the one which is equally accessible to
us. Indeed we might almost pot his account on
one side, if it were not that, being a Jew, and ao
much nearer the time, be may have had access to
some traditional accounts which may have enabled
him to realize its appearance more readily than we
can do, and his knowledge of Hebrew technical
terms may have enabled him to understand what
we might otherwise be unable to explain.
The additional indications contained in the Tal-
mud and in Philo are ao few and indistinct, and
are besides of such doubtful authenticity, that they
practically add nothing to our knowledge, and may
safely be disregarded.
For a complicated architectural building these
written authorities probably would not suffice with-
out some remains or other indications to supple-
ment them ; but the arrangements of the Taber-
nacle were so simple that they are really all that
are required. Every important dimension was either
5 cubit* or a multiple of 6 cubits, and all tbe
arrangement* in plan were either squares or double
squares, so that there really is no difficulty in put-
ting the whole together, and none would ever have
occurred were it not that the dimensions of the
sanctuary, as obtained from the "boards" that
formed its walls, appear at first sight to be one
thing, while those obtained from tbe dimensions
of the ourtains which covered it appear to give
another, and no one has yet suoceeded in recon-
ciling these with one another or with the text of
Scripture. The apparent discrepancy is, however
easily explained, as we shall presently see, wd i
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8194 TEMPLE
would hare occurred to any one who had Jved long
ander canvas or was familiar with the migracim
of tent architecture.
Outer Inctoture. — The court of the Tabernacle
was surrounded by canvas screens — in the East
called Kannaut* — and still universally used to In-
close the private apartments of important person-
ages. Those of the Tabernacle were 5 cubits in
height, and supported by pillars of brass 5 cubits
apart, to which the curtains were attached by hooks
and fillets of silver (Ex. xxvii. 9, 4c.). This In
closure was only broken on the eastern side by the
entrance, which was 20 cubits wide, and closed by
curtains of fine twined linen wrought with needle-
work, and of the most gorgeous colors.
®
ALTAB OF
iiwst orrca mcs
< 10
Hum
SO
so Oubttt.
10 SO »0 40 60 60 70 73 fttt
So. 1. — Plan of the Outsr Court of th* Tabernacle.
<• The cuUt used throughout this article la SMumed
to be the ordinary cubit, of the length of a man's fore-
arm tram the elbow-Joint to the tip of the middle
linger, or 18 Greek inches, equal to 18] English Inches.
There seems to be little doubt but that the Jews also
used occasionally a shorter cubit of 6 handbreadths, or
16 inches, but only (In so tar as can be ascertained) in
speaking of resaals or of metal work, and never applied
It to buildings. Alter the Babylonish Captivity they
also occasionally to have employed the Baby-
cubit of 7 tuuidbrasdths. or 21 Inches. This,
r, can evidently have no application to the
Tabernacle or Solomon's Temple, which was erected
• the CeotivKy ; nor can it be available to *x-
TBMPLE
The space inclosed within these sctune WM a
double square, SO cubits, or 7b feet north'' aitd
south, and 100 cubits or 150 ft. east and west. In
the outer or eastern half was placed the altar of
burnt-offerings, described in Ex. xxvii. 1-8, and be-
tween it and the Tabernacle the laver {Ant. iii. 6,
§ 9), si which the priests washed their hauls and
feet on entering the Temple.
In the square towards the west was situated the
Temple or Tabernacle itself. The dimensions ir
plan of this structure are easily ascertained. Jo-
sephus states them (Ant iii. 6, § 3 1 as 30 cubits
long by 10 broad, or 45 feet by 15, and the Bible
is scarcely less distinct, as it says that the noith
and south walls were each composed of twenty ip-
right boards (Ex. xxvi. 15, 4c.), each board cot
cubit and a half In width, and at the west end
there were six boards equal to 9 cubits, which, with
the angle boards or posts, made up the 10 cubits
of Josephus.
Each of these boards was furnished with two
tenons at its lower extremity, which fitted into
silver sockets placed on the ground. At the top
at least they were jointed and fastened together by
bars of shittlm or acacia wood run through rings
of gold (Ex. xxvi. 28). Both authorities agree that
there were five bare for each side, but a little dif-
ficulty arises from the Bible describing (rer. 28) a
middle bar which reached from end to end. Aa
we shall presently see, this bar was probably ap-
plied to a totally different purpose, and we may
therefore assume for the present that Josephus'
description of the mode in which they were applied
is the correct one : " Every one," he says (Ant. iii.
6, § 3), " of the pillars or boards had a ring of gold
affixed to its front outwards, into which were in-
serted bars gilt with gold, each of them 5 cubits
long, and these bound together the boards; the
head of one bar running into another after the
manner of one tenon inserted into another. But
for the wall behind there was only one bar that
went through all the boards, into which one of the
ends of the bars on both sides was inserted."
So far, therefore, everything seems certain and
easily understood. The Tabernacle was an oblong
rectangular structure, 30 cubits long by 10 broad,
open at the eastern end, and divided internally into
two apartments. The Holy of Holies, into which
no one entered — not even the priest, except on
very extraordinary occasions — was a cube, 10 cubits
square in plan, and 10 cubits high to the top of
the wall. In this was placed the Mercy-seat, sur-
mounted by the cherubim, and on it was placed
the Ark, ° containing the tables of the Jj.nr. In
front of these was an outer chaniler, called the
Holy Place — 80 cubits long by 10 bread, and 10
high, appropriated to the use of the priests. In tt
plain the peculiarities of Herod's Temple as Joseph**
who Is our principal authority regarding it, most cer-
tainly did always employ the Greek cubit of 18 Inches,
or 400 to 1 stadium of 600 Greek feet ; an I the Tal-
mud, which Is the only other authority, always gives
the same number of cubits where we can be certain
they are speaking of the same thing ; so that we may
feel perfectly sum they both were o-4ng the same
measure. Thus, whatever other cubiu the Jews may
have used for other purpoeee, we mey rest assusea
that for the buildings referred to In this article tea
eublt of 18 Inches, and that only, was the on* ssa
ployed.
* * The Mercy-seat was on or over the Ark. A.
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#er* placed the golden candlestk.k on one side, the
table of ehew-bread opposite, and between then in
ih« eentre the attar of incense.
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3185
Ho. X — The Tabernacle, showing one ban* (round
plan and one half II covered by the eurtalna.
The roof of the Tabernacle waa formed by 3, or
rather 4, aeti of curtains, the dimensions of two of
which are given with great minuteness both in the
Bible and by Josephus. The innermost (Ex. zzvi.
1, <*sc), of fine twined linen according to our trans-
lation (Josephus calls them wool: iplay, Ant. iii.
6, § 4), were ten in number, each 4 cubits wide
and 28 cubits long. These were of various colors,
and ornamented with cherubim of " cunning work."
Five of these were sewn together so as to form
larger curtains, each SO cubits by 28, and these
two again were joined together, when used, by fifty
gold buckles or clasps.
Above these were placed curtains of goats' hair
each 4 cubits wide by 30 cubits long, but eleven in
number; these were also sewn together, six into
sue curtain, and five into the other, and, when
ued, wen likewise joined together by fifty gold
buckles.
Over these again was thrown a curtain of rams'
skins with the wool on, dyed red, and a fourth
eorering is also specified as being of badgers' skins,
so named in the A. V., but whioh probably really
consisted of sealskins. [Badoeb-Skinb, vol. i.
*» 224 f.J This did not of course cover the rams'
skins, but most probably was only used us a eop-
ing or ridge piece to protect the junction of the two
surtains of rams' skins which were laid on each
dope of the roof, and probably only laced together
at the top.
The question which has hitherto proved a stum-
bling block to restorers is, to know how these cur-
tains were applied as a covering to the Tabernacle.
Strange to say, this has appeared so difficult that,
with hardly an exception, they have been content
I that they were thrown over its walls as a
: pall is thrown over a coffin, and they hare thus est
j the Gordian knot in defiance of all probabilities,
as well as of the distinct specification of the Pen
tateuch. To this view of the matter there are sev-
eral important objections.
First If the inner or ornamental curtain was so
used, only about one third of it would be seen ; 9
cubit* on each side would be entirely hidden be-
tween the walls of the Tabernacle and the goats'-
hair curtain. It is true that Bahr (Symbolik da
Moumcht* Ctdlut), Neumann (Da- Sti/U/iOUt,
1861), and others, try to avoid this difficulty by
hanging this curUiu io as to drape the walla inside;
but for this there is not a shadow of authority, and
the form of the curtain would be singularly awk-
ward and unsuitable for this purpose. If such a
thing were intended, it is evident that one curtain
would have been used as wall-hangings and another
as a ceiling, not one great range of curtains all
joined the same way to hang the walls all round
and form the ceiling at the same time.
A second and more cogent objection will strike
any one who has ever lived in a tent. It is, that
every drop of rain that fell on the Tabernacle would
fall through ; for, however tightly the curtains might
be stretched, the water could never run over the
edge, and the sheep-skins would only make the mat-
ter worse, as when wetted their weight would de-
press the centre, and probably tear any curtain that
could be made, while snow lying on such a roof
would certainly tear the curtains to pieces.
But a third and fatal objection is, that this ar-
rangement is in direct contradiction to Scripture.
We are there told (Ex. xxvi. 9) that half of one of
the goats-hair curtain* shall be doubled back in
front of the Tabernacle, and only the half of another
(ver. 12) hang down behind; and (ver. 13) that
one cubit shall hang down on each side — whereas
this arrangement makes 10 cubits hang down all
round, except in front.
The solution of the difficulty appears singularly
obvious. It is simply, that the tent had a ridge,
as all tents hare had from the days of Moses down
to the present day; and we have also very little
difficulty in predicating that the angle formed by
the two sides of the roof at the ridge was a right
angle — not only because it is a reasonable and
usual angle for such a roof, and one that would
most likely be adopted in so regular a building, but
because its adoption reduces to harmony the only
abnormal measurement in the whole building. As
mentioned above, the principal curtains were only
28 cubits in length, and consequently not a mul-
tiple of 5; but if we assume a right angle at the
ridge, each side of the slope was 14 cubits, and
U* -|- 14H = 392, and SO* = 400, two numbers
which are practically identical in tent-building.
The base of the triangle, therefore, formed by the
roof was 20 oubits, or in other words, the roof of
the Tabernacle extended 6 cubits beyond the walls,
not only in front and rear, but on both sides ; and
it may be added, that the width of the Tabernacle
thus became identical with the width of the en-
trance to the enclosure; whioh but for this circum-
stance would appear to have been disproportionately
large.
With these data it is easy to explain all the other
difficulties which have met previous restorers.
First. The Holy of Holies was divided from the
Holy Place by a screen of four pillars supporting
curtains which no one was allowed to pass. But,
strange to say, in the entrance there wow Jit* nil
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TKMPLK
m» as a similar spate. Bow, no aw would pat
a pUbr in the centre a* an entrance without a
motive; bat the moment a ridge is nernnnd it be-
U may be assumed tbat ell the five (jitters rat
•faced within the limit* of the 10 cubit* of the
breadth of the Tabernacle, namely, one in the
centre, two oppoaite the two end* of the walk, and
the other tiro batmen them; bat the probabilitie*
are *o infinitely greater that thorn two bet were
beyond thoae at the angle* of the tent, that it i*
hardly worth while eoondariug the first hypothesis.
By the one here adopted the pillar* in hot would,
hke everything eke, be spaced exactly 6 eubiU
apart.
Secondly. Jeeephu* twice assert* (AnL iH. 6,
{ 4) that the Tabernade wa* dirided into three
put*, though he specifies only two — the Adytum
and the Prooaos. The third wa* of eoune the
porch, « cubiU deep, which stretched acme* the
width of the house.
Thirdly. In speaking of the western end, the
Bible always uses the plural, a* if there were two
sides there. There was, of course, at least one pil-
isr in the centre beyond the wall, — there may
hate been fire, — so tbat there practically were two
side* there. It may also be remarked that the
Pentateuch, in speaking (Ex. xxvi. 12) of this after
part call* it if Menu, or the dwelling, as contradis-
tinguished from Ohel, or the tent, which applies to
the whole structure covered by the curtains.
Fourthly. We now understand why there an 10
breadths in the under curtains, and 11 in the
upper. It was that they might break Joint — in
ether words, that the seam of the one, and espe-
cially the great joining of the two division*, might
be over the centre of the lower curtain, so as to
prevent the rain penetrating through the Joint*. It
may also be remarked that, a* the two cubits which
were in excess at the west hung at an angle, the
tenth of fringe would be practically about the same
as ou the sides.
With these suggestions, the whole description in
the Book of Exodus is so easily understood that it
is not necessary to dilate farther upon it; there ere,
however, two points which remain to be noticed,
but more with reference to the Temple which suc-
ceeded it than with regard to the Tabernacle itself.
The first is the disposition of the side bam of
shittim-wood that Joined the boards together. At
•ret sight it would appear that there were four short
and one long bar on each side, but it seems impos-
sible to em how these could be arranged to accord
wish the usual interpretation of the text, and very
TKVFU
unerobablo that the Israelites would have carried
about a bar 45 feet long, when 5 or 6 bar* would
bare answered the purpose equally well, and 5 rows
of bar* are quite uniifw—ry, beside* being in op-
position to the word* of the text.
The explanation hinted at above seems the most
reasonable one — tbat the five bars named (vers. 5*8
and 37) were Joined end to end, a* Josepbus smuts,
and the bar mentioned (ver. 98) was the ridge-pole
of the roof. The words of the Hebrew text will
equally well bear the translation — ** and the mid-
dle bar which is oehseea,'* instead of " in the mid*
of the boards, shall reach from end to end." This
would appear a perfectly reasonable solution but for
the mechanical difficulty that no pole could be
made stiff enough to beer its own weight and that
of the curtain* over an extent of it feet, without
intermediate support*. A ridge- rope could easily be
stretched to twice that distance, if required far the
purpose, though it too would droop in the centre.
A pole would be a much more appropriate and
likely architectural arrangement — so much so. that
it seems more than probable that one was employed
with support*. One pillar in the centre where the
curtain* were Joined would be amply sufficient for
all practical purposes; and if the centre board at
the back of the Holy of Hones was 16 cubits high
(which there is nothing to contradict), the whole
would be easily constructed. Still, as no internal
supports are mentioned either by the Bible or Jo-
sepbus, the question of how the ridge was formed
and supported must remain an open one, incapable
of proof with our present knowledge, but it is one
to which we shell have to revert presently.
The other question is — were the sides of the
Verandah which surrounded the Sanctuary dosed
or left open? Tbs only hint we have that this was
done, is the mention of the western Ada always in
the plural, and the employment of Mithcon and
Ohel throughout this chapter, apparently in opposi-
tion to one another! Mukam always seeming to
apply to an inclosed space, which wa* or might be
dwelt in, Ohel to the tent as a whole or to the
covering only; though here again the point ie by
no means so clear as to be decisive.
The only really tangible reason for supposing the
sides were inclosed is, that the Temple of Solomon
wa* surrounded, on all sides but the front, by a
range of small cells five cubits wide, in which the
priests resided who were specialty attached to the
service of the Temple.
It would have been so easy to have done this in
the Tabernacle, and its convenience — at night at
least — so great, that I cannot help suspecting it
was the case.
It is not easy to ascertain, with anything Eke
certainty, at what distance from the tent tbs teal-
pegs were fixed. It could not be lees on the sides
than 7 cubits, It may a* probably have been 10.
In front and rear the central peg could hardly bare
been at a leas distance than 90 cubit* ; so that it
is by no means improbable that from the front to
rear the whole distance may have been 80 cubits.
and from aide to side 40 cubits, measured from
peg to peg; and it is this dimension that seems to
have governed the pegs of the inclosures, as it would
just allow room for the fastenings of the iDclosun
on either side, and for the altar and Uver in front.
It is scarcely worth while, however, insist in*
strongly on these and some other minor points.
Enough has been said to explain aith the woo*
cuts all the main points of the proposed I
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awl to show Ui»t it i> possible to reoo nst nict tin tor to show that the Tabernacle m a I
Tabernacle in itrict eonformity with every word and tent-like structure, admirably adapted to the pur-
•try indication of the eacred text, and at the same I poses to which it wae applied.
Ho. 4. — Southeast Tlew of the Tabsroanle, aa restored.
SoiOMon'a Temple.
Tha Tabernacle accompanied the Israeiitee in all
their wanderings, and remained their only Holy
Place or Temple till David obtained poeaeerion of
Jerusalem, and erected an altar in the threshing-
floor of Araunah, on the spot where the altar of
the Temple always afterwards stood. He also
brought the Ark oat of Kiijatb-jearim (3 Sam. vi.
8; 1 Chr. xiii. 6) and prepared a tabernacle for it
in the new city which he called after his own name.
Both these were brought up thence by Solomon
(8 Chr. t. 6); the Ark placed in the Holy of
Holies, but the Tabernacle seems to bare been put
on one side aa a relic (1 Chr. xxiii. 88). We hare
no account, however, of the removal of the original
Tabernacle of Moaea from Qibeon, nor anything
that would enable ua to connect it with that one
which Solomon removed out of the City of David
(8 Chr. T. 5). In fact, from the time of the build-
ing of the Temple, we lose sight of the Tabernacle
altogether. It was David who first proposed to re-
place the Tabernacle by a more permanent building,
out was forbidden for the reasons assigned by the
prophet Nathan (8 Sam. vii. 6, Ac.), and though
he collected materials and made arrangements, the
execution of the task was left for his son Solomon.
He, with the assistance of Hiram king of Tyre,
commenced this great undertaking in the fourth
year of bis reign, and completed it in seven years,
aboat 1005 b. o. according to the received chro-
nology.
On oomparing the Temple, as described in 1
lings vi. and 8 Chronicles ill. and by Joseph™
til. 8, with the Tabernacle, at Just explained, the
Ant thing that strikes us is that all the arrange-
ments wen identical, and the dimensions of every
part were exactly double those of the preceding
■tmetare. Thus the Holy of Holies in the Taber-
nacle was a cobs, 10 cubits each way; in the Tem-
ple H was 30 cubits. The Holy Place, or outer
Ml was 10 cubits wide by 90 long and 10 high in
the Tabernacle. In the Temple all these dimen-
•Vos were exactly double. The porcn In the
tabernacle was 5 cubits deep, In the Temple 10;
Us width in both instances being the width of tha
house. The chambers round the House and tha
Tabernacle were each 5 cubits wide on the ground-
floor, the difference being that in the Temple the
two walls taken together made up a thickness of
6 cubits, thus making 10 cubits for the chambers.
Taking all these parts together, the ground-plan
of the Temple measured 80 cubits by 40; that of
the Tabernacle, as we have just seen, was 40 by 80;
and what is more striking than even this is that
though the walls were 10 cubits high in the one
Ho. 6. — Plan of Solomon's Temple, aHowSuk tbe its
position of the chambers In two stories.
and 20 cubits in the other, the whole height of the
Tabernacle was It, that of the Temple 30 cubits;
the one roof rising 6, tbe other 10 cubits above the
height of the internal walls." So exact indeed is thai
a In the Apocrypha there Is a |
earlowely and (UsudoUt on this subjsrt.
wtueh l
bWW U
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anlncidenee, that It not only confirm* to the fullest
extent the restoration of the Tabernacle which baa
)u»t been explained, but it b a singular confirma-
tion of the minute accuracy which characterized the
writen of the Pentateuch and the book* of Kings
and Chronicles in this matter; for not only are we
able to check the one by the other at this distance
of time with perfect certainty, but, now that we
know the system on which they were constructed,
we might almost restore both edifices from Joee-
phus' account of the Temple as reerected by Herod,
kf which more hereafter.
The proof that the Temple, as built by Solomon,
TEMPLE
was only an enlarged copy of the Tubcrnaek, gees
far also to change the form of another important
question which has been long agitated by the stu-
dents of Jewish antiquities, inasmuch as the in-
3uiry as to whence the Jews derived the plan ana
esign of the Temple must now be transferred to
the earlier type, and the question thus stands,
Whence did they derive the scheme of the Taber-
nacle?
From Egypt?
There is not a shadow of proof that the Egyptians
ever used a movable or tent-like temple; neither ths
pictures in their temples nor any historical reenrdi
■rrtftvir adtiferr flfy JrS& «J^
Bo. *— Tomb of
paint to sawn > torn), nor has any one hfonerto ven-
tured to suggest auoh an origin for that structure.
From Assyria?
Here too we are equally devoid of any authority
or tangible data, for though the probabilities cer-
tainly are that the Jews would rather adopt a form
bom the kindred Assyrians than from the haled
strangers whose land they had just left, we have
aothing further to justify us in such an assumption,
t, it is Hid, " <v hcm bast commanded me ((. «. Sole-
awe) to build a Temple in Thy Holy Mount, and an
attar la the ekv wh-relo Thou dwelhart, a ns
From Arabia?
It is possible that the Arabs may have ami
movable tent-like temples. They were a people
nearly allied In rase with the Jews. Hoses' fother-
in-law was an Arab, and something he may have
seen there may have suggested the form be adopted.
But beyond this we cannot at present go. a
of the Holy Tabernacle which Then bast prepared
from the beglnolcc-"
a The only tbiof nasmbllns it we know of Is tat
Holy Tent of the Carthaginians, mentioned by Dtoov
oros Stratus, xx 86, which, In eonseoaaera af •
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Far the present, at taut, it rout suffice to know
fat the form of the Temple m copied from the
Tabernacle, and that any architectural ornament*
that may have been added were such ag were usu-
ally employed at that time in Palestine, and more
especially at Tyre, whence most of the artificers
were obtained who assisted in it* erection.
So far as the dimensions above quoted are con-
sented, everything is as clear and as certain as any-
•hiug that can be predicated of any building of
which no remains exist, but beyond this there are
certain minor problems by no means so easy to
resolve, but fortunately they are of much less im-
xntance. The first is the —
Height. — That given in 1 K. vi. 2 — of 30 cubits
— is so reasonable in proportion to the other di-
stensions, ti-O. the matter might be allowed to rest
there were it not for the assertion (2 Chr. iii. 4)
that the height, though apparently only of the
porch, was 120 cubits = 180 feet (as nearly as may
be the height of the steeple of St. Martin's in the
Fields). This is so unlike anything we know of in
ancient architecture, that, having no counterpart in
the Tabernacle, we might at first sight feel almost
justified in rejecting it as a mistake or interpolation,
bat for the assertion (2 Chr. iii. 9) that Solomon
overlaid the tipper chambers with gold, and 2 K.
xxiii. 12, where the alum on the top of the upper
chamber*, apparently of the Temple, are mentioned.
In addition to this, both Josephus and the Talmud
persistently assert that there was a superstructure
on the Temple equal in height to the lower part,
and the total height they, in accordance with the
book of Chronicles, call 120 cubits or 180 feet
(Ant. riii. 3, § 2). It is evident, however, that he
obtains these dimensions first by doubling the
height of the lower Temple, making it 60 instead
of 30 cubits, and in like manner exaggerating
every other dimension to make up this quantity.
Were it not for these authorities, it would satisfy
all the real exigencies of the case if we assumed
that the upper chamber occupied the space between
•he roof of the Holy Place and the roof of the
Temple. Ten cubits or 16 feet, even after deduct-
jig the thickness of the two roofs, is sufficient to
constitute such sn apartment as history would lead
as to suppose existed there. But the evidence that
there was something beyond this is so strong that
It cannot be rejected.
In looking through the monuments of antiquity
for something to suggest what this might be, the
only thing that occurs is the platform or Tatar that
existed on the roots of the Palace Temples at Per-
sepolls — as shown in Wood-cut No. 6, which rep-
resents the Tomb of Darius, and is an exact repro-
duction of the facade of the Palace shown in plan,
Wood-cat No. 9. It is true these were erected fire
centuries after the building of Solomon's Temple
but they are avowedly copies in stone of older As-
syrian forms, and as such may represent, with more
or less exactness, contemporary buildings. Nothing
m fact could represent more correctly •• the altars
on the top of the upper chambers " which Joslah
beat down (2 K. xxiii. 19) than this, nor could any-
thing mora fully meet all the architectural or de-
votional exigencies of the esse; but its height never
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3 19**
change of wind at night blowing the Barnes
which victims were being sacrificed, towards rbv
enpnfr, took Ore, a dreumstanoe which spread
eoastemation throughout the aaay as to lead to
could have been 60 cubits, or even 30, bat it might
very probably be the 20 cubits which incidentally
Josephus (xv. 11, § 3) mentions as "sinking down
in the failure of the foundations, but was so left till
the days of Nero." There can be little doubt but
that the part ref erred to in this paragraph was
some such superstructure as that shown in the last
wood-cut; and the incidental mention of 9) cubit*
is much more to be trusted than Josephus' heights
generally are, which be seems systematically to hart
exaggerated when be was thinking about them.
Jachin and Bon*. — There are no features eon
nected with the Temple of Solomon which have
given rise to so much controversy, or been so diffi-
cult to explain, a* the form of the two pillars of
braes which were set up in the porch of the house.
It has even been supposed that they were not pillars
in the ordinary sense of the term, but obelisks ; for
this, however, there does not appear to be any au-
thority. The porch was 30 feet in width, and a
roof of that extent, even if composed of a wooden
c hjydLuijy jl jif-jii , ; j
Ho. 7. —Cornice of llry-work at lenenoha,
beam, would not only look painfully weak without
some support, bat bs,in feet, almost impossible to
construct with the imperfect science of these days.
Another difficulty arises from the fact that the
book of Chronicles nearly doubles the dimensions
given in Kings; but this arises from the system-
atic reduplication of the height which misled Jose-
phus; and if we sssume the Temple to hare been
60 cubits high, the height of the pillars, as given in
the book of Chronicles, would be appropriate to
support the roof of its porch, as those in Kings are
the proper height for a temple 30 cubits high,
which there is every reason to believe was the true
dimension. According to 1 K. vll. 16 ft, the pil-
lars were 18 cubits high and 12 in circumference,
with capitals five cubits in height. Above this
was (ver. 19) another member, called also chapiter
of lily-work, four cubits in height, but which from
The uirthaginlans were a Snemtdo people, and seen
to havs carried their Holj Tent about with their ar-
mies, and to have performed saorlVes in front of It
precisely as was done by the J' we, exsepteni, of
the nature of ihe vtothns.
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TEMPLE
the second mention of it in ver. 23 seems mora
probably to hare been in entablature, which U ne-
unr; to complete the order. Ai these members
make out 27 cubits, leaving 8 cubits or *i feet for
the slope of the roof, the whole design seems rea-
sonable and proper.
If this conjecture is correct, we bare no great
difficult; in suggesting that the lily-work must
hare been something like the Peraepolitan cornice
(Wood-cut No. 7), which is probably nearer in style
jo that of the buildings at Jerusalem than anything
else we know of.
It seems almost in rain to try and speculate on
what was the exact form
of the decoration of these
celebrated pillars. Toe
nets of checker-work and
wreaths of chain-work,
and the pomegranates,
etc., are all features ap-
plicable to metal archi-
tecture; and though we
know that the old Tartar
races did use metal archi-
tecture everywhere, and
especially in bronze, from
the very nature of the
material every specimen
has perished, and we have
now no representations
from which we can restore
them. The styles we are
familiar with were all de-
rived more or less from
wood, or from stone with
wooden ornaments re-
peated in the harder ma-
terial. Even at Persepo-
lis, though we may feel
certain that everything
we see there had a wooden
prototype, and may sus-
pect that much of their
wooden ornamentation
was derived from the ear-
lier metal forms, still it is
so fsr removed from the
original source that in
the present state of our
knowledge, it is danger-
ous to insist too okstely
on any point. Notwith-
standing this, the pillars
at Persepolis, of which
Wood-cut No. 8 is a type,
are probably more like
Jacbin and Boas than any
other pillars which have
|«SfKt reached us from antiquity,
and give a better idea of
the immense capitals of
l "riiiSStiS2^ m these columns than we ob-
tain from any other ex-
amples; but being In stone, they an far more sim-
ple and less ornamental than they would have been
la wood, and infinitely law so than their metal
prototypes.
Internal Support!. — The existence of these two
•Blars in the porch suggests an inquiry which has
hitherto b sen entirely overlooked ; Were there any
•Wars in the interior of the Temple ? Considering
Skat the <lear space of the roof was 20 cubits, or
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80 feet, it may safely be asserted that bo sate
beam could be laid across this without sinking is
the centre by its own weight, unless trussed or sup-
ported from below. There is no reason whatever
to suppose that the Tynans in those days were
acquainted with the scientific forms of carpentry
implied in the first suggestion, and there is no
reason why they should have resorted to them even
if they knew how; as it cannot bo doubted bat
that architecturally the introduction of pillars in the
interior would have increased the apparent size and
improved the artistic effect of the building to a very
considerable degree.
If they were introduced at all, there must bam
been four in the sanctuary and ten in the hall, not
necessarily equally spaced, in a transverse direction,
but probably standing 6 cubits from the walls,
leaving a centre aisle of 8 cubits.
The only building at Jerusalem whose construc-
tion throws any light on this subject is the House
of the Forest of Lebanon. [Palack.] There the
pillars were an inconvenience, as the purposes of
the hall were state and festivity ; but though the
pillars in the palace had nothing to support above
the roof, they were spaced probably 10, certainly
not more than 12,, cubits apart. If Solomon bad
been able to roof a clear space of 20 cubits, he cer-
tainly would not have neglected to do it there.
At Persepolis there is a small building, eaBed
the Palace or Temple of Darius (Woodcut No. 9),
which more closely resembles the Jewish Temple
than any other building we are acquainted with.
It has a porch, a central hall, an adytum - the plan
of which cannot now be made out — and a range
of small chambers on either side. The principal
difference is that it has four pillars in its porch in-
stead of two, and consequently four rows in its in
terior hall instead of half that number, as suggested
above. All the buildings at Persepolis have their
floors equally crowded with pillars, and, as there is
no doubt but that they borrowed this peculiarity
from Nineveh, there seems no d priori reason why
Solomon should not have adopted this expedient to
get over what otherwise would seem an insuperable
constructive difficulty.
The question, in foot, is very much the same
that met us In discussing the construction of the
Tabernacle. No internal supports to the roots oi
either of these buildings are mentioned anywhere.
But the difficulties of construction without tbem
would have been so enormous, and their introduc-
tion so usual and so entirely unobjectionable, that
we can hardly understand their not being employed.
Either building was possible without thorn, but
certainly neither in the least degree probable.
It may perhaps add something to the probability
of their arrangement to mention that the ten base*
for the lavers which Solomon made would stand
one within each biter-column on either band, where
they would be beautiful and appropriate ornaments.
Without some such accentuation of the space, it
seems difficult to understand what they were, and
why ten.
Chamber*. — The only other feature which re-
mains to be noticed is toe application of three tiers
of small chambers to the walls of the Temple exter-
nally on all sides, except that of the entrance.
Though not expressly so stated, these were a sort of
monastery, appropriated to the residence of the
priests who were either permanently or in tarn de>
voted to the service of the Temple. The lowest
story wss only 6 cubits in width, the next 6, ani
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TEMPLE
Jm tipper 7, allowing an oflket of 1 cubit on the
ride of the Temple, or of 9 inches ou each lide, on
which the flooring joists restad, eo a* not to cut
into the walls of the Temple. Assuming the wall
of the Temple at the level of toe upper chambers to
have been 3 cubits thick, and the outer wall one, —
It could not well have been less, — this would ex-
actly make up the duplication of the dimension
found as before mentioned for the verandah of the
Tabernacle.
It is, again, only at Persepolis that we find any-
thing at all analogous to this; but in the plan last
quoted as that of the Palace of Darius, we find a
similar range on either hand. The palace of Xerxes
possesses this feature also; but in the great hall
there, and its counterpart at Susa, the place of
these chambers is supplanted by lateral porticoes
outside the walls that surrounded the central pha-
lanx of pillars. Unfortunately our knowledge of
Assyrian temple architecture is too limited to en-
able na to say whether this feature was common
^and though something very like it occurs
TEMPLE
8201
and as neither In the account of Solomon's building
nor in any subsequent repairs or incidents is any
mention made of such buildings, we may safely
conclude that they did not exist before the time ol
the great rebuilding immediately preceding the
Christian era.
Tkhpue or Zkhubbabxx.
We have very few particulars regarding the
Temple which the Jews erected after their return
from the Captivity (cir. 620 B. C.), and no de-
scription that would enable us to realize its appear-
ance. But there are some dimensions given in the
Bible and elsewhere which are extremely interest-
ing as affording point* of comparison between it
and the tempos which preceded it, or were erected
after it.
The first and most authentic are those given in
the book of Ezra (vi. 3), when quoting the decree
of Cyrus, wherein it is said, " Let the house be
builded, the place where they offered sacrifice?, and
let the foundations thereof be strongly laid; the
height thereof threescore cubits, and
the breadth thereof threescore cubits,
with three rows of great stones and a
row of new timber." Josephus quotes
this passage almost literally (xi. 4,
§ 6), but in doing so enables us with
certainty to translate the word here
called row as "story" (Si/tos) — as
indeed the sense would lead us to infer
— for it could only apply to the three
stories of chambers that surrounded
Solomon's, and afterwards Herod's
Temple, and with this again we conic
to the wooden Tatar which sur-
mounted the Temple and formed a
fourth story. It may be remarked
in passing, that this dimension of 60
cubits in height accords perfectly
with the words which Josephus putt
into the mouth of Herod (xv. 11, § 1)
when he makes him say that the
Temple built after the Captivity
wanted 60 cubit* of the height ol
that of Solomon. For as he had adopted, as we
nave seen above, the height of 120 cubits, as writ-
ten in the Chronicles, for that Temple, this one re-
mained only 60.
The other dimension of 60 cubits in breadth is
30 cubits in excess of that of Solomon's Temple,
but there is no reason to doubt its correctness, for
we find both from Josephus and the Talmud that
it was the dimension adopted for the Temjte when
rebuilt, or rather repaired, by Herod. At the same
time we have no authority for assuming that any
increase was made in the dimensions of either the
Holy Place or the Holy of Holies, since we find
that these were retained in Ezekiel's description ol
an ideal Temple — and were afterwards those of
Herod's. And as this Temple of Zerubhabel wis
still standing in Herod's time, and was more strictly
speaking repaired than rebuilt by him, we cannot
conceive that any of its dimensions were then di-
minished. We are left therefore with the alterna-
tive of assuming that the porch and the chambers
all round were 30 cubits in width, including the
thickness of the walls, instead of 10 cubit*, as in
the sanier building. This may perhaps to some ea-
ten* '« accounted for by the introduction of a pas-
tod Josephus tells us that it was built by that sage between the Temple and the rooms of the
SMoarob : but of this tlitre is absolutely no proof, ' priest's lodgings instead of each being a thoroucb-
No. 9. — Palace of Darius at Pempolis. Seals of SO ftetto 1 Inch,
m Buddhist Viharas in India, these latter are com-
paratively eo modern that their disposition hardly
bears on the inquiry.
Outer Court The inclosure of the Temple
consisted, according to the Bible (1 K. vi. 36), of
a low wall of three courses of stones and a row of
oedar beams, both probably highly ornamented. As
It is more than probable that the same duplication
of dimensions took place in this as in all the other
features of the Tabernacle, we may safely assume
that it was 10 cubits, or 15 feet, in height, and
almost certainly 100 cubit* north and south, and
KO east and west.
There is no mention in the Bible of any porti-
coes or gateways or any architectural ornaments of
bis inclosure, for though names which were after-
wrds transferred to the gates of the Temple do oc-
cur In 1 Chr. ix., xxir., and xxvi., this was before
the Temple itself was built; and although Josephus
does mention such, it must be recollected that he
was writing five centuries after its total destruction,
and he was too apt to confound the past and the
•resent in his descriptions of buildings which did
sot then exist. There was an eastern porch to
Herod's Temple, which was called Solomon's Porch,
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8202
TEMPLE
fare, as most certainly hare been the can In Sofe-
mon'a Temple.
Thii alteration in the width of the Pterocnata
made the Temple 100 cubits in length by 60 Jn
breadth, with a height, it is laid, of 60 cubita, in-
eluding the upper room or Talar, though we cannot
help suspecting that this last dimension is some-
what in excess of the truth."
The only other description of this Temple is
found in Hecatteus the Abderite, who wrote short!}
after the death of Alexander the Great. As quoted
by Josephus (ami. Ap. i. 22), he says, that " In Je-
rusalem towards the middle of the city is a stone
willed inclosure about 500 feet in length (At rtv-
rirKtipas). and 100 cubita in width, with double
gates," in which he describes the Temple ss being
situated.
The last dimension is exactly what we obtained
above by doubling the width of the Tabernacle in-
closure as applied to Solomon's Temple, and may
therefore be accepted as tolerably certain, but tbe
GOO feet in length exceeds anything we have yet
reached by 200 feet. It may be that at this age it
was found necessary to add a court for the women
or the Gentiles, a sort of Narthex or Galilee for
those who could not enter the Temple. If this or
these together were 100 cubits square, it would
make up the " nearly 5 plethra " of our author.
Hecataeus also mentions that the altar was 20 cu-
bits square and 10 high. And although he men-
tions the Temple itself, he unfortunately does not
supply us with any dimensions.
From these diiuaisions we gather, that if " the
Priests and l-evites and Elders of families were dis-
consolate at seeing how much more sumptuous the
old Temple was than the one which on account of
their poverty they had just been able to erect "
(Gar. iii. 12; Joseph. Ani. xi. 4, § 2), it certainly
was not because it was smaller, as almost every di-
mension bad been increased one third ; but it may
have lieen that the caning and the gold, and other
ornaments of Solomon's Temple far surpassed this,
and the pillars of tbe portico and the veils may all
have been far more splendid, so also probably were
the vessels ; and all this is what a Jew would mourn
over far more than mere architectural splendor. In
speaking of these temples we must always bear in
mind that their dimensions were practically very fax
inferior to those of the heathen. Even that of Ezra
t not larger than an average parish church of the
ast century — Solomon's was smaller. It was the
lavish display of the precious metals, the elabora-
tion of carved ornament, and the beauty of the tex-
"ile fabrics, which made up their splendor and ren-
lered them so precious in the eyes of the people,
and there can consequently be no greater mistake
than to judge of them by the number of cubita they
measured. They were temples of a Shemitio, not
of a Celtic people.
Tekpix of Ezekikl.
Tbe vision of a Temple which the prophet Exe-
Uel saw while residing on the banks of tbe Cbebar
In Babylonia in the 25th year of tbe Captivity, does
not add much to our knowledge of the subject. It
* not a description of a Temple that ever was built
« In neoanttaf the events narrated by bra (x. 9),
lotaphiu says (int. at. 6, 4 4) that toe assembly there
referred to took place In the upper room, b> ty vittpyqi
raw utpov, which would bs a very curious illustration
*T tba uaa of that apartment if It could be depended
TEMPLE
or ever could be erected at Jerusalem, and can een-
sequently only be considered as tbe beam ideal of
what a Shemitio temple ought to be. As such M
would certainly be interesting if it could be cor-
rectly restored, but unfortunately the difficulties of
making out a complicated plan from a mere verba]
description are very great indeed, and are enhanced
in this instance by our imperfect knowledge of the
exact meaning of the Hebrew architectural terms,
and it may also be from tbe prophet describing not
what he actually knew, but only what he saw in s
vision.
Be this a* it may, we find that the Temple itself
was of the exact dimensions of that built by Solo-
mon, namely, an adytum (Ex. xL 1-4), 20 cubita
square, a naos, 20x40, and surrounded by cells of
10 cubits' width including the thickness of the
walls, the whole, with the porch, making op 40 cu-
bita by 80, or very little more than one four-thou-
sandth part of the whole area of tbe Temple: the
height unfortunately is not given. Beyond this
were various courts and residences for the priests,
and places for sacrifice and other ceremonies of the
Temple, till he comes to tbe outer court, which
measured 500 reeds on each of its sides ; each reed
(Ex. xl. 5) was 6 Babylonian cubits long, namely,
of cubita each of one ordinary cubit and a hand-
breadth, or 21 inches. The reed was therefore 10
feet 6 inches, and the side consequently 5,250 Greek
feet, or within a few feet of an English mile, con-
siderably more than the whole area of the city of
Jerusalem, Temple Included !
It has been attempted to get over this difficulty
by saying that the prophet meant cubita, not reeds;
but this is quite untenable. Nothing can be more
dear than the specification of the length of tbe reed,
and nothing more careful than tbe mode in which
reeds are distinguished from cubits throughout; aa
for instance in tie two next verses (6 and 7) when
a chamber and a gateway are mentioned, each of
one reed. If cubit were substituted, it would be
nonsense.
Notwithstanding its ideal character, the whole is
extremely curious, as showing what wore the aspi-
rations of tbe Jews in this direction, and how dif-
ferent they were from those of other nations; and
it is interesting here, inasmuch as there can be
little doubt but that the arrangements of Herod's
Temple were in a great measure influenced by the
description here given. The outer court, for in-
stance, with its porticoes measuring 400 cubita each
way, is an exact counterpart on a smaller scale of
tbe outer court of Ezekiel's Temple, and is not
found in either Solomon's or Zerubbabel's; and
so too, evidently, are several of the internal ar-
rangements.
Temple of Herod.
For our knowledge of tbe last and greatest of Ibi
Jewish Temples we are indebted almost wholly to
tbe works of Josephus, with an occasional hint
from the Talmud.
The Bible unfortunately contains nothing to as-
sist the researches of the antiquary in this respect.
With true Shemitieh indifference to such objects,
the writers of tbe New Testament do not furnish
■poo, but both tba Hebraw and hXX. an so olsar that
It was In the « street,'' or " place " of the Temple, thai
we cannot base any argument upon It, though It Is
curious ss Indicating what was passing la tar ulnd et
Josephus.
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TEMPLB
hint which would enable us to ascertain
■ what the situation or the dimensions of the
Temple were, nor an; characteristic feature of its
architecture. But Josephus knew the spot per-
sonally, and bis horizontal dimensions are so nii-
nutelj accurate that we almost suspect he had l>e-
(om his eyes, when writing, some ground-plan of the
building prepared in the quartermaster-general's de-
partment of Titus's army. They form a strange con-
trast with his dimensions in height, which, with
scarcely an eiception, can be shown to be exagger-
ated, generally doubled. As the buildings were all
thrown down during tbe siege, it was impossible to
convict bim of error in respect to elevations, but aa
regards plan he seems always to have had a whole-
Kme dread of the knowledge of those among whom
M was living and writing. .
TEMPLE
8208
The Temple or naos Itself was in dimension} and
arrangement very similar to that of Solomon, of
rather that of Zerubbabel — more like the latter;
but this was surrounded by an inner iuclosure of
great strength and magnificence, measuring as
nearly as can be made out 180 cubits by 240, and
adorned by porches and ten gateways of great
magnificence; and beyond thU again was an outer
iuclosure measuring externally 400 cubits each
way, which was adorned with porticoes of greater
splendor than any we know of attached to any
temple of the ancient world: all showing how
strongly Roman influence was at work in envelop-
ing with heathen magnificence the simple templar
arrangements of a Shemitic people, which, how-
ever, remained nearly unchanged amidst all this)
external incrustation.
No. lOi-Tamplsaf Hood intend Seal* of 300 last t» 1 men.
It has already been pointed out [Jerusalem,
toL ii. pp. 1313-14] that the Temple was certainly
situated in tbe S. W. angle of the area now known
as tbe Haram area at Jerusalem, and it is hardly
necessary to repeat here the arguments there ad-
duced to prove that its dimensions were what
Josephus states them to be, 400 cubits, or one sta-
dium, each way.
At tbe time when Herod rebuilt it he Inclosed a
awes " twice as large " as that before occupied by
Uw Temple and its courts (B. J. i. 21, § 1), an
• * Sines the writer's note at the commencement
sf this article was sect to press, the report of Lieut
Warren's latest sxcaratloiu about the south wall of
tbe Haram area bus come to band, containing, ue
thinks, " as much information with regard to this
section of tbe Haram Wall, aa we are likely to t»
able to obtain-" His conclusions are advene to the
Jaeury given abov». Of this massive wall, he think*
Bat she 900 trnt east of the Doubts Gate is of a dlf-
expression that probaMy most not be taken tec
literally, at least if we an to depend on the meas-
urements of Hecatteus. According to them the
whole area of Herod's Temple was between fiiux
and five times greater than that which preceded it.
What Herod did apparently was to take in the
whole space between the Temple and the city waS
on its eastern side, and to add a considerable space
on the north and south to support the porticoes
which he added there.* [See Palestine, vol. itf
p. 2403, note, Amer. ed.]
brent construction from the 800 feet west of It, and
more ancient. It Is built up with beveled stones Irons
the roes, and on some of the stones at the S. E an-
gle were found signs snd characters (supposed to be
Phoenician) which had been cut before the stones wen
laid (Pat. Sxpt. Fund, Warren's Letters, XLV.). He
Jectinr Mr. Fergusson's theory, that the S. W. aagla
or the was was tbe site of the Temple, Meat. Warm
Is undecided between three point*, which present, aa
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8204
TEMPLE
At the Temple terrace thne became the principal
Mense of the city on the east tide, there were no
galea or opening! in that direction, and being situ-
ated on a sort of rocky brow — as evidenced from
its appearance in the vaults that hound it on this
tide — it was at all future times considered unat-
tackahle from the eastward. The north tide, too,
where not covered by the fortress Anton ia, became
part of the defenses of the city, and was likewise
without external gates. But it may also have been
that, as the tombs of the kings, and indeed the
general cemetery of Jerusalem, were situated im-
mediately to the northward of the Temple, there
was some religious feeling in preventing too ready
access from the Temple to the burying-plaoes (Ex.
ihii. 7-8).
On the south side, which was Inclosed by the
wall of Ophel, there were double gates nearly in
the centra (Ant. xv. 11, $ 5). These gates still
exist at a distance of about 365 feet from the
southwestern angle, and are perhaps the only
architectural features of the Temple of Herod
which remain m tilu. This entrance consists of
a double archway of Cyclopean architecture on the
level of the ground, opening into a square vestibule
measuring 40 feet each way. In toe centre of this
is a pillar crowned by a capital of the Greek —
rather than Koman — Corinthian order (Wood-cut
No. 11); the acanthus alternating with the water-
leaf, as in the Tower of the Winds at Athens, and
other Greek examples, but which was an arrange-
ment abandoned by the Romans as early as the
time of Augustus, and never afterwards employed .»
From this pillar spring four flat segmental arches,
and the space between these is roofed by flat
\o 11 —Capital of Pillar In Vestibule of southern
entrance*
iomet, constructed apparently on the horizontal
principle. The walls of this vestibule are of the
aune beveled masonry as the exterior; but either
it the time of erection or subsequently, the pro-
lections seem to have been chiseled off in some
part* so as to form pilasters. From this a double
tunnel, nearly 800 feet in length, leads to a flight
minks, about equal claims — namely, the pr e s e nt
Dome of the Rook platform, a space east of It reach-
log tr the east wall, and Um 8. E. angle of the area.
Further examination and evldeoce will be necessary ,
3 shake the traditional belief In the first-named site.
8. W.
a The Talmud, it is true, does mennoo a (ate as
existing In tbe eastern wall, but Its testimony on this
■Not la so unaausftvctory and In such direct opposition
to Jossphua and the probabilities of the esse, that It
way seisly ba disregarded.
TEMPLE
of steps which rise to the surface to the «
the Temple, exactly at that gateway of the
Temple which led to the altar, and ia tbe on* of
the four gateways on this aide by which any one
arriving from Ophel would naturally wish to enter
the inner inclosure. It seems to have been this
necessity that led to the external gateway raring
placed a little more to the eastward than the exact
centre of the inclosure, where naturally we should
otherwise have looked for it.
We learn from the Talmud (Mid. ii. 6), that the
gate of the inner Temple to which this passage led
was called the "Water Gate; " and it it interesting
to be able to identify a spot so prominent in the de-
scription of Nehemiah (xii. 37 ). Tbe Water Gate
is more often mentioned in the medieval references
to the Temple than any other, especially by Uo-
haiuuiedan authors, though by them frequently
confounded with the outer gate at the other and of
this passage.
Towards the westward there were four gateways
to the external inclosure of the Temple (Ant. xr
11, § 5), and the positions of three of these etc
still be traced with certainty. Tbe first or most
southern led over the bridge the remains of which
were identified by Dr. Robinson (of which a view
is given in art. Jerusalem, voL ii. p. 1318), and
joined the Stoa Basilica of the Temple with the
royal palace (Ant. ibid.). The second was that
discovered by Dr. Barclay, 270 feet from tbe S. W.
angle, at a level of 17 feet below that of the south-
ern gates Just described. The site of the third ia
so completely covered by the buildings of the
Meckme* that it bat not yet been seen, but it will
be found between 200 and SSO feet from tbe N. W.
angle of the Temple area; for, owing to the greater
width of the southern portico beyond that on the
northern, the Temple itself was not in the centre
of its inclosure, but situated more towards the
north. The fourth was that which led over tbe
causeway which still exists at a distance of 600
feet from tbe southwestern angle.
In the time of Solomon, and until the a.ea was
enlarged by Herod, the ascent from the western
valley to the Temple seems to have been by an
external flight of stairs (Neh. xii. 37; 1 K. x. 6,
Ac. ), similar to those at Peraepolis, and like tbeto
probably placed laterally so at to form a part of
the architectural design. When, however, the
Temple came to be fortified " modo areis " (Tacit.
H. v. 12), tbe causeway and the bridge were es-
tablished to afford communication with tbe upper
city, and tbe two intermediate lower entrances ts
lead to the lower city, or, at it was originally called,
« the city of David."
CkitUrt. — The moat magnificent part of the
Temple, in an architectural point of view, stems
certainly to have been the cloisters which were
added to the outer court when it was enlarged by
Herod. It ia not quite clear if there was not an
eastern porch before this time, and if to, it may
* Owing to tha darkness of tbe place, banked up
at it now is, and the ruined state of the capital, It is
not easy to get a correct delineation of It This Is tc
be regretted, as a considerable controversy has ariter.
as to its exact character. It may therefore be Interest
log to mention that the drawing made by the srcbV
teetural draughtsman who accompanied M. Benao lb
his late scientific expedition to Syria confirms to the
fullest extent the character of the architecture, as
shown in the view givta above from Mr. ArutrraVf
drawing.
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TEMPLE
wn ban nearly on the site of tint subsequently
■seated; bat on the three other sides the Temple
ares ni 10 extended at the hit rebuilding that
there can be no doubt bnt that from the very
foundationa the terraee walla and cloisters belonged
wholly to the laat period.
The cloiaten in the west, north, and east side were
composed of double rows of Corinthian columns, 25
cubits or 37 feet 8 inches in height (B. J. v. 6, J 2),
with flat roofs, and resting against the outer wall
of the Temple. These, however, were immeasurably
surpassed in magnificence by the royal porch or Stoa
Basilica which overhung the southern wall. This
is so minutely described by Josephus (Ant. it. 11,
§ 6) that there is no difficulty in understanding its
arrangement or ascertaining ita dimensions. It
consisted (in the language of Gothic architecture)
of a nare and two aisles, that towards the Temple
being open, that towards the country dosed by a
wall The breadth of the centre aisle was 45 feet;
of the side aisles 30 from centre to centre of the
pillars; their height 50 feet, and that of the centre
aisle 100 feet. Its section was thus something in
excess of that of York Cathedral, while its total
length was one stadium or 600 Greek feet, or 100
feet in excess of York, or our largest Gothic ca-
thedrals. This magnificent structure was sup-
ported by 162 Corinthian columns, arranged in
four rows, forty in each row — the two odd pillars
forming apparently a screen at the end of the bridge
leading to the palace, whose axis was coincident
with that of the Stoa, which thus formed the
principal entrance from the city and palace to the
Temple.
At a short distance from the front of these
doisten was a marble screen .or incloeure, 8 cubits
In height, beautifully ornamented with earring, but
bearing inscriptions in Greek and Koman characters
forbidding any Gentile to pass within ita bounda-
ries. Again, at a short distance within this was a
Bight of steps supporting the terrace or platform
en which the Temple itself stood. According to
Josephus (B. J. v. 5, § 2) this terrace was It
cubits or 82| feet high, and was approached first
by fourteen steps, each we may assume about one
foot in height, at the top of which was a barm or
platform, 10 cubits wide, called the Chel; and
there were again in the depth of the gateways
Are or six steps more leading to the inner court
of the Temple, thus making 20 or 21 steps in the
whole height of 22| feet To the eastward, where
the court of the women was situated, this arrange-
ment was rerened; five steps led to the Chel, and
fifteen from that to the court of the Temple.
The court of the Temple, as mentioned above,
ana rery nearly a square. It may hare been ex-
actly so, for we bare not all the details to enahle
us to feel quite oertain about it. The Middotk
says it was 187 cubits E. and W., and 137 N. and
8. (ii. 6). But on the two last aides there were
TEMPLE
8205
a It doss not appear difficult to account for this ex-
traordinary execss. The Babble adopted the saerad
■umber of KSekiel of 600 for their external dimensions
ef the Temple, without caring much whether It meant
reads or enblts, and though the commentators Sky
mat they only meant the smaller cubit of 16 Inches,
■ (36 test In all, this explanation will not hold good,
as all their other meaauramente agree so closely with
(boss of Josephus that they evidently were using the
sants euUt of 18 Inches. The feet eeema to be, that
earing e rron e ou sly adopted 600 eoblta instead of «D0
the gateways with their exhedne and chambers,
which may hare made up 25 cubits each way
though, with such measurements as we hare, it
appears they were something less.
To the eastward of this was the court of the
women, the dimensions of which am not given by
Josephus, but are in the Middoih, as 137 cubits
square — a dimension we may safely reject, first,
from the extreme improbability of the Jews allot-
ting to the women a space more than ten times
greater than that allotted to the men of Israel or
to the Levi tee, whose courts, according to the same
authority, were respectively 137 by 11 cubits; but,
more than this, from the impossibility of finding
room for such a court while adhering to the othet
dimensions given.' If we assume that the Incloeure
of the court of the Gentiles, or the Cbei, was nearly
equidistant on all four sides from the cloisters, ita
dimension must hare been about 37 or 40 cubits
east and west, most probably the former.
The great ornament of these inner courts seems
to have been their gateways, the three especially
on the north and south leading to the Temple
court. These, according to Josephus, were of great
height, strongly fortified and ornamented with great
elaboration. But the wonder of all was the great
eastern gate leading from the court of the women
to the upper court. This seems to have been the
pride of the Temple area — covered with carving,
richly gilt, having apartments over it (Art. xv.
11, § 7), more like the Gopura • of an Indian tem-
ple than anything else we are acquainted with in
architecture. It was also in all probability the one
called toe "Beautiful Gate" in the New Testament.
Immediately within this gateway stood the altar
of burnt-offerings, according to Josephus (B. J. v.
5, § 6), 60 cubits square and 15 cubits high, with
an ascent to it by an inclined plane. The Talmud
reduces this dimension to 32 cubits (Afidduth, lit.
1), and adds a number of particulars, which make
it appear that it must have been like a model of
the Babylonian or other Assyrian temples. On the
north side were the rings and stakes to which the
victims were attached which were brought In to be
sacrificed ; and to the south an inclined plana led
down, as before mentioned, to the Water Gate —
so called because immediately in front of it was the
great cistern excavated In the rock, first explored
and described by Dr. Barclay (City of Iht Great
King, p. 626 J, from which water was supplied to
the Altar and the Temple. And a little beyond
this, at the 8. W. angle of the Altar was an open-
ing (Middolh, iii. 3), through which the blood of
the victims flowed c westward and southward to the
king's garden at Siloam.
Both the Altar and the Temple were inclosed by
a low parapet one cubit in height, placed so as to
keep the people separata from the priests while the
latter were performing their functions
Within this lest incloeure towards the westward
for the external dimensions, they had 100 oubtts is
apare, and introduced them where no authority re-
nted to show they were wrong.
» Handbook of Antiacne*, p. 96 ft
e A channel exactly corresponding to that des crib ed
in the Tahnod has been dla uora i s d by Stgnor PierotU,
running towards the jowMwest. In his published as-
eounta he mistakes It for one flowing nonhtaH, hi
direct contradiction to the Talmud, -vnteh la eear omit
authority at the Mb}ni
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8206
TBMPLB
stood tbe Temple itself. A» before mentioned, its
interna] dimensions woe the Mine at tho*» of the
Temple of Solomon, or of that nan by the prophet
In a vision, namely, SO oahita or M fact, by 60
onbita or 00 feet, divided into a cubical Holy of
Holies, and a holy place of 1 cubes; and there ia
no reaaon whatever for doubting but that the Sano-
tuary aiwaya stood on the identically aame spot in
which it had been placed by Solomon a thousand
yean before it was rebuilt by Herod.
Although tbe internal dimension* remained the
name, there teems no reaaon to doubt but that
the whole plan wat augmented by the Pteromata
or surrounding part* being increased from 10 to
■0 cubits, so that the third Temple like the second,
measured 80 cubits across, and 100 cubits east and
west. The width of the facade was also augmented
by wings or shoulders (B. J. v. 5, § 4) projecting
90 cubits each way, making the whole breadth 100
eubita, or equal to the length. So for all seems
certain, but when we come to the height, every
measurement seems doubtful. Both Josephus and
the Talmud seem delighted with the truly Jewish
Idea of a building which, without being a cube,
was 100 clI its long, 100 broad, and 100 high —
and everything seems to be made to bend to this
simple ratio of proportion. It may also be partly
owing to the difficulty of ascertaining heights aa
compared with horizontal dimensions, and the ten-
dency that always exists to exaggerate these latter,
that may have led to some confusion, but Iron)
whatever cause it arose, it ia almost impossible to
believe that the dimensions of the Temple as re-
gards height, were what they were asserted to be
by Josephus, and specified with such minute detail
Id the Muldoth (iv. 6). This authority makes the
height of the floor 6, of the hall 40 cubits; the
roofing S eubita in thickness: then tbe ooenaculum
or upper room 40, and the roof, parapet, etc., 9 ! —
all the parts being named with tbe most detailed
particularity.
As the adytum was certainly not more than SO
eubita high, tbe first 40 looks very like a duplica-
tion, and so does the second ; for a room 80 cubits
wide and 40 high is so absurd a proportion that it
ia impassible to accept it. In fact, we cannot help
suspecting that in this instance Josephus was guilty
of systematically doubling the altitude of the build-
ing be was describing, at it can be proved be did
in some other Instance*.' 1
From the above it would appear, that In so for
at tbe horizontal dimensions of the various parts
of this celebrated building, or their arrangement in
plan is com*roed, we can restore every part with
very tolerable certainty ; and there does not appear
either to be very much doubt at to their real height
Out when we turn from actual measurement and
try t> realize its appearance or the details of Its
architecture, we launch into a sen of conjecture
with very little indeed to guide us, at least in re-
gard to the appearance of the Temple itself.
We know, however, that tbe cloisters of tbe
a As it Is not easy always to realise figured dimen-
sions, It may assist thorn who era not in the habit of
Mag so to state that the western facade and nave of
Uneolu Cathedral are nearly the same as those of Her-
d's Temple. Thus, tbe fltcade with Its shoulders Is
aeout 100 cubits wide. The nave Is 80 cubits wide
and 80 high, and if you divide the alals Into three
stone) you can have s correct Idea of tbe ehambors ;
•nd If the nave with its cleraatnrv were divided by a
TBMPLB
oat* court were of the Corinthian order, aad frotj
the appearance of nearly contemporary eknatssi si
Palmyra and Baalbec we can Judge of their tftek
There are also in the llaram area at Jeroaalem a
number of pillars which mice belonged to these
colonnades, and to soon aa any one will take the
trouble to measure and draw them, we may restart
the cloisters at all events with almost absolute oar-
tainty.
We may also realize very nearly the general ap-
pearance of the inner fortified inckenre with its
galea and their accompaniments, and we can also
restore tbe Altar, but when we turn to the Terorli
itself, all is guess work. Still tin speculation ia tc
interesting, that it may not be out of place to air
a few words regarding it.
In the first place we are toM (AnL xv. 11, § S)
that the priests built the Temple ilaelf in eighteen
months, while it took Herod eight yean to com-
plete bis part, and at only priests apparently west
employed, we may fairly assume that it waa net a
rebuild big, but only a repair — it may be with
additions — which they undertook. We know also
from Maccabees, and from the unwillingness of the
priests to allow Herod to undertake the rebuilding;
at all, that the Temple, though at one time dese-
crated, waa never destroyed ; so we may fairly as-
sume that a great part of tbe Temple of Zerubbabel
was still standing, and was incorporated in the
new.
Whatever may have been the case with to*
Temple of Solomon, it is nearly certain that the
style of the second Temple most have been iden-
tical with that of the buildings we are so familiar
with at Persepolis and Suss, In fact tbe Wood-
cut No. 6 correctly represents the second Temple
in so far at its details are concerned ; for we must
not be led away with the modern idea that different
people built in different styles, which they kept dis-
tinct and practiced only within their own narrow
limits. Tbe Jews were too closely connected with
the Persians and Babylonians at this period to
know tX any other style, and in fact their Temple
was built under the superintendence of the very
parties who were erecting the contemporary edifices
at Persepolis and Suss.
Tbe question still remains bow much of this
bnilding or of ita details were retained, or how
much of Roman feeling added. We may at coo*
dismiss the idea that anything was bonuaed from
Egypt. That country had no influence at this
period beyond the limits of her own narrow valley,
and we cannot trace one vestige of her taste or foal-
ing in anything found in Syria at or about this
epoch.
Turning to the building Itself, we find that the
only things that were added at this period were the
wings to the facade, and it may consequently I*
surmised that the facade waa entirely remodeled
at this time, especially as we find in the centre a
great arch, which wat a very Roman feature, and
very unlike anything we know of aa- existing besots.
Door, they would eomotly re pre s ent the i
of the Temple and ita upper rooms. Tbe nave, how-
ever, to the transept, is considerably mere than ltfi
cubits long, while the facade Is only between 60 and
80 cubits high. Those, therefore, who adhere to tbt
written text, must double ita height In Imagination ti
realise Its appearance, but my own rcnvtranti Is thai
the Temple was not higher ia reality than the bee*
nf tbe cathedral.
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TEMPLE, CAPTAIN OF THE
luts, Josephus says, m 35 enbiti wide and 70
Ugh, which ia to monstrous in proportion, and,
fating wider than the Temple itself, to unlikely, that
it may safely be rejected, and we may adopt in iti
stead the more moderate dimension! of the Middoth
(iii. 7), which makes it 30 cubits wide by 40 high,
which is not only more in accordance with the
dimensions of the building, but also with the pro-
portions of Roman architecture. This arch occu-
pied the centre, and may easily be restored; but
what is to be done with the 37 cubits on either
hand ? Were they plain like an unfinished Egyp-
tian propylon, or covered with ornament like an
Indian Gopura? My own impression is that the
bvcade on either hand was covered with a series of
■mall arches and panels four stories in height, and
more like the Tak Keara at Ctesiphon » than any
other building now existing. It is true that nearly
Are centuries elapsed between the destruction of the
one building and the erection of the other. But
Herod's Temple was not the last of its race, nor
was Nuahirvan's the first of its class, and its pointed
arches and clumsy details show just such a degra-
dation of style as we should expect from the in-
terval which had elapsed between them. We know
■o little of the architecture of this part of Asia that
it is impossible to speak with certainty on such a
subject, but we may yet recover many of the lost
links which connect the one with the other, and so
restore the earlier examples with at least proximate
certainty.
Whatever the exact appearance of its details may
have been, it may safely be asserted that the triple
Temple of Jerusalem — the lower court, standing
on its magnificent terraces — the inner court, raised
on its platform in the centre of this — and the
Temple itself, rising out of this group and crown-
ing the whole — must have formed, when combined
with the beauty of its situation, one of the most
splendid architectural combinations of the ancient
J. F.
* On this subject one may also consult the Ap-
pendix to Dr. James Strong's JVrw Harmony and
Expo*, of At Gospels (N. Y. 1862), pp. 84-87 ;
T. O. Paine, Solomon's Temple, etc., Boston, 1861
(81 plates); Hera's art. Ttmpel w Jerusalem, in
Heraog's Seai-Encyhl. xv. 600-61 8; and the liter-
ature referred to under Ezekibx, vol. i. p. 801 6.
A.
• TEMPLE CAPTAIN OP THE. [Caj-
*a».]
•TEMPT (Lat temptart, tentare) la very
often used in the A. V. in the sense of " to try,"
'•put to the test." Thus God is said to have
" tempted " Abraham when he tried his Btith by
commanding the sacrifice of Isaac (Gen. xxii. 1).
The Israelites "tempted God" in the wilderness
when thiy put his patience and forbearance to the
proof by murmuring, distrust, and disobedience
(Exod. xvii. 2, 7; Mum. xiv. 33; Deut vi. 16)
Ps. lxxviii. 18, 41, 68, xcv. 9, evi. 14). The lawyer
is said to have " tempted " Christ when he asked
TEN COMMANDMENTS 8207
him a question to see how he would answer It
(Matt xxii. 86; Luke x. 36). So the word is
need in reference to the ensnaring questions of the
Pharisees (Matt. xvi. 1, xix. 3; Mark xii. 16; Luke
xx. 28). [Temvtatiou.] A.
• TEMPTATION is oftn. used In the A. V.
in its original sense of " trial " (e. g. Luke xxii.
38; Acts xx. 19; James 1. 2, 12; 1 Pet. 1. «{
Rev. iii. 10). The plagues of Egypt are called
•' temptations " (Deut. iv. 34, vii. 19, xxix. 3), lie-
cause they tested the extent to which Pharaoh
would carry bis obstinacy. [Tempt.] A.
TEN COMMANDMENTS. (1.) The pop-
ular name in this, as in so many instances, ia not
that of Scripture. There we have the •« ten worda "
(any^n n"$flj: T ft M«a Miaoto.: verba
decern), not the Ten Commandments (Ex. xxxiv.
28; Dent. iv. 13, x. 4, Heb.). The dincrencc Is
not altogether an unmeaning one. The word of
God, the " word of the Lord," the constantly re-
curring term for the fullest revelation, was higher
than any phrase expressing merely a command, and
carried with it more the idea of a self-fulfilling
power. If on the one side there was the special
contrast to which our Lord refers lwtwren the com-
mandments of God and the traditions of men
(Matt xv. 3), the arrogance of the Rabbis showed
itself, on the other, in placing the wards of the
Scribes on the same level as the aortlt of God.
[Comp. Scriuks.] Nowhere in the later books
of the O. T. is any direct reference made to their
number. The treatise of Philo, however, repl r»
Sens Aoylctr, shows that it had fixed itself on the
Jewish mind, and later still, it gave occasion to the
formation of a new word (" The Decalogue " %
StKrfAoToj, first in Clem. Al. Pad. iii. 13), which
has perpetuated itself in modern languages. Other
names are even more significant These, and tbesa
alone, are *• the words of the covenant," the un-
changing ground of the union between Jehovah and
his people, all else being as a superstructure, acces-
sory and subordinate (Ex. xxxiv. 28). They art
also the Tables of Testimony, sometimes simply
" ike testimony," the witness to men of the Divine
will, righteous Itself, demanding righteousness in
man (Ex. xxv. 16, xxxi. 18, Ac). It is by virtue
of their presence in It that the Ark becomes, in its
turn, the Ark of the Covenant (Num. x. 33, tx.),
that the sacred tent became toe Tabernacle tl
Witness, of Testimony (Ex. xxxviii. 21, Ac.).
[Tabebkaclk.] They remain there, throughout
the glory of the kingdom, the primeval relics of a
hoar antiquity (1 K. viil. 9), their material, the
writing on them, the sharp incisive character of the
laws themselves presenting a striking contrast to
the more expanded teaching of a later time. Not
less did the commandments themselves speak of
the earlier age when not the silver and the gold,
but the ox and the ass were the great representa-
tives of wealth * (comp. 1 Sun. xii. 3).
(3.) The circumstances in which the Ten great
a Handbook of Architecture, p. 876.
> awald ia disposed to think that even In the form
in which wt have the Oaamaadmentt than an some
ed dt ttont made at a later period, and that the snood
and she fourth rommtndmtnta wart origraaUy at
treaty bnperauve as the sixth or atvtnth (Out*. 1st.
H. 206). The dntoanct between the rests* given la '
Kx. xx. 11 toe tbt ftnrth commanduwit, and that I Mt, xx.) ■
< hare bats given la Dank v. 16, makes, 1 9 wald.
perhaps, two. a conjecture possible. Scholia, which
modern anootaton put Into tbt margin are In the
existing state of the O. T. incorporated Into tot text
Obviously both forms could not hare appeared written
en the two Tablas of atone, yet Dtut v. 16, 22 not
onty states a dlnereot r eason, but amnna that " all
wot that written. Kail (Ones. M
i en (sat poitt dhnrmd to asm with
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8203 TEN COMMANDMENTS
ITbWi were flit given to the people surrounded
Uwm with an awe which attached to no other pre-
cept. In the midst of the clond, and the darkness,
and the flashing lightning, and the fiery smoke,
and the tlinnder, like the voice of a trumpet, Moan
was called to receive the Law without which the
people would cease to be a holy nation. Here, as
elsewhere, Scripture unites two {acta which men
separate. God, and not man, was speaking to the
Israelites in those terrors, and yet in the language
of later inspired teachers, other instrumentality was
not excluded." The law was " ordained by angels "
(Gal. iii. 19), " spoken by angels " (Heb. ii. 2), re-
ceived as the ordinance of angels (Acts vii. 53).
The agency of those whom the thoughts of the
Psalmist connected with the winds and the flaming
fire (Pa. civ. 4; Heb. i. 7) was present also on
Sitiai. And the part of Hoses himself was, as the
language of St. Paul (Gal. iii. 19) affirms, that of
" a mediator." He stood " between " the people
and the Lord, " to show them the word of the
Lord " (Deut. v. 5), while they stood alar off, to
give form and distinctness to what would else have
been tevrible and overwhelming. The " voice of
toe I.ord " which they heard in the thunderings
and the sound of the trumpet, ••full of majesty,"
'• dividing the flames of fire " (Ps. xxlx. 3-9), was
for him a Divine icon/, the testimony of an Eternal
will, just as in the parallel instance of John xii. 29,
a like testimony led some to say, " it thundered,"
ffhile others received the witness. No other words
were proclaimed in like manner. The people shrank
even from this nearness to the awful presence, even
from the very echoes of the Divine voice. And the
record was as exceptional as the original revelation.
Of no other words could it be said that they were
written as these were written, engraved on the
Tables of Stone, not as originating in man's con-
trivance or sagacity, but by the power of the Eternal
8pirit, by the •' finger of God " (Ex. xxxl. 18, xxxii.
18; conip. note on Tabernacle).
(8.) The number Ten was, we can hardly doubt,
itself significant to Hoses and the Israelites. 11m
received symbol, then and at all times, of complete-
ness (Bahr, SymMik, 1. 175-183), it taught the
people that the Law of Jehovah was perfect (Pa.
fix. 7). The fact that they were written not on
one, but on two tables, probably in two groups of
Ave each {infra), taught men (though with some
variations, from the classification of later ethics) the
great division of duties toward God, and duties
toward our neighbor, which we recognize as the
groundwork of every true moral system. It taught
'.hem also, five being the symbol of Imperfection
(BShr, 1. 183-187), bow incomplete each set of
luties would be when divorred from its companion.
The recurrence of these numbers in the Pentateuch
la at once frequent and striking. Ewald ( Ouch. Itr.
ii. 212-217) has shown by a large induction bow
continually laws and precepts meet us in groups
of five or ten. The numbers, it will be remem-
bered, meet nr again as the basis of all the propor-
tions of the Tabernacle. [Temple.] It would
ahnw an ignorance of all modes of Hebrew thought
a Baxtorf, It Is true, assarts that Jswbh Interpreters,
with hardly an exception, maintain that " Dram verba
Puslogl par ss immediate locutum esse " (Di—. dt
OtmL). The language of Joasphus, however {Ant. ST.
t, t »i not km than that of the N. T., shows that at
km time the traditions of the Jewish schools pointed
ft taw apposite
TEN COMMANDMENTS
to exclude this symbolic aspect. We need n.t,
however, shut out altogether that which some
writers (e. g. Grotiua. Dt Dtcal p. 36) have sub-
stituted for it, the connection of the Ten Words
with a decimal systeui ?f numeration, with the ten
fingers on which a man counts. Words which
were to be the rule of life for the poor as well as the
learned, the groundwork of education for all chil-
dren, might well he connected with the simplest
facts and processes in man's mental growth, and
thus stamped more indelibly on the memory.'
(4.) In what way the Ten Commandments were
to be divided has, however, been a matter of much
controversy. At least four distinct arrangements
present themselves.
(a.) In the received teaching of the Latin Church,
resting on that of St Augustine ( On. in Ax. 71,
Ep. ad Jamtar. e. xi., Dt Dtcal. tie., etc.), the first
Table contained three commandments, the second
the other seven. Partly on mystical grounds, be-
cause the Tables thus symbolized the Trinity of
Divine Persons, and the Eternal Sabbath, partly as
seeing in it a true ethical division, he adopted this
classification. It involved, however, and in part pro-
ceeded from an alteration in the received arrange-
ment. What we know as the first and second wen
united, and consequently the Sabbath law appeared
at the close of the rirst Table aa the third, not at
the fourth commandment. The completeness of
the number was restored in the Second Table by
making a separate (the ninth) command of the
precept, "Thou shall not covet thy neighbor's
wife," which with us forms part of the tenth. It
is an almost fatal objection to this order that in the
First Table it confounds, where it ought to distin-
guish, the two sins of polytheism and idolatry; and
that in the Second it introduces an arbitrary and
meaningless distinction. The later theology of the
Church of Rome apparently adopted it as seeming
to prohibit image-worship only so far as it accom-
panied the acknowledgment of another God (CaUch.
Trident, iii. 2, 20).
(i.) The familiar division, referring the first four
to our duty toward God, and the six remaining to
our duty toward man, is, on ethical grounds, simple
and natural enough. If it ia not altogether satisfy-
ing, it ia because it fails to recognize the syn metry
which gives to the number five so great a promi-
nence, and, perhaps also, because it looks on the duty
of the fifth commandment from the point of view
of modern ethics rather than from that of the ar-
eietit Israelites, and the first disriples of Christ
{infra).
(e.) A modification of (a) has been adopted by
later Jewish writers (Jonathan ben UzzieL Aoeti
Ezra, Hoses ben Nschman, In Sulcer, Tht$. s. v.
foxdApyot). Retaining the combination of the
first and second commandments of the common
order, tbey bare made a new " word " of the open-
ing declaration, '• I am the Lord thy God which
brought thee out of the land of Egypt, out of the
house of bondage," and so have avoided the neces-
sity of the subdivision of the tenth. The objection
to this division ia, (1) that It rests on no adequate
a Bear, absorbed In symbolism, has nothing fhr thai
natural suggestion but two notes of admiration (: •.}.
The analogy of Ten Qraat OommannircpU In the mora.
law of Buddhism might have shown bfan how naturally
men eaava tor a number that thus helps them. A true
system was as little likely to Ignore the natural cawing
as a kiss. (Oomp nota In Bwald, fTcaca. Jar. H. 20V
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TEN COMMANDMENTS
authority, and (2) that it tarns into a single precept
what is evidently given sa the groundwork of the
whole body of laws.
(a*.) Rejecting these three, there remains that
recognized by the older Jewish writers, Josephus
(iii. 6, J 6) and Philo {Dt DtcaL i.), and sup-
sorted ably and thoughtfully by Ewald ( Gaek. Itr.
ii. 208), which places five commandments in each
Table; and thus preserves the pattnii and dtead
grouping which pervades the whole code. A
modem jurist would perhaps object that this places
the fifth commandment in a wrong position, that a
doty to parents is a duty towiird our neighbor.
From the Jewish point of view, it is believed, the
place thus given to that commandment was essen-
tially the right one. Instead of duties toward God,
and duties toward our neighbors, we must think of
the First Table as containing all that belonged to
the ZinriHtui of the Greeks, to the Pielni of the
Romans, duties ». e. with no corresponding rights,
while the second deals with duties which involve
rights, and come therefore under I he head of Jm-
Stiti. The duty of honoring, i. t. supporting, par-
ents came under the former head. As soon as the
son was capable of it, and the parents required it,
it was an absolute, unconditional duty. His right
to any maintenance from them had ceased. Ue
owed them reverence, as he owed it to his Father in
heaven (Heb. xii. 9). He was to show piety {tinrr
0c?r) to them (1 Tim. v. 4). What made the
" Corban " casuistry of thS scribes so specially evil
was, that it was, in this way, a sin against the piety
of the First Table, not merely against the lower
obligations of the second (Mark vii. 11; comp.
Piety). It at least harmonizes with this division
that the second, third, fourth, and fifth command-
ments, all stand on the same footing as having spe-
cial sanctions attaching to them, while the others
that follow are left in their simplicity by themselves,
as though the reciprocity of rights were in itself a
sufficient ground for obedience."
(6.) To these Ten Commandments we find in
the Samaritan Pentateuch an eleventh added:—
" But when the Lord thy God shall have brought
thee into the land of Canaan, whither thou goest to
possess it, thou shalt set thee up two great stones,
and shalt plaister them with plaister, and shalt
write upon these stones all the words of this Law.
Moreover, after thou shalt have passed over Jordan,
thou shalt set up those stones which I command
thee this day, on Mount Gerizim, and thou shalt
build there an altar to the Lord thy God, an altar
of stones : thou shalt not lift up any iron thereon.
Of unhewn stones shalt thou build that altar to the
Lord thy God, and thou shalt offer on it burnt-
oflbrings to the Lord thy God, and thou shalt sacri-
sVse peace-offerings, and shalt eat them there, and
thou shalt rejoice before the Lord thy God in that
mountain beyond Jordan, by the way where the
son goeth down, in the land of the Canaanlte that
dweueth in the plain country over against Gilgal,
by the oak of Morah, towards Sichem " (Walton,
BibL PolygbU.). In the absence of any direct
evidence we can only guess ss to the history of this
remarkable addition. (1.) It will be seen that the
whole passage is made up of two which are found
in the Hebrew text of Dent xxvli. 3-7, and xi. 30,
with the luiililutiun, in the former, of Gerizim for
• A further oonflrmetloa of the truth of this division
Is fraud in Bom. xlU. 9. 8t. Paul, summing up the
annas " briefly comprehended " in to* on* gnat i»»
m
TEN COMMANDMENTS. 8209
Ebal. (2.) In the absence of confirmation from any
other version, Ebal must, as far aa textual criticism
is concerned, be looked upon as the true reading,
Gerizim aa a falsification, casual or deliberate, of
the text. (3. ) Probably the choice of Gerizim as
the site of the Samaritan temple was determined by
the tact that it had been the Mount of Ulessiu^s,
Ebal that of Curses. Possibly, as Walton suggests
{Prolegom. c. xi.), the difficulty of understanding
how the latter should have been chosen instead of
the former, aa a place for sacrifice and offering, may
have led them to look on the reading Ebal as er-
roneous. They were unwilling to expose themselves
to the taunts of their Judsean enemies by building
a temple on the Hill of Curses. They would claim
the inheritance of the blessings. They would set
the authority of their text against that of the
scribes of the Great Synagogue. One was as likely
to be accepted as the other. The " Hebrew verity "
was not then acknowledged as it has Iwen since.
(4.) In other repetitions or transfers in the Samar-
itan Pentateuch we may perhaps admit the plea
which Walton makes in its bebalf (L c), tbat in
the first formation of the Pentateuch as a Codex,
the transcribers had a large number of separate
documents to copy, and that consequently much
was left to the discretion of the individual scribe-
Here, however, that excuse is hardly admissible.
The interpolation has every mark of being a bold
attempt to claim for the schismatic worship on Ger-
izim the solemn sanction of the voice on Sinai, to
place it on the same footing aa the Ten great
Words of God. The guilt of the interpolation be-
longed of course only to the first contrivers of it
The later Samaritans might easily come to look on
their text as the true one, on tbat of the Jews aa
corrupted by a fraudulent omission. It is to the
credit of the Jewish scribes that they were not
tempted to retaliate, and that their reverence for
the sacred records prevented them from suppressing
the history which connected the rival sanctuary
with the blessings of Gerizim.
(6.) The treatment of the Ten Commandments
in the Targum of Jonathan ben Uzziel is not with-
out interest. There, as noticed above, the first and
second commandments are united, to moke up the
second, and the words " I am the Lord thy God,"
etc., are given as the first. More remarkable is the
addition of a distinct reason for the last five com-
mandments no less than for the first five: " Thou
shalt commit no murder, for because of the sins of
murderers the sword goeth forth upon the world."
So in like manner, and with the same formula,
" death goeth forth upon the world " as the punish-
ment of adultery, famine as that of theft, drought
as that of false witness, invasion, plunder, captivity
aa that of covetousness (Walton, BiOl. PolyyloU. ).
(7.) The absence of any distinct reference to the
Ten Commandments as such in the Pirke Aboth
(= Maxims of the Fathers) is both strange and
significant. One chapter (ch. v.) is expressly given
to an enumeration of all the Scriptural facts which
may be grouped in decades, the ten words of Cre-
ation, the ten generations from Adam to Noah, and
from Noah to Abraham, the ten trials of Abraham,
the ten plagues of Egypt, and the like, but the ten
Divine words find no place in the list. With all
their ostentation of profound reverence for the Law,
" Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself," enumemtss
the last C"» commandments, Due makes i>t mmitlnri it
to* fifth.
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8210
TENDER
the tearhmg at the Rabbis turned on other pointt
then the gnat lev* of doty. In thU way, u in
•then, they made void the commend menu of God
that they might keep their own tradition*. — Com-
pare Stanley, JocitA Quark, Lett- viL, in ilhutretinn
•f amy of the point* here noticed. E. H. P.
" TENDER, a* a verb, I* mad in 8 Mace, rr. a
(A. V.) in the »en*e of "to care for." Korsimilar
example*, *ee Biehardeon'* Dictionary. A.
TENT." Among the leading characteristics of
the nomad race*, those two ban alway* been num-
bered, wboae origin ha* been ascribed to Jafaal the
eon of Lantech (Gen. i». 20 J, namely, to be tent-
dweller* and keeper* of cattle. The suae may be
•aid of the forefather* of the Hebrew race; nor wa*
it ontil the return into Canaan from Egypt that
the Hebrew* became inhabitants of cities, and it
may be remarked that the tradition of tent-usage
—ii e ul for many year* later in the Tabernacle of
TEST
StiOah, which consisted, a* many Arab teat* *til
consist, of a walled inclosare covered with cnitain*
(Mtshna, Zetacihm, m 6; Stanley, S. d- P.p.
233). Among tent-dweler* of the present day
must be reckoned (1) the great Mongol and Tar-
tar hordes of central Asia, wboae tent-dwelling* are
sometimes of gigantic dimensioD*, and who exhibit
more contrivance both in the dwellings themselves
and in their method of transporting them from
place to place than is the ess* with the Arab race*
(Marco Polo, Trot. pp. 128, 135, 311, ed. TJohn;
Hot. 3 Od. rriv. 10; Gibbon, e. xxvi., ml. in. 298,
ed. Smith). (2.) The Bedouin Arab tribes, who
inhabit tents which are probably constructed on the
same plan as those which were the dwelling-places
of Abraham and of .lacob (Heb. xi. 9). A tent or
psrilion on a magnificent scale, constructed for
Ptolemy Philadelphu* at Alexandria, is described
by Athenens, t. 196, ML
An Arab tent is minutely described by Bank
Aiab Tent (layard).
hardt. It is called beit, "house;" its covering
consists of »tuff, about three quarter* of a yard
broad, made of black goats'-bair (Cant i. 5 ; Shaw,
Trav. p. 220), laid parallel with the tent's length.
Thi* is sufficient to resist the heaviest rain. The
tent-pole*, called amid, or column*, are usually
nine in number, placed in three groups, but many
tents hare only one pole, others two or three. The
ropes which hold the tent In its place are fastened,
not to the tent-cover itself, but to loops consisting
of a leathern thong tied to the ends of a stick,
round which i* twisted a piece of old cloth, which
Is itself sewed to the tent-cover. The ends of the
tentrope* are fastened to short (ticks or pins, called
iced or aoutaJ, which are driven into the ground
" 1- 7nH: etnc, <t jmf : labtrnaauum, tentorium :
ftsn In A. T. " tabernacle."
St }3t??0: mp*: Uwtorbm: opposed to jfTJ,
l.nSD^iwsiSij.iioif ones "lent" (2 Sam. xL
in ^
with a mallet (Judg. .v. 81). [Put.] Round the
back and aide* of the tents runs a piece of stuff re-
movable at pleasure to admit air. The tent is di-
vided into two apartments, separated by a carpet
partition drawn across the middle of the tent and
fastened to the three middle post*. The men's
apartment 1* usually on the right aide on entering,
and the women'* on the left; but thi* usage varies
in different tribes, and in the Mesopotamiao tribes)
the contrary is the rule. Of the three side posts
on the men's side, the first end third are called yea
(hand); and the one in the middle is rather higher
than the other two. Hooks are attached to these
posts for hanging varioua artMes (Gen. rviii. 10;
Jud. xiii. 6; Niebuhr, Voy. i. 187; Layard, JVm.
and Bab. p. 861). [Ptujul] Few Arabs have
more than one tent, unless the family be augmented
4. n2|7: ■•>»•*:
whence, with art pestled,
"alcove" (Russell, JUippo,
(Num. jot. 8).
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TENT
kj M families of a wo or a deemed brother, or
b ease the wivei disagree, when the muter pitches
» tent for one of them adjoining his own. The
separate tenti of Sarah, Leah, Rachel, Ziipah, and
Bilhah, ma; thus have been either separate tent*
or apartments in the principal tent in each case
(Gen. xrir. 67, xxxl. 33). When the pasture near
an encampment is exhausted, the tents are taken
down, packed on aamels and removed (Is. xxxviii.
12; Gen. xxvi. 17, 22, 26). The beauty of an
Arab encampment is noticed by Shaw ( Trat. p.
221; see Num. xxiv. S). Those who cannot afford
more complete tents, are content to hang a cloth
from a tree by way of shelter. In choosing places
for encampment, Arabs prefer the neighborhood of
trees, for the sake of the shade and coolness which
they aflbrd (Gen. xviii. 4, 8; Niebuhr, L c). In
observing the directions of the Law respecting the
feast of Tabernacles, the Rabbinical writers laid
down as a distinction between the ordinary tent
and the booth, tuccali, that the latter must in no
ease be covered by a cloth, but be restricted to
boughs of trees as its shelter (Succah, 1. 3). In
hot weather the Arabs of Mesopotamia often strike
their tents and betake themselves to sheds of reeds
aud grass on the bank of the river (Layard, N'me-
wA, i. 123; Burckhardt, Nottt on Bed. i. 87, 46;
Volney, Trav. 1. 398; Layard, Nin. and Bub. pp.
171, 175; Niebuhr, Voy. i. L c). H. W. P.
• As we might expect, the use of tents by the
Hebrews, and their familiarity with nomadic life,
became a fruitful source of illustration to the sacred
writers. The pitching of the tent at night, the
stretching out of the goat-skin roof, the driving of
the pins or stakes, and fastening the cords, furnish
the imagery of numerous passages. Isaiah, refer-
ring to God as the Creator, says: " He stretcheth
out the heavens as a curtain, and spreadeth them
out as a tent to dwell in " (Is. xl. 22). The
prophet, as he looks forward to a happier day for
the people of God, says: " Thine eyes shall see Je-
rusalem a quiet habitation, a tabernacle that shall
not be taken down ; not one of the stakes thereof
shall ever be removed, neither shall any of the
eords thereof be broken " (Is. xxxiii. 20). Again,
to anticipation of accessions to their number, he
exclaims : " Enlarge the place of thy tent, and
stretch forth the curtains of thy habitations; spare
tot, lengthen thy cords and strengthen thy stakes;
lor thou shalt break forth on the right hand and on
the left " (Is. liv. 2). The taking down as well as
potting up of the tent suggested instructive analo-
gies to the Hebrew pilgrim. The traveller in the
East erects his temporary abode for the night, takes
it down in the morning, and journeys onward. The
shepherds of the country are constantly moving
from one place to another. The brook fails on
which they had relied for water, or the grass re-
quired for the support of their flocks is consumed,
and they wander to a new station. " There is
something very melancholy," writes Lord Lindsay,
in our morning Sittings. The tent-pins an
locked op, and in a few minutes a dozen holes, a
heap or two of ashes, and the marks of the camels'
knees in the sand, soon to be obliterated, are the
only traces left of what has been, for a while, our
borne" (Lettert from the Hob) Land, p. 160).
Hence, this rapid change of situation, this removal
from one spot to another, without being able to
foresee to-day where the v-inderor will rest to-mor-
row, affords a striking image of man's life— so
srief, fleeting, uncertain. Thus Uesckiah felt in
THHAH 8211
the near prospect of death: " Mine age is departed,
and is removed from me as a shepherd's tent " (Is.
xxxviii. 12). Jacob calls his life a pilgrimage
(Gen. xlvii. 9), with reference to the same expres-
sive idea. The body, as the temporary home of
the soul, is called a " tent" or " tabernacle," be-
cause it is so frail and perishable. Thus Paul says,
in 2 Cor. v. 1 : " Kor we know that if our earthly
house of this tabernacle (ohtta rev evrfjyoi/f, tent'
house) were dissolved " (" taken down " is mora
correct), " we have a building of God, an house not
made with hands, eternal in the heavens." The
Apostle Peter employs the same figure : " Yea, I
think it meet, as long as I am in this tabernacle
(o-K^yo/ta), to stir you up, by putting you in re-
membrance; knowing that shortly I must put oft
this my tabernacle, even as our Lord Jesus Christ
hath showed me " (2 Pet. i. 13).
The A. V. obscures many of the references to the
tent-life of the patriarchs. Thus in Gen. xii. 9,
where it is said, " Abraham journeyed, going on
still," a stricter translation would be, '• He pulled
up," namely, his tenU-pins, "going and pulling
up," as he advanced from one station to another.
So, in Gen. xxxiii. 12, instead of " Let us take our
journey and go," it is literally, " Let us pull up
the pins of our tents and let us go." See, also,
Gen. xxxr. 21, xlvi. 1; Kx. xiii. 20. For the •' tents
of Kedar," see Kedar. H.
• TENT-MAKERS (aiermroul). Accord-
ing to the custom of his sge and nation, that every
male child should be taught some trade, the Apos-
tle Paul had learned that of a tent-maker (Acta xviii.
3). It was not the weaving of the fabric of goats' -
hair, which, for the most part, was probably done
by women in bis native Cilicia, but the construc-
tion of the tents themselves from the cloth. Yet
we need not suppose that Paul confined himself to
the use of this particular fabric ; for, in that case,
he would not have found ready occupation in all
places (see Hansen's Der Apottel Paului, p. 5 f.).
[Paul.] This was the occupation also of Aquila,
with whom Paul worked at Corinth, as a means of
support (Acta xviii. 3). R. D. C. R.
TE'KAH (Jinn: eitfa, Bipa in Josh.;
Alex. eapa,exc. Gen. xi. 28: Than). The father
of Abram, Nahor, and Haran, and through them
the ancestor of the great families of the Israelites,
Ishmselites, Midianites, Moabites, and Ammonites
(Gen. xi. 24-32). The account given of him in
the 0. T. narrative is very brief. We learn from
it simply that he was an idolater (Josh. xxiv. 2),
that be dwelt beyond the Euphrates in Ur of the
Chaldees (Gen. xi. 28), and that in the southwest-
erly migration, which from some unexplained cause
he undertook in his old age, he went with his son
Abram, his daughter-in-law Sarai, and his grand-
son Lot, " to go into the land of Canaan, and they
came unto Haran, and dwelt there " (Gen. xi. 31).
And finally, " the days of Terah were two hundred
and five years: and Terah died in Haran" (Gen.
xi. 32). In connection with this last-mentioned
event a chronological difficulty has arisen which
may be noticed here. In the speech of Stephen
(Acts vii. 4) it is said that the further migration
of Abram from Haran to the land of Canaan did
not take place till after his father's death. Now as
Terah was 205 years » old when be died, and Abram
a Ths Sam. text aud version max* sun 1st, and a
•void this dlfflcultr.
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3212
TEBAH
m 75 when he left Hsiao (Geo. xii. 4\ it follow*
that, if the speech of Stephen l« correct, at Abram'i
birth Terah mnst hare been 130 years old; and
therefore that the order of hu sons — Abram, Na-
hor, Haran — given in Gen. zi. 26, 27, is not their
order in point of age. [See Lot, ii. 1685, note a.]
Lord Arthur Hervey says (GenenL pp. 82, 83),
" Hie difficulty is easily got over bj supposing that
Abram, though named first on account of his dig-
nity, was not the eldest son, but probably the
youngest of the three, born when his father was 130
years old — a supposition with which the marriage
of Nahor with his elder brother Haran's daughter,
Hilcah, and the apparent nearness of age between
Abram and Lot, and the three generations from
Nabor to Rebecca corresponding to only two from
Abraham to Isaac, are in perfect harmony." From
the simple facts of Terah's life recorded in the O.
T. has been constructed the entire legend of Abram
which is current in Jewish and Arabian traditions.
Terah the idolater is turned into a maker of images,
and " Ur of the ChaMees " is the original of the
" furnace " into which Abram was cast (comp. Ez.
t. 2). Rashi's note on Gen. xi. 28 is as follows :
" 'In the presence of Terah his father; ' in the life-
time of bis father. And the Mid rash Hagada says
that he died beside his father, for Terah bad com-
plained of Abram his son, before Nimrod, that he
had broken his images, and he cast him into a fur-
nace of fire. And Haran was sitting and saving
in his heart, If Abram overcome I am on his side,
and if Nimrod overcome I am on his side. And
when Abram was saved they said to Haran, On
whose side art thou ? He said to them, I am on
Abram's side. So they cast him into the furnace
of fire and be was burned ; and this is [what is
meant by] Ur Catdim (Ur of the ChaMees)." In
Berethitk Rabba (Far. 17) the story is told of
Abram being left to sell idols in bis father's stead,
which is repeated in Weil's Biblical Legends, p.
49. The whole legend depends upon the ambigu-
ity of the word iyS, which signifies •' to make "
and "to serve or worship," so that Terah, who in
the Biblical narrative is only a worshipper of idols,
is in the Jewish tradition an image-maker; and
about this single point the whole story has grown.
It certainly was unknown to Josephus, who tells
vxhing of Terah, except that it was grief for the
leath of his son Haran that induced him to quit
Jr of the Chaldees (Ant. i. 6, $ 6).
In the Jewish traditions Terah is a prince and a
great man in the palace of Nimrod (Jellinek, Bet
ham-Midrash, p. 27), the captain of his army (Se-
phtr Haygashar), his son-in-law according to the
Arabs (Beer, Leben Abrahams, p. 97). His wife
a called in the Talmud (Baba Bathra, fol. 91 a)
Amtelai, or Emtelai, the daughter of Carnebo. In
the book of the Jubilees she is called Edna, the
daughter of Arem, or Aram; and by the Arabs
Adta (D'Herbelot, art. Abraham; Beer,' p. 97).
According to D'Herbelot, the name of Abraham's
father was Azar in the Arabic traditions, and Te-
rah was his grandfather. Ehnakin, quoted by
Hottinger (Smegma Orientate, p. 281), says that,
after the death of Yuna, Abraham's mother, Terah
took another wife, wbo bare him Sarah. He adds
that in the days of Terah the king of Babylon made
war upon the country in which he dwelt, and that
Hazrun, the brother of Terah, went out against
aim and slew him; and the kingdom of Babylon
na transferred to Nineveh and Mosul For all
TKBT1TTS
these traditions, see the book of Jashar, and the
works of Hottinger, D'Herbelot, WeO, and Best
above quoted. Philo (De Somsms) indulges fa:
some strange speculations with regard to Terah's
name and his migration. \V. A. W.
TKK'APHIM (a-STfl : teaser, r* Sep.-
9*Lr, tA Sip a + ir, ■cs o i d fi a , etsWXa, yKvrri,
SpXot, awtxpeeyyifum: Ikerapkim, statma, idola,
simulacra, Jiyara idulomm, idolotatria), only in
plural, images connected with magical rites. The
subject of teraphim has been fully disii—tri in alt.
Magic (iii. 1743 ff), and it is therefore iinr.nria
sary here to do more than repeat the results there
stated. The derivation of the name is obscure. In
one ease a single statue seems to be intended by tto
plural (1 Sam. xix. 13, 16). The teraphim carried
away from Laban by Rachel do not seem to have
been very small ; and the image (if one be in-
tended), hidden in David's bed by HichaJ to deceive
Saul's messengers, was probably of the size of a
man, and perhaps in the head and shoulders, if not
lower, of human or like form ; but David's sleep-
ing-room may have been a mere cell without a win-
dow, opening from a large apartment, which would
render it necessary to do no more than fill the bed.
Laban regarded his teraphim as gods; sod, as he
was not ignorant of the true God, it would there-
fore appear that tbey were used by those who added
corrupt practices to the patriarchal religion. Ter-
aphim again are included among Mkah's images,
which were idolatrous objects connected with heret-
ical corruptions rather than with heathen worship
(Judg. xvii. 3-6, xviii. 17, 18, 20). Teraphim
were consulted for oracular answers by the Israel-
ites (Zeeb. x. 2; comp. Judg. xviii. 5, 6; 1 Sam.
xr. 32, 23, xix. 13, 16, LXX.; and 2 K. xxiii.
24), and by the Babylonians, in the case of Nebu-
chadnezzar (Ez. xxi. 19-22). There is no evidence
that they were ever worshipped. Though not fre-
quently mentioned, we find they were used by the
Israelites in the time of the Judges and of SanL
and until the reign of Josiah, wbo put tbem away
(2 K. xxiii. 24), and apparently again after the
Captivity (Zech. x. 2). B 8. P.
TE'KESH (ttTin [?"*- tootrt, austere,
Ges.]: om. in Vat. and Alex.; FA. third hand has
Bapai, BJMclm- Tharts). One of the two eu-
nuchs who kept the door of the palace of Ahasue-
rus, and whose plot to assassinate the king was dis-
covered by Mordeeai (Esth. ii. 21, ri. 2). He was
hanged. Josephus calls him Tbeodestes (AM. xt
6, § 4), and says that the conspiracy was detected
by Barnabazus, a servant of one of the eunuchs,
who was s Jew by birth, and who revealed it U
Mordeeai. According to Josephus, the eonspiratcra
were crucified.
TERTITJS (Tifrriof. Tertiia) was the aman-
uensis of Paul in writing the Epistle to the Romans
(Rom. xvi. 22). He was at Corinth, therefore, and
Cenchrea*, the port of Corinth, at the time when
the Apostle wrote to the Church at Rome. It is
noticeable that Tertius interrupts the message which
Paul sends to the Roman Christians, and inserts s
greeting of his own in the first person singular
(itnri(ofiai iyii Tfpriai). Both that circumstance
and the frequency of the name among the Romans
may indicate that Tertius was a Roman, and was
known to those whom Paul salutes at the close of
the letter. Secundus (Acts xx. 4) fas another in-
stance of the familiar usage of the Latin ordinal)
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TKBTULLUS
employed u proper names. The idle pedantry
which would make him and Silas the same person
because tertiut and ^UJ^B? mean the same in
Latin and Hebrew, hardly deserves to be mentioned
(see Wolf. Cui-a Phtiologica, torn. iii. p. 296).
In regard to the ancient practice of writing letters
from dictation, see Becker's Galha, p. 180. [Epis-
tuc] Nothing certain is known of Tertins apart
from this passage in the Romans. Mo credit is
due to the writers who speak of Mm as bishop of
loonium (see Fabriciua, Lux Emnyelica, p. 117).
H. B.H.
TERTULXU8 (T«>ri/AAo», a diminutive
form from the Roman name Tertiut, analogous to
tmculhu from Luciut fabuBut from Fabius, etc.),
<*a certain orator" (Acts xxhr. 1) who was re-
tained by the high-priest and Sanhedrim to accuse
the Apostle Paul at Ctesarea before the Roman
Procurator Antonius Felix. [Paul.] He evi-
dently belonged to the class of professional orators,
multitudes of whom were to be found not only in
Rome, but in other parts of the empire, to which
they had betaken themselves in the hope of finding
occupation at the tribunals of the provincial magis-
trates. Both from his name, and from the great
probability that the proceedings were conducted in
Latin (see especially Hilman, Hampton Lecture* for
1897, p. 185, note), we may infer that Tertullus
was of Roman, or at all events of Italian origin.
The Sanhedrim would naturally desire to secure his
services on account of their own ignorance both of
the Latin language and of the ordinary procedure
of a Roman law-court.
The exordium of his speech is designed to con-
ciliate the good will of the Procurator, and is ac-
cordingly overcharged with flattery. There is a
strange contrast between the opening clause — woA-
\rjt fip^wjs TvyxAvovres 9ia aov — and the brief
summary of the Procurator's administration given
by Tacitus {But. v. 9 ) : ** Antonius Felix per omnem
samtlaiu ac libidinem, jus regiuui servili iu^eiiio
exercuit" (eomp. Tac Ann xii. 64). But the
commendations of Tertullus were not altogether
unfounded, as Felix had really succeeded in putting
down several seditious movements. [Felix.] It
is not very easy to determine whether St. Luke has
preserved the oration of Tertullus entire. On the
one hand we have the elaborate and artificial open-
ing, which can hardly be other than an accurate
report of that part of the speech ; and on the other
hand we have a narrative which is so very dry and
concise, that if there were nothing more, it is not
easy to see why the orator should have been called
in at all- The difficulty is increased if, in accord-
ance with the greatly preponderating weight of ex-
ternal authority, we omit the words in w. 6-8, md
awri to* tipArtpw . • . , (px'oQai M ai. On
the whole it seems most natural to conclude that
she historian, who was almost certainly an ear-wit-
jess, merely gives an abstract of the speech, giving
however in full the most salient points, and those
which had the most forcibly impressed themselves
Dpon him, such as the exordium, and the character
ascribed to St. Paul (ver. 5).
The doubtful reading in w. 6-8, to which refer-
ence has already been made, seems likely to remain
an unsolved difficulty. Again* -he external evi-
dence there would be nothing to urge ic favor of the
disputed passage, were it not that the statement
which remain* after its removal is not merely ex-
nuieiy brief (its brevity may be accounted for in
TETKAKCH
8218
the manner already suggested), but abiupt and
awkward in point of construction. It may be
added that it is easier to refer Tap' eit (ver. 8) to
the Tribune Lysias than to Paul. For arguments
founded on the words xa\ Kara .... Koiynt
(ver. 6) — arguments which axe dependent on the
genuineness of the disputed words — see Lardner,
Credibility of the Gospel History, b. i. ch. 2; Bis
coe, On the Acts, ch. vi. § 16.
We ought not to pass over without notice a
strange etymology for the name Tertullus proposed
by Calniet, in the place of which another has been
suggested by his English editor (ed. 1830), who
takes credit for having rejected " faiiciful and im-
probable" etymologies, and substituted improve-
ments of his own. Whether the suggestion is an
improvement in this case the reader will judge
" Tertullus, TsorvAAot, &"'» impostor, from rtpa-
roKiyos, a tetter of stories, a cheat. [Qjr. was his
true appellation Ter-TulUus, •thrice Tolly,' that
is, extremely eloquent, varied by Jewish wit into
Tertullus?]" W. B,J.
• TESTAMENT. As fT"}? denotes not
only a covenant between two parties, but also the
promise made by the one (Gen. ix. 9), or the pre-
cept to be observed by the other (Deut. iv. 13), and,
in a wider sense, a religious dispensation, economy
(Jer. xxxi. 33); so, in the LXX and the N. T.,
its equivalent StaHiKn. In the Vulgate, although
in the 0. T. pactum or fwdut is more often used for
-TV"!?' yet testamentum is not unfrequently em-
ployed, especially in the Psalms, where the word
has the looser signification of promise or dit-
prntaiion (cf. Ps. Ixxiv. (lxxiii.) 30, Mai. iii. 1);
while in the N. T. it uniformly stands for SialHim).
This use of testamentum for an authoritative, sol-
emn decree or document is found also in the latet
Latin (cf. Uu Cange, Gloesitrium num. rid scriptores
mctl. el inf. Latinitatis). In the classical sense of
mil, it may be understood in Heb. ix. 16, 17, at
otathfiKn has there apparently the same meaning (as
often in classical Greek, though not elsewhere in
the Bible). Compare, on this passage, Uofmann,
Schrijlbeweit, ii. 1, p. 496 f.; Stuart, Lunemann,
Kbrard.
The use of testament for the books containing tbe
records of the two dispensations, arose by an easy
metonymy, suggested by 9 Cor. iii. 14, and had
become common as early as the time of Tertullian
[Bible]. See Guericke, Neuttttamentliche Isa-
yiigik, p. 4; Bertholdt, Einleitung indie Schriflen
des Allen u. If even Testaments, § 19 ; and especially
J. G. Rosenmuller, Dissertatio de vocabulo SiaHixn,
in Commenlationtt Theologiea, vol. ii.
C. H. H.
TESTAMENT, NEW. [New TESTA-
MENT.]
TESTAMENT, OLD. [Old Testa-
ment.]
TETA (Vat omits: [Rom.] Alex. ATwra;
[Aid. Ti)T<»:] Topa). The form under which the
name Hattta, one of the doorkeepers of the Tem-
ple, appears in the lists of 1 Esdr. v. 88.
TETRARCH (rtrpipxi')- Property tbe
sovereign or governor of the fourth part of a coun-
try. On tht use of the title in Tbessaly, Galatia,
and Syria, consult the Dictirmnr;/ if Greek ana
Soman Antiquities, " Tetrarcha," and the authori-
ties there referred to. " In the later ptriod of the
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3214
TETKAKOH
repnbllo and under the empire, the Romans Mem
to bmve uaed the title (as also thoee of ethnareh and
phylarcfi) to designate those tributary prince* who
were not of sufficient importance to be called
kingi." In the New Teatament we meet with
the designation, either actually or in the form
of it* derivative Ttrpapx***! »pphed to three per-
sons: —
1. Herod Antipas (Matt. xiv. 1; Luke iii. 1, 19,
it. 7; Acts xiii. 1), who U commonly distinguished
as "Herod the tetrarch," although the title of
"king" is also assigned to him both by St. Mat-
thew (xiT. 9) and by St. Mark (vi. 14, 23 ft*.). St.
Luke, as might be expected, invariably adheres to
the formal title, which would be recognized by
Gentile readers. Herod is described by the last-
named Evangelist (eh. ill. 1) as "tetrarch of Gali-
lee; " but his dominions, which were bequeathed
to him by his lather Herod the Great, embraced the
district of Perse* beyond the Jordan (Joseph. Ant.
xvil. 8, § 1): this bequest was confirmed by Au-
gustus (Joseph. B. J. 11. 6, § 3). After the dis-
grace and banishment of Antipaa, his tetrarchy
was added by Caligula to the kingdom of Herod
Agrippa I. (Ant. zviil. 7, § 2). [Herod Akti-
pas.]
2. Herod Philip (the son of Herod the Great
and Cleopatra, not the husband of Herodiaa), who
Is said by St. Luke (iii. 1) to have been " tetrarch
of Itursea, and of the region of Trachonitis." Jo-
sephus tells us that his lather bequeathed to him
Gaulonitis, Trachonitis, and Paneas (Ant xvii. 8,
(1), and that his* father's bequest was confirmed
by Augustus, who assigned to him Batansea, Trach-
eitis, and Auranitia, with certain parts about
Jamnia belonging to the "house of Zenodorus"
(B. J. ii. 6, § 3). Accordingly the territories of
Philip extended eastward from the Jordan to the
wilderness, and from the borders of Persia north-
wards to Lebanon and the neighborhood of Da-
mascus. After the death of Philip his tetrurchy
was added to the province of Syria by Tiberius
(Ant. xviii. 4, § 6), and subsequently conferred by
Caligula on Herod Agrippa I., with the title of
king (Ant. xviii. 8, § 10). [Hkkod Philip I.;
Herod Agrippa I.]
3. Lysanias, who is said (Luke iii. 1) to have
been "tetrarch of Abilene," a small district sur-
rounding the town of Abila, in the fertile valley of
the Barada or Chryeorrhoas, between Damascus
and the mountain-range of Anti-Libanus. [Abi
LENE.] There is some difficulty In fixing the
limits of this tetrarohy, and in identifying the
person of the tetrarch. [Lysanias.] We learn,
however, from Josephus (Ant. xviii. 6, 5 10, xix
B, § 1) that a Lysanias had been tetrarch of Abila
jefore the time of Caligula, who added this tet-
.-archy to the dominions of Herod Agrippa I. —
an addition which was confirmed by the emperor
Claudius.
It remains to inquire whether the title of te-
trarch, as applied to these princes, had any refer-
ence to its etymological signification. We have
seen that it was at this time probably applied to
Mtty princes without any such determinate mean-
rug. But it appears from Josephus (Ant. xvii. 11,
| 4; B. J. ii. 6, § 3) that the tetrarchies of Anti-
THANK-OFFEKIXa
pas and Philip were regarded as constituting each
a fourth part of their father's kingdom. For art
are told that Augustus gave one half of Herod's
kingdom to his son Archelaua, with the appellation
of ethnareh, and with a promise of the regal title,
and that he divided the remainder into the two tet-
rarchies. Moreover, the revenues of Archelaua,
drawn from his territory, which included Jodaesv,
Samaria, and Idunuea, amounted to 400 talents,
the tetrarchies of Philip and Antipaa producing 200
talents each. We conclude that in these two eases,
at least, the title was used in its strict and literal
sense. W. B. J.
THADD.XTJS (SaSoVubt: 7"*o<i4s»u), ■
name in St. Mark's catalogue of the twelve Apos-
tles (Mark iii. 18) in the great majority of MS3-
In St. Matthew's catalogue (Matt x. 3) toe cor-
responding place is assigned to OaiSiues by the
Vatican MS. (B), and to A<j3jS<uos by the Codex
Bests (D). The Received Text, following the first
correction of the Codex Ephraemi (C) — where the
original reading is doubtful — as well aa several
cursive MSS., reads AfA&uos 6 iTucK-aOtU BaS-
Jeuoj. We are probably to infer that AtjJ/Jcuos,
alone, is the original reading of Matt. x. 3, and
Battcuos of Mark iii. 18.° By these two Evan-
gelists the tenth place among the Apostles is given
to Lebbama or Thaddttus, the eleventh place being
given to Simon the Canaanite. St, Luke, in both
his catalogues (Luke vi. 19; Acts i. 13), places
Simon Zelotes tenth smong the Apostles, and as-
signs the eleventh place to 'loiSas 'lacstSov. As
the other names recorded by St. Luke are identical
with those which appear (though in a different
order) in the first two Gospels, it seems scarcely
possible to doubt that the three names of Judas,
Lebbseus, and Thaddssus were borne by one and
the same person. [J DDE; Lkbb^kds.]
W. B. J
THAHASH (t&riJ? [badgtr or serf]: Te-
ar: Thnhai). Son of Nabor by his concubine
mah (Gen. xxii. 24). He is called Tavosi by
Josephus (Ant. 1. 6, § 5).
THATtfAH (nQ$ [Ssjnar. taster] :e««i4: '
Thema). " The children of Thamah " were a fam-
ily of Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabel (Ear.
ii. 53). The name elsewhere appears in the A. T.
ss Tamah.
THATdAB (edpao: TVtassar). Takab 1
(Matt. 1. 8).
THAM'NATHA (, BonnM: Thamnata).
One of the cities of Jndsea fortified by Bacehidaa
after he had driven the Maccabees over the Jordan
(1 Mace ix. 60). Thamnatba no doubt represents
an ancient Twnatii, possibly the present Tie-
nth, half-way between Jerusalem and the Mediter-
ranean. Whether the name should be Joined to
Pharathoni, which follows it, or whether they
should be independent, is matter of doubt. [Phabv
athoki.]
THANK-OFFEKING, or PEACE-OF-
FERiNG (cnbtp npr, or .imply ccbtp
and in Amos v. 22, Dvf : eWa <r*mu>fov, trm
rhpior, occasionally clpBrutv}: kowtia pacifiamam
fieun
• • In Hark 111. 18 the reading of D Is Atpfiuat,
and In Matt, x. 3, M concurs with B in reading Got-
Isiat. Ths conclusions given above as to the true
reading in both places an sustained by Ween and an ss
his eighth edition of the Qrsak New Testament.
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THARA
taeyiea), the property eucharistic offering among
the Jews, in its theory resembling the Meatvof-
rbiio, and therefore Indicating that the offerer
was already reconciled to, and in covenant with,
God. Its ceremonial U described in Ley. ill. The
nature of the victim was left to the lacrifioer; it
might be male or female, of the flock or of the
herd, provided that it was unblemished ; the hand
of the saeriflcer was laid on its head, the fat burnt,
and the blood sprinkled, as in the burnt-offering;
of the flesh, the breast and right shoulder were
given to the priest; the rest belonged to the sacxi
fleer, to be eaten, either on the day of sacrifice, or
on the next day (Lev. vii. 11-18, 29-34), except in
the ease of the firstlings, which belonged to the
priest alone (xxiii. 20). The eating of the flesh of
the meat-offering was considered a partaking of the
11 table of the Lord ; " and on solemn illusions, as
at the dedication of the Temple of Solomon, it was
conducted on an enormous scale, and became a great
national feast
The peace-offerings, unlike other sacrifices, were
not ordained to be offered in fixed and regular
course. The meat-offering was regularly ordained
as the euchariatic sacrifice; and the only constantly
recurring peace-offering appears to have been that
of the two firstling lambs at Pentecost (Lev. xxiii.
19). The general principle of the peace-offering
seems to have been, that it should be entirely spon-
taneous, offered as occasion should arise, from the
feeling of the sacrifioer himself " If ye offer a
sacrifice of peace-offerings to the Lord, ye shall
offer it at yow am wilt" (Lev. xix. 5). On the
first institution (Lev. vii. 11-17), peace-offerings
are divided into " offerings of thanksgiving," and
" vows or free-will offerings; " of which latter class
the offering by a Naxarite, on the completion of
his vow, is the most remarkable (Num. vi. 14).
The very names of both divisions imply complete
freedom, and show that this sacrifice differed from
others, in being considered not a duty, but a priv-
THEATKH 8216
the name is omitted In both MSS. of the LXX,
while the Vulgate has i* man.
8. ([Rom. 8affo-(; Vat] Peutsovoi; Alex. etaf
ecu: ThartU.) A Benjamite, one of the family
of Bilhan and the house of Jediael (1 Chr. vii. 10
only). The variation in the Vatican LXX. (Mai)
is very remarkable. G.
Ve find accordingly peace-offerings offered for
the people on a great scale at periods of unusual
solemnity or rejoicing; as at the first inauguration
of the covenant (Ex. xxiv. 5), at the first conse-
cration of Aaron and of the Tabernacle (Lev. ix.
18), at the solemn reading of the Law in Canaan
by Joshua (Josh. viil. 81), at the accession of Saul
(1 Sam. xi. 15), at the bringing of the ark to
Mount Zion by David (2 Sam. vi. 17), at the con-
secration of the Temple, and thrice every year
afterwards, by Solomon (1 K. viii. 63, ix. 28), and
at the great passover of Hezekiah (9 Chr. xxx. 22).
In two oases only (Judg. xx. 26 ; 9 Sam. xxiv. 26)
pesos offerings are mentioned as offered with burnt-
ofisrings at a time of national sorrow and fast-
ng. Here their force seems to have been prec-
atory rather than euchariatic [See Sacrifice.]
A.B.
THA'RA (»<W Thar*). Txbah the father
sf Abraham (Luke ill. Hi).
THAxVRA (Tkara h Esth. xii. 1.
form of the name Tekksh.
A corrupt
THAR'SHISH (B^B^l^} [ptob. fortreu,
Dietr.]: [Rom. Bopo-is: Vat Alex.] Bopo-eir:
Tkarm). X. In this more accurate form the
translators of the A. V. have gf'en in two pas-
sages (1 K. x. 22, xxii 48) thi name elsewhere
vssented as Taksiiuh. In the second passage
THAS'SI (eoe-o-f; [Sin. Bacraef- Alex.] i
o-u: Than, Basm: Syr. UfiOvL). The sur-
name of Simon the son of Mattathias (1 Maoo. ii.
3). [Maccabees, vol. Ii. p. 1711.] The deri-
vation of the word U uncertain. Mlchaelis sug-
gests ^tpi^J, Cbald. "the fresh grass springs up,"
i. e. "the* spring is come," in reference to the
tranquillity first secured during the supremacy of
Simon (Grimm, ad 1 Mace. Ii. 8). This seems
very far-fetched. Winer (Bealab. "Simon") sug-
gests a connection with OQfy, ferttre, as Grotius
(ad he.) seems to have done before him. In Jose-
phus (Ant, ill. 6, § 1) the surname is written
MartKjr, with various readings BaHs, ©aff^t.
B.F. W.
THEATRE (Harm: Ihmtron). For the
general subject, see Diet, of Ant. pp. 995-998.
For the explanation of the Biblical allusions, two
or three points only require notice. The Greek
term, like the corresponding English term, denotes
the pfact where dramatic performances are ex-
hibited, and also the scene itself or tpectack which
is witnessed there. It occurs in the first or local
sense in Acts xix. 29, where it is said that the
multitude at Ephesus rushed to the theatre, on the
occasion of the excitement stirred up against Paul
and his associates by Demetrius, in order to con-
sider what should be done in reference to toe
charges against them. It may be remarked also
(although the word does not occur in the original
text or in our English version) that it wss in the
theatre at Caaarea that Herod Agrippa I. gave
audience to the Tyrian deputies, and was himself
struck with death, because he beard so gladly the
impious acclamations of the people (Acts xii.
21-23). See the remarkably confirmatory account
of this event in Josephus (Ant. xix. 8, { 2). Such
a use of the theatre for pubiic assemblies and the
transaction of public business, though it was hardly
known among the Romans, was a common practice
among the Greeks. Thus Valer. Max. ii. 2 : " Le-
gati in theatrum, ut est consuetudo Graecin, intro-
ducti." Justin xxil. 2: "Veluti rei publics statum
fbrmaturus in theatrum ad contionem vocari jus-
sit" Com. Nep. Timol. 4, § 2 : " Veniebat in thea-
trum, cum ibi conoilium plebis haberetur."
The other sense of the term •> theatre" occurs
in 1 Cor. iv. 9, where the Common Version ren-
ders: " God hath set forth us the Apostles last,
as it ware appointed to death; for we are made
(rather, were made, Siarpor fycrf)0i)p<i') a tpee-
taelt unto the world, and to angels, and to men."
Instead of >' spectacle " (so also Wickliffe and the
Rheiuish translators after the Vulgate), some might
prefer the more energetic Saxon, " gazing-stook,"
as in Tyndale, Cranmer, and the Geneva version.
But the latter would be now inappropriate, if it
includes 'he idea of scorn or exultation, since the
angels look down upon the sufferings of the mar-
tyrs with a very different interest 'Whether
" tneatre " denotes more here than to be ui object
of earnest attention (vVcuta), if refers at the ■
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i
2216 THEBBS
time to the theatre u the place where criminals
were sometime* brought forward for punishment,
k not agreed among interpreters. Paul's rh
ovniut tou K&fffum hi 1 Cor. vii. 31, where some
And an allusion to the stage, is too doubtful to be
reckoned here. In Heb. x. 33 the A. V. renders
BmptHiuvoi, not inaptly, " men made a gazing -
stock," since Christians in that passage are held
up to view as objects of the world's scorn and
derision. In Heb. xii. 1, where the writer speaks
of our baring around us " so great a cloud of wit-
nesses" (roaovrov Ixovt'S Ttputilntvov vfuy
W^ot fiapTvpmy), he has in mind no doubt the
agonistic scene, in which Christians are viewed as
running a race, and not the theatre or stage where
the eves of the spectators are fixed on them.
H. RH.
* The taste fiir theatrical amusements was never
strongly developed among the ■lews, though some
of their later rulers, especially the Herods, favored
them, and established theatres in Palestine. Herod
the Great introduced Greek actors at his court in
Jerusalem, greatly to the scandal of the Jews, and
built a theatre and amphitheatre at Cassarea (see
8 Mace. iv. 14; Jos. J. B. xv. 8, §§ 1, 3; xx. 9,
{ 4). H.
THEBES (I'lBrTrb: ttj0oi, AioVwoAu,
ucolr *A^u6y; In Jer. rbv 'AwiaV to? vlb*
aftrvji: Alexandria, At. populnrum, tumulttu Alex-
andria, No-Amon: A. V., No, lie multitude of
No, popukiu* No). A chief city of ancient Egypt,
long the capital of the upper country, and the seat
of the Diospolitan dynasties, that ruled over all
Egypt at the era of its highest splendor. Upon
the monuments this city bears three distinct names
— that of the Nome, a sacred name, and the name
by which it is commonly known in profane history.
Of the twenty Nomes or districts into which Upper
Egypt was divided, the fourth in order, proceeding
northward from Nubia, was designated in the hiero-
glyphics as Za'm — the Phathyrite of the Greeks
— and Thebes appears as the " Zj'm-city," the
principal city or metropolis of the Za'm Nome.
In later times the name Za'm was applied in com-
mon speech to a particular locality on the western
aide of Thebes.
The sacred name of Thebes was P-amen, >< the
abode of Amon," which the Greeks reproduced in
their Dimpolit (ai»j wi\is), especially with the
addition the Great (i, pryrfAn), denoting that this
was the chief seat of Jupiter-Ammon, and dis-
tinguishing it from Dimpolit the Leu (A, uutpeO-
No-Aaion is the name of Thebes in the Hebrew
Scriptures (Jer. xlvi. 25; Nah. iii. 8). Ezekiel
uses No simply to designate the Egyptian seat of
Amnion, which the Septuagint translates by Dios-
polis (Ez. xxx. 14, 16). Gesenius defines this name
by the phrase " portion of Ammon," i. e. the pos-
session of the god Ammon, as the chief seat of his
worship.
The name of Thebes in the hieroglyphics is ex-
plained under No-Amoh.
The origin of the city is lost In antiquity.
Niebuhr is of opinion that Thebes was much
older than Memphis, and that "after the centre
of Egyptian life was transferred to Lower Egypt,
Memphis acquired its greatness through the ruin
rf Thebes " (Ledum on Ancient History, Lect,
rU.). Other authorities assign priority to Mem-
f*ilm. But both cities date from our earliest au-
* i knowledge of Egyptian history. The first
THEBBS
allusion to Thebes in classical literature is the fiv
miliar passage of the Iliad (ix. 381-385): '• Egyp-
tian Thebes, where are vast treasures laid up ia
the houses; where are a hundred gates, and from
each two hundred men go forth with horses and
chariots." Homer — speaking with a poet's license,
and not with the accuracy of a statistician — n»
doubt incorporated into his verse the glowing ac-
count* of the Egyptian capital current in his time.
Wilkinson thinks it conclusive against a literal
understanding of Homer, that no traces of an
ancient city-wall can be found at Thebes, and
accepts ss probable the suggestion of Diodorut
Siculus that the "gates" of Homer may have
been the propyUea of the temples : " Non centum
porta* habuUae urbem, aed multa et ingentia tere-
plorum vestibula" (i. 4fi, 7). In the time of
Diodorus, the city-wall, if any there was, had
already disappeared, and the question of its exist-
ence in Homer's time was in dispute. But, on
the other hand, to regard the " gates " of Homer
ss temple porches is to make these the barracks of
the army, since from these gates the horsemen and
chariots issue forth to war. The almost universal
custom of walling the cities of antiquity, and the
poet's reference to the gates as pouring forth
troops, point strongly to the supposition that the
vast area of Thebes was surrounded with a wall
having many gates.
Homer's allusion to the treasures of the city, and
to the size of its standing army, numbering 30,000
chariots, shows the early repute of Thebes for
wealth and power. Its fame as a great capital had
crossed the sea when Greece was yet in its infancy
as a nation. It has been questioned whether He-
rodotus visited Upper Egypt (see Did. of Greek
and Rom. Gtog. art. " Thebes"), but he aays, •» I
went to Heliopolis and to Thebet, expressly to try
whether the priests of those places would agree
in their accounts with the priest* at Memphis"
(Herod, ii. 3). Afterwards he describes the fea-
tures of the Nile valley, and the chief points and
distances upon the river, as only an eye-witness
would be likely to record them. He informs us
that "from Heliopolis to Thebes Is nine days' sail
up the river, the distance 4,800 stadia .... and
the distance from the see inland to Thebes 6,180
stadia " (Herod, ii. 8, 9). In chap. 29 of the same
book be states that be ascended the Nile as high
as Elephantine. Herodotus, however, gives no par-
ticular account of the city, which in his time had
lost much of its ancient grandeur. He alludes to
the temple of Jupiter there, with its ram-headed
image, and to the fact that goats, never sheep,
were offered in sacrifice. In the 1st century before
Christ, Diodorus visited Thebes, and be devotes
several sections of his general work to its history
and appearance. Though be saw the city when it
had sunk to quite secondary importance, he pre-
serves the tradition of its early grandeur — its cir-
cuit of 140 stadia, the size of its public edifices,
the magnificence of its temples, the number of its
monuments, the dimensions of its private bouses,
some of them four or five stories high — all giving
it an air of grandeur and beauty surpassing not
only all other cities of Egypt, but of the world
Diodorus deplores the spoiling of its buildings and-
monuments by Cambyses (Diod. i. 45, 46). Strabo,
who visited Egypt a little later — at about the be-
ginning of the Christian era — thus describes UWl
816) the city under the name Diospolis: " Vertigo
of its magnitude still exist which extend 80 stadia
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THEBES
h length, Ihere are a gnat unmber of temples,
many of whioh Canibyses mutilated. The spot ia
at present occupied by Tillages. One part of it, in
which is the city, lies in Arabia; another is in the
country on the oilier side of the Hirer, where ia
the Memnonium." Straho here makes the Nile
the dividing line between Libya and Arabia. The
temples of Ksrnak and Luxor are on the eastern
side of the river, where was probably the main
part of the city. Strabo gives the following de-
scription of the twin colossi still standing upon the
western plain : " Mere are two colossal figures near
one another, each consisting of a single stone. One
Is entire; the upper parts of the other, from the
chair, are fallen down — the effect, it ia said, of an
earthquake. It is believed that once a day a noise,
as of a slight blow, issues from the part of the
statue which remains in the seat, and on its base.
When I was at those places, with JEiiua Callus,
and numerous friends and soldiers about him, I
heard a noias at the first hour of the day, but
whether proceeding from the base, or from the
colossus, or produced on purpose by some of those
standing around the base, I cannot confidently as-
sert. For, from the uncertainty of the cause, I
am inclined to believe anything rather than that
stones disposed in that manner could send forth
sound" (xvii. § 46). Simple, honest, skeptical
Strabo! Eighteen centuries later, the present
writer interrogated these same stones as to the
ancient mystery of sound; and not at sunrise, but
in the glaring noon, the statue emitted a sharp,
clear sound like the ringing of a disc of brass
under a sudden concussion. This was produced
by a ragged urchin, who, for a few piastres, clam-
bered up the knees of the " vocal Memnon," and
there effectually concealing himself from observa-
tion, struck with a hammer a sonorous stone in
the lap of the statue. Wilkinson, who was one
of the first to describe this sounding stone, con-
jectures that the priests had a secret chamber in
the body of the statue, from which they could
strike it unobserved at the instant of sunrise: thus
producing in the credulous multitude the notion
of a supernatural phenomenon. It is difficult to
conceit*, however, that such a trick, performed in
open day, could have escaped detection, and we are
therefore left to share the mingled wonder and
skepticism .of Strabo (see Wilkinson; also Thomp-
wn'a Pkotogrnphic Vital of Egypt, Pott tmd
Prtient, p. 166).
Pliny speaks of Thebes in Egypt ss known to
fame as " a hanging city," i. e. built upon arches,
so that an army could be led forth from beneath
the city while the inhabitants above were wholly
unconscious of it. He mentions also that the river
flows through the middle of the city. But he
questions the story of the arches, because, " if this
had really been the ease, there is no doubt that
Homer would have mentioned it, seeing that be
has celebrated the hundred gates of Thebes." Do
not the two stories possibly explain each other?
Hay there not have been near the river-line arched
buildings used as barracks, from whose gateways
issued forth 80,000 chariots of war?
But, in the uncertainty of these historical allu-
sions, the monument! of Thebes are »he most relia-
ble witnesses for the ancient grandeur of the city,
rhese an found in almost equal proportions upon
toth sides of the river. The parallel ridge, which
skirt the narrow Nile valley upon the east and west
■ran the noitho t limit of Upper Egypt, hen sweep
THEBES
8211
c Jtward upon either aide, forming a circnL r plain
whose diameter is nearly ten miles. Through lb<
centre of this plain flowa the river, usually at this
point about half a mile in width, but at the iniiu-
dat'ou overflowing the plain, especially upon the
western bank, for a breadth of two or more miles.
Thus the two colossal statues, which are several
hundred yards from the bed of the low Nile, have
accumulated about their bases alluvial depnajt to
the depth of seven feet.
The plan of the city, as indicated by the principal
monuments, wss nearly quadrangular, measuring
two miles from north to south, and four from east
to west. Its four great landmarks were, Karnai
and Luior upon the eastern or Arabian side, and
Qoomah and Medeenet Haboo upon the western oi
Libyan side. There are indications that each of
these temples may have been connected with those
facing it upon two sides by grand dromoi, lined
with sphinxes and other colossal figures. Upon the
western bank there was almost a continuous liue
of temples and public edifices for a distance of two
miles, from Qoomah to Medeenet Haboo; and Wil-
kinson conjectures that from a point near the latter,
perhaps in the line of the colossi, the " Koyal
Street " ran down to the river, which was crossed
by a ferry terminating at Luxor on the eastern
side. The recent excavations and discoveries of
M. Mariette, now in course of publication (1863),
may enable us to restore the ground-plan of the
city and its principal edifices with at least proxi-
mate accuracy.
It does not enter into the design, nor would it
fall within the limits of this article, to give a mi-
nute description of these stupendous monuments.
Not only are verbal descriptions everywhere ac-
cessible through the pages of Wilkinson, Kenrick,
and other standard writers upon Egypt, but the
magnificently illustrated work of Lepsius, already
completed, the companion work of M. Marietta,
just referred to, and multiplied photographs of the
principal ruins, sre within easy reach of the scholar
through the munificence of public libraries. A men
outline of the groups of ruins must here suffice.
Beginning at the northern extremity on the western
bank, the first conspicuous ruins are those of a
palace temple of the nineteenth dynasty, and there-
fore belonging to the middle style of Egyptian
architecture. It bears the name Mtneplilheim,
suggested by Chanipollion because it appears to
have been founded by Menephthah (the Osirei ol
Wilkinson), though built principally by his son,
the great Barneses. The plan of the building is
much obscured by mounds of rubbish, but some
of the bas-reliefs are in a fine state of preservation.
There are traces of a dromos, 128 feet In length,
with sphinxes, whose fragments here and there
remain. This building stands upon a slight ele-
vation, nearly a mile from the river, in the now
deserted village of old Qoomah.
Nearly a mile southward from the Menepbtheion
are the remains of the combined palace and temple
known aince the days of Strabo as the Memnonium.
An examination of its sculptures shows that this
name waa inaccurately applied, aince the building
was clearly erected by Kamesea II. Wilkinson
suggests that the title Miamun attached to the
namt of this king misled Strabo in his designates*
of the building. The general form of the Meor
nonium is that of a parallelogram in three mass
sections, the interior areas being successively na»
rower than the first court, and the whole tar
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8218
THET.ES
minating In a series of sacred chamber* beautlfuDj
sculptured and ornamented. The proportions of
tliu building are remarkably fine, and it* remains
ire in a sufficient state of preservation to enable
one to reconstruct Its plan. From the first court
or area, nearly 180 feet square, there U an ascent
by steps to the second court, 140 feet by 170.
Upon three sides of this area is a double colonnade,
and on the south side a single row of Osiride
pillars, facing a row of like pillars on the north,
the other columns being circular. Another ascent
leads to the hall, 100 -f- 133, which originally
had 48 huge columns to support its solid roof.
Beyond the hall are the sacred chambers. The
historical sculptures upon
the walla and columns of
the Memnonium are among
the most finished and legi-
ble of the Egyptian mon-
ument!. But the most re-
markable feature of these
ruins is the gigantic statue
of Rameses II., once a sin-
gle block of syenite caned
to represent the king upon
bis throne, but now scat-
tered in fragments upon the
floor of the first hall. The
weight of this statue has
been computed at 887 tons,
and its height at 75 feet.
By measurement of the frag-
ments, the writer found the
body 51 feet around the
shoulders, the arm 1 1 feet <>
Inches from shoulder to el-
bow, and the foot 10 feet
. „ 10 inches in length, by 4 feet
Plan of Memnonium. g .^ .„ ^^ / Thj<
stupendous monolith must hare been transported
at least a hundret' miles from the quarries of
Assouan. About a third of a mile further to the
Hall of Columns in the Memnonium.
sooth are the two colossal statues already referred
to, one of which is ismiliarly known as " the vocal
Memnon." The height of each figure is about 53
feet abore the plain.
Proceeding again .toward the south for about the
same distance, we find at Medeenet Haboo ruins
upon a more stupendous -scale than at any other
pcin*. upon the western bank of Thebes. These
consist of a temple founded by Tbothmes I., but
which also exhibits traces of the Ptolemaic archi-
tecture in the ehape of pyramidal towers, gate-
ways, colonnades, and .vestibnles, inscribed with the
memorials of the Roman era in Egypt. This
ample, even with all its additions, is eompara-
ively small; but adjacent to ilia the magnificent
THESES
/nb known as the southern Rameselun the palaot
temple of Rameses III. The general plan of this
building corresponds with those above described;
a aeries of grand courts or halls adorned with
columns, conducting to the inner pavilion of the
king or sanctuary of the god. The second court
is one of the most remarkable in Egypt for the
maasiveneas of its columns, which measure 24 feet
in height by a circumference of nearly 23. Within
this area are the fallen columns of a Christian
church, which once established the worship of the
true God in the very sanctuary of idols and amid
their sculptured images and symbols. This temple
present* some of the grandest effect* of the old
Egyptian architecture, and it* battle-scenes are a
valuable contribution to the history of Kameses III.
Behind this long range of temples and palaces
are the Libyan bills, which, for a distance of five
miles, are excavated to the depth of several hun-
dred feet for sepulchral chambers. Some of these
are of vast extent — one tomb, for instance, having
a total area of 22,217 square feet. A retired valley
in the mountains, now known as Betbnn-tU Melt/ok,
seems to have been appropriated to the sepulchres
of kings. Some of these, in the number and variety
of their chambers, the finish of their sculptures,
and the beauty and freshness of their frescoes, are
among the most remarkable monuments of Egyptian
grandeur and skill. It is from the tombs especially
that we learn the manners and customs of domestic
life, as from the temples we gather the record of
dynasties and the history of battles. The preterva
tiou of these sculptured and pictorial records is due
mainly to the dryness of the climate. The sacred-
nesa with which the Egyptians regarded their dead
preserved these mountain catacombs from molesta-
tion during tl.e long succession of native dynasties,
and the sealing up of the entrance to the tomb for
the concealment of the sarcophagus from human
observation until it* mummied occupant should re-
sume his long-suspended life, has largely secured
the city of the dead from the violence of invaders
and the ravages of time. It is from the
adornments of these subterranean tombs,
often distinct and fresh as when prepared
_ by the hand of the artist, that we derive
L our principal knowledge of the manners
- and customs of the Egyptians. Herodotus
himself I* not more minute and graphic
than these silent but most descriptive walls.
The illustration and confirmation which
they bring to the sacred narrative, so weC
discussed by Hengstenberg, Oshom, Poole,
and others, is capable of much ampler
treatment than it has yet received. Every
Incident in the pastoral and agricultural
life of the Israelites in Egypt and in the
exactions of their servitude, every art employed in
the fabrication of the tabernacle in the wilderness,
every allusion to Egyptian rites, customs, laws,
finds some counterpart or illustration in this pic-
ture-history of Egypt; and whenever the Theban
cemetery shall be thoroughly explored, and it* sym-
bols and hieroglyphics fully Interpreted by science,
we shall have a commentary of unrivaled interest
and value upon the books of Exodus and Leviticus,
as well as the later historical books nf the Hebrew
Scriptures. 1 he art of photography 1* already
contributing to this result by furnishing scholars
with materials for the leisurely study of the pic-
torial and Jionumental records of Egypt,
The eastern side of the river i* distinguished b*
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THEBES
he remain! of Luxor and Karnak. the latter Wing
if itself a city of temples. The main colonnade of
Luxor face* the river, but ita principal entrance
ooka northward toward* Karnak, with which it
was originally connected by a dromos 6,000 feet in
■engtb, lined on either side with sphinxes. At this
an trance are two gigantic statues of Kameses II., one
upon each side of the grand gateway ; and in front
of these formerly stood a pair of beautifully wrought
obelisks of red granite, one of which now graces the
Place de la Concorde at Paris.
'Ilia approach to Karnak from the south is marked
by a series of majestic gate-
ways and towers, which were
the appendages of later times
to the original structure.
The temple properly faces
the river, t. e. toward the
northwest. The court* and
propyhea connected with this
structure occupy a space
nearly 1,800 feet square, and
the buildings represent al-
most every dynasty of
Egypt, frum Seaortoseii I.
to Ptolemy Kuergete* L
Courts, pylons, obelisks,
statues, pillars, everything
pertaining to Karnak, are on
the grandest scale. Near-
est the river is an area
measuring 275 feet by 329,
which once had a covered
Figure of Harness* II. corridor on either side, and
a double row of columns
through the centre, leading to the entrance of
the bypostyle hall, the moat wonderful monument
THEBES
3219
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Sculptured Gateway at Karnak.
rf Egyptian architecture. This grand hall is a
fcrest of sculptured columns ; in the central avenue
are twelve, measuring each 66 feet in height by 12
in diameter, which formerly supported the most
elevated portion of the roof, answering to the clere-
story in Gothic architecture; on either side of
these are seven rows, each column nearlv 42 feet
high by 9 in diameter, making a total of 134 pillars
■« an area measuring 170 feet by 330. Moat of
the pillars are jet standing in their original site, I
though in many places the roof has fallen in. A
saoonllgh* view of this hall is the most weird and I
impressive scene to be witnessed among a.1 the ruins
of antiquity — the Coliseum of Home not excepted.
With our imperfect knowledge of mechanic arts
among the Egyptians, it is impossible to conceive
how the outer wall of Karnak — forty feet in thick-
ness at the base, and nearly a hundred feet high —
was built; how single blocks weighing several hun-
dred ton* were lifted into their place in the wall,
or hewn into obelisks and statues to adorn its gates;
how the majestic columns of the Grand Hall were
quarried, sculptured, and set up in mathematical
order; and bow the whole stupendous structure
was reared as a fortress in which the most ancient
civilization of the world, as it were petrified or
fossilized in the very flower of its strength and
beauty, might defy the desolations of war, and the
decay of centuries. The grandeur of Egypt is here
in its architecture, and almost every pillar, obelisk,
and stone tells its historic legend of her greatest
mouarchs.
We have alluded, in the opening of this article,
to the debated question of the priority of Thebes to
Memphis. As yet the data are not sufficient for
its satisfactory solution, and Egyptologists are not
agreed. Upon the whole we may conclude that
before the time of Menes there was a local sove-
reignty in the Theliaid, but the historical nationality
of Egypt dates from the founding of Memphis.
" It is probable that the priest* of Memphis and
Thebes differed in their representations of early
history, and that each sought to extol the glory of
their own city. The history of Herodotus turns
about Memphis as a centre ; he mentions Thel>es
only incidentally, and does not describe or allude to
one of its monuments. Diodorus, on the contrary,
is full in his description of Thebes, and says little
of Memphis. But the distinction of Upper and
Lower Egypt exists in geological structure, in lan-
guage, in religion, and in historical tradition " (Ken-
rick). A careful digest of the Egyptian and Greek
authorities, the Turin papyrus, and the monumental
tablets of Abydos and Karnak, gives this general
outline of the early history of Egypt : That before
Memphis was built, the nation was mainly confined
to the valley of the Nile, and subdivided politically
into several sovereignties, of which Thebes was one;
that Menes, who was a native of Thit in the The-
baid, centralized the government at Memphis, and
united the upper and lower countries ; that Mem-
phis retained its preeminence, even in the hereditary
succession of sovereigns, until the twelfth and thir-
teenth dynasties of Manetho, when Uiospolitan king*
appear in his lists, who brought Tliehes into prom-
inence as a royal city; that when the Shepherds
or Hyksos, a nomadic race from the east, invaded
Egypt and fixed their capital at Memphis, a native
Egyptian dynasty was maintained at Thebes, at
times tributary to the Hyksos, and at times in
military alliance with Ethiopia against the invaders;
until at length, by a general uprising of the The-
baid, the Hyksos were expelled, and Thebes became
the capital of all Egypt under the resplendent
eighteenth dynasty. This was the golden era of
the city as we have already described it from its-
monuments. The names and deeds of the Thothmee
and the Kameses then figure upon its temples and
palaces, representing its wealth and grandeur in
architecture, and its prowess in arms. Then it was
that Thebes extended her sceptre over Libya and
Ethiopia on the one hand, and on the other over
Syria, Media, and Persia; so that the walls of bet>
palaces and temples are crowded with hs/Mo-sceo*
Digitized by CjOOQIC
8220 THEBEB
in which all contiguous nations appear u captive*
ir as suppliants. This supremacy continued until
the close of the nineteenth dynasty, or for a period
of mora than fire hundred years; but under the
twentieth dynasty — the DiospoliUn bouse of Ramo-
se* numbering ten kings of that name — the glory
of Thebes began to decline, and after the close of
that dynasty her name no more appears in the lilts
of kings. Still the city was retained as the capital,
in whole or in part, and the achievements of Shi-
shook the Bubastite, of Tirhakah the Ethiopian,
and other monarch* of celebrity, are recorded upon
its walls. The invasion of Palestine by Sbishonk
is graphically depicted upon the outer wall of the
grand hall of Karnak, and the names of several
tow us in Palestine, as well as the general name of
" the land of the king of Judah," have been de-
ciphered from the hieroglyphics. At the later in-
vasion of Judaea by Sennacherib, we find Tirhakah,
the Ethiopian monarch of the Thebaid, a powerful
ally of the Jewish king. But a century later,
Kzekiel proclaims the destruction of Thebes by the
srni of Babylon : " I will execute judgments in
No; " » I will cut off the multitude of No; " "'No
shall be rent asunder, and Noph [Memphis] shall
have distresses daily" (Ex. xxx. 14-16); and Jere-
miah, predicting the same overthrow, says, " The
Lord of Hosts, the God of Israel saith, Behold, I
will punish the multitude of No, and Pharaoh, and
Egypt, with their gods and their kings." The Per-
sian invader completed the destruction that the
Babylonian had begun ; the hammer of Cambyses
leveled the proud statue of Barneses, an/1 his torch
consumed the temples and palaces of the city of
the hundred gate*. No-Ammon, the shrine of the
Egyptian Jupiter, "that was situate among the
riven, and whose rampart was the sea," sank from
its metropolitan splendor to the position of a mere
provincial town; and, notwithstanding the spas-
modic efforts of the Ptolemies to revive its ancient
glory, became at last only the desolate and ruined
sepulchre of the empire it had once embodied. It
lies to-day a nest of Arab hovels amid crumbling
columns snd drifting sands.
* Three names of Thebes are made prominent
in the hieroglyphic monument* of the city. The
first ia the sacerdotal name Pi-amun — the abode
of Ammon. The expression No-amun, which cor-
-eaponds even mora exactly with the Greek Aiew-
iroAii, ia found in the Sallier Papyrus, No. III.,
ihowing that the Hebrew prophet* used a well-
known designation of the city. At Thebes Ammon
was worshipped preeminently under the type of the
sun.
A second designation of Thebes was the city of
ApeJm or ApeU Some have attempted to derive
the name Thebes from this title, thus: To- Apetu,
r more limply Tit-ape, by contraction Tapt, which
.La Greek* softened into <Mj/S»j. But this deriva-
tion is hypothetical, and at best it seems plain from
tin hieroglyphics that the name Apetu was given
to but a single quarter of ancient Thebes. — a sec-
don H the eastern bank embracing the great temple
•jf Kaniak. The name Apttu ha* not been found
ipon any monument of the old empire.
There is a third designation, or perhaps more
properly a representation, of the city in the hiero-
glyphics, from which it is conjectured that the
Greeks derived its name. This capital is pictured
ia a martial city, thoroughly equipped, and armed
rich divine power for dominion over all nations.
! symbols ghe the nan s Obi, which with the
THEBBZ
feminine article becomes Tobi or Ttbi, which ap-
pears in the Greek form &^/3jj- Tebi and not
Apetu was the city of Ammon, who there dwelt in
Apetu, which was probably the great temple of
Karnak.
The foregoing la the substance of a monograph
by Mons. F. Chabas, entitled Recherche* tur It
nam igypiien it Thibet, and is the latest contri
bution to the literature of the subject.
The explorations of M. Mariette-Bey, M. Dii-
michen, and others, have brought to light some
curious memorials of Thebes that serve to illustrate
it* ancient history and renown, and to verify the
surviving fragments of its literature. The Abbott
papyrus relates to the conviction and punishment
of a band of robbers that in the reign of Rameses
IX. spoiled the necropolis of Thebes of treasures
deposited in tombs of the priestesses of Ammon
and in the royal sepulchre*. In the vicinity of
Gournah, M. Mariette has identified three of ten
royal tombs named in the papyrus. This fixes
definitely the quarter of the city referred to in the
papyrus.
M. Marietta's excavations within the temple of
Karnak have restored to the eye of scholars valuable
inscriptions that had long been hidden under tbo
sand. In particular he has restored as far as pos-
sible the famous Annals of Thothroes III., frorj
the sanctuary which that monarch built In the
centre of the great temple as a memorial of his
victories. Under the date of each year of this in-
scription follows a narrative of the warlike expedi-
tions of the year, which is followed by an enumera-
tion of the spoils. The minute accuracy of these
returns may be judged by an example of the tribut*
paid by Cush: gold, 154 pounds 8 ounces; (lave*,
male and female, 134; beef-cattle, young, 114;
bull*, 305; total 419, Ac. These ai sals shed light
upon ancient geography, and upon the Biblical and
other accounts of the wars of Egypt in the East
From one hundred and fifteen names we instance
Arabia, Cush, Eglon, Gaza, Mageddo, Mesopotamia,
Nineveh, Taanak, in the list of battles or conquest
In one inscription it is stated that the king set us
a monument in Mesopotamia to mark the eastern
boundary of Egypt
The commerce of antiquity Is also illustrated
by these inscriptions. Cush returns a tribute of
gold, silver, and cattle; the Rotennou, ivory, cattle,
horses, goats, metals, armor, precious woods: the
Syrians, silver, iron, lapia-lazuli, and leather; an
unknown people, precious vase*, dates, honey, wine,
farina, perfumes, asses, and instrument* of iron.
Mention is made also of chariot* ornamented with
silver, and of shiploads of ivory, ebony, leopard-
skins, etc. All this confirms the story of Herodotus
touching the Immense wealth and the vast military
power of Thebes. Fifteen successive campaigns an
here recorded in which the monarch himself carried
his triumphant arms to the very heart of Asia. In
some of these campaigns he marched through Code-
Syria, and subdued the region of Lebanon. The
entire inscription of Thothme* HI. is translated
in the Revue Archeoboique, NouveUe Serie, vol. il.
The inscription of Shishak upon the outer wall
of Karnak in the same way illustrates the power
and grandeur of Thebes, even when bordering upon
its decline. J. P. T.
THE3EZ (V3W [*n'o*6»f*»] : 94/Sqt
Bafuurl; Alex. 8016011, eayiowcit Thtbtt). J
place memorable for the death of the bravo Abuse*
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THECOB, WILDERNESS OP
teh (Judg. tz. 50 «). After suffocating a thousand
if the Shecheniitet in the hold of baal-berith by
the smoke of green wood — an exploit which recalls
the notorious feat of a modern French general in
Algeria (Eocl. 1. 9, 10) — he went off with his band
to Theliez. The town was soon taken, all but one
tower, into which the people of the place crowded,
and which was strong enough to hold oat. To this
be forced his way, and was about to repeat the
barbarous stratagem which had succeeded to well
at Shechem, when the fragment of millstone de-
scended and put an end to his turbulent career.
The story was well known in Israel, and gave the
point to a familiar maxim in the camp (2 Sam. xi.
81).
Thebes is not mentioned again in the Bible. But
it was known to Eusebius and Jerome. In their
day the village still bore its old name, and was
situated "in the district of Neapolis," 13 Roman
miles therefrom, on the road to Scythopolis ( Onom.
&h$ni). There it still it; its name— Tubtt—
hardly changed ; the village on a rising ground to
the left of the rood, a thriving, compact, and strong-
looking place, surrounded by Immense woods of
olives, and by perhaps the beat cultivated land in
all Palestine. It was known to hap-Parchi in the
tilth century (Zunz's Benjamin, il. 426), and la
mentioned occasionally by later travellers. lint Dr.
Robinson appears to have been the first to recog-
nize its identity with Thebes (Bibl Ha. iii. 80S).
G.
THECCE, THE WILDERNESS OP
(tV fpitfiov Sural: detertum Thecua). The wild,
uncultivated pastoral tract lying around the town
of Tekoa, more especially to the east of it (1 Mace.
Ix. 33). In the Old Test. (3 Chr. xx. SO) it is
mentioned by the term Mulixir, which answers to
J>e Greek lovftas.
Theeoe is merely the Greek form of the name
Tekoa. G.
THELA'SAR ("I^Hbrj [*i« of Aug.ia,
Get., Flint]: fiatatir; Alex. iSaXcurtrap: Thehu-
snrj. Another form of the name examined under
TBL-A83AH. It occurs 3 K. xix. 13. The A. V.
is unfortunate in respect of this name, for it hai
contrived to give the contracted Hebrew form in
the longest English shape, and viet vena. G.
THELER'SAS (6e\ep<rit; [Alex. e«\«ro»:]
Thelharm), 1 Etdr. v. 36. The Greek equivalent
ef the name Tel-hakbaS.
THE'MAX (8atnaV: Theman), Bar. ill. 23,
S3. [Tkman.]
THEOCA'NTJS<e«<MMres; [Vat e»oni:]
Alex, ewnm : Thteam). Tikvah the father of
Jahariah (1 Esdr. ix. 14).
THEOrxOTUS (6c itoros [given fty God] :
Theodotiue, Theodoras). An envoy sent by Nicanor
to Judas Mace. o. B. c 162 (2 Mace. xiv. 19).
a f. w.
THEOPHILUS (B«o>iAot [friend of
God]). L The person to whom St. Luke inscribes
lit Gospel and the Acts of the Apostles (Luke i. 3;
Acts L 1). The important part played by The-
tphilas, M having immediately occasioned the com-
position of these two books, together with the
■Uence of Scripture concerning him, hat it once
THEOPHILUS
8221
a In the Hebrew text Thebes occurs twlos » the
ate, tat in the LXX It stands that, « And AMme-
stimulated conjecture, and left the field cloar for it
Accordingly we meet with a considerable numbet
and variety of theories concerning him.
(1. ) Several commentators, especially among the
Fathers, have been disposed to doubt the personality
of Theophilus, regarding the name either at that of
a fictitious person, or at applicable to every Chris-
tian reader. Thus Origen (Horn. i. tit Luc.) raises
the question, but does not discuss it, his object
being merely practical. He says that all who are
beloved of God are Theophili, and may therefore
appropriate to themselves the Gospel which waa
addressed to Theophilus. Epiphauius (Hare*, li.
p. 429) speaks doubtfully: ttr' oiv riA BtoplKy.
rift ypdipeif l\tytv, 1) icutI &.v6p<ixy Btbt
iyawavri. Salvianus (Eput. ix. ad Satonimn) ap-
parently assumes that Theophilus had no historical
exiateuce. He justifies the composition of a work
addressed " Ad Eccletiam Catholicam," under the
name of Timothetit, by the example of the Evan-
gelist St. Luke, who addressed his Gospel nomi-
nally to a particular man, but really to " the love
of God ; " " nam sicut Theophili vocabulo amor,
sic Timothei honor divinitatU exprimitur." Even
Theophylact, who believes in the existence of The-
ophilus, takes the opportunity of moralizing upon
hit name: ml was 8) twBpmrot 9 e o <p i A ^ t, Kal
k pi-rot Kara r*>r xaSAr iyaiei(d/xtyat, 8e-
6tpi\6s i<rrt Kadrio-TOt, or «ai l^iot t>
Bkti Itrrlv kKoitw tow Evaryyi\lov (Argum. in
Luc.). Among modern commentators Hammond
and Leclerc accept the allegorical view: Erasmus
is doubtful, but on the whole believes Theophilus
to have had a real existence.
(2.) From the honorable epithet Kpdrurrt, ap-
plied to Theophilus in Luke i. 3, compared with
the use of the same epithet as applied by Claudius
Lysias and Tertullut severally to Felix, and by St.
Paul to Festut (Acts xxiil. 86, xxiv. 3, xxvi. 35),
it has been argued with much probability, but not
quite conclusively, that he was a person in high
official position. Thus Theophylact (Argum. in
Luc.) conjectures that he was a Roman governor,
or a person of senatorial rank, grounding his con-
jecture expressly on the use of KpaWttrr: GEcu-
menius (ad Act. Apott. i. 1) tells us that he was a
governor, but gives no authority for the assertion.
The traditional connection of St. Luke with Antioch
has disposed tome to look upon Antioch as the
abode of Theophilus, and possibly it the seat of his
government Bengal believes him to have been an
inhabitant of Antioch, " nt reteres teatantur." Ths
belief may partly have grown oat of a story In the
so-called Recognition* n/SL Clement (Ub. x.), which
represents a certain nobleman of Antioch of that
name to have been converted by the preaching of
St. Peter, and to have dedicated his own house as
a church, in which, at we are told, the Apostle fixed
bis episcopal teat Bengel thinks that the omission
of Kpirurrt in Acts i. 1 proves that St Luke was
on more familiar terms with Theophilus than when
he composed his Gospel.
(3.) In the Syriao Lexicon extracted from the
Lexicon BejAnglotton of Cattell, and edited by
Michaelis (p. 948), the following description of
Theophilus is quoted from Bar Bahlul, a Syrian
lexicographer of the 10th century : " Theophilus,
primus credentium et eeleberrimui apud Alexin.
leeh went out of Bethelbertth (Tnht.
upon Thebes," etc
indt\i
fell
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3222
THEOPHU.U8
Irienses, qui cum allta J5gyptiis Lucam rogabat,
at eta Eraugelium scriberet" In the inscription
of the Gospel according to St Luke in the Syriuc
version we are told that it was published at Alex-
andria. Hence it ia inferred by Jacob Uaae (BibL
BitiutnnM Clou. ir. Fasc. iii. Diss. 4, quoted by
Michaelis, Jntrod. to the N. T., vol. iii. cb. vi. $ 4,
ed. Marsh ) and by Bengel ( Oi-do Temporum, p.
196, ed. 2), that Theopliilua was, aa asserted by
Bar Bahlul, a convert of Alexandria. This writer
ventures to advance the startling opinion that The-
ophilua, if an Alexandrian, waa no other than the
celebrated Philo, who is said to have home the He-
brew name of Jedidiah pTJT^T}, i. e. BeiiptXos)-
It hardly seems necessary to refute this theory, aa
Michaelis has refuted it, by chronological argu-
ment*.
(4.) Alexander Horns (Ad quondam loca Not.
Fad. Nota : ad Imc i. 1) makes the rather hazard-
ous conjecture that the Theophilus of St. Luke ia
Identical with the person who is recorded by Tacitus
(Ann. ii. 55) to bare been condemned for fraud at
Athena by the court of the Areopagus. Grotius
also conjectures that he waa a magistrate of Achaia
baptised by St. Luke. The conjecture of Grotiua
mint rest upon the assertion of Jerome (an asser-
tion which, if it ia received, renders that of Alex.
Moras possible, though certainly most improbable),
namely, that Lake published his Gospel in the parts
of Achaia and Boeotia (Jerome, Comm. in -Mult.
Procem.).
(5.) It is obvious to suppose that Theophilus was
a Christian. But a different view has been enter-
tained. In a series of Dissertations in the Bik-
Uothtca Bremamt, of which Michaelis gives a
resume in the section already referred to, the notion
that he was not a Christian is maintained by dif-
ferent writers, and on different grounds. Heumann,
one of the contributors, assuming that he waa a
Roman governor, argues that he could not be a
Christian, because do Christian would be likely to
have such a charge entrusted to him. Another
writer, Theodore Hase, believes that the Theophilus
of Luke was no other than the deposed high-priest
Theophilus the son of Ananus, of whom more will
be said presently. Hichaelis himself is inclined to
adopt this theory. He thinks that the use of the
word Karnx^Svf m Lnke i. 4, proves thst The-
ophilus had an imperfect acquaintance with the
facts of the Gospel (an argument of which Bishop
Marsh very properly disposes in his note upon toe
passage of Hichaelis), and further contends, from
the (V r)uu> of Luke i. 1, that he was not a member
of the Christian community. He thinks it prob-
able that the Evangelist wrote his Gospel during
the imprisonment of St. Paul at Csaarea, and ad-
dressed it to Theophilus as one of the beads of the
Jewish nation. According to this view, it would
be regarded a* a sort of historical apology for the
Christian faith.
In surveying this series of conjectures, sad of
traditions which are nothing more than conjectures,
we And it easier to determine what is to be re-
jected than what we are to accept. In the first
place, we may safely reject the Patristic notion that
Theophilus was either a fictitious person, or a mere
personification of Christian love. Such a personifi-
cation is alien from the spirit of the New Testa-
ment writers, and the epithet «peV«rr« ia a sufficient
svMeneo of the historical existence of Theophilus.
it does not, indeed, prove that he waa a governor.
THE83ALONIa.NS
but it makes It most probable that he was i persoa
of high rank. His supposed connection with An-
tioch, Alexandria, or Achaia, rests on too slender
evidence either to claim acceptance or to need refu-
tation ; and the view of Theodore Hase, although
endorsed by Michaelis, appears to be incontestaUy
negatived by the Gentile complexion of the Third
Gospel. The grounds alleged by Heumann frr his
hypothesis that Theophilus was not a Christian are
not at all trustworthy, as consisting of two very
disputable premises. For, in the first place, it is
not at all evident that Theophilus was a Roman
governor; and in the second place, even if we as-
sume that at that time no Christian would be ap-
pointed to such an office (an assumption which we
can scarcely venture to make), it docs not at all
follow that no person in that position would become
a Christian. In fact, we have an example of such
a conversion in the case of Sergius Paulus (Acts
xiii. 12). In the article on the Gospel op Lckjs,
[vol. ii. p. 1697 a], reasons are given for believing
that Theophilus was " not a native of Palestine. . . .
not a Macedonian, nor au Athenian, nor a Cretan.
But that he was a native of Italy, and perhaps an
inhabitant of Rome, is probable from similar data."
All that can be conjectured with any degree of
safety concerning him, comes to this, that he was
a Gentile of rank and consideration, who came
under the influence of St. Luke, or (not improbably)
under that of St. Paul at Rome, and waa converted
to the Christian faith. It has been observed that
the Greek of St Luke, which elsewhere approaches
more nearly to the classical type than that of the
other Evangelists, is purer and more elegant in the
dedication to Theophilus than in any other part of
his Gospel.
2. A Jewish high-priest, the son of Annas or
Ananus, brother-in-law to C'aiapbas [Annas; Ca-
iafhas], and brother and immediate successor of
Jonathan. The Roman Prefect Vitellius came to
Jerusalem at the Passover (a. d. 37), and deposed
Caiaphas, appointing Jonathan in his place. In
the ssme year, at the feast of Pentecost, he came to
Jerusalem, and deprived Jonathan of the high-
priesthood, which he gave to Theophilus (Joseph.
Ant. xviii. 4, § 3, xviii. 5. $ 3). Theophilus was re-
moved from his post by Herod Agrippa I., after the
accession of that prince to the government of Judlea
in A. D. 41, ao that he must hare continued in
office about five yean (Joseph. Ant. xix. 6, § 2).
Theophilus is not mentioned by name in the New
Testament; but it is most probable that he was the
high-priest who granted a commission to Saul to
proceed to Damascus, and to take into custody any
believers whom be might find there. W. B. J.
THEUAS (9ipa\ [in ver. 41, Vat omits:]
Thia t Syr. Tharan). The equivalent in 1 Esdr.
riii. 41, 61, for the Ahava of the parallel passage in
Ezra. Nothing whatever appears to be known of it
THEIfMELETH (e««4fA#: Thelmela), I
Esdr. v. 36. The Greek equivalent of the muns
Tkl-melah.
THESSALCNIANS, FIRST EPISTLE
TO THE. 1. The date of the epistle is made
out appproximately in the following way. During
the course of his second missionary journey, prob-
ably in the year 52, St. Pau. founded the Church
of Thessalonica. Leaving Thessalonica he passed
on to Beroaa. From Berosa he went to Athena
and f/oan Athens to Corinth (Acta xvii. 1-zviit. 18'.
With this visit to Corinth, which exuudi over
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THESSALONIANS, FIBST EPISTLE TO THE
822b
period of two years or thereabout*, hit second mis-
sionary Journey closed, for from Corinth he returned
to Jerusalem, paying only a brief visit to Ephesus
on the way (xviii. SO, 21). Now it appears that,
when this epistle was written, Silranua and Timo-
theus were in the Apostle's company (1 Tbess. i- 1;
;onip. 2 Thess. i. 1) — a circumstance which con-
fines the date to the second missionary Journey, for
though Timotheus was with him on several occa-
sions afterwards, the name of Silvanus appears for
the last time in connection with St. Paul during
this visit to Corinth (Acts xviii. 6; 2 Cor. i. 19).
The epistle then must have been written in the in-
terval between St Paul's leaving Tbessalonica and
the close of his residence at Corinth, i. t. according
to the received chronology within the years 52-64.
The following considerations however narrow the
limiti of the possible date still more closely. (1.)
When St. Paul wrote, be had already visited, and
probably left Athens (1 Thess. iii. 1). (2.) Hav-
ing made two unsuccessful attempts to revisit
Tbessalonica, he had dispatched Timothy to obtain
tidings of his converts there. Timothy had re-
turned before the Apostle wrote (iii. 2, 6). (3 )
St Paul speaks of the Thessalonians as " ensamples
to all that believe in Macedonia and Achala," add-
ing that " iu every place their faith to Godward
was spread abroad " (i. 7, 8) — language prompted
indeed by the overflowing of a grateful heart, and
therefore not to be rigorously pressed, but still im-
plying some lapse of time at least (4.) There are
several traces of a growth and progress in the con-
dition and circumstances of the Thessalonian
Church. Perhaps the mention of " rulers " in the
church (v. 12) ought not to be adduced as proving
this, since some organization would be necessary
bom the very beginning. But there is other evi-
dence besides. Questions had arisen relating to
the state of those who had fallen asleep in Christ,
so that one or more of the Thessalonian converts
moat have died in the interval (iv. 13-18). The
storm of persecution which the Apostle bad dis-
cerned gathering on the horizon had already burst
upon the Christians of Theasalonica (iii. 4, 7). Ir-
regularities bad crept in and sullied the infant
parity of the church (iv. 4, v. 14). The lapse of
a few months however would account for these
changes, and a much longer time cannot well be al-
lowed. For (5) the letter was evidently written by
St Paul immediately on the return of Timothy, in
the fullness of his gratitude for the Joyful tidings
(Ul. 6). Moreover, (6) the second epistle also was
written before he left Corinth, and there must have
been a sufficient interval between the two to allow
of the growth of fresh difficulties, and of such com-
munication between the Apostle and his converts it
the case supposes. We shall not be far wrong
*iierefore iu placing the writing of this epistle early
in St Paul's residence at Corinth, a few months
after he had founded the church at Tbessalonica,
at the dose of the year 62 or the beginning of 53.
The statement in the subscription appearing in sev-
eral MSS. and versions, that it was written " from
Athens," is a superficial inference from 1 Thess. iii.
1, to which no weight should be attached. The
views of critics who have assigned to this epistle
a later date than the second missionary Journey are
stated and refuted in the Introductions of Kocn (p.
(3, etc.), and Liineniann (§ 3).
S- The epistles to the Thessalonians then (for
Ik* second followed the first after no long interval)
M the earliest of St. Paul's writings — perhaps the
earliest written records of Christianity. They be-
long to that period which St. Paul elsewhere styles
"the beginning of the Gospel" (Phil. Iv. 15).
They present the disciples in the first flush of love
and devotion, yearning for the day of deliverance,
and straining their eyes to catch the first glimpse
of their l/>rd descending amidst the clouds of
heaven, till in their feverish anxiety they forget th«
sober business of life, absorbed in this one engross-
ing thought. It will be remembered that a period
of about five years intervenes before the second
group of epistles — those to the Corinthians, Gala-
tians, and Romans — were written, and about twice
that period to the data of the epistles of the Roman
captivity. It is interesting therefore to compart
the Thessalonian Epistles with the later letters, and
to note the points of difference. These differences
are mainly threefold. (1.) In the general ilylt of
these earlier letters there is greater simplicity and
less exuberance of language. The brevity of the
opening salutation is an instance of this. " Paul
. ... to the Church of the Thessalonians in God
the Father and the Lord Jesus Christ, grace and
peace to you " (1 Thess. i. 1; comp. 2 Thess. i. 1).
The closing benediction is correspondingly brief: —
" The grace of our l>ord Jesus Christ be with you "
(1 Thess. v. 28: comp. 2 Thess. iii. 18). And
throughout the epistles there is much more even-
ness of style, words are not accumulated in the
same way, the syntax is less involved, parentheses
are not so frequent, the turns of thought and feel-
ing are less sudden and abrupt, and altogether there
is less intensity and variety than we find in St
Paul's later epistles. (2.) The antagonism to St.
Pnul is not the same. The direction of the attack
has changed in the interval between the writing of
these epistles and those of the next group. Here
the opposition comes from Jtict. The admission
of the Gentiles to the hopes and privileges of Mes-
siah's kingdom on any condition is repulsive to
them. They '• forbad the Apostle to speak to the
Gentiles that they might be saved " (ii. 16). A
period of five years changes the aspect of the con-
troversy. The opponents of St. Paul are now no
longer Jewi, to much as Judaizing Chrittiant
(Ewald, Jahrb. iii. 249; Sendschr., p. 14). The
question of the admission of the Gentiles has been
solved by time, for they have " taken the kingdom
of heaven by storm." But the antagonism to the
Apostle of the Gentiles, having been driven from
its first position, entrenched itself behind a second
barrier. It was now urged that though the Gen-
tiles may be admitted to the Church of Christ, the
only door of admission is the Mosaic covenant-rite
of oircumcision. The language of St Paul speak-
ing of the Jewish Christians iu this epistle, shows
that the opposition to bis teaching had not at this
time assumed this second phase. He does not yet
regard them as the disturbers of the peace of the
church, the false teachers who by imposing a bond-
age of ceremonial observances frustrate the free
grace of God. He can still point to them as ex-
amples to his converts at Theasalonica (ii. 14). The
change indeed was imminent, the signs of the gath-
ering storm bad already appeared (GaL ii. 11), but
hitherto they were faint and indistinct, and had
scarcely darkened the horizon of the Gentile
churches. (8.) It will be no surprise that the
doctrinal teaching of the Apostle does not bear
quite the tame aspect in these at in the later
epistles. Many of the distinetito doctrines of
Christianity which are inseparably connected with
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THESSALONIAUS, FIRST EPISTLE TO THE
St. Paul'a name, though implicitly contained in the
leaching of these earlier letters — aa indeed they
follow directly from the true conception of the Per-
son of Christ — were yet not evolved and distinctly
enunciated till the needs of the church drew them
out into prominence at a later date. It has often
been observed, for instance, that there is in the
Epistles to the Thessalonians no mention of the
characteristic contrast of "faith and works; " that
the word "justification " does not once occur; that
the idea of dying with Christ and living with Christ,
so frequent in St. Paul's later writings, is absent
in these. It was in fact the opposition of Judabsing
Christians, Insisting on a strict ritualism, which
led the Apostle somewhat later to dwell at greater
length on the true doctrine of a saving faith, and
the true conception of a godly life. But the time
had not yet come, and in the epistles to the Thessa-
lonians, as has been truly observed, the Gospel
preached is that of the coming of Christ, rather
than of the cross of Christ There are nutny rea-
sons why the subject of the second advent should
occupy a larger space in the earliest stage of the
Apostolical . teaching than afterwards. It was
closely bound up with the fundamental bet of the
Gospel, the resurrection of Christ, and thus it
formed a natural starting-point of Christian doe-
trine. It afforded the true satisfaction to those
Messianic hopes which had drawn the Jewish con-
verts to the fold of Christ. It was the best conso-
lation and support of the infant church under per-
secution, which must have been most keenly felt in
the first abandonment of worldly pleasures and in-
terests. More especially, as telling of a righteous
Judge who would not overlook iniquity, it was es-
sential to that call to repentance which must every-
where precede the direct and positive teaching of
the Gospel " Now He commandeth all men every-
where to repent, for He hath appointed a day in the
which He will judge the world in righteousness by
that man whom He hath ordained, whereof He hath
given assurance unto all men in that He raised him
from the dead " (Acts xvii. 30, 31).
3. The occasion of this epistle was as follows :
St. Paul had twice attempted to revisit Thessa-
kmica, and both times had been disappointed. Thus
prevented from seeing them in person, he had sent
Timothy to inquire and report to him aa to their
condition (iii. 1-5). Timothy returned with moat
favorable tidings, reporting not only their progress
in Christian faith and practice, but also their strong
attachment to their old teacher (iii. 6-10). The
First Epistle to the Thessalonians is the outpouring
of the Apostle's gratitude on receiving this welcome
news. At the same time the report of Timothy
was not unmixed with alloy. There were certain
features in the condition of the Theasalonian Church
which called for St Paul's interference, and to
which he addresses himself in his letter. (1.) The
very intensity of their Christian faith, dwelling too
sxdusively on the day of the Lord's coming, had
neen attended with evil consequences. On the one
hand a practical inconvenience had arisen. In
their feverish expectation of this great crisis, some
had been led to neglect tbeir ordinary business, as
though the daily concerns of life were of no account
In the immediate presence of so vast a change (iv.
U; comp. 3 Thess. ii. 1, iii. 6, 11, IS). On the
usher hand a theoretical difficulty had been felt
Certain members of the church had died, and there
was great anxiety lest they should be excluded from
any share in the glories of the Lord's advent (iv.
13-18). St Paul rebukes the iiregularities t the
former, and dissipates the fears of the latter (8.;
The flame of persecution had broken out, aid the
Thessalonians needed consolation and encouiage-
ment under their sore trial (ii. 14, iii. 8-4). (8.;
An unhealthy state of feeling with regard to spirit-
ual gifts was manifesting itself. Like the Corin-
thians at a later day, they needed to be reminded
of the superior value of " prophesying," compared
with other gifts of the Spirit which they exalted at
its expense (w. 19, 30). (4.) There was the danger,
which they shared in common with most Gentile
churches, of relapsing into their old heathen pnitli-
gacy. Against this the Apostle oners a word in
season (iv. 4-8). We need not suppose bownn
that Thessalonica was worse in this respect than
other Greek cities.
4. Yet notwithstanding all these drawbacks, the
condition of the Theasalonian Church was highly
satisfactory, and the most cordial relations existed
between St Paul and his converts there. This
honorable distinction it shares with the other great
church of Macedonia, that of Philippi. At all
times, and amidst every change of circumstance, it
is to his Macedonian churches that the Apostle
turns for sympathy and support A period of
about ten years is interposed between the First
Epistle to the Thessalonians and the Epistle to the
Pbilippians, and yet no two of his letters more
closely resemble each other in this respect In
both he drops his official title of Apostle in the
opening salutation, thus appealing rather to tbeir
affection than to his own authority; in both he
commences the body of his letter with hearty and
unqualified commendation of his converts ; and in
both the same spirit of confidence and warm affec-
tion breathes throughout
5. A comparison of the narrative in the Acts
with the allusions in this and the Second Epistle
to the Thessalonians is instructive. With some
striking coincidences, there is just that degree of
divergence which might be expected between a
writer who had borne the principal part in the
scenes referred to, and a narrator who derives his
information from others, between the casual htJf-
expreased allusions of a familiar letter and the
direct account of the professed historian.
Passing over patent coincidences, we may single
out one of a more subtle and delicate kind. It
arises out of the form which the accusation brought
against St Paul and his companions at Thessa-
lonica takes in the Acts: "All these do contrary
to the decrees of Caesar, saying that there is
another king, one Jesus " (xvii. 7 ). The allusions
in the Epistles to the Thessalonians enatle us to
understand the ground of this accusation. It ap-
pears that the kingdom of Christ had entered
largely into his oral teaching in this city, as it
does into that of the Epistles themselves. He had
charged his new converts to await the coming of
the Son of God from heaven, as their deliverer (i.
10). He had dwelt long and earnestly (vsosrs-at-
l*t¥ koI BttpapTvpAntth) on the terrors of the
judgment which would overtake the wicked (iv. 8).
He had even explained at length the signs which
would usher in the last day (3 Thess. ii. 5). Either
from malice or in ignorance such language had
been misrepresented, and he was accused of setting
up a rival sovereign to the Roman emperor.
On the other hand, the language of these epiatlsf
diverges from the narrative of St Luke on two
three points in such a way aa to establish the inds>
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THESSALONIANS, FIBST EPISTLE TO THE
8225
I of the two account!, and even to require
tome explanation. (1.) The flret of these relate*
to the composition of the Church of Thessalonica.
In the first epistle St. Paul addresses his readers
distinctly as Gentiles, who had been converted from
idolatry to the Gospel (i 9, 10). In the Acts we
sre told that " some (of the Jews) believed ....
and of the devout Greeks (i. s. proselytes) a great
multitude, and of the chief women not a few"
(xvii. 4). If for <rt$Ofiiray 'EXA^yoiv we read o-e-
fafUmr col 'EAA^mr, * proselytes and Greeks,"
the difficulty vanishes; but though internal prob-
abilities sre somewhat in favor of this reading, the
itr>y of direct evidence (now reinforced by the
Ood. Sinai tieus; is against it But even if we
retain the common reading, the account of St.
Luke does not exclude a number of believers con-
verted directly from heathendom — indeed, if we
may argue from the parallel case at Bercea (xvii.
IS), the "women" were chiefly of this class: and,
if any divergence remains, it is not greater than
might be expected in two independent writers, one
if whom, not being on eye-witness, possessed only
4 partial and indirect knowledge." Both accounts
dike convey the impression that the Gospel made
jut little progress with the Jews themselves. (2. )
In the epistle the persecutors of the Thessaloniaii
Christians are represented as their fellow-country-
men, t. e. as heathens (Inrb r&v ISioev ffv/vpvKtruy,
ii. 14), whereas in the Acts the Jews are regarded
as the bitterest opponents of the faith (xvii. 6).
His is fairly met by Foley (flora PuuL ix. No. 6),
who points out that the Jews were the instigators
of the persecution, which however they were pow-
erless of themselves to carry out without aid from
the heathen, as may be gathered even from the
narrative of St. Luke. We may add also, that the
expression Xttot aviuf>v\iru need not be restricted
to the heathen population, but might include many
Hellenist Jews who must have been citizens of the
free town of Thessalonica. (8.) The narrative of
St. Lake appears to state that St. Paul remained
only three weeks at Thessalonica (xvii. 3), whereas
in the epistle, though there is no direct mention of
the length of his residence among them, the whole
language (i. 4, ii. 4-11) points to a much longer
period. The latter part of the assertion seems
quite correct; the former needs to be modified. In
the Acts it is stated simply that for three Sabbath
days (three weeks) St. Paul taught in the syna-
gogue. The silence of the writer does not exclude
subsequent labor among the Gentile population,
and indeed as much seems to be implied in the
success of his preaching, which exasperated the
Jews against him. (4.) The notices of the move-
ments of Silos and Timotbeus in the two docu-
ments do not accord at first sight. In the Acts
St Paul is conveyed away secretly from Bercea to
steeps the Jews. Arrived at Athens, be sends to
Silas and Timothy, whom he had left behind at
Bercea, urging them to join him as soon as possi-
ble (xrU. 14-16). It is evident from the language
rf St I oka that the Apostle expects them to Join
a • The difficulty may be further urged, that if
the church at Thsssalonlos contained both "a gnat
smltltude " of proselytes and still sueh an overpow-
ering majority of Gentiles, that the address of the
epistle could take Its tons from the latter, a much
larger total number of believers would be Implied
than If consistent with the other ctrcumstaneef rf the
ess*. It Is obvious, however, that the Apostle In ad>
him at Athena. Yet we hear nothing more rf
them for some time, when at length, after St Paul
had passed on to Corinth, snd several incidents
had occurred since his arrival there, we are toM
that Silas and Timotheus came from Macedonia
(xvii. 5). From the first epistle, on the other hand
we gather the following facts. St. Paul there tells
us that they (wtsis, i. e. himself, and probably
Silas), no longer able to endure the suspense,
" consented to be left alone at Athens, and sent
Timothy their brother " to Thessalonica (iii. I, 3).
Timothy returned with good uews (iii. 6) (whether
to Athens or Corinth does not appear), and whtc
the two epistles to the Thessalonians were written,
both Timothy and Silas were with St Paul II
Thess. i. 1; 2 Thess. i. 1; comp. 3 Cor. i. 111).
Now, though we may not be prepared with Paley
to oonstruct an undesigned coincidence out of thrae
materials, yet on the other hand there is no in-
soluble difficulty ; for the events may be amuigei>
in two different ways, either of which will bring,
the narrative of the Acts into accordance with the
allusions of the epistle, (i.) Timotheus was de-
spatched to Thessalonica, not from Athens, but from
Bercea, a supposition quite consistent with the
Apostle's expression of " consenting to be left alone
at Athens." In this case Timotbeus would take
up Silas somewhere in Macedonia on his return,
and the two would join St. Paul in company ; not
however at Athens, where he was expecting them,
but later on at Corinth, some delay having arisen.
This explanation however supposes that the plunds
" u>e consented, we sent " (tvtoiciiaafuy, trt/ttya-
fuy), can refer to St Paul alone. The alternative
mode of reconciling the accounts is as follows:
(ii.) Timotheus and Silas did join the Apostle at
Athens, where we learn from the Acts that he
was expecting them. From Athens he despatched
Timotbeus to Thessalonica, so that he and Silas
Ultuit) had to forego the sen-ices of their fellow-
laborer for a time. This mission is mentioned in
the epistle, but not in the Acts. Subsequently he
sends Silas on some other mission, not recorded
either in the history or the epistle; probably to
another Macedonian church, Philippi for instance,
from which he is known to have received contribu-
tions about this time, and with which therefore he
was in communication (3 Cor. xi. 9; comp. Phil,
iv. 14-16; see Koch, p. 15). Silas and Timotheus
returned together from Macedonia and joined the
Apostle at Corinth. This latter solution, if it
assumes more than the former, has the advantage
that it preserves the proper sense of the plum!
" we consented, toe sent," for it is at least doubtful
whether St. Psul ever uses the plural of himself
alone. The silence of St Luke may in this cane
be explained either by bis possessing only a partial
knowledge of the circumstances, or by his passing
over incidents of which he was aware, as unim-
portant
8. This epistle is rather practical than doctrinal.
It was suggested rather by personal feeling, thnn
by say urgent need, which might have formed a
dressing proselytes converted to the Christian faith,
would naturally regard them as having been originall--
heathen, rather than Jews. Their J udaism had been
but a temporary and transitional stags ; and thus the
address In the epistle is altogether consistent with the
rset that they had been prepared tor Christianity by
a previous reception of Judaism. 9. 4V
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THESSALONIANS, FIKST EPISTLE TO THE
centre of unity, and impressed a dUtinct character
on the whole. Under these circumstances we need
not eipect to trace unity of purpose, or a contin-
uous argument, and any analysis must be more or
lew artificial. The body of the epistle, boa ever,
may conveniently be divided into two parts, the
former of which, extending over the first three
chapters, is chiefly taken up with a retrospect of
the Apostle's relation to his Thessalonian converts,
and an explanation of his present circumstances
and feelings, while the latter, comprising the 1th
and 5th chapters, contains some seasonable exhor-
tations. At the close of each of these divisions is
a prayer, commencing with the same words, " May
God himself," etc., and expressed in somewhat
similar language.
The following is a table of contents: —
Salutation (i. U-
1. Narrative portion (i. 3-iii. 13).
(1.) i. 2-10. The Apostle gratefully records
their conversion to the Gospel and prog-
ress in the faith.
(2.) ii. 1-13. He reminds them how pure and
blameless his life and ministry among
them bad been.
(8.) ii. 13-16. He repeats his thanksgiving
for their conversion, dwelling especially
on the persecutions which they had en-
dured.
(4.) ii. 17-iii. 10. He describes his own sus-
pense and anxiety, the consequent mis-
sion of Timothy to Thessaloniea, and
the encouraging report which he brought
back.
(5.) Hi. 11-13. The Apostle's prayer for the
Thessakuilans.
i. Hortatory portion (iv. 1-v. 24).
(1.) iv. 1-8. Warning against impurity.
(2.) iv. 9-12. Exhortation to brotherly love
and sobriety or conduct.
(3.) iv. 13-v. 11. Touching the advent of
the Lord,
(a.) The dead shall have their place in the
resurrection, iv. 13-18.
(o.) The time however is uncertain, v. 1-3.
(c.) Therefore all must be watchful, v.
4-11.
(4.) v. 12-15. Exhortation to orderly living
and the due performance of social duties.
(5.) v. 16-22. Injunctions relating to prayer
and spiritual matters generally.
(0.) v. 23, 24. The Apostle's prayer for the
Theualonians.
The epistle closes with personal injunctions and
l benediction (v. 25-28).
7. The external evidenoe In favor of tbe gemine-
iu.m of the First Epistle to tbe Theesaloniaiis is
chiefly negative, but this is important enough.
There is no trace that it was ever disputed at any
age or in any section of the Church, or even by
viy individual, till the present century. On the
o'.nsr hand, tbe allusions to it in writers before the
Close of the 2d century are confessedly faint and
uncertain — a circumstance easily explained, when
we remember the character of the epistle itself, its
comparatively simple diction, its silence on the most
important doctrinal questions, and, generally speak -
.ng, the ahsef.ee of any salient points to arrest the
attention and provoke reference. In Clement of
Borne there are some slight coincidences of lan-
guage, perhaps not purely accidental (c. 38, Kara
rdVra lirxapiffTtiy aiVrs?, ctmrp. 1 Hiess r. 18
ibid- <mC6r9a civ ^/uV l\ow rb tra>iu> tp X. I.,
enmp. 1 Thess. v. 23). Ignatius in two passages
(Polyr. e. 1, and Ephtt. o. 10) seems to be reminded
uf St Paul's expression UiaKtlms vpovtixtei*
(1 Thess. v. 17), but in both passages of Ignatius
the word itiaXelrrm, in which the similarity
mainly consists, is absent in the Syriae, and if
therefore probably spurious. The supposed refer-
ences in Polycarp (c. iv. to 1 Then. v. 17, and e.
ii. to 1 Thess. v. 22) are also unsatisfactory. It it
more important to observe that the epistle was in-
cluded in the Old Latin and Syriae Versions, that
it is found in the Canon of the Mitratorian nag-
meut, and that it was also contained in that of
Harcion. Towards the close of the 2d ceutur)
from Irenscus downwards, we find this epistle di-
rectly quoted and ascribed to St. Paul.
The evidence derived from the character of the
epistle itself is so strong that it may fairly be called
irresistible. It would be impossible to enter into
the question of ilyU here, but tbe reader may be
referred to the Introduction of Jowett, who has
handled this subject very fully and satisfactorily.
An equally strong argument may be drawn alio
from the matter contained in the epistle. Two in-
stances of this must suffice. In the first place, the
fineness and delicacy of touch with which the
Apostle's relations towards his Thessalonian con-
verts are drawn — his yearning to see them, his
anxiety in the absence of Timothy, aud his heart-
felt rejoicing at the good news — are quite beyond
tbe reach of the clumsy forgeries of the early Church,
lu tbe second place, the writer uses language which,
however it may be explained, is certainly colored
by the anticipation of tbe speedy advent of tbe
Lord — language natural enough on the Apostle's
own lips, but quite inconceivable in a forgery
written after his death, when time bad disappointed
these anticipations, and when the revival or men-
tion of them would serve no purpose, and might
seem to discredit tbe Apostle. Such a position
would be an anachronism in a writer of the 2d
century.
The genuineness of this epistle was first ques-
tioned by Schrader (ApmUl Pcadut), who was fol-
lowed by Baur(iWtu, p. 480). Tbe latter writer
has elaborated and systematized the attack. Tbe
arguments which he alleges in favor of his view
have already been anticipated to a great wtent.
They are briefly controverted by Liinemann, and
more at length and with great fairness by Jowett.
The following is a summary of Baur's arguments:
(i.) He attributes great weight to the general char-
acter of the epistle, the difference of style, and
especially the absence of distinctive PauUnt ioe*
trines — a peculiarity which has already been j»
marked upon and explained, § 2. (ii. ) In tbe men
tion of the " wrath " overtaking the Jewish people
(ii. 16), Baur sees an allusion to the destruction of
Jerusalem, aud therefore a proof of the later date of
tbe epistle. The real significance of these words
will be considered below in discussing tbe apocalyp-
tic passage in the second epistle, (iii. ) He urges
the contradictions to the account in the Acta— a
strange argument surely to be brought forward by
Baur, who postdates and discredits the authority of
that narrative. The real extent and bearing of
these divergences ha* been already considered, (iv.
He discovers referencn to tbe Acts, which show
that the epistle was written later. It has beer,
seen however that the coincidences are subtle and
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THESSALONIANS, SECOND EPISTLE TO THE
8221
kscidental and the point* of divergence and prima
facie contradictions, which Baur himself allows,
and Indeed insists upon, are so numerous as to pre-
slude the supposition of copying. Schleiermach'er
{EM. ins If. T. p. 150) rightly infers the inde-
pendence of the epistle on these grounds, (v.)
He supposes passages in this epistle to bare been
borrowed from the acknowledged letters of St.
PauL The resemblances however which he points
out are uot greater than, or indeed so great as,
thone ir. other epistles, and bear no traces of imi-
tation.
8. A list of the Patristic commentaries compris-
ing the whole of St Paul's epistles, will be found
In the article on the Epistle to the Romans.
To this list should be added the work of Theodore
of Mopsuestia, a portion of which containing the
shorter epistles from Galatians onward is preserved
in a Latin translation. The part relating to the
Thessalonians is at present only accessible in the
compilation of Kabanus Haurus (where it is quoted
under the name of Ambrose), which ought to be
read with the corrections and additions gireu by
Dora Pitra (Spicil. Sulttm. i. p. 133). This com-
mentary is attributed by Pitra to Hilary of Poi-
tiers, but its true authorship was pointed out by
Hort {Journal of Clou, rind Sacr. PhiL ir. p.
302). The portion of Cramer's Catena relating to
this epistle seems to be made up of extracts from
Curysostoni, Sererianus, and Theodore of Mop-
suestia.
For the more important recent works on the
whole of St. Paul's epistles the reader may again
be referred to the article on the Epistle to the Ro-
mans. The notes on the Thessalouians in Meyer's
Commentary are executed by Luneinann [3d ed.,
1867]. Of special annotators on the Thessalonian
epistles, the chief are, in Germany, Klatt (1329),
Pelt (1830), Schott (1834), and Koch (2d ed. 1855,
the First Epistle alone), and in England, Jowett
(2d ed. 1859) and EUicott (2d ed. 1862).
J. B. L
* On the critical questions relating to this epistle
the following writers deserve mention : W. Grimui,
Die Echlheit d. Brie/e an d. Then, (against Baur),
In the TheoL Stud. u. Krit., I860, pp. 753-816;
H. A. Lipsius, Other Zuxck u. Veraninssuny dee
irsten Thessalonicherbrie/s, ibid. 1854, pp. 905-
834 (comp. Liinemann's criticisms, in Meyer's
Komm., Abth. z. p. 5 ff, 8« Aufl.); F. C. Baur,
Die beiden Brie/e an d. These., Hire Aechlheit u.
Bedeutung /. d. Lehre ton d. Parueie Christi, in
Baur and Zeller's TheoL Jakri. 1855, sir. 141-169,
reprinted in the 2d ed. of his Paulus (1867), ii.
Miff.; Hilgenfekl, Die beiden Biyfe an d. These.,
naeklnhaU u. Uvsprunq, in his ZeUsdtrift f.
wise. TheoL, 1862, v. 225-264; J. C. Laureut,
fftmtesL Studien, Gotha, 1868 (several short arti-
cles); Holtzmann in Bunsen's Bibeluxrk, viii. 429-
434 (1866); and Reuss, Bleak, and Davidson, in
their respective Introductions. The so-called " Sec-
rnd Epistle to the Thessalonians " is regarded by
Baur, Hilgenfeld, Ewald, Laurent and Davidson as
she flint written. Among the recent Commenta-
ries we may nam* J. C. K. Hofmann, Die heiL
Bckrift N. T. susammenhanyend untertucht,
Theil i. (1862); and C. A. Auberlen and C. J.
Biggenbaoh, Die beiden Briefs an die These.,
Theil x. of Lange's BUnhterk (1884), translated
with large additions br Dr. John Liltis, in vol. viii.
«f the Amer. ed. of bulges Ommtttarg (N. V.
1868), to which the reader is referred for a fnfiei
view of the literature pertaining to this epistle.
A.
THESSALONIANS, SECOND EPIS
TLE TO THE. (1.) This epistle appears ta
have been written from Corinth not very long after
the first, for Silvanus and Tiniutheus were still with
St. Paul (i. 1 ). In the former letter we saw chiefly
the outpouring of strong personal affection, occa-
sioned by the renewal of the Apostle's intercourse
with the Thessalonians, and the doctrinal and hor-
tatory portions are there subordinate. In the sec-
ond epistle, on the other hand, bis leading motive
seems to have been the desire of correcting errors
in the Church of Thessalonica. We notice two
points especially which call forth his rebuke. Fiiil,
it seems that the anxious expectation of the Lord's
advent, instead of subsiding, hod gained ground
since the writing of the first epistle. They now
looked upon this great crisis as imminent, and their
daily avocations were neglected in consequence.
There were expressions in the first epistle which,
taken by themselves, might seem to favor this
view; aiid at all events such was falsely repre-
sented to be the Apostle's doctrine. He now
writes to soothe (his restless spirit and quell their
apprehensions by showing that many things must
happen firsl, and that the end was not yet, refer-
ring to bis oral teaching at Thessalonica in confir-
mation of this statement (ii. 1-12, iii. 6-12). Sec-
ondly, the Apostle had also a personal ground of
complaint. His authority was not denied by any,
but it was tampered with, and an unauthorized use
was made of his name. It is difficult to ascertain
the exact circumstances of the case from casual and
indirect allusions, and indeed we may perhaps infer
from the vagueness of the Apostle's own language
that he himself was not in possession of definite in-
formation; but at all events his suspicions were
aroused. Designing men might misrepresent his
teaching in two ways, either by suppressing what
he actually had written or said, or by forging letters
and in other ways representing him as teaching
what he had not taught. St. Paul's language
hints in different places at both these modi's of
false dealing. He seems to have entertained
suspicions of this dishonesty even when he wrote
the first epistle. At the close of that epistle he
binds the Thessalonians by a solemn oath, '• in
the name of the Lord," to see that the epistle is
read " to all the holy brethren " (r. 27) — a charge
unintelligible in itself, and only to be explained by
supposing some misgivings iu the Apostle's mind.
Before the second epistle is written, his suspicions
seem to have been confirmed, for there are two pas-
sages which allude to these misrepresentations of
his teaching. In the first of these he tells them
in vague language, which may refer equally well to
a false interpretation put upon his own words in
the first epistle, or to a supplemental letter forged
in his name. " not to be troubled either by spirit
or by word or by letter, as coming from us, as ii
the day of the Lord were at hand." Hiey are not
to be deceived, he adds, by any one. whatever means
he employs (warn patina rpAro*, ii. 2, 8). In
the second passage at the close of the epistle be
says, " the salutation of Paul with mine own band,
which is a token in every epistle: so I write"
(ni. 17) — evidently a precaution against forgery.
With these two passages should be combined the
expression in Hi. 14. from which we infer that ha
now entertained a fear of direct opposition: » II
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THB8SAXONIAN8, SECOND EPISTLE TO THE
any nan obey not our word conveyed by our
epistle, note that man."
It wiD be aeen then that the teaching of the
second epistle ia corrective of, or rather supple-
mental to, that of the first, and therefore presup-
poses it. Moreover, the first epistle bears on its
(see evidence that it is the first outpouring of his
affectionate yearnings towards his converts after his
departure from Theasalonica; while on the other
band the second epistle contains a direct allusion
to a previous letter, which may suitably be referred
to the first: "Hold last the tradition which ye
were taught either by word or by letter from us "
(ii. 15). We can scarcely be wrong therefore in
maintaining the received order of tbe two epistles.
It ia due however to the great names of Urotius
and of Ewuld (Jahrb. iii. p. 250; Sendtchr. p.
16) to mention that tbey reverse the order, placing
the second epistle before the first in point of time
— on diflereut grounds indeed, but both equally
insufficient to disturb the traditional order, sup-
ported as it ia by the considerations already al-
leged.
(2.) This epistle, in the range of subject as well
as in style and general character, closely resembles
the first; and the remarks made on that epistle
apply for the most part equally well to this. The
structure also is somewhat similar, the main body
of the epistle being divided into two parte' in the
same way, and each part closing with a prayer
(ii. 16, 17, iii. 16; both commencing with avrbt
{< 6 Kvpios)- The following is a table of oon-
The opening salutation (L 1, 2).
1. A general expression of thankfulness and in-
terest, leading up to the difficulty about the Lord's
advent (L 8-ii. 17).
(1.) The Apostle pours forth bis thanksgiving
for their progress in the faith ; he en-
courages them to be patient under per-
secution, reminding them of the judg-
ment to come, and prays that tbey
may be prepared to meet it (i. 3-12).
(S.) He is thus led to correct the erroneous
idea that the judgment is imminent,
pointing out that much must happen
first (ii. 1-12).
(J.) He repeats his thanksgiving and exhorta-
tion, and concludes this portion with
a .prayer (ii. 19-17).
X Diraet exhortation (iii. 1-16).
(1.) He urges them to pray for him, and con-
fidently anticipates their progress in
the faith (iii. 1-5).
(8.) He reproves the idle, disorderly, and dis-
obedient, and charges the faithful to
withdraw from such (iii. 6-16).
This portion again closes with a prayer (iii.
16).
The epistle ends with a special direction and
benediction (iii. 17, 18).
(3.i The external evidence in favor of the sec-
ond epistle is somewhat more definite than that
which can be brought in favor of the first. It
seems to be referred to in one or two passages of
Pol) carp (iii. 15, in Polyo. c. 11, and possibly 1. 4
in the same chapter; cf. Polyc. c. 3, and see Lard-
aer, pt. ii. c. 6); and the language in which Justin
Martyr (DM. p. 836 i>) speaks of the Man of Sin
h so similar that it can scarcely be independent of
this epistle. The second epistle, like the first, h
found in the canons of the Syriac and Old Latin
Versions, and in those of the Muratorian fragment
and of the heretic Marcion; is quoted expressly
and by name by Irenseus and others at the close
of the second century, and was universally received
by the Church. The internal character of the
epistle too, as in the former case, bears the strong-
eat testimony to its Pauline origin. (See Jowett,
i. 143.)
Its genuineness in fact was never quntioned
until the beginning of the present centurj Ob-
jections were first started by Christ. Schmidt (i.m\
ins JV. T. 1804). He has been followed by Schnv
der (AposUd Paulas), Kern (Tubing. Zeitschr.f.
TheoL 1839, ii. p. 145), and Baur (Pauhu dtr
Apotltl). De Wette at first condemned this epistle,
but afterward withdrew bis condemnation and
frankly accepted it as genuine.
It will thus be seen that this epistle has been re-
jected by some modern critics who acknowledge the
first to be genuine. Such critics of course attrib-
ute no weight to arguments brought against the
first, such as we have considered already. The apoc-
alyptic passage (ii. 1-12) is the great stumbling-
block to them. It has been objected to, either as
alluding to events subsequent to St. Paul's death,
the Neronian persecution, for instance; or as be-
traying religious views derived from the Montaniam
of the second century ; or lastly, as contradicting
St. Paul's anticipations expressed elsewhere, espe-
cially in the first epistle, of the near approach of
the Lord's advent. That there is no reference to
Nero, we shall endeavor to show presently. That
the doctrine of an Antichrist did not start into
being with Montaniam, is shown from the allusions
of Jewish writers even before the Christian era
(see Bertholdt, Christ, p 69; Ufriirer, Jahrb. dts
Heils, pt. ii. p. 257) ; and appears still more clearly
from the passage of Justin Martyr referred to hi a
former paragraph. That the language used of the
Lord's coming in the second epistle does not con-
tradict, but rather supplement the teaching of the
first — postponing the day indeed, but still antici-
pating its approach as prolnble within the Apostle's
lifetime — may be gathered both from expressions
in the passage itself (e. g. vet. 7, ''is already
working"), and from other parts of the epistle
(i. 7, 8). Other special objection to the epistle
will scarcely command a hearing, and must neces-
sarily be passed over here.
(4.) The most striking feature in the epistle is
this apocalyptic passage, announcing the revelation
of the " Man of Sin " (ii. 1-12); and it will not be
irrelevant to investigate its meaning, bearing as it
does on the circumstances under which the epistle
was written, and illustrating this aspect Of the
Apostle's teaching. He had dwelt much on the
subject; for he appeals to the 1 'hessalouians as know-
ing this truth, and reminds them that he had told
them these things when he was yet with them.
(I.) The passage speaks of a great apostasy which
is to usher in the advent of Christ, the great judg-
ment. There are three prominent figures in the
picture, Christ, Antichrist, and the Keatrainer.
Antichrist is described as the Man of Sin, the Son
of Perdition, as the Adversary who exalteth himself
above all that is called God, as making himself out
to be God. Later on (for apparently the refareuot
is the same) he is styled the " mystery of lawless-
ness," " the lawless one." The Keatrainer is is
one place spoken of in the masculine as a peraos
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THEBSALONIANS, SECOND EPISTLE TO THE
3220
id «arlxur)i in another in the neater as a power,
m Influence (to kot4x°»)- Tie) " mystery of law-
jssness " U already at work. At preaent It b
shocked by the Restrainer; but the check will be re-
moved, and then it will break out in all its riolence.
Then Christ will appear, and the enemy (hall be
sonsumed by the breath of bis mouth, shall be
brought to naught by the splendor of his presence.
(II.) Many different explanations hare been
offered of this passage. By one class of interpreters
It has been referred to circumstance* which passed
within the circle of the Apostle's own experience,
the events of his own lifetime, or the period im-
mediately following. Others again hare seen in it
the prediction of a crisis yet to be realized, the end
of all things. The former of these, the Praeterists,
bare identified the " Man of Sin " with divers his-
torical characters — with Caligula, Nero, Titus,
Simon Magus, Simon son of Glora, the high-priest
Ananias, etc., and have sought for a historical coun-
terpart to the Restrainer in like manner. The lat-
ter, the Futurists, have also given various accounts
of the Antichrist, the mysterious power of evil which
is already working. To Protestants, for instance,
it is the Papacy; to the Greek Church, Moham-
medanism. And in the same way each generation
and each section in the Church has regarded it as
a prophecy of that particular power which seemed
to them and in their own time to be most fraught
with evil to the true faith. A good account of
these manifold interpretations will be found in
Litnemann's Commentary on the Epistle, p. 204;
Scbltusbem. tit ii. 1-13. See also Alford, Pi-oleg.
(HI.) Now in arbitrating between the Praeterists
and the Futurists, we are led by the analogy of
other prophetic announcements, as well as by the
language of the' passage itself, to take a middle
course. Neither is wholly right, and yet both are
to a certain extent right. It is the special charac-
teristic of prophecy to speak of the distant future
through the present and immediate. The persons
and events falling within the horizon of the proph-
et's own view, are the types and representatives of
greater figures and crises far off, and as yet but
dimly discerned. Thus the older prophets, while
•{leaking of a delivery from the temporary oppres-
sion of Egypt or Babylon, spoke also of Messiah's
kingdom. Thus our Lord himself, foretelling the
doom which was even then hanging over the holy
dty, glances at the future judgment of the world
as typified and portrayed in this; and the two are
so interwoven that It is impossible to disentangle
them. Following this analogy, we may agree with
the Praeterists that St. Paul la referring to events
whin fell under his own cognizance; for indeed
the Restrainer is said to be restraining now, and
the mystery of iniquity to be already working : while
at the same time we may accept the Futurist view,
that the Apostle la describing the end of all things,
and that therefore the prophecy has not yet received
Its most striking and complete fulfillment This
commingling of the immediate and partial with the
final and universal manifestation of God's judg-
ments, characteristic of all prophecy, is rendered
•nor* easy in St. Paul's case, because he seems to
lave contemplated the end of all things as possibly,
x even probably, near at hand ; and therefore the
particular manifestation of Antichrist, which be
wit n essed with his own eyes, would naturally be
merged Id and identified with the final Antichrist,
■n which the opposition to the Gospel will eui-
(IT.) If this view be correct, it remains to in-
quire what particular adversary of the Gospel, and
what particular restraining influence, St Paul may
have had in view. But, before attempting to ap-
proximate to an explanation, we may clear the way
by laying down two rules. Firit. The imagery of
the passage must be interpreted mainly by itself,
and by the circumstances of the time. The symbols
may be borrowed in some cases from the Old Tes-
tament; they may reappear in other parts of the
New. But we cannot be sure that the same image
denotes exactly the same thing in both cases. The
language describing the Man of Sin is borrowed to
some extent from the representation of Antiochus
Epiphanea in the book of Daniel, but Antiochni
cannot be meant there. The great adversary in the
Revelation seems to be the Roman power; but it
may be widely different here. There were even in
the Apostolic age "many Antichrists;'' and wa
cannot be sure that the Antichrist present to the
mind of St Paul was the same with the Antichrist
contemplated by St John. Secondly. In all figu-
rative passages it is arbitrary to assume that a
person is denoted where we find a personification.
Thus the " Man of Sin " here need not be an in-
dividual man ; it may be a body of men, or a power,
a spiritual influence. In the case of the Restrainer
we seem to have positive ground for so interpreting
it, since in one passage the neuter gender is used,
" the thing which restraineth " (to Kari%ov), as
if synonymous. (See Jowett's Etmy on tht j/nn
of Sin, i. 178, rather for suggestions as to the
mode of interpretation, than for the conclusion he
arrives at)
(V.) When we inquire then, what St Paul had
in view when he spoke of the " Man of Sin " and
the Restrainer, we can only hope to get even an
approximate answer by investigating the circum-
stances of the Apostle's life at this epoch. Now
we find that the chief opposition to the Gospel, and
especially to St. Paul's preaching at this time.aroM
from the Jews. The Jews bad conspired against
the Apostle and bis companions at Theasalonica,
and he only saved himself by secret flight Thence
they followed him to Berasa, which he hurriedly
left in the same way. At Corinth, whence the let-
ters to the Tbesaalonians were written, they perse-
cuted him still further, raising a cry of treason
against him, and bringing bim before the Roman
proconsul. These incidents explain the strong ex
pressions he uses of them in these epistles: " They
slew the Lord Jesus and the prophets, and perse
cuted the Apostles; they are hateful to God; they
are the common enemies of mankind, whom the
Divine wrath (jj bpyfi) at length overtakes " (1
Thess. ii. 16, 16). With these facta in view, it
seems on the whole probable that the Antichrist Is
represented especially by Judaism. With a pro-
phetic insight the Apostle foresaw, as he contem-
plated the moral and political condition of the race,
the approach of a great and overwhelming catastro-
phe. And it is not Improbable that our Lord's
predictions of the vengeance which threatened Jeru-
salem blended with the Apostle's vision, and gave
a color to this passage. If it seem strange that
" lawle ssn e s s " should be mentioned as the distin-
guishing feature of those whose very zeal for * the
Law" stimulated their opposition to the Gospel, we
may appeal to our Lord's own words (Matt xxlli.
28), describing the Jewish teachers: " within they
are full of hypocrisy and lawlessness {bm/ilat)"
Corresponding to this view of the Antichrist, m
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THESSALONICA
•mil probably be correct in regarding the Roman
Empire as the restraining power, for so it was taken
by many of the Fathers, though without altogether
understanding its bearing. It was to Roman justice
and Roman magistrates that the Apostle had re
course at this time to shield him from the enmity
it the Jews, and to check their violence. At
Philippi, his Roman citizenship extorted an ample
apology for ill-treatment At Tbessalonica, Roman
law secured him fair play. At Corinth, a Roman
proconsul acquitted him of frivolous charges brought
by the Jews. It was only at a later date under
Nero, that Rome became the antagonist of Chris-
tendom, and then she also in turn was fitly por-
trayed by St. John as the type of Antichrist
Whether the Jewish opposition to the Gospel entirely
exhausted St. Paul's conception of the "mystery
of lawlessness " as he aaw it " already working "
in his own day, or whether other elements did not
also combine with this to complete the idea, it is
impossible to say. Moreover at this distance of
time and with our imperfect information, we cannot
hope to explain the exact bearing of all the details
in the picture. But following the guidance of his-
tory, we seem justified in adopting this as a prob-
able, though only a partial, explanation of a wry
difficult passage. [A.vncHMST.]
6. A list of commentaries has been given In the
article on the First Epistle. J. B. L.
THESSALONI'CA (e«<ro-aWrn ). Hie
original name of this city was Therma; and that
part of the Macedonian shore on which it was
situated ("Medio flexu litoris sinus Thermaici,"
Plin. H. N. iv. 10) retained through the Roman
period the designation of the Thermaic Gulf. The
history of the city under its earlier name was of no
great note (see Herod, vii. 128 ft*.; Thucyd. i. 61,
U. 29; iEsch. Dt fait. Leg. p. 31). It rose into
Importance with the decay of Greek nationality.
Cassander the son of Antipater rebuilt and enlarged
it, and named it after his wife Thessalonica, the
sister of Alexander the Great. The first author
In which the new appellation occurs is Polybius
(xxiii. 4). The name ever since, under various
flight modifications, has been continuous, and the
;ity itself has never ceased to lie eminent. SnlonVci
'though Adrianopie may possibly be larger) is still
the Ext important town of European Turkey, next
after Constantinople.
Under the Romans, when Mackdoxia was di-
vided into four governments, Tbessalonica was made
tbe capital of the second (Uv. xlv. 28 ) ; afterwards,
when tbe whole was consolidated into one province,
this city became practically the metropolis. Notices
of the place now become frequent. Cicero was here
in his exile [pro Plane. 41), and some of bis letters
were written from hence during his journeys to and
from bis own province of Cilicia. During tbe first
Civil War it was the headquarters of the Pompeisu
party and tbe Senate (Dion Cass. xli. 20). During
tbe second it took the tide of Octaviue (Plut Brut.
46; Appian, B. 6". It. 118), whence apparently it
reaped tbe honor and advantage of being made a
'free city" (libers civiUs, Plin. I. c), a privilege
which is commemorated on some of its coins.
Strabo in the first century speaks of Thessalonica
a Timothy Is not mentioned la any part of the
timet narrative of what happened at Thessalonica,
Jhtugit be appears as St. Paul's companion before at
Phuippt (Acts xvt. 1-18), and afterwards at Buna.
s*tL It, It); bat tarn bis subsequent mission to
THESSALONICA
as the most populous city In Macedonia (nikirrt
r&v &\\ar tiwSptt), similar language to which
Is used by Lucian in the second century (Atin.
48).
Thus we are brought to St Paul's visit (wit I
Silas and Timothy) « during his second missionary
Journej-, and to the introduction of Christianity
into Thessalonica. Three circumstances must here
be mentioned, which illustrate in an important
maimer this visit and this journey, as well at the
two Epistles to the Thessalonians, which the Apostle
wrote from Corinth very soon after bis departure
from his new Macedonian converts. (1 ) This wis
the chief station on the great Roman Koad, es il i'
the Vin Kgnnlin, which connected Rome with tin
whole region to the north of the ^Egean Sea. St
Paul was on this road at Nkapolis (Acts xvi. lit
and Philippi (xvi. 12-10), and l.lj route from tbe
latter place (xvil. 1) had brought him through two
of the well-known minor stations mentioned in the
Itineraries. [Ampripoms ; Apolmmha.] (2.)
Placed as It was on this great road, and in con-
nection with other important Roman ways (>• posits
in gremio imperii Romani," to use Cicero's words),
Theanlouiea was an invaluable centre for the spread
of the Gospel. And it must be remembered that,
besides its inland communication with tbe rich
plains of Macedonia and with far more remote re-
gions, its maritime position made it a great em-
porium of trade by sea. Tn fact it was nearly, if
not quite, on a level with Corinth and Ephesus in
its share of the commerce of the I-evant Thus we
see the force of what St. Paul says in his first
epistle, shortly after tearing Tbessalonica— iup'
ipOr i^fixt™ ° Atryor toC Kvptov ob p6voy h
rf) Moxf forlf xai tV rf 'Axauy, AAA' h »a*rl
rosy (I. 8). (3.) The circumstance noted in Acta
xvil. 1, that here was tbe synagogue of the Jews
in this part of Macedonia, bad evidently much tc
do with the Apostle's plans, and alto doubtless with
his success. Trade would inevitably bring Jews to
Thessalonica: and it is remarkable that, ever since,
they have had a prominent place in the annals of
the city. They are mentioned in the seventh cen-
tury during the Sclavonic wars; and again in tin
twelfth by Eustathiua and Benjamin of Tudela. Ir.
the fifteenth century there was a great influx of
Spanish Jews. At the present day the numbers
of residents in the Jewish quarter (in the south
east part of the town) are estimated at 10,000 oi
20,000, out of an aggregate population of 60,000
or 70,000.
The first scene of the Apostle's work at Tbessa-
lonica was the Synagogue. According to his custom
he began there, arguing from the Ancient Scrip-
tures (Acta xvii. 2, 8) : and the tame general results
followed, as in other placet. Some believed, both
Jews and proselytes, and it is particularly added
that among these were many influential woroer
(ver. 4) ; on which the general body of tbe Jews
stirred up with jealousy, excited the Gentile popu-
lation to persecute Paul and Silas (w. 5-10). It
is stated that the ministrations among the Jews
continued for three weeks (ver. 2). Not that wc
are obliged to limit to this time the whole stay of
the Apostles at Thessalonica. A flourishing chunk
Thessalonica (1 Tbess. 111. 1-7 ; see Acta rvlll. 6), sol
tbe mention of his name In the opening salutation of
both epistles to the Thessalonians, we can hard>
doubt that he had ben with tbe Aanstss th
oat
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THESSALONICA
•at certainly formed there: and the epistle* show
that Ha elements were much more Gentile than
Jewish. St- Paul speaks of the Thessalunians as
Baring turned " from idols;" and he does not here,
at in other epistles, quote the Jewish Scriptures.
In all respects it is important to compare these two
letters with the narrative in the Acta; and such
re fe renc es have the greater freshness from the short
interval which elapsed between visiting the Thessa-
lonians and writing to them. Such expressions as
it fAfifm woAXp (1 These. 1. 6), and iv roKky
tiwi (U- 3], sum up the suffering and conflict
•hieh Paul and Silas and their converts went
through at Thessalonica. (See also 1 Then, ii. 14,
la, iii- 3, 4 ; 2 Then. i. 4-7.) The persecution took
race through the instrumentality of worthless idlers
(raw leyoacdwt irtpas rival norripois, Acts zvii.
(), who, instigated by the Jews, raised a tumult
The boose of Jason, with whom the Apostles seem
THESSALONICA
3231
to have been residing, was attacked ; they themselves
were not found, but Jason was brought before the
authorities on the accusation that the Christians
were trying to set up a new King in opposition to
the Emperor; a guarantee (vi iitav6v) was taken
from Jason and others for the maintenance of the
peace, and Paul and Silas were sent away by night
southwards to Bercea (Acts xvii. 6-10). The
particular charge brought against the Apostles re-
ceives an illustration from the epistles, where the
kingdom of Christ is prominently mentioned (1
Thess. ii. 12; 2 Then. i. 5). So again, the doctrine
of the Resurrection is conspicuous both in St. Luke's
narrative (xvli. 3), and in the first letter (i. 10, iv. 14,
16). If we pan from these points to such as are per-
sonal, we are enabled from the epistles to complete
the picture of St. Paid's conduct and attitude at
Theasalonica, as regards his love, tenderness, and
seal, hit care of Individual souls, and his disinterast-
Tbessaloolca.
earn* (aee 1 Then. 1. 6, ii. 1-10). As to this last
point, St. Paul was partly supported here by con-
tributions from Philippi (Phil. iv. 15, 16), partly by
the labor of his own hands, which he diligently
practiced for the sake of the better success of the
Gospel, and that he might set an example to the
Hie and selfish. (He refers very expressly to what
he had said and done at Thessalonica in regard to
this point. See 1 Then. Ii. 9, lv. 11; comparing
2 These, id. 8-12.) [Thessalosiaiis, Kfisti.es
to.] To complete the account of St. Paul's con-
nection with Thessalonica, it must be noticed that
he was certainly there again, though the name of
the city ia not specified, on his third missionary
tamey, both In going and returning (Acta ix.
.-3). Possibly be was also there again, after his
liberation from his first imprisonment. See Phil. i.
M, 26, ii. 84, for the hope of revisiting Macedonia,
saosrteined by the Apostle at Rome, and 1 Tim. 1.
t; I Tun. iv. 18; Tit. iii. 12, for subsequent jour-
Mrs ■ the Dti* hborhood of T h csn lo n i sa
Of the first Christians of Thessalonlaa, sat am
able to specify by name the above-mentioned Jason
(who may be the same as the Apostle's own kins-
man mentioned in Rom. xri 21), Domas (at lend
conjecturally; see 2 Tim. iv. 10), Gaius, who shared
some of St. Paul's perils at F.phesus (Acts xix. 20),
Seciindus (who accompanied him from Macedonia
to Asia on the eastward route of his third missionary
journey, and was probably concerned in the business
of the collection; aee Acts xx. 4), and especially
Aristarchus (who, besides being mentioned here
with Secundus, accompanied St. Paul on his voyage
to Rome, and had therefore probably been with him
during the whole interval, and la also specially re-
ferred to In two of the epistles written during the
first Roman imprisonment. See Acts xxvil. 8;
Col. iv. 10; Philem. 24; also Acta xix. 29, for his
association with the Apostle at Epbesus in the ear-
lier part of the third journey).
We must recur, however, to the narrative in the
Acts, for the purpose of neticing a singularly aeon-
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THES8ALONIOA
nte Illustration which it affords of the political
constitution of Thessalonica. Not only is the demut
mentioned (rbv Srjfior, Acts xvii. 5) in harmony
with what hat been abore said of its being a " free
city," but the peculiar title, poUtarclu (wo\iTapx<u,
io. 6), of the chief magistrates. This term occurs
In no other writing; but it may be read to Ibis
day conspicuously on an arch of the early imperial
times, which spans the main street of the city.
From this inscription it would appear that the
number of politarcha was seven. The whole may
be seen (n Boeckh, Corp Iwc. No. 1967.
This seems the right place for noticing the other
remains at Thessalonica. The arch first mentioned
(called the Varddr gate) is at the western extremity
at the town. At its eastern extremity is another
Roman arch of later date, and probably commemo-
rating some victory of Constantine. The main
street, which both these arches cross, and which
Intersects the city from east to west, is undoubtedly
the line of the Via Egnatia. Near the course of
this street, and between the two arches, are four
Corinthian columns supporting an architrave, and
believed by some to have belonged to the Hippo-
drome, which is so famous in connection with the
history of Theodosius. Two of the mosques have
been anciently heathen temples. The city walls are
of late Greek construction, but resting on a much
older foundation, with hewn stones of immense
Coin of Thessalonica.
thickness. The castle contains the fragments of a
shattered triumphal arch, erected in the reign of
Marcus Aurelius.
A word must be said, in conclusion, on the later
ecclesiastical history of Thessalonica. For during
several centuries this city was the bulwark, not
simply of the later Greek Empire, but of orientil
Christendom, and was largely instrumental in the
conversion of the Slavonians and Bulgarians. Thus
it l eceived the designation of •' the Orthodox City ; "
anil its struggles are very prominent iu the writings
of the Byzantine historians. Three conspicuous
panugea are, its capture by the Saracens, A. O. 904
(Jo Cameiiiata, De Excidio Tlieuahtocerui, with
Thcophanes Continuatus, 1838); by the Crusaders
in 1185 (Nicetas Chonlates, De Andron. Comneno,
1S3S; also Kustath. De TheunlanicA a LatinU
cnptA, in the same voL with Leo Grammaticus,
1842); and finally by the Turks under Amurath
II. in 1430 (Jo. Auagnostes, De ThtuaUmicaui
Excidio Warrntio, with PhranUes and Cananus,
838). The references are to the Bonn editions.
A very large part of the population at the present
day is Greek; and Thessalonica may still be destined
Iu take a prominent part in struggles connected
with nationality and religion.
a • The Notts upon thi Geography of Macedonia,
tv Urn. B. M. Dodd, Sibl. Sacra, xl. 880 ff., Include
tnsasalooka. They describe step by step Paul's route
frees that city to Bens* (Acta xvii. 10). The Jews are
add to ronstltata one half of the entire population.
THKUDAS
The travellers to whom it is must important la
refer, aa having given full account* of this place,
are Clarke (TmveU in Europe, etc., 1810-1823))
Sir H. Holland ( Tranti in the Ionian Jelet, etc,
1815), Cousinery (Voyage dam la Jsf n o t i fcewe,
1831), and Leake (Northern Greece, 1835). Am
antiquarian essay on the subject by the Abb* Bcfley
will be found in the Memoiret de tAcadimi* de*
Intcriptiotu, torn, xxxviii. Sect. HuL pp. 121-146.
But the most elaborate work is that of TefeJ, the
first part of which was published at Tubingen in
1838. This was afterwards reprinted aa •' Prole-
gomena " to the Diuertntio de TheualomcA e/aso-M
Agro geoyraphioo, Berlin, 1839. With this should
be compared his work on the Via Egnatia." The
Commentaries on the Epistles to the Theasakmians
of course contain useful compilations on the subject.
Among these, two of the most copious are those of
Koch (Berlin, 1849) and Lunemann (Gottingeo,
1850). J. 8. H.
THETTDAS (esvSos: Tkeadat: and probably
= JTJ VI), the name of an insurgent mentioned in
Gamaliel's speech before the Jewish council (Acts
v. 88-39) at the time of the arraignment of the
Apostles. He appeared, according to Luke's ac-
count, at the head of about four hundred men : he
sought not merely to lead the people astray by false
doctrine, but to accomplish his designs by violence
he entertained a high conceit of himself (Aryev
efral niia favToV); wsa slain at last (eunapceV,
and his party was dispersed and brought to nothing
(Su\b(rrfTaj> Kal tyivorra tit obSir). Jesephus
(Ant. xx. 5, § 1) speaks of a Tbeudas who played a
similar part in the time of Claudius, about A. D. 44,
('. e. some ten or twelve years at least later than
the delivery of Gamaliel's speech; and since Lake
places his Theudaa, in the order of time, before
Judas the Galilean, who made his appearance soon
after the dethronement of Archelaua, t. e. a. d. 6 of
7 (Jos. B. J. li. 8, § 1; Am. xviii. 1, § 6, xx, 5,
§ 2), it has been charged that the writer of the Acts
either fabricated the speech put into the mouth of
Gamaliel, or has wrought into it a transaction
which took place thirty years or more after the
time when it is said to have occurred (see Zeller,
Die Apostclguchichte, pp. 182 ff.). Here we may
protest at the outset against the injustice of
hastily imputing to Luke so gross an error; for
having established his character in so many deci-
sive instances in which he has alluded, in the
course of the Acts, to persons, places, customs, and
events in sacred and profane history, he has a right
to the presumption that be was well informed also
as to the facta in this particular passage.' Every
principle of just criticism demands that, instead of
distrusting him as soon aa he goes beyond out
means of verification, we should avail ourselves of
any supposition for the purpose of upholding his
credibility which the conditions of the ease will
allow.
Various solutions of the difficulty have been
offered. The two following have been suggested aa
especially commending themselves by their fulfill
nieiit of every reasonable requisition, and as ap
o It may not be amiss to remind the reader of saae
fine remarks, In Illustration of Loss's historical sees)
racy, In Tholoek's Olaabwnrdigktit der Aasj. Oa
Khichu, pp. 161-177, 876-889. See also B raid, Aw
gtiitdu Eritik, pp. 678 ff.; and Lsehlax, Am daastt
tucJu ZtituiUr, pp III
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THEUDAS
imJtd by learned and judicioua men: (1.) Since
Late represents Theudas as baring preceded Judu
the Galilean [see voL ii. p. 1495], it is certain that
be could not have appeared later, at all events,
than the latter part of the reign of Herod the Great.
The Terr year, now, of that monarch'! death was
remarkably turbulent; the land waa overrun with
belligerent parties, under the direction of insurrec-
tionary chiefs or fanatics. Josephus mentions but
three of these disturbers by name ; he passes over
the others with a general allusion. Among those
whom the Jewish historian has omitted to name,
maj have been the Theudas whom Gamaliel cites
u an example of unsuccessful innovation and in-
subordination. The name was not an uncommon
uue (Winer, Rtnlab. ii. 609); and it can excite
no surprise that one Theudas, who was an insur-
gent, should hare appeared in the time of Augus-
tus, and another, fifty years later, in the time of
Claudius. As analogous to this supposition is the
feet that Josephus gives sn account of four men
ramed Simon, who followed each other within forty
)ears, and of three named Judiu, within ten yean,
<rho were all instigators of rebellion. This mode of
reconciling Luke with Josephus is affirmed by
Larduer (Credibility, voL i. p. 429), Bengel, Kui-
noeL CMahausen, Anger (de Tempp. in Act. Apott.
Ratitme, p. 185), Winer, and others.
(i) Another explanation (essentially different
only as proposing to identify the person) is, that
Lake's Theudas may hare been one of the three in-
surgent* whose names are mentioned by Josephus
in connection with the disturbances which took place
about the time of Herod's death. Sonntag ( TktuL
Stud. u. KriHk. 1837, p. 623, Ac.) has advanced
this view, and supported it with much learning and
•butty. He argues that the Theudas referred to by
Gamaliel is the individual who occurs in Josephus
under the name of Simon (B. J. ii. 4, § 2; Ant.
irii. 10, § 6), a alare of Herod, who attempted to
make himself king, amid the confusion which at-
tended the vacancy of the throne when that mon-
arch died. He urges the following reasons for that
opinion : first, this Simon, as he waa the moat noted
among those who disturbed the public peace at
that time, would be apt to occur to Gamaliel as an
iuustraiion of his point; secondly, he is described
u a man of the same lofty pretensions (thai &{ios
tKwteas woo* durwovr = Kiymr thai rira iav
roV); thirdly, he died a violent death, which Jose-
phus does not mention as true of the other two in
■argents : fourthly, he appears to bare had compar-
atively few adherents, in conformity with Luke's
aVfl TtrpaKoaiur; and, lastly, his having been
iritrinauy a slave accounts for the twofold appella-
tion, since it was very common among the Jews to
issume a different name on changing their occupa-
tion or mode of life. It is very possible, therefore,
that Gamaliel speaks of him as Theudas, because,
having borne that name so long at Jerusalem, be
vas best known by it to the members of tbe San-
hedrim; and that Josephus, on the contrary, who
note far Romans and Greeks, speaks of him as
Simon, because it was under that name that he set
bimself up as king, and in that way acquired his
Vrjgn notoriety (see Tacit. HitL v. 9).
There can be no valid objection to either of the
vegoing suppositions: both are reasonable, and
Hth must be disproved before Luke can be Justly
sbargrd with having committed an anachronism in
'.he passage under consideration. So impartial a
as Jost, the historian of the Jewa (G'e-
THXEVES, TUB TWO 8238
tehkhte der Itraeliten, ii. Anh. p. 76), admit* the
reasonableness of such combinations, and holds in
this case to the credibility of Luke, as well as that
of Josephus. The considerate Lardner ( Credibility^
vol. i. p. 433 J, therefore, could well say here, " In-
deed, I am surprised that any learned man should
find it hard to believe that there were two impos-
tors of the name of Theudas in tbe compass of forty
years." It is hardly necessary to advert to other
modes of explanation. Josephus was by no means
infallible, as Strauss and critics of his school may
almost be said to take for granted; and it is possi-
ble, certainly (this is tbe position of some), that Jo-
sephus himself may have misplaced tbe time of
Theudas, instead of Luke, who is charged with that
oversight Calvin's view that Judas the Galilean
appeared not nfler but btfort Theudas (pxra, toS-
ror = intuptr vel praterea), and that the exam-
ination of the Apostles before the Sanhedrim oc-
curred in tbe time of Claudius (contrary to tbe
manifest chronological order of the Acts), deserves
mention only as a waymark of the progress which
has been made in Biblical exegesis since his time.
Among other writers, in addition to those already
mentioned, who have discussed this question or
touched upon it, are the following : Wieseler, Chro-
noloyie der Apott, Zeitaltert, p. 138: Neander,
(Sachiclitt der PJiaraung, i. 75, 76; Guerike,
Beitrayt tar Einlr.it. in* ff. Tut. p. 90; A.
Kohler, Herzog's Real-Encyk. xvi. 39-41; Baum-
garten, ApottelyetchichU, i. 114; Lightfbot, I for.
Utbr. ii. 704; Biacoe, Hietory of the Acti, p. 428;
and Wordsworth's Commentary, ii. 26.
H. B.H.
THIEVES, THE TWO. The men who
under this name appear in the history of the Cruci-
fixion were robbers (kjjtrral) rather than thieves
(a-Ara-rai), belonging to the lawless bands by which
Palestine waa at that time and afterwards infested
(Jos. Ant xvii. 10, § 8, xx. 8, J 10). Against
these brigands every Roman procurator had to
wage continual war (Jos. B. J. ii. 13, § 2). The
parable of the Good Samaritan shows how common
it was for them to attack and plunder travellers
even on the high-road from Jerusalem to Jerieho
(Luke x. 30). It was necessary to use an armed
police to encounter them (Luke xxii. 52). Often,
as in the case of Barabbas, the wild robber life was
oonnected with a fanatic seal for freedom, which
turned the marauding attack into a popular insur-
rection (Mark xv. 7). For crimes such as these
the Romans had but one sentence. Crucifixion was
the penalty at once of the robber and the rebel
(Jos. B. J. ii. 18, § 8).
Of the previous history of the two who Buffered
on Golgotha we know nothing. They had been
tried and condemned, and were waiting their execu-
tion before our Lord was accused. It is probable
enough, as the death of Barabbas was clearly ex-
pected at the same time, that they were among the
iruoTuo-iooTai who had been imprisoned with him,
and had taken part in the insurrection in which
seal, and hate, and patriotism, and lust of plunder
were mingled in wild confusion.
They had expected to die with Jesus Barabbas.
[Comp. Barabbas.] They find themselves with
one who bore the same name, but who waa described
in tne superscription on his cross aa Jesus of Naza-
reth. They could hardly fail to have heard some-
thing of his fame as a prophet, of his triumphal
entry as a king. They tow find Him sharing tht
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8234 THIEVES, THE TWO
■me late as themselves, condemned on much the
tame charge (Luke xxiii. 5). The}' too would bear
their crosses to the appointed place, while He fainted
by the war. Their garment* would be parted
among the soldiers. For tbeni also there would be
the drugged wine, which He refined, to dull the
sharp pain of the first hours on the cross. They
eatcli at first the prevailing tone of scorn. A king
Df the Jews who could neither save himself nor
help them, whose followers had not even fought for
him (John zviii. 36), was strangely unlike the
man; chieftains whom they had probably known
•burning the same title (Jos. Ant. xvii. 10, $ 8),
strangely unlike the " notable prisoner " for whom
they bad not hesitated, it would seem, to incur the
risk of bloodshed. But over one of them there
came a change. The darkness which, at noon, was
beginning to steal over the sky awed him, and the
Divine patience and silence and meekness of the
sufferer touched him. He looked back upon his
past life, and saw an infinite evil. He looked to
the man dying on the cross beside him, and saw an
infinite compassion. There indeed was one, unlike
all other " kings of the Jews " whom the robber
had ever known. Such a one must be all that He
had claimed to be. To be forgotten by that king
seems to him now the most terrible of all punish-
ments ; to take part in the triumph of his return,
the most blessed of all hopes. The yearning prayer
was answered, not in the letter, but in the spirit.
To him alone, of all the myriads who had listened
to Him, did the Lord speak of Paradise [comp.
Paradise], waking with that word the thoughts
of a purer past and the hopes of an immediate rest.
But its joy was to be more than that of fair groves
and pleasant streams. " Thou shalt be with me."
He should be remembered there.
We cannot wonder that a history of such won-
derful interest should at all times have fixed itself
on men's minds, and led them to speculate and ask
questions which we have no data to answer. The
simplest and truest way of looking at it has been
that of those who, from the great Alexandrian
thinker (Origan, in Rom. Hi.) to the writer of the
most popular hymn of our own times, nave seen in
the " dying thief" the first great typical instance
that "a man is justified by faith without the deeds
of the law." Even those whose thoughts were less
deep and wide acknowledged that in this and other
like cases the baptism of blood supplied the place
af the outward sign of regeneration (Hilar. De
Trinil. e. x. ; Jerome, Ep. xiii.). The logical spec-
ulations of the Pelagian controversy overclouded,
in this as in other instances, the clear judgment of
Augustine. Maintaining the absolute necessity of
baptism tc salvation, he had to discuss the question
whether the penitent thief bad been baptized or
Dot, and he oscillates, with melancholy indecision,
between Ibe two answers. At times be is disposed
to rest contented with the solution which had satis-
fied others. Then again he ventures on the con
lecture that the water which sprang forth from the
pierced side had sprinkled him, and so had been a
sufficient baptism. Finally, yielding to the inex-
orable logic of a sacramental theory, he rests in the
assumption that he probably had been baptised be-
ta, either In his prison or before he entered on his
robber-life (eonip. Ih AtUm/l, 1. 11, Hi. 12; Berm.
is Temp. 130; Retract 1. 26, lit. 18, 65).
Other conjectures turn more on the eircum-
i of the history. BeiigeL usually acute, here
I the mark, and finds in the Lord's words
THIMKATHAH
to him, dropping all mention of the Meisianlc king-
dom, an indication that the penitent thief was a
Gentile, the unpenitent a Jew, and that thus the
some on Calvary was typical of the position of the
two Churches (Gnomon N. T. in Luke xxiii.).
Stier ( Words of the Lord Jetut, in loc.) reads In
the words of reproof (ovS< <po&$ ah top Mr) the
language of one who had all along listened with
grief and horror to the refilings of the multitude,
the burst of an indignation previously suppressed.
The Apocryphal Gospels, as usual, do their best to
lower the Divine history to the level of a legend.
They follow the repentant robber into the unseen
world. He is the first to enter Paradise of all
mankind. Adam and Seth and the patriarchs find
him already there bearing his cross. Michael the
archangel had led him to the gate, and the fiery
sword had turned aside to let him pass (Evang.
Nicod. ii. 10). Names were given to the two rob-
bers. Demas or Dismas was the penitent thief,
hanging on the right, Gestae the unpenitent on the
left (Evang. Nicod. i. 10; NarraL Joeeph. c a).
The cry of entreaty Is expanded into a long wordy
prayer (ffarr. Jot. 1. c), and the promise suffers
the same treatment. The history of the Infancy is
made prophetic of that of the Crucifixion. The
holy family, on their flight to Egypt, come upon a
band of robbers. One of them, Titus (the names
are different here), has compassion, purchases the
silence of his companion, Dumachus, and the infant
Christ prophesies that after thirty years Titus shall
be crucified with him, and shall go before him into
Paradise (Evang. Infant, c 23). As in other
instances [comp. Magi], so in this, the fancy of
inventors seems to have been fertile in names.
Bede (Colleetan.) gives Math* and Joca at those
which prevailed in his time. The name given in
the Gospel of Nicodemus has, however, kept its
ground, and St. Dismas takes his place in the ha-
giology of the Syrian, the Greek, and the Latin
Churches.
All this is, of course, puerile enough. The cap-
tious objections to the narrative of St. Luke as
inconsistent with that of St. Matthew and St. Mark,
and the inference drawn from them that both are
more or less legendary, are hardly less puerile
(Strauss, Leben Jem, ii. 519 ; Ewald, Chridus,
Geich. v. 438). The obvious answer to this is
that which has been given by Origen (Horn. 86 «n
Matt.), Chrysostom (Bom. 88 in Matt.), and
others (comp. Suicer, *. v. Xnorfis )• Both began
by reviling. One was subsequently touched with
sympathy and awe. The other explanation, given
by Cyprian (De Paenont Domini), Augustine (D*
Com. Evang. iii. 16), and others, which forces the
statement of St Matthew and St- Mark into agree-
ment with that of St. Luke by assuming a syiwc-
doche, or eylUjieU, or enattnge, is, it is believed,
far less satisfactory. The technical word does but
thinly veil tbe contradiction which this hypothesis
admits but does not explain. E. H. P.
thimsAlThah (nratpri: Banned;
Alex. Sanyo.: Themmtha), A "town in the allot-
ment of Dan (Josh. xlx. 43 only). It is named
between Elon and Ekron. The name is the same
as that of the residence of Samson's wife (Inaccu-
rately given in A. V. Timkaii); but the positiot
of that place, which seems to agree with the mod-
ern Tibneh below Zareah, is not so suitable, being
fully ten milns from Akir, the representative of
Ekron. Tim sab appears to have been almost as
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THISBE
MOimon a name as Gibeah, and it ii ponible that
there may have been another in the allotment of
Dan betides that represented by Tibnth. Q.
THISTBB (e/irjSq; [Alex.] Btfin). A name
bond only in Tob. i. 8, aa that of a city of Naph-
Uli from which Tobit's ancestor had been carried
eaptira by the Assyrians. The real interest of the
name resides in the fact that It Is maintained by
some interpreters (Hiller, Ouom. pp. 236, 947; Re-
land, Pal p. 1035) to be the place which had the
glory of giving birth to Elijah the Tishbitk.
This, however, is, at the best, very questionable, and
derives its main support from the fact that the word
THOMAS
8285
employed in 1 K. xvii. 1 to denote the relation of
Elijah to Gilead, if pointed aa it now stands in the
Received Hebrew Text, signifies that he was not a
native of Gilead but merely a resident there, ana
came originally from a different and foreign district
But it is also possible to point the word so that the
sentence shall mean "from Tishbi of Gilead," in
which case all relation between the great Prophet
and Thisbe of Naphtali at once falls to the ground.
[See Tishbitk.]
There is, however, a truly singular variation in the
texts of the passage in Tobit, a glance at which will
show how hazardous it is to base any definite topo-
graphical conclusions upon it : —
A.Y.
Out of Thlfbs which
is at the right hand
of that city which U
sailed properly Neph
thall la Dallies above
Aasr.* [Marg.
Kedesh of Nsphthali
In dallies, Jndg. It
8-1
•if. probably,
Baaor.
YtJLaiXB.
I.TV
Out of the tribe Out of Thisbe
and dty of Neph- which Is at the
thall which is In right band of
the upper parts Kudi5s of Neph.
of Galilee above thaleim In Gall-
Nsaaaon, behind lee above Aser.
the road whleh
leads to the west,
having on the left
hand the city of
Sephet.
Bsvum Gatxx Teh.
Oat of Thlbe which
Is at the right hand of
Kudion of Neph thaleim
In Upper Galilee above
Asser, behind the setting
sun on the right of Pho-
gor(Peor).
Varus Lrau.
Out of theoLyofBihll
which Is on the right
hand of Edlsse, a city of
NephthAlun in Upper
Galilee over against Naa-
son, behind the road
which leads to the west
of the left of Baphain.
[Another MS. reads Oe-
briel, Cydlsens, and Ba-
tor Brail, .
Assuming that Thisbe, and not Thibe, is the cor-
rect reading of the name, it has been conjectured
(apparently for the first time by Keil, Conun. iibtr
die Kinigt, p. 347 ) that it originated in an erroneous
rendering of the Hebrew word ^tPPQ, which
word in fact occurs in the Hebrew version of the
passage, and may be pointed in two ways, so as to
mean either " from the inhabitants of," or " from
Tishbi," i. e. Thisbe. The reverse suggestion, in
respect of the same word in 1 K. xvii. 1, has been
already alluded to. [Tishbite.] But this, though
very ingonioua, and quite within the bounds of pos-
sibility, is at present a mere conjecture, since none
of the texts support it, and there is no other evi-
dence in its favor.
No name resembling Thisbe or Thibe has been
yet encountered in the neighborhood of Kcda or
Saftd, but it seems impossible to suppose that the
minute definition of the Latin and Revised Greek
Texts — equaled in the sacred books only by the
well-known description of the position of Shiloh in
Judg. xxi. 19 — can be mere invention. G.
THISTLE. [Thobiw add Thistles.]
THOM'AS (e»/Mt: Thomas), one of the
Apostles. According to Eusebius (H. E. i. 13) his
real name was Judas. This may have been a mere
confusion with Thaddaus, who is mentioned in the
extract. But it may also be that Thomas was a
surname. The word HOrVT, Thoma, > means " a
twin; " and so it is translated in Join. xi. 16, xxi.
8, t SfSvuet • Out of this name has grown the
'ndition that he had a twin-sister, Lydia {Patru
ApotL p. 879), or that he waa a twin-brother of
•or Lord (Thilo, Acta Tkoma, p. 94); wnioh last,
■ b Oast vfl. 4 [A. T. 8), It Is simply DHH, ex-
eat! oar " lev." The trequeocj of toe name In
again, would confirm his Identification with Jndas
(oomp. Matt xiil. 55).
He is said to hare been born at Antioch (Patru
ApoU. pp. 278, 518).
In the catalogue of the Apostles he is coupled
with Matthew in Matt. x. 3, Mark ill. IB, Luke vi.
16, and with Philip in Acts i. 13.
All that we know of him is derived from the
Gospel of St. John; and this amounts to three
traits, which, however, so exactly agree together,
that, slight as they are, they place his character
before us with a precision which belongs to no other
of the twelve Apostles, except Peter, John, and
Judas Iscariot. This character is that of a man
slow to believe, seeing all the difficulties of a case,
subject to despondency, viewing things on the
darker side, and yet full of ardent love for his Mas-
ter.
The first trait is his speech when our Lord deter-
mined to lace the dangers that awaited Him in
Judaea on his journey to Bethany. Thomas said
to his fellow-disciples, " Let us also go (koI four )
that we may die with Him" (John xi. 16). Ha
entertained no hope of His escape — be looked on
the journey as leading to total ruin ; but he deter
mined to share the peril. " Though He slay me,
yet will I trust in Him."
The second was his speech during the Last Sup-
per. " Thomas saith unto Him, Lord, we know
not whither thou goest, and how can we know the
way" (xiv. 5)? It was the prosaic, incredulous
doubt as to moving a step in the unseen future, and
yet an eager inquiry to know how this step waa tc
be taken.
The tnird was after the Resurrection. He was
absent — possibly by accident, perhaps character!*.
Bngland Is derived not from the Ajojstle, I
Thomas of Canterbury.
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i
3286
THOMAS
ticaUy — from the first assembly when Jens Jad
eppeared. The others told him what they had seen.
Ha broke forth into an exclamation, the terms of
which convey to us at onoe the vehemence of his
doubt, and at the same time the vivid picture that
his mind retained of his Master's form as he had
bat seen Him lifeless on the cross. " Except I see
In his hands the print of the nails, and put my
finger into the print of the nails, and thrust my
hand into his side, I will not, I cannot believe "
(06 /*f) •wurrtvuu)-, John xx. 25.
On the eighth day he was with them at their
gathering, perhaps in expectation of a recurrence
of the visit of the previous week; and Jesus stood
amongst them. He uttered the same salutation,
" Peace be unto you ; " and then turning to Thomas,
at if this had been the special object of his appear-
ance, uttered the words which convey as strongly
the sense of condemnation and tender reproof, aa
those of Thomas had shown the sense of hesitation
and doubt " Bring thy finger hither [att — **
if Himself pointing to his wounds] and see my
hands ; and bring thy hand and thrust it in my
side; and do not become (^ yiyov) unbelieving
(Sr.jrroi), but bel*ving (wurrifr)." " He answers
to the words that Thomas had spoken to the ears
of his fellow-disciples only ; but it is to the thought
of his heart rather than to the words of his lips that
the Searcher of hearts answers. .... Eye. ear,
and touch, at once appealed to, and at onee satisfied
— the form, the look, the voice, the solid and actual
body: and not the senses only, but the mind satis-
fied too ; the knowledge that searches the very reins
and the hearts; the love that loveth to the end, in-
finite and eternal " (Arnold's Sti-m. vi. 238).
The effect <■ on Thomas is immediate. The con-
viction produced by the removal of his doubt be-
came deeper and stronger than that of any of the
other Apostles. The words in which he expressed
his belief oontain a far higher assertion of his Mas-
ter's Divine nature than is contained in any other
expression used by Apostolic lips, "My Lord, and
my God." Some have supposed that icipios refers
to the human, Btit to the Divine nature. This is
too artificial. It is more to the point to observe
the exact terms of the sentence, uttered (as it were)
in astonished awe. " It is then my Lord and my
God!"* And the word " my " gives it a personal
application to himself. Additional emphasis is
given to this declaration from its being the last
incident narrated in the direct narrative of the
Gospel (before the supplement of cb. xxi.), thus
corresponding to the opening words of the prologue.
" Thus Christ was acknowledged on earth to be
what St. John bad in the beginning of bis Gospel
declared him to be from all eternity ; and the words
>f Thomas at the end of the 20th chapter do but
Tpeat the truth which St- John had stated before in
lis own words at the beginning of the first " (Ar-
aold's Sera. vi. 401).
The answer of our Lord sums up the moral of
the whole narrative: "Because' thou hast seen me,
THOMOI
thou hast believed: blessed are they that have net
seen me, and yet have believed " (xx. 29). By this
incident, therefore, Thomas, •' the Doubting Apos-
tle," Is raised at once to the Theologian in the
original sense of the word. " Ab eo dubitatun
est," says Augustine, " ne a nobis dubitaretur.'
It is this feature of his character which has beet
caught in later ages, when for the first time its
peculiar lesson became apparent In the famous
statue of him by Thorwaldsen in the church at
Copenhagen, he stands, the thoughtful, meditative
skeptic, with the rule in his hand for the due
measuring of evidence and argument This scene
was one of the favorite passages of the English
theologian who in this century gave so great an
impulse to the progress of free inquiry combined
with fervent belief, of which Thomas is so remark-
able an example. Two discourses on this subject
occur in Dr. Arnold's published volumes of Ser-
mons (v. 312, vi. 233). Amongst the last words
which he repeated before his own sudden death
(Life and Covretpmdencx, 7th ed. p. 617) was the
blessing of Christ on the faith of Thomas.
In the N. T. we hear of Thomas only twice again,
once on the Sea of Galilee with the seven disciples,
where he is ranked next after Peter (John xxi. 2),
and again in the assemblage of the Apostles siua
the Ascension (Acts i. 13).
The close of his lift is filled with traditions o:
legends; which, as not resting on Biblical grounds,
may be briefly dispatched.
The earlier traditions, ss believed in the 4th cen-
tury (Eus. H. E. 1. 13, ili. It Socrat H. E. i. 19),
represent him as preaching in Partbia or Persia,
and as finally buried at Edessa (Socr. H. E. iv. 18).
Chrysostom mentions his grave at Edessa, as being
one of the four genuine tombs of Apostles; the
other three being Peter, Paul, and John (Horn, in
Utb. 26). With his burial at Edessa agrees the
story of his sending Thaddaeus to Abgarus with our
Lord's letter (Eus. H. E. i. 13).
The later traditions carry him further East, and
ascribe to him the foundation of the Christian
church in Malabar, which still goes by the name
of " the Christians of St Thomas ; " snd his tomb
is shown in the neighborhood. This, however, is
now usually regarded as arising from a confusion
with a later Thomas, a missionary from the Nesto-
rians.
His martyrdom (whether in Persia or India) is
said to have been occasioned by a lance; and is
commemorated by the Latin Church on December
21, by the Greek Church on October 6, and by the
Indians on July 1.
For these traditions and their authorities, see
Butler's Lux* of Uit Saintt, December 21. An
apocryphal "Gospel of Thomas" (chiefly relating
to the Infancy) published in Teschendorf 's £«»
gelia Apocrypha. The Apocryphal "Acts of
Thomas " by Thilo ( Codex Apocryplim).*
a. p. a
THOM'OI (topoU [Vat Oopfa:] Cofi)
Thamah or Taxak (1 Esdr. v. 82).
a It Is nsilsas to speculate whether hs obeyed our
lord's Invitation to avamine the wounds. The Im-
pression Is that he did not
s It Is obviously of no dogmatic importance whether
the words are an address or a description. That they
are the latter, appears from the use of the nominative
» ns«. The form i »«4t proves nothing, as this is
■sad tor the vocative. At the same time it should be
■ Is said U (Vut.iInrevnS.
e « Thomas" (ei^uO Is omitted In the bast H88.
d • The apocryphal " Acta of Thomas " have bass]
separately published by Thuo {Ada 6. Tkomm Apt*
lott, etc. Upe. 1828), but they are not contained In hh
Codex Apocryphm (1882), which is confined to US
Apocryphal Oospela The text is bast given In Ttsek
endorf H Acta AyoUolonan Apocrypia, lips. 1861.
A
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THORN IN THE FLESH
• THORN IN THE FLESH. [Pacl, in.
BU-j
THORNS abo THISTLES. There appear
to he eighteen or twenty Hebrew words which point
lo different kinds of prickly or thorn; shrub*, but
the context of the passages where the several term
moot affords, for the most part, scarcely a single
clew whereby it is possible to come to anything
like a satisfactory conclusion with regard to their
respective identifications. These words are vari-
ously rendered in the A. V. by " thorns," « briers,"
" thistles," etc. It were a hopeless task to enter
into a discussion of these numerous Hebrew terms;
we shall not therefore attempt it, but confine our
remarks to some of the most important names, and
those which seem to afford some slight indications
us to the plants they denote.
L AIM (ntSS : f; pd/iyot' rhammts) occurs a*
the name of some spinous plant in Judg. ix. 14, 16,
where the A. V. renders it by " bramble " (Marg.
" thistle "\ and in Ps. lviii. 9 (A. V. " thorns " ).
The plant in question is supposed to be Lyettm Eu-
rvpmum, or L. of rum (box-thorn), both of which
species occur in Palestine (see Strand, Flor. Putatt.
Nos. 124. 125). Dioscorides (1. 119) thus speaks
ot the PaWos: "The rhamnus, which some call
fwtephonim, others leucacantha, the Komans
white-thorn, or Cerbalit, and the Carthaginians
altutm. a a shrub which grows around hedges; it
has erect branches with sharp spines, like the aty-
acamna (hawthorn ?), but with small, oblong, thick
•oft leaves." Diosoorides mentions three kinds of
mamnus, two of which are identified by Spreugel,
in nil Commentary, with the two species of Lycium
mentioned above." See Belou, Oburvtitiom dt Phu.
Stfij etc., ii. ch. 78; Kauwolff, Trav. bk. iii. ch.
8. Prosper Alpinua, Dt Plant. jEyypt. p. 21;
Celsius, llitrob. i. 199. The Arabic name of this
plant i(Xbl, dtdd) ia identical with the Hebrew;
bat it was also known by the name of 'Ausej
Lycium Europamm ia a native of the south of
Europe and the north of Africa; in the Grecian
Islands it ia common in hedges (English Cyclop.
>• Lycium "). See alio the passages in Belou and
Kauwolff cited above.
8. ChMtk (p}0 : JUoySa, irr/i ixTpiyciy-
tpaa, paiiurut) occurs in Prov. xv. 19, '■ The way
of the slothful is as an hedge of Chidek" (A. V.
- thorns "), and in Mic vii. 4, where the A. V. has
« brier." The Alexand. LXX., in the former pas-
sage, interprets the meaning thus, " The ways of
the slothful are strewed with thorns." Celsius
(JUierob. ii. 86), referring the Heb. term to the
Arabic Chadak (,S(X»), fa of opinion that some
spinous species of the Solatium ia intended. The
Arabic term clearly denotes some kind of Sotamm ;
either the 8. mtlongtla, var. etculentum, or the
8. Bodomtum ("apple of Sodom"). Both these
bade are beset with prickles; it is hardly probable,
w, that they are intended by the Heb. word.
THORNS AND THISTLES 8237
Several varieties of the egg-plant are found In
Palestine, and some have supposed that the famed
Dead Sea apples are the fruit of the 8. Sodomtum
when suffering from the attacks of some insect;
but see on this subject Visit of Sodom. The
Heb. term may be generic, and intended to denote
any thorny plant suitable for hedges.
8. Chdach (IlYl: amy, tucarSa, bicxo&X,
crfSn: paiiurut, lappa, tpina, tritulut), a word of
very uncertain meaning which occurs in the sense
of some thomy plant in Is. xxxiv. 13; Hos. Ix. 0;
Prov. xxvi. 9; Cant il. 2; 2 K. xiv. 9, •• the ahdach
of Lebanon sent to the cedar of Lebanon," ete. Sm
also Job xxxi. 46: "Let ckiach (A. T. •IdMImM
a la hi* Hut. Rn Hat., however, ka nan th*
•km to the ZU f pt a u vulgurit.
Lycium Eumpman.
grow Instead of wheat" Celsius (Men*. 1. 477)
believes the black-thorn (Prumu tyhettrit) ia
denoted, but this would not suit the passage in
Job just quoted, from which it ia probable that
some thomy weed of a quick growth ia intended.
Perhaps the term is used in a wide sense to signifi
any thorny plant; this opinion may, perhaps, .re-
ceive some slight confirmation from the various
renderings of the Hebrew word as given by th*
LXX. and Vulgate.
4. Dardar PTT*: TftBoXof- tribuha) is
mentioned twice in connection with the Heb. kiU
(V'lp), namely, In Gen. iii. 18, "thorns and tft»-
tltt " (A. V.), and In Hos. x. 8, " the thorn and
the thutlt shall come up on their altar*." The
Greek rplBo\ot occurs in Matt vii. 16, •' Do men
gather figs of thistles?" See also Heb. vi. 8,
where it is rendered " briers " by toe A. V. Thin
is some difference of opinion a* to the plant at
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8288 THOBNS AND THISTLES
plants indicated by the Greek rpiBoke-t and the
Latin (ri&idus. Of the two kinds of land tribuU
mentioned by the Greeks (Dioacorides, hr. 16;
Theophrastiis, HuL Plant, vi. 7, § 5), one is •ap-
posed by Sprengel, Stackhouae, Rovle, and others,
to refer to the Triimlm terrutrit, Linn., the other
to the Fagonia Crelica f but see Schneider's Com-
ment, on Theophrastua L c, and Du Holin (Flore
Poetiqm Ancienne, p. 80S), who identifies the trib-
uku of Virgil with the Centmtrea calahrapa, Linn,
("star-thistle"). Celsius (Bierob. ii. 188) ar-
gnes in favor of the Fagonia Arabka, of which
a figure is given in Shaw's Travel* (CataL Plant.
No. 239); see also Forskil, Flor. Arab. p. 88. It
Is .probable that either the TribtUm terrain*,
which, bowerer, ii not a spiny or thorny plant,
but has spines on the fruit, or else the C caleitrapa,
is the plant which is more particularly intended by
Uw word dardar.
THOBNS AND THISTLES
8. Sbamtr ("H?ljJ), almost alwayt found to eety
neetkm with the word ikaUh (/Tip), occurs in se*>
eral places of the Hebrew text; it is variously ren-
dered by the LXX., X W X o>toj, S4fb,t, tVy
(uteris, {ijpa. According to Ahu'lfadl, cited by
Odsius (Stern*. U. 188), "the Samnr (. t - r ) of
the Arabs is a thorny tree; it it a species of Sidra
which does not produce fruit" No thorny plants
are more conspicuous in Palestine and the Bible
lands than different kinds of Rhamnacta such as
Patiunu aatUatui (Christ's Thorn), and Zitjpkw
Spina Chritti; this latter plant is the nebt of the
Arabs, which grows abundantly in Syria and Pal-
estine, both in wet and dry places; Dr. Hooker
noticed a specimen nearly 40 feet high, spreading
as widely at a good Qutrcmt ilex in England. The
lWtanu Ttmstrit.
mbk fringes the banks of the Jordan, and flourishes
on the marshy banks of the Lake of Tiberias; it
forms either a shrub or a tree, and, Indeed, is quite
common all over the country. The Arabs bare the
terms Salnm, Sidra, DhAl, Nabon, which appear to
denote either varieties or different species of Puliu-
rut and Zityphvt, or different states perhaps of
the same tree; but it it a difficult matter to assign
to each its particular signification. The Nailtitt
(\f Y2B3) of Is. viL 19, Iv. 13, probably denotes
some species of Zizyphw. The " crown of thorns "
ahich waa put in derision upon our Lord'a head just
before hit crucifixion, was probably composed of
:he thorny twigs of the ntbk (Zityphui Spina
Chritti) mentioned above; being common every-
where, they could readily be procured. "This
liiant," sayt Haaaelquist (Trav. p. 288), was very
raitaole for the purpose, at it bat many sharp
thorns, and its flexible, pliant, and round branches
night eacUv be plaited in the form of a crown ; and
what, In my opinion, aeema to be the greatest proof
a, tnat the leaves much resemble those of ivy, as
they are a very deep g re en ." Perhaps the enemies
.f Christ would have a plant somewhat resembling
that with which emperors and generals were used
to be crowned, that there might be calumny even
« the punishment" Still, M Rosenmuller (Bib.
BoL p. 301) remarkt, « there being to many kinds
of thorny plants in Palestine, all conjectures must
remain uncertain, and can never lead to any satis-
factory result" Although it it not possible to fix
upon any one definite Hebrew word at the repre-
sentative of any kind of " thistle," yet there can be
no doubt this plant must be occasionally alluded to
Haaaelqnilt ( Trnv. p. 380), noticed six species of
Cardui and Cviei on the road between Jerusalem
and Rama; and Hiss Beaufort speaks of giant
thistles of the height of a man on horseback, which
the taw near the ruina of Fellham ( Egyptian Sep.
and Syrian Shrina, 11. 45, 60). We must also
notice another thorny plant and very troublesome
weed, the rest-harrow (Ononu tpinoea), which
covers entire fields and plains both in Egypt an1
Palestine, and which, as Hasselquiat saja (p. 28o;,
it no doubt referred to in tome parte of this Holy
Scripture.
Dr. Thomson (Land and Book, p. 69) iunt-
tratea la. xxxlii. 13, " the people ahall be at the
burning of lime, at thorne cut up ahall they be
burned in the fire," by the following observation,
" Those people yonder are cutting up thorns with
their mattocks and prnning-hooka, and gathering
them into bundles to be burned in these burnings
of lime. It it a curious fidelity to real life thai
when the thorns are merely to be destroyed, they
Uatsalqulst moat hava mtaodad as raatrlet the leaves, for the plants do not in the sUghleet Vaxrer
of enttnlv to tba tttor of tba raaamble each other hi the /cm of the lawsa.
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THOEOW
are never «ut op, but Mt on fire where they grow.
fhey mb cut up only tor the lime-kiln." See alio
p. 348 for other Sariptunl allusions." W. H.
* THOROW, Ex. xiv. 16 (A. V.), in the ed.
of 1611, the old form for " through." H.
* THOBOWOUT, originally in Num. xxriii.
89, bnt superseded by u throughout." H.
* THOUGHT. The phraae "to take thought "
U need in the A. V. (1 Sam. ix. 5; Matt. vi. 26, 87,
88, 81, 84, x. 19, and the parallel passages) in the
tenae of " to be anxioua " (Gr. u*pipr4m)- So
often in the older Engliah writers. A,
THRA'GIA (B/Kuxta, $)■ A Thracian horse-
man is incidentally mentioned in 3 Maoc. xii. 35,
apparently one of the bodj-gunrd of Gorgias, gover-
nor of IdumsM under Antiochus Epiphanes. Thrace
at this period included the whole of the country
within the boundary of the Strymon, the Danube,
and the coasts of the ASgean, Propontis, and Eux-
Vie — all the region, in fact, now comprehended in
Bulgaria and Boumelia. In the early times it was
inhabited by a number of tribes, each under its
own chief, haying a name of its own and preserving
its own customs, although the same general charac-
ter of ferocity and addiction to plunder prevailed
throughout. Thucydides describes the limits of
the country at the period of the Peloponnesian war,
when Sitaloea king of the Odryse, who inhabited
the ralley of the Hebrus (Maritta), had acquired
a predominant power in the country, and derived
what was for those days a large revenue from it.
This revenue, however, seems to bare arisen mainly
out of his relations with the Greek trading commu-
nities established on different points of his seaboard.
Some of the clans, even within the limits of his do-
minion, still retained their independence; but after
the establishment of a Macedonian dynasty under
Lysimaehus, the central authority became more pow-
erful; and the wars on a large scale which followed
the death of Alexander furnished employment for
the martial tendencies of the Thraciana, who
found a demand for their services as mercenaries
everywhere. Cavalry was the arm which they
chiefly furnished, the rich pastures of Koumelia
abounding in horses. From that region camo the
greater part of Sitalces' cavalry, amounting to
nearly 60,000.
The only other passage, if any, containing an
suasion to Thrace, to be found in the Bible, is
Gen. x- 3, where — on the hypothesis that the sons
of Japbet, who are enumerated, may be regarded as
the eponymous r ep resen tati ves of different branches
of the Japbetian family of nations — Tirnt has by
some been supposed to mean Thrace ; but the only
ground for this identification la a fancied similarity
between the two names. A stronger likeness, how-
ever, might be urged between the name Tires and
that of the Tyrator Tyrseni, the ancestors of the
Italian Et r uscans, whom, on the strength of a
local tradition, Herodotus places in Lydia in the
ante-historical times. Strabo brings forward sev-
eral facts to show that, in the early ages, Thra-
cians existed on the Asiatic as well as the Euro-
pean shore; but this circumstance furnishes very
fttle help towards the Identification referred to.
■ • On the
sss Dtetrleat
wmmt, pp. 86-W
nanus of thorn and
■m fltr Btmitudu Wertfor-
1M*>. B.
THRESHOLDS, THE 8239
(Herodotus, L 94, v. 8 ff.; Thucydides, ii. 97*
Tacitus, AnaaL iv. 35; Horat Sat. I. 0.)
3. W. B.
THRASE'AS (9pa<r<uof- Thartaat). Fa-
ther of ApoBonius (1). 3 Msec. iii. 5. [Apoif
Loniua.]
• THREAD. [Hakmcraft, 6; Lac*.]
THREE TAVERNS (Tp.?»Taj9tp*ni i Tra
Taberna), a station on the Appian Road, along
which St. Paul travelled from Puteoli to Rome
(Acta xxriii. 15). The distances, reckoning south-
ward from Rome, are given as follows in the Ant>-
nine Itinerary, "to Aricia, 16 miles; to rhrst
Taverns, 17 miles; to Appii Forum, 1C miles;"
and, comparing this with what is observed stll
aloug the line of rood, we have no difficulty in
coming to the conclusion that " Three Taverns "
was near the modern CiHtrrna. For drtaila set
the Did. of Creek and Rom. Oeog. Ii. 1236 4
13916.
Just at this point a road came in from Antium
on the coast. This we learn from what Cicero says
of a journey from that place to his villa at Formiai
(Alt. ii. 12). There is no doubt that " Three Tav-
erns " was a frequent meeting-place of travellers.
The point of interest ss regards St Paul is that ba
met here a group of Christians who (like a previous
group whom he had met at Appii Forum) came
from Rome to meet him in consequence of having
heard of his arrival at Puteou. A good illustra-
tion of this kind of Intercourse along the Appiaa
Way is supplied by Josephus (Ant. xvii. 12, § 1) in
his account of the journey of the pretender Herod -
Alexander. He lauded at Puteoli (Dkaearchia) to
gain over the Jews that were there; and "when
the report went about him that be was coming to
Rome, the whole multitude of the Jews that were
there went out to meet htm, ascribing it to Oirus
Providence that he had so unexpectedly escaped."
J. S. IL
THRESHING. [Agriculture, 1. 43 1]
•THRESHING-FLOOR. [Aobicut,
tube; Ruth, Book or.]
THRESHOLD. 1. (See Oats.) 3. Of
the two words so rendered in A. V., one, mipH.
tin," seems to mean sometimes, as the Targuia
explains it, a projecting beam or corbel, at a higher
point than the threshold properly so called (Es.
ix. 3, x. 4, 18).
THRESHOLDS, THE ('£?$? : h tf
avvayayuV- veitUmia). This word,' ha-Jsuppi,
appears to be inaccurately rendered in Neh. xU.
36, though its real force has perhaps not yet ben
discovered. The " house of the Asuppim " (rPJ
D^Pfcjrt), or simply "the Asuppim," Is men
tfoned in 1 Chr. xxvL 15, 17, ss a part, probably a
gate, of the incloeure of the " House of Jehovah,"
i. s. the Tabernacle, as established by David — ap-
parently at its 8. W. corner. The allusion in Neh.
xii. 85 is undoubtedly to the same place, as is
shown not only by the identity of the name, but
by the reference to David (ver. 84; compare 1 Chr.
xxt. 1). Atvppim Is derived from a root signifying
• H-199*. sUawi awim(SM<NS.t.Ua)
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3240
THRONE
» to gather " (Gesenius, T/ia. p. 131), and in the
absence of an; indication of what the " house of
the Asuppim " was, it is variously explained by the
lexicographers as a store-chamber (Gesenius), or a
place of assembly (FUrst, Bertheau). The LXX.
in 1 Chr. xxvi. hare oUos 'E<re<p (iv- Vulg. dimus
$emorum concilium. On the other hand the Tar-
gum renders the word by HVPi " a lintel,"' as if
deriving it from r^D. G.
THRONE (MM). The Hebrew term due
applies to any elevated seat occupied by a person
in authority, whether a high-priest (1 Sam, i. 9), a
lodge (Ps. cxxii. 5), or a military ehief (Jer. i. 15).
The use of a chair in a country where the usual
postures were squatting and reclining, was at all times
regarded as a symbol of dignity (S K. iv. 10 ; Pror.
ix. 14). In order to specify a throne in our sense
of the term, it was necessary to add to citti the
notion of royalty : hence the frequent occurrence of
4uch expressions as " the throne of the kingdom "
Assyrian throw or chair of state (Larard, Mntvtk, II.
801).
(Dent. xvii. 18; IK. 1. 48; 2 Chr. vii. 18). The
characteristic feature in the royal throne was it*
deration : Solomon's throne was approached by six
steps (1 K. i. 19; 2 Chr. ix. 18); and Jehovah'*
throne is described as " high and lifted up " (Is. vi.
1). The materials and workmanship were costly :
that of Solomon is described as a " throne of ivory "
(t. e. inlaid with ivory), and overlaid with pure
gold In all parts except where the ivory was appar-
ent. It was furnished with arms or " stays," after
the manner of the Assyrian chair of state depicted
above. The steps were also lined with pairs of
lions, the number of them being perhaps designed
to correspond with that of the tribes of Israel.
As to the form of the chair, we are only informed
in 1 K. x. 19, that "the top was round behind"
(apparently meaning either that the back was
rounded off at the top, or that there was a cir-
cular canopy over it): in lieu of this particular we
are told In 2 Chr. ix. 18 that "there was a footstool
if gold, fastened to the throne," but the rerbal
agreement of the descriptions in other respects leads
to the presumption that this variation arises out of
a corrupted text (Thenius, Comm. in 1 K. I. ft), a
presumption which Is nvrored by the nut that the
THUNDER
terms tt?35 and the Hophal form Ctn^flJ)
occur nowhere else. The king sat on his throne oa
slate occasions, as when granting audiences (1 K.
ii. 19, xxii. 10; Esth. v. 1), receiving homage (2
K. xi. 19), or administering justice (Prov. xx. 8).
At such times he appeared in his royal robes (1 K.
xxii. 10; Jon. iii. 6; Acta xii. 21). The throne
was the symbol of supreme power and dignity (Gen.
xli. 40), and hence was attributed to Jehovah both
in respect to his heavenly abode (Pa. xi. 4, etti. 19 ;
Is. lxvi. 1 ; Acts vii. 49 ; Her. ir. 2), or to his earthly
abode at Jerusalem (Jer. iii. 17), and more particu-
larly in the Temple (Jer. xvii. 12; Ex. xliii. 7).
Similarly " to sit upon the throne " implied the ex-
ercise of regal power (Deut. xvii. 18; 1 K. xvi. 11;
2 K. x. 30 ; Esth. i. 2j, and " to sit upon the throne
of another person," succession to the royal dignity
(1 K. I 13). In Keh. iii. 7, the term titti is applied
to the official residence of the governor, which ap-
pears to hare been either on or near to the city
wall. W. L. a
THUMMIM. [0mm akd Tmjtran*.]
THUNDER (ny^l). In a physical point of
view, the most noticeable feature in connection with
thunder is the extreme rarity of its occurrence dur-
ing the summer months in Palestine and the adja-
cent countries. From the middle of April to the
middle of September it Is hardly ever heard. Rob-
inson, indeed, mentions an instance of thunder in
the early part of May (Iletem-clia, i. 430), and
KusseU in July (AUjipo, ii. 289), but in each case
it is stated to be a most unusual event. Hence it
was selected by Samuel as a striking expression of
the Divine displeasure towards the Israelites: " Is
it not wheat harvest to-day V I will call upon the
Lord, and he shall send thunder and ram " (1 Sam.
xii. 17). Kain in harvest was deemed as extraor-
dinary as snow in summer (Prov. xxvi. 1 ), and Je-
rome asserts that he had never witnessed it in the
latter part of June or in July (Comm. on Am. iv.
7): the same observations apply equally to thunder
which is rarely unaccompanied with rain (KusseU,
1. 72, ii. 285). In the imaginative philosophy of
the Hebrews, thunder was regarded as the voice of
Jehovah (Job xxxvii. 2, 4, 5, xi. 9; Ps. xviii. 13,
xxix. 3-9; Is. xxx. 30, 31), who dwelt behind the
thunder-cloud (Ps. ixxxi. 7). Hence thunder is
occasionally described in the Hebrew by the term
<> voices " (Ex. ix. 23, 28; 1 Sam. xii. 17). Hence
the people in the Gospel supposed that the voice of
the Lord was the sound of thunder (John xii. 29).
Thunder was, to the mind of the Jew, the symbol
of Divine power (Ps. xxix. 8, etc.), and vengeance
(1 Sam. ii. 10; 2 Sam. xxii. 14; Ps. Ixxvii. 18; Is.
xxix. 6; Rev. viii. 5). It was either the sign or
the instrument of his wrath on numerous occasions,
as during the plague of hail in Egypt (Ex. ix. 23,
28), at the promulgation of the Law (Ex. xix. 16),
at the discomfiture of the Philistines (1 Sam. vu.
10), and when the Israelites demanded a long (1
Sain. xii. 17). The term thunder was transferred
to the war-shout of a military leader (Job xxxix.
25), and hence Jehovah is described as "causing
his voice to be heard " in the battle (Is. xxx. 80)
It is also used as a superlative expression in Jot:
xxvi. 14, where the " thunder of his power " is con-
trasted with the " little portion," or rather these*
tie whisper that can be heard. In Job xxxix. 19
" tbunder"isa mistranslation for "a Bowing man*.'
W. L.B.
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THYATIBA
THYATVBA (Bvdrttpa, r&: chitnt Thyali-
rtmarum), A city on tbe Lycos, founded by Seleu-
cus Nioator. It ni one of the many Macedonian
eolonies established in Asia Minor, in the sequel, of
lie destruction of tbe Persian empire by Alexan-
der. It lay to the left of the road from Pergamus
to Sardis, on the southern incline of the water-shed
which separates tbe valley of the Caius (Ba^il-
earn) from that of the Hermus, on tbe very con-
ones of Mysta and Ionia, so as to lie sometimes
raelraed within tbe one, and sometimes within the
etlnr. _n earlier times It hsd home the names of
Pelopia, Semiramis, and Euhippia. At the coni-
SMncecient of the Christian era, the Macedonian
deniec'. so preponderated as to give a distinctive
character to the population ; and Strata simply calls
it a Macedonian colony. Tbe original inhabitants
••ad probably been distributed in hamlets round
THYATIBA 3241
about, when Thyatira was founded Two of these,
the inhabitants of which are termed Armi and
Nagdturi, are noticed in an inscription of the Ro-
man times. The resources of the neighliorint; re-
gion may be inferred, both from the name Kuhippiu
and from the magnitude of tbe booty which was
carried off in a foray conducted jointly by Enniencs
of 1'ergamus and a force detached by the Roman
admiral from Cane, during the war against Anti-
ochus. During the campaign of b. c. 190, Thy-
atira formed tbe base of tbe king's operations ; and
after bis defeat, which took place only a few
miles to the south of the city, it submitted, at tbe
same time with its neighbor Magnesia-on-Sipylus,
to the Romans, and was included in the territory
made over by them to their ally the Pergameiio
sovereign.
During tbe continuance of the Attalic dynaatv
Tbyatlra
Thyatira scarcely appears in history; and of the
various inscriptions which have been found on the
site, now called At Bitten; not one unequivocally
belongs to earlier times than those of the Roman
empire. Tbe prosperity of the city seems to have
r ece ived a new impulse under Vespasian, whose ac-
quaintance with the East, previously to mounting
the imperial throne, may have directed his atten-
tate to tbe development of the resources of the
cities. A bilingual inscription, in Greek
I Latin, belonging to the latter part of his reign,
I him to have restored the roads in the domain
of Thyatira. From others, between this time and
that of Caracalla, there is evidence of the existence
of many corporate guilds in the city. Bakers, pot-
tars, tanners, weavers, robemakers, and dyers (of
0a*)sir) are specially mentioned. Of these last
there is a notice in no less than three inscriptions,
to that dyeing apparently formed an important part
ef the industrial sctivity of Thyatira, as it did of
that at "nl and Laodlcea. With this guild
than en be no doubt that Lydia, the seller of pur-
904
ple stuffs (iropatveoVotAis), from whom St Paul
met with so favorable a reception at Pbilippi (Acts
xvi. 14), was connected.
Tbe principal deity of the city was Apollo, wor-
shipped ss the sun-god under the surname Tyrim-
nas. He was no doubt introduced by the Mace-
donian colonists, for the name is Macedonian. On«
of the three mythical kings of Macedonia, whom the
genealogists placed before Perdiccas — tbe first of
the TemenidsB that Herodotus and Thucydides rec
ogntze — is so called ; the other two being Carnmu
and Comas, manifestly impersonations of the ehiff
and tbe tribe. The inscriptions of Thyatira give
Tyrimnas the titles of TtpiwoXii and wpuxi/ruf
9<6s ; and a special priesthood was attached to his
service. A priestess of Artemis is also mentioned,
probably the administratrix of a cult derived from
the earlier times of the city, and similar in Hi
nature to that of the- Xubestan Artemis. Anothet
superstition, of an extremely curious nature, which
existed at Thyatira, seems to have been brought
thither by soma at the sorrupted Jews c* the die
Digitized by CjOOQIC
8242
THYINE WOOD
persed tribes. A Sine itood outside the walls,
dedicated to SambnUtn — the name of the sibyl
who U sometimes called Chaldean, sometimes Jew-
ish, sometimes Persian — in the midst of an ln-
elosure designated "the Chaldean's court" (roi
Xa\Saloi/ xtpl&o\oi)- This seems to lend an
illustration to the obscure passage in Rev. 11. 90,
21, which Grotius interprets of the wife of the
bishop. The drawback against the commendation
bestowed upon the angel of the Thyatiran church
is that he tolerates " that woman, that Jezebel,
who, professing herself to be a prophetess, teaches
and deludes my servants into committing fornica-
tion and eating things offered to idols." Time,
however, is given her to repent; and this seems to
imply a form of religion which had become eon-
demnable from the admixture of foreign alloy,
rs'iier than one idolatrous ab initio. Now there
is evidence to show that in Thyatira there was a
great amalgamation of races. Latin inscriptions
are frequent, indicating a considerable influx of
Italian immigrants; and in some Greek inscriptions
many Latin words are introduced. Latin and
Greek names, too, are found accumulated on the
same individuals, — such as Titus Antonius Alfenus
Ariguotus, and Julia Severina Stratonicis. But
amalgamation of different races, in pagan nations,
always went together with a syncretism of different
religions, every relation of life having its religious
sanction. If the sibyl Sambatha was really a
Jewess, lending her aid to this proceeding, and not
discountenanced by the authorities of the Judaso-
Christian church at Thyatira, both the censure and
its qualification become easy of explanation.
It seems also not improbable that the imagery
of the description in Rev. ii. 18, t tx«r roxis
ip9a\fious airrov as $1X070. rvpfa, *oi oi w6S*s
tuVrov tfLOiot x<L\JcoAi/3dVfi, may have been sug-
gested by the current pagan representations of the
tutelary deity of the city. See a parallel can at
Smyrna. [Smyrna.]
Besides the cults which have been mentioned,
-there is evidence of a deification of Rome, of Ha-
drian, and of the imperial family. Games were
celebrated in honor of Tyrimnae, of Hercules, and
of the reigning emperor. On the coins before the
Imperial times, the beads of Bacchus, of Athene,
and of Cybde, are also found : but the inscriptions
only indicate a cult of the last of these.
(Strabo, xilL e. 4; Pliny, B. N. v. 81; Liv.
xxxvii. 8, 21, 44; Polybius, xvi. 1, xxxii. 26; Steph-
anos Byxsnt tub «. Budrfipa; Boeckh, JntcripL
Grae. ThgaHr., especially No*. 8484-3499; Suidaa,
»• lafiMeif. Lilian, Var. Hist xii. 88; Clinton,
F. H. ii. 221; Hoflmann, Grieekenland, ii. 1714.)
J. W. B.
THY1NB WOOD ({faor «»W: Sgnmrn
l/iyimm) occurs onoe -only, namely, in Rer. xviii.
12, where the margin has " sweet " (wood). It is
mentioned as one of the valuable articles of eom-
saerce that should be found no mora in Babylon
(Rome), whose fall is here predicted by St John.
There can be little doubt that the wood here spoken
«f is that of the Thuya artiadnta, Desfont, the
CaBitru qwtdrvmheu of present botanist*. This
tree was much prised by the ancient Greeks and
Romans, on account of the beauty of its wood for
various ornamental purposes. K is the tvtla of
Theophrastus (HuL Plant, iii. 4, §§ 9, 6); the
•fcswo (iknv of Dioseorides (L 81). By the Ro-
aaane the late was called citrm, this wood oio-n*.
H l> s> nativs of Barbary, and grows to the height
TIBERIAS
of 15 to 25 feet Pliny (H. If. xiii. 15/ Mys that
the citnu is found abundantly in Mauritania. He
speaks of a mania amongst his countrymen for
tables made of its wood; and tells ns that when
the Roman ladies were upbraided by their husbands
for their extravagance in pearls, they retorted upon
them their excessive fondness for tables made of
this wood. Fabulous prices were given for tables
and other ornamental furniture made of citrus wood
(see Pliny, L a). The Greek and Roman writers
frequently allude to this wood. See a number of
references in Celsius, Hierob. ii. 25. Thr roof o>
Zltvya artimlaia.
the mosque at Cordova, built in the 9th cent, is
of "thyine wood " (Loudon's Arboretum, iv. 2463).
Lady CellcoU says the wood is dark nut-brown,
close grained, and very fragrant* The resin
known by the name of Sandarach is the produce
of this tree, which belongs to the cypres s tribe
( Cupramta), of the nat order Com/era.
W. H.
TTBE'RIAS (Ti/J«p«£i: TS6er*»»), a dty in
the time of Christ, on the Sea of Galilee; first
mentioned in the New Testament (John vi. 1, 23,
xxi. 1), and then by Josephus (Ant xviii., BtL
Jwi. ii. 9, § 1), who state* that K was built by
Herod Antipaa, and was named by him in honor
of the emperor Tiberius. It was probably a new
town, and not s restored or enlarged one merely;
for "Rakkath" (Josh. xix. 35), which » said in
the Talmud to have occupied the same po si t io n,
lay in the tribe of Naphtali (if we insist on thi
boundaries as indicated by the dearest passage*}
whereas Tiberias appears to have been within the
limits of Zebulun (Matt iv. 13). See Winer
Realw. ii. 619. The same remark may be made
respecting Jerome's statement, that Tiberias suc-
ceeded to the place of the earlier Chinnereth (Oso-
auisnoM, sob voce); for thi* latter town, as a*ay
a "HlaUgnlrt
as osuat, i w va el t ng she rsa anss of insests as ■
the laflasaet of the air" (Ueta* Jm*. L *»>.
Digitized by LjOOQIC
TIBERIAS
be trgard from the name itself, must hare Iweo
father north than the rite oV Tiberias. The
tenacity with which ita Koman name has adhered
la the spot (see infra) indicates the same fiict; Tor,
rwerally speaking, foreign names in the lint, ap-
plied to towns previously known under names de-
nied from the native dialect, as e. g. Epiphania tor
Hanniath (Joab. ziz. 35), Palmyra for Tatlmor
(SChr. riii. 4). Ptolemais for Akko (Acts xxi. 7),
lost their foothold as soon as the foreign power
pustd away which had imposed them, and gave
place again to the original appellations. Tiberias
ni the capital of Galilee from the time of its
origin until the reign of Herod Agrippa II., who
chujtd the seat of power back again to Sepphoris,
sine it had been before the founding of the new
tit;. Kant of the inhabitants were Greeks and
Koran, and foreign customs prevailed there to
mea sn extent aa to gin offense to the stricter
Jew'. I'UEKODiAXa.] Herod, the founder of
TIBERIAS
3248
Tiberias, had pasted most of bis early life in Italy .
and had brought with him thence a taste for the
amusements and magnificent buildings, with which
he had been familiar in that country. He built a
stadium there, like that in which the Roman youth
trained themselves for feats of rivalry and war.
He erected a palace, which he adorned with figures
of animals, " contrary," as Joscphus says ( lit. §{
12, 13, 64), " to the law of our countrymen."
The place was so much the less attractive to the
Jews, because, as the same authority states (Ant.
xviii. 2, § 3), it stood on the site of an ancient
burial-ground, and was viewed, therefore, by the
more scrupulous among them almost as a polluted
and forbidden locality. Coins of the city of Tilie-
rias are still extant, which are referred, to the times
of Tiberius, Trajan, and Hadrian.
The ancient name has survived in that of the
modern Tibaritk, which occupies unquestionably
the original site, except that it is confined to nar
Town and Lake of Tiberias from the Southwest,
rower units than those of the original city. Near
TaVirleA, about a mile further south along the
•bote are the celebrated warm baths, which the
Knnsn naturalists (Plin. Ititt. Nat. v. 15) reck-
oned among the greatest known curiosities of the
wwid. (Hahmatii.) The intermediate space be-
tween these baths and the town abounds with the
fiees of ruin*, each as the foundations of walls,
beam of stone, blocks of granite, and the like ;
sod it cannot be doubted, therefore, that the an-
ient Tiberias occupied also this ground, and was
•men more extensive tbsn its modem successor.
Press such indications, and from the explicit testi-
mony of Josephtn, who says (Ant. xviii. 2, § 3)
tint Tiberias was near Ammaus OAwaotSi), or tne
Warm Bathe, there can be no uncertainty respect-
ng the Identification of the site of this important
<ty. It stood anciently as now, on the western
•ana, about two thirds of the way between the
• * Mr. MaeOregor, who was ten days In his boat
•a the lake of Galilee, reports an interesting discovery
a lbs sss sals of the town of Tiberias. Ha observed
i Met wall at* stones, Just above the surface of the
•Mtr.aoOwsOO rank in extent, three courses of them
northern and southern end of the Sea of Galilee,
There is a margin or strip of land there between
the water and the steep hills (which elsewhere in
that quarter come down so boldly to the edge ol
the lake), about two miles long and a quarter of a
mile broad. The tract in question is somewhat
undulating, but approximates to the character of a
plain. Tibarith, the modern town, occupies the
northern end of this parallelogram, and the Warm
Baths the southern extremity; so that the more
extended city of the Roman age must have covered
all, or nearly all of the peculiar ground whose
limits are thus clearly denned. (See Robinson's
Bibl. Ret. ii. 380; and Porter's Handbook, ii. 421.)
The present Tibarkh has a rectangular form, is
guarded by a strong wall on the land side, but is
left entirely open towards the sea. A few palm-
tress still remain as witnesses of the luxuriant
vegetation which once adorned this garden of the
■tier the watat at one end. and only two of than at' Fn*J,ch. Ul. p. 101 f.
the other. It was evident that It had "all bodily
sunk; the whole town of Tiberias had lowered to-
wards the south." He ascribes this sinking so the
great earthquake which took place in 1817 (see She
art. above). Set Rtpor: of Mr Pakuim J
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TIBERIAS
Promised Land, but the; are greatly inferior in
•ire and beauty to those seen In r^rypt Th*
oleander grows here profusely, almost rivaling that
Bower ao much admired as found on the neighbor-
ing plain of Genneaaret. The people, at of old,
draw their subsistence in part from the adjacent
lake. The spectator from his position here com-
mands a view of almost the entire expanse of the
sea, except the southern part, which is cut off by
a slight projection of the coast. The precipices
on the opposite side appear almost to overhang the
water, but on being approached are found to stand
liack at some distance, so as to allow travellers to
pass between them and the water. The lofty Her-
mon, the modern Jtbtl et/i-S/>cikJt, with its glisten-
ing snow-heaps, forma a conspicuous object of the
landscape in the northeast Many rock-tombs ex-
ist in the sides of the hills, behind the town, some
of them no doubt of great antiquity, and con-
structed in the best style of such monuments. The
climate here in the warm season is very hot and
unhealthy; but most of the tropical fruits, as in
other parts of the valley of the Jordan, become
ripe very early, and, with industry, might be culti-
vated in great abundance and perfection. The
article on Gf.nnesahet [vol. i. p. 896] should be
read in this connection, since it is the relation of
Tilwriw to the surrounding region and the lake,
which gave to it its chief importance in the first
Christian age. The place is four and a half hours
from Nazareth, one hour from Mejdel, probably
the ancient Magdala, and thirteen hours, by the
shortest route, from BAniii or Casarea Philippi.
It is remarkable that the Gospels give us no
information that the Saviour, who spent so much
of his public life in Galilee, ever visited Tiberias.
The surer meaning of the expression, " He went
away beyond the sea of Galilee of Tiberias" in
John vi. 1 (wipe* Tt)t faAdVirni rfli roAiAoiai
rfji Ti$tpiiSoih is not that Jesus embarked from
Tiberias, but, as Meyer remarks, that He crossed
from the west side of the (JntiUim ten of Tiberini
to the opposite side. A reason has been assigned
for this singular fact, which may or may not ac-
count for it As Herod, the murderer of John the
rkiptist, resided most of the time in this city, the
Saviour may have kept purposely away from it, on
account of the sanguinary and artful (Luke xiii.
32) character of that ruler. It is certain, from
Luke xxiii. 8, that though Herod had beard of the
feme of Christ, he never saw Him in person until
they met at Jerusalem, and never witnessed any of
his miracles. It is possible that the character of
the place, so much like that of a Roman colony,
may have been a reason why He who was sent to
the lost sheep of the house of Israel, performed ao
little labor in its vicinity. The bead of the lake,
uid especially the plain of Genneaaret, where the
copulation was more dense and so thoroughly Jew-
ish, formed the central point of his Galilean min-
istry. The feast of Herod and his courtiers, before
whom the daughter of Herodiaa danced, and in
fulfillment of the tetrarch's rash oath demanded
the bead of the dauntless reformer, was held in all
rbability at Tiberias, the capital of the province.
. as Josephus mentions (Ant. xviii. 6, § 2), the
liaptist was imprisoned at the time in the castle
rf Machaerue beyond the Jordan, the order for his
wecution could have been sent thither, and the
TIBERIAS
bloody trophy forwarded to the Implacable Ha .J
at the palace where she usually resided.
(Johanna dtr Tauftr «m Oe/3nowus, p. 47, fte.)
suggests that John, instead of being kept all the
time in the same castle, may hare been confined In
different places, at different times. [Macr^chos,
Airier. ed.J The three passages already referred
to are the only ones in the New Testament which
mention Tiberias by name, namely, John vi. 1,
and xxi. 1 (in both instances designating the lake
on which the town was situated), and John vi.
23, where boats are said to have come from
Tiberias near to the place at which Jeans bad
supplied miraculously the wants of the multitude.
Thus the lake in the time of Christ, ameng its
other appellations, bore also that of the principal '
city in the neighborhood; and in like manner,
at the present day, Bahr Ttbartek, "Sea of Tn-'
barleh," is almost the only name under which it
is known among the inhabitants of the country.
Tiberias has an interesting history, apart from its
strictly Biblical associations. It bore a conspicu-
ous part in the wars between the Jews and the Ro-
mans. The Sanhedrim, subsequently to the feU of
Jerusalem, after a temporary sojourn at Jamnia and
Sepphoris, became fixed there about the middle of
the 2d century. Celebrated schools of Jewish learn-
ing flourished there through a succession of several
centuries. The Hishna was compiled at this place
by the great Rabbi Judah Hakkodesh (a. d. 190).
The Masorah, or body of traditions, which trans-
mitted the readings of the Hebrew text of the Old
Testament, and preserved by means of the vowel
system the pronunciation of the Hebrew, originated
in a great measure at Tiberias. The place passed,
under Constantine, into the power of the Christians ;
and during the period of the Crusades was lust and
won repeatedly by the different combatants. Sines
that time it has been possessed successively by Per-
sians, Arabs, snd Turks; and contains now, under
the Turkish rule, a mixed population of Moham-
medans, Jews, and Christians, variously estimated
at from two to four thousand. The Jews consti-
tute, perhaps, one fourth of the entire number.
They regard Tiberias as one of the four holy places
(Jerusalem, Hebron, Safad, are the others), In
which, as they say, prayer must be offered without
ceasing, or the world would fall back instantly into
chaos. One of their singular opinions is that the
Messiah when He appears will emerge from the
waters of the lake, and, landing at Tiberias, proceed
to Safed, and there establish his throne on the
highest summit in Galilee. In addition to the
language of the particular country, as Poland, Ger-
many, Spain, from which they or their families em-
igrated, most of the Jews here speak also the Rab-
binic Hebrew, and modem Arabic 8 They occupy
a quarter in the middle of the town, adjacent to to*
lake; Just north of which, near the shore, b a
Latin convent and church, occupied by a solitary
Italian monk. Tiberias suffered terribly from the
great earthquake in 1837, and has not yet recovered
by any means from the effects of that disaster. In
1852, the writer of this article (later travellers
report but little improvement) rode into the city
over the dilapidated walla; in other parts of there
not overthrown, rents were visible from top U
bottom, and some of the towers looked as if the;
had been shattered by battering-rams. It la sup-
• • Probably in no place in the world Is the Ha- tant as at Tiberias. (See toMsr, D n k Umur — s Mm
stew spoken aa a vernacular language to ansa an ex- ' m ltm , p. 284-1 ■-
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TIBERIAS
posed that at least seven handled of the inhabit-
ants were destroyed at that time. This earthquake
Mt severe and destructive in other parti of Galilee.
It was a similar calamity no doubt, luch aa had
left a atroiig inipreuion on the mindi of the people,
to which Amos refers, at the beginning of hie
prophesy, aa forming a well-known epoch from
which other events were reckoned. There ii a
place of interment near Tiberias, in which a distin-
guished Kabbi is said to be buried with 14,000 of
his disciples around him. The grave of the Ara-
bian philosopher Lokman, aa Burckhardt states,
was pointed out here in the 14th century. Rau-
uer's PnlSsUna (p. 126) mentions some of the
foregoing beta, and others of a kindred nature.
The later fortunes of the place are sketched some-
what at length in Or. Robinson's Biblical Jfe-
seurcftes, iii. 887-274 (ed. 1841 ). It is unnecessary
to specify other works, aa Tiberias lies in the ordi-
nary route of travellers in the East, and will be
found noticed more or less fully in most of the
books of any couipleteueai in this department of
authorship.
Professor Stanley, in his Nutlet* of some lj>cal-
itits, etc. (p. 193), has added a few charming
touches to the admirable description already given
in his Sin. and Pal. (364-82). H. & U.
TIBF/RIAS, THE SEA OP (A. $d\eurva
T7JsTi$tpii9os- fare Tiberiitd'u). This term is
found only in John xxi. 1, the other passage in
which it occurs in the A. V. (ibid. vi. 1) being, if
the original is accurately rendered, "the sea of
Galilee, of Tiberias." St John probably uses the
name as more familiar to non-residents in Palestine
than the indigenous name of the " sea of Galilee,"
or " sea of Gennesaret," actuated no doubt by the
same motive which bas induced him so constantly
to translate the Hebrew names and terms which
be uses (such as Kabbi, Rabloni, Mesaias, Cephas,
Siloam, etc.) into the language of the Gentiles.
[Gksmuukkt, Sea of.] G.
TIBE'KIUS (Tij9«>ie«: in fuU, Tiberius Clau-
dius Nero), the second Roman emperor, successor
of Augustus, who began to reign A. D. 14, and
reigned until A. d. 37. He was the son of Tibe-
rius Claudius Nero and Livia, and hence a stepson
of Augustus. He was bom at Home on the 16th
of November, B. o. 45. He became emperor in his
fifty-fifth year, after having distinguished himself as
a commander in various wars, and having evinced
talents of a high order as an orator, and an admin-
istrator of civil aflaira. His military exploits aud
those of Drums, his brother, were sung by Horace
(Carta, iv. 4, 14). He even gained the reputation
of possessing the sterner virtues of the Koman char-
acter, and was regarded aa entirely worthy of the
imperial honors to which his birth and supposed
personal merits at length opened the way. Yet on
being raised to the supreme power, he suddenly
became, or showed himself to be, a very different
man. His subsequent life was one of inactivity,
sloth, and self-indulgence. He was despotic in his
government, cruel and vindictive in his dispositiun.
He gave up the afiairs of the state to the vilest
favorites, while he himself wallowed in the very
cennel of all that was low and debasing. The only
lailiation of his monstrous crimes and vices which
son be offered is, that his distrust of life, occasioned
by his early domestic troubles, may have driven him
* last to despair and insanity. Tiberias died at
She age of seventy-eight, after a reign of twenty-
TIBHATH
8245
three years, 11>e ancient writers who supply most
of our knowledge respecting him are Suetonius
Tacitus (who describes his character a* one o
studied dissimulation and hypoc-
risy from the beginning), AnnaL
L-vL; Veil. Patera. I. ii. 94,
Ac. ; and Dion Cass, xlvi.-xlviii.
The article in the Did. o/'Gi:
and Rom. Biog. (vol. iii. pp.
1117-1127) furnishes a copious
outline of the principal events in (Ma rf ubsrlos
his life, and holds him up in his
true light ss deserving the scorn and abhorrenoS
of men. For an extended sketch of the character
and administration of Tiberius, the reader is referred
to Merivale's History of the Roman; iv. 170 ft"., and
v. 1 ff. (N. Y., I860). It is claimed for Tiberius
that the Jews in Palestine suffered much less during
his reign from the violence and rapacity of the Ro-
man governors, than during the reign of other em-
perors. He changed the rulers there only twice,
alleging that " the governor who anticipates but a
short harvest, makes the most of his term, and ex-
torts aa much as he is able iu the shortest possible
period " (Milman's HitL of die Jem, li. 126).
The city of Tibkkias took its name from this
emperor. It will be seen thst the Saviour's public
life, and some of the introductory events of the
apostolic age, must have fallen within the limits of
bis administration. The memorable passage iu
Tacitus (Annul, xv. 44) respecting the origin of
the Christian sect, places the crucifixion of the Re-
deemer under Tiberius : " Ergo abolendo rumori
(that of his having set fire to Rome) Nero sukdidit
reos, et quassitissimis poeuis sflecit, quos per nagitia
tnvisot vulgus Christianas appeilabet. Auctor nom-
inis ejus Christus Tiberio iniperitaiite per procure-
toretu Pontium Pilatum supplicio afiectus eras."
The martyrdom of Stephen belongs in all proba-
bility to the last year, or last but one of this reigu.
In Luke iii. 1, he is termed Tiberius Cesar; John
the Baptist, it is there said, began bis ministry in
the fifteenth year of his reign (4/yeueria). This
chronological notation is an important one in deter-
mining the year of Christ's birth and entrance on
his public work [Jesus Christ, vol. ii. p. 1383}.
Augustus admitted Tiberius to a share in the em-
pire two or three years before his own death ; and
it is a question, therefore, whether the fifteenth
year of which Luke speaks, should be reckoned from
the time of the copartnership, or front that when
Tiberius began to reign alone. The former is the
computation more generally adopted ; but the data
which relate to this point in the chronology of the
Saviour's life, may be reconciled easily with the one
view or the other. Some discussion, more or less
extended, in reference to this inquiry will be found
in Kraft's Chronologie, p. 66 ; Sepp's Ltben Chrieli,
i. 1, Ac. ; Friedlieb's Leben Jesu Ckritti, p. 47, Ac. ;
Ebrard's Krilik, p. 184; Tlscheudorf's Synopsis,
xvt.; Greswell's DiaerlaHont, 1. 834; Robinson's
Harmony of Ike Gospels, p. 181; EUicotfs Lift
of Christ, p. 106, note, Amer. ed. ; Andrews's
Life of our Lord, p. 24 E; and Wieseler's Bei-
trige sur riehtiaen Wirdigmg dtr Evangelien
(1369), p. 177 6*. H. B. H.
TIITO ATH OTQtt [extensive, level, Furst] :
MarafHe; Vat FA herafirixa,, Alex. More
/8i«0 Thebath), a etty of Hadadezer, king of Zo-
bah (I Chr. xviii. 8), which in 2 Sam. viii. 8 it
called Betah, probably by an accidental transDoaV
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8246
TIBNI
Uoo of the first tiro letter*. Ita exact position it
onknown, but if Aram-Zobah ia the country be-
tween the Euphrates and Qeleeyria [ne Stria],
we matt look for Tibhath on the eastern skirts of
the Anti-Libanua, or of ita continuation, the Jebei
Shahtliaba and the Jtbtl Ritha. 6. B.
TlBTSl OS^TI [intdtigmt, Fiirat]: Bafivi
[Vat. -r«] : Tfiebni). After Zimri hid burnt
himself in his palace, there waa a division in the
northern kingdom, half of the people following
Tibni the son of Ginath, and half following Omri
(I K. xvi. 31, 22). Omri waa the choice of the
army. Tibni waa probably put forward by the
people of Tirzah, which waa then besieged by Omri
and hia boat. The struggle between the contend-
ing (actions lasted four years (comp. 1 K. xvi. IS,
23); but the only record of it is given in the few
words of the historian : " The people that followed
Omri prevailed against the people that followed
Tibni the son of Ginath ; so Tibni died, and Omri
reigned." The LXX. add that Tibni was bravely
seconded by hia brother Joram, for they tell us, in
a clauae which Ewald pronounces to be undoubt-
edly genuine, " and Thanini and Joram his brother
died at that time; and Ambri reigned after Thani-
ni." W. A. W.
TI'DAL (byjW [apJewfcr, renown, Flint]:
fturydA; [Alex. 80X70, OaVyaA:] Thadal) is
mentioned only in Gen. xiv. 1, 9. He there ap-
pears among the kings confederated with, and sub-
ordinate to, Chedorlaomer, the sovereign of Elam,
who leads two expeditions from the country about
the mouth of the Tigris into Syria. The name,
Tidal, ia certainly an incorrect representation of the
original. If the present Hebrew text is accepted,
the king waa called Thief td; while, if the Septua-
gint mora nearly represents the origina), 11 his name
waa Thargal, or perhaps Thvrgal. This last ren-
dering ia probably to be preferred, as the name is
then a significant one in the early Hamitic dialect
of the lower Tigris and Euphrates country — Thvr-
gal being " the great chief" — 0ao~iAf is i /»*7 at
(naqa vxuarka) of the Persians. Thargal ia
oiled " king of nations " (0*Q Tf^?p), by which
it is reasonable to understand that he was a chief
over various nomadic tribes to whom no special
tract of country could be assigned, since at differ-
ent times of the year they inhabited different portion*
of 1-ower Mesopotamia. Thia ia the ease with the
Arabs of these parts at the present day. Thargal,
however, should from hia name have been a Tura-
nian. G. R.
TIOXATH-PILBBBK (^tf^nbpfl
[see below] : »<iKya$<pt\Xourdp~ [Vat also A\ya(h
pt Matrap, 9a\ya\f€\\Mrapi Alex. AyXaf ♦oA-
Vurap:] Thti/lnlh-Phnlamr). In 1 Chr. T. 28,
and again in 2 Chr. xxviii. 20, the name of thia
king ia written "V^TpT^?!^, " rilgath-pilne-
ter; " but in thia form there is a double corruption
The native word reads as Tigulti-paUiira, for
a The LXX. evidently mad bSHfi for bXH/T,
tad thorefore wrote tropyaX, representing the 9 by a
*. The Alex. Codex, however, has SAATA, which
anginal ly ra doubtless *»A.irA, agreeing so far with
(be praam* Hebrew text.
v • A mora accurate translation of Is. Ix. 1, and
am a* hannoay with the context la : "Ha lightly
TIGLATH-PILESER
which the Tigleth-pil-eeer of 2 Kings b a fat
equivalent The signification of the name ia soma
what doubtful. H. Oppert renders it, " Adoratk
[sit] filio Zodiaci," and explains " the son of tin
Zodiac " as Nin, or Hercules (Exptdititm Bam-
tifique en Miaopakaut, ii. 362).
Tiglath-Pileeer ia the second Assyrian king' men-
tioned in Scripture as having come into contact
with the Israelites. He attacked Samaria in the
reign of Pekah, on what ground we are not told,
but probably because Pekah withheld hia tribute,
and, having entered hia territories, « took Jjon, and .
Abel-beth-maachah, and Janoab, and Kedeah, and
Hazor, and Gilead, and Galilee, and all the knd of
Naphtali, and carried them captive to Assyria "
(2 K. xv. 29): thus "lightly afflicting the land
of Zebulun and the land of Naphtali " (Is. ix. 1),»
the most northern, and so the most exposed portion
of the country. The date of thia invasion cannot
at present be fixed; but it was, apparently, many
years afterwards that Tigiath-Pileeer made a second
expedition into these parte, which had more im-
portant reaulta than his former one. It appears
that, after the date of hia first expedition, a dose
league waa formed between Rezin, king of Syria,
and Pekah, having for ita special object the humil-
iation of Judaea, and intended to further generally
the Interest* of the two allies. At first great suc-
cesses were gained by Pekah and hia confederate
(2 K. xv. 37; 2 Chr. xxviii. 6-8); but, on their
proceeding to attack Jerusalem itself, and to threaten
Ahaz, who was then king, with deposition from hia
throne, which they were about to give to a pre-
tender, " the son of 1'abeal " (la. vii. 6), the Jewish
monarch applied to Assyria for assistance, and Tig-
lath-Pileaer, consenting to aid him, again appeared
at the head of an army in these regions. He first
marched, naturally, against Damascus, which he
took (2 K. xvi. 9), razing it (according to hia own
statement) to the ground, and killing Rezin, the
Damascene monarch. After this, probably, he pro-
ceeded to chastise Pekah, whose country he entered
on the northeast, where it bordered upon " Syria
of Damascus." Here he overran the whole district
to the east of Jordan, no longer "lightly afflicting"
Samaria, but injuring ber far "more oWevonsrjr,
by the way of the sea, in Galilee of the Gentiles "
(Is. ix. 1), carrying into captivity " the Reubenitee,
the Gadites, and the hah" tribe of Manaeseh " (1 Chr.
v. 26), who had previously held this country, and
placing them in Upper Mesopotamia from Harran
to about Nisi bis (ibid.) Thua the result of thia
expedition waa the absorption of the kingdom of
Damascus, and of an important portion of Samaria,
into the Assyrian empire; and it further brought
the kingdom of Judah into the condition of a men
tributary and vassal of the Assyrian monarch.
Before returning into hia own land, Tighth-
Pilvser had an interview with Ahaa at Damareua
(2 K. xvi. 10). Here doubtless waa settled the
amount of tribute which Judas waa to pay an-
nually ; and it may be inspected that here too it
waa explained to Ahaz by hia suzerain that a ear-
esteemed the land of Zebulon and the land of Naphtali,
but afterward will signally honor," eto. In thia torn
It la especially appropriate aa understood of the rest
deuce and public ministry of Christ in that •arrases'
region. Interpreters generally (aae Mich— I t s, Ttlruaja,
Hengstenberg, and Alexander on Ia. vaU V i soe g i tta s
thia aa the primary rafcrancis W. fl.
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TIGLATH-PILESER
Aa deference to the Assyrian godi n due on the
put of mil tributaries, who were usually required to
set up in their capital « the Lawi of Asshur," or
-altars to the Great Gods" [see roL i. p. 190 as].
The ••altar" which Ahaa "saw at Damascus,"
and of which he tent the pattern to Urijah the
priest (2 K. xvi. 10, 11), was probably such a badge
of subjection.
This is all that Scripture tells us of Tiglath-
Pileser. He appears to have succeeded Pul, and to
have been succeeded by Shalmaneser; to have been
contemporary with Resin, Pekah, and Ahaa; and
therefore to have ruled Assyria during the latter
half of the eighth century before our era. From
his own inscriptions we learn that his reign lasted
ml Una seventeen years; that, besides warring in
Syria and Samaria, be attacked Babylonia, Media,
Armenia, and the independent tribes in the upper
regions of Mesopotamia, thus, like the other great
Assyrian inonarciu, warring along the whole fron-
tier of the empire; and finally, that he was (prob-
ably) not a legitimate prince, but an usurper and
the founder of a dynasty. This last fact is gathered
from the circumstance that, whereas the Assyrian
kings generally glory in their ancestry, Tiglath-
Pileser omits all mention of his, not even recording
his father's name upon his monuments. It accords
remarkably with the statements of Berosus (in
Euseb. Clirm. Can. i. 4) and Herodotus (i. 95),
that about this time, i. e. in the latter half of the
eighth century n. c, there was a change of dynasty
in Assyria, the old family, which had ruled for 590
(626) years, being superseded by another not long
before the accession of Sennacherib. The authority
of these two writers, combined with the monumental
indications, justifies us in concluding that the
founder of the Lower Dynasty or Empire, the first
monarch of the New Kingdom, was the Tiglath-
Pileser of Scripture, whose date must certainly be
about this time, and whose monuments show him
to have been a self-raised sovereign. The exact
date of the change cannot be positively fixed ; but
it is probubty marked by the era of Kabonassar in
Babylon, which synchronises with B. o. 747. Ac-
cording to this view, Tiglath-Pileeer reigned cer-
tainly from B. c. 747 to B. c. 730, and possibly a
lew years longer, being succeeded by Shalmaneser
at least as early as B. c. 786.° [Simlmaneskh]
The circumstances under which Tiglath-Pileeer
btalued the crown have not come down to us from
my good authority; but there is a tradition on the
subject which seems to deserve mention. Alexander
Polyhistor, the friend of Sylla, who had access to
the writings of Berosus, related that the first As-
syrian dynasty continued from Ninus, its founder,
to a certain Beieus (Pul), and that he was suc-
ceeded by BtKtans, a man of low rank, a mere
vine-dresser (<purovpy4s), who had the charge of
the gardens attached to the royal palace. Betttaraa,
be said, having acquired the sovereignty in an ex-
traordinary way, fixed it in his own family, in which
it continued (o the time of the destruction of Nin-
treh (Fr. Hut. Or. ill. 810). It can scarcely be
doubted that BeUStaras here is Intended to represent
Tiglath-Pileser, BelMar being in fact another mode
vf expressing the native Pal-trira or Pnlli-tdr
Opptrt), which the Hebrews represented by Piloses.
Whether there is any truth in the tradition maj
a In the Assyrian Chronological Canon, of Thteh
•jars an tour enpies In the British Maaram, aT xors
• haw nacmaatarr, the idem of II(la«h-FUsasr stems j
TIGRIS 3247
perhaps be doubted. It bears too near a resem-
blance to the oriental stories of Cyrus, Gygas
Amaais, and others, to have in itself much claim
to our acceptance. On the other hand, it har-
monises with the remarkable tact — unparalleled in
the rest of the Assyrian records — that Tiglath-
Pileser is absolutely silent on the subject of hii
ancestry, neither mentioning his father's name, nor
making any allusion whatever to his birth, descent,
or parentage.
Tiglath-Pileser's ware do not, generally, appear
to have been of much importance. In Babylonia
he took Sippara (Sepharvaiin), and several places
of less note in the northern portion of the country ;
bat he does not seem to have penetrated far, or
to bare come into contact with Kabonassar, who
reigned from n. o. 747 to B. a. 733 at Babylon.
In Media, Armenia, and Upper Mesopotamia, be
obtained certain successes, but made no permanent
conquests. It was on his wes t ern frontier only that
bis victories advanced the limits of the empire.
The destruction of Damascus, the absorption of
Syria, and the extension of Assyrian influence over
Judaea, are the chief events of Tiglath-Pileser's
reign, which seems to have had fewer external
triumphs than those of most Assyrian mooarchs.
Probably his usurpation was not endured quite
patiently, and domestio troubles or dangers acted
as a check upon his expeditions against foreign
countries.
No palace or great building can be ascribed to
this king. His slabs, which are tolerably numerous,
show that he must have built or adorned a residence
nt Calah (Nimrud), where they were found; but,
as they were not discovered in titu, we cannot say
anything of the edifice to which they originally be-
longed. They bear marks of wanton defacement;
and it is plain that the later kings purposely injured
them ; for not only is the writing often erased, but
the slabs have been torn down, broken, and used
as building materials by Esar-haddon in the great
palace which he erected at Calah, the southern
capital [see vol. i. p. 781 a]. The dynasty of Sargon
was hostile to the first two princes of the Lower
Kingdom, and the result of their hostility is that
we have far less monumental knowledge of Shal-
maneser and Tiglath-Pileser than of various kings
of the Upper Empire. G. R.
Tl'GRIS (Tlypit [see below] : Tygru, 7i>i»)
is used by the LXX sa the Greek equivalent of tha
Hebrew Hidddcel (b|£JC) ; and occurs also in
several of the apocryphal books, as in Tobit (vi. 1),
Judith (1. 6), and Ecclesiasticus (xxiv. 35). Tha
meaning, and various forms, of the word have been
considered under Hiddxkkl. It only remains,
therefore, in the present article, to describe the
course and character of the stream.
The Tigris, like the Euphrates, rises from two
principal sources. The most distant, and therefore
the true, source is the western one, which is in lat,
38° 10', long. 89° 2C nearly, a little to the south
of the high mountain lake called GSljikot GSUnjik,
in the peninsula formed by the Euphrates where
it sweeps round between Patau and Teitk. The
Tigris' source is near the southwestern angle of the
lake, and cannot be more than two or three miles
from the channel of the Euphrates. The oonree of
Mb* reckoned at dtttsr 18 or 17 years. (8
No. 1818, p. 84.)
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3248
TIGRIS
toe Tigris is at first somewhat north of nut, bat
titer pursuing tail direction for about 25 miles it
makes a sweep round to the south, and descends
by Arghani Made* upon Diarbekr. Here it is
already a river of considerable sin, and is mossed
by a bridge of ten arches a little below that city
(Niebuhr, Voyage en Arable, p. 386). It then
turns suddenly to the east, and flows in this direc-
tion, past Otman Kietd to Til, where it once more
alters its course and takes that southeasterly direc-
tion, which it pursues, with certain slight variations,
to its final junction with the Euphrates. At Oman
Kietd it receives the second or Eastern Tigris,
which descends from Nipbates (the modern Aia-
Tagh ) with a course almost due south, and, col-
lecting on its way the waters of a large number of
streams, unites with the Tigris half-way between
IXarbtkr and Til, in long. 41° nearly. The courses
of the two streams to the point of junction are re-
spectively 160 and 100 miles. A little below the
junction, and before any other tributary of im-
portance is received, the Tigris is 160 yards wide
and from three to four feet deep. Near Til a large
stream Sows into it from the northeast, bringing
almost as much water as the main channel ordinarily
holds (Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, p. 49). This
branch rises near Billi, in northern Kurdistan, and
runs at first to the northeast, but presently sweeps
round to the north, and proceeds through the dis-
tricts of Skattak and Boktan with a general west-
erly course, crossing and recroasing the line of the
38th parallel, nearly to Sert, whence it flows south-
west and south to TiL From Til the Tigris runs
southward for SO miles through a long, narrow, and
deep gorge, at the end of which it emerges upon
the comparatively low but still hilly country of
Mesopotamia, near Jezirtk. Through this it 'flows
with a course which is south-southeast to Mottd,
thence nearly south to KiUk-Sherghat, and again
south-southeast to Samara, where the hills end
sad the river enters on the great alluvium. The
course is now more irregular. Between Samara
and Baghdad a considerable bend is made to the
east; and, after the Shat-tt-Oie is thrown off in
lat. 33° 30', a second bend is made to the north,
the regular southeasterly course being only resumed
a little above the 32d parallel, from which point the
Tigris runs in a tolerably direct line to its junction
with the Euphrates at Kurnah. The length of the
whole stream, exclusive of meanders, is reckoned at
1146 miles. It can be descended on rafts during
the flood lesson from Diarbtkr, which is only 160
aiilet from its source; and it has been navigated
■>y steamers of small draught nearly up to Mosul.
. 7 rom Diarbekr to Samara the navigation is much
-npeded by rapids, rocks, and shallows, as well as
jy artificial bunds or dams, which in ancient times
were thrown across the stream, probably for pur-
poses of irrigation. Below Samara there are no
obstructions; the river is deep, with a bottom of
toft mud; the stream moderate; and the course
very meandering. The average width of the Tigris
In this part of its course is 900 yards, while its
depth is very considerable.
Besides the three bead-streams of the Tigris,
which have been already described, the river re-
ceives, along its middle and lower course, no fewer
than five important tributaries. These are the river
af Znkko or Eastern Khabour, the Great Zab (Zoo
Mai, the Lesser Zab (Zab Atfal), the Adhem, and
lb* Diyaleh or ancient Gyndes. AH these rivers
low from the hign range of Zegrea, which shuts
TIGRIS
in the Mesopotamian valley on the east, and b ah*
to sustain so large a number of great streams from
its inexhaustible springs and abundant snows
From the west the Tigris obtains no tributary of
the slightest importance, for the Tkarthar, which
is said to have once reached it, now ends in a salt
lake, a little below TtkriL Its volume, however,
is continually increasing as it descends, in conse-
quence of the great bulk of water brought into it
from the east, particularly by the Great Zab and
the Diyaleh ; and in its lower course it is said to
be a larger stream and to carry a greater body than
the Euphrates (Chesney, Etnmrate* Expedition, i.
68).
The Tigris, like the Euphrates, has a flood season.
Early in the month of March, in consequence of the
melting of the snows on the southern flank of Ni-
pbates, the river rises rapidly. Its breadth grad-
ually increases at Diarbekr from 100 or 18(1 to 360
yards. The stream is swift and turbid. The rise
continues through March and April, reaching its
full height generally hi the first or second week of
May. At this time the country about Baghdad is
often extensively flooded, not, however, so much
from the Tigris as from the overflow of the Eu-
phrates, which is here poured into the eastern
stream through a canal. Farther down the river,
in the territory of the Baa- Lam Arabs, between
the 88d and 31st parallels, there is a great annual
inundation on both banks. About the middle of
May the Tigris begins to nuT, and by midsummer it
has reached its natural level. In October and No-
vember there is another rise and fall in consequence
of the autumnal rains; but compared with the
spring flood that of autumn is insignificant.
The Tigris is at present better fitted for purposes
of traffic than the Euphrates (Layard, ffinevtk and
Babylon, p. 475); but in ancient times it does not
seem to have been much used as a line of trade.
The Assyrians probably floated down it the timber
which they were in the habit of cutting in Annum
and Lebanon, to be used for building purposes is
their capital; but the general line of communica-
tion between the Mediterranean and the Persian
Gulf was by the Euphrates. [See voL i. p. 784.]
According to the historians of Alexander (Arrian,
Exp. AL vii. 7; oomp. Strab. xv. 3, § 4), the
Persians purposely obstructed the navigation of the
lower Tigris by a series of dams which they threw
across from bank to bank between the embouchure
and the city of Opis, and such trade as there w as
along Us course proceeded by land (Strab. ibid.).
It is probable that the dams were in reality made
for another purpose, namely, to raise the level of the
waters for the sake of irrigation ; but they would
undoubtedly have also the effect ascribed to them,
unless in the spring flood time, when they uiigbl
have been shot by boats descending the river. Thus
there may always have been a certain amount <l
tratfie down the stream; but up it trade would
scarcely have been practicable at any time further
than Samara or Tekrit, on account of the natural
obstructions, and of the great force of the stream.
The lower part of the course was opened by Alex-
ander (Arrian, vii. 7); and Opis, near the month of
the Diyaleh, became thenceforth known a> a mart
Uurofiov), from which the neighboring districts
drew the merchandise of India and Arabia (Strab
xvi. 1, $ 9). Sdeucia, too, which grew up sooa
after Alexander, derived no doubt a portion of its
prosperity from the facilities for trade oflered by thk
great i
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TKVAH
We find but little mention of the Tigris in
Scripture. It appears indeed under the name of
Hiddekei, among the riven of Eden (Gen. ii. 14),
«nd is then correctly described as " running out-
ward to Assyria." But after this we hear no more
rf it, if we except one doubtful alhnion in Nahum
tlL 6\ until the Captivity, when it becomes well
known to the prophet Daniel, who had to cross it
in his journeys to and from Susa (Shushan). With
Daniel it is " the Great River " — VVTjn "liJpH
— an expression commonly applied to the Eu-
phrates ; and by its side he sees some of his most
important visions (Dan. i. to iii.). No other men-
tion of the Tigris seems to occur except in the apoc-
ryphal books ; and there it is unconnected with
any real history.
The Tigris, in its upper oourse, anciently ran
through Armenia and Assyria. Lower down, from
about the point where it enters on the allurial plain,
it separated Babylonia from Susiana. In the wars
between the Romans and. the Parthians, we find it
constituting, for a short time (from A. D. 114 to
A. D. 117), the boundary line between theso two
empires. Otherwise it bas scarcely been of any
political importance. The great chain of Zagros is
the main natural boundary between Western and
Central Asia; and beyond this, the next defensible
line is the Euphrates. Historically it is found that
either the central power pushes itself westward to
that river; or the power ruling the west advances
eastward to the mountain barrier.
The water of the Tigris, in its lower course, is
yellowish, and is regarded as unwholesome. The
stream abounds with fish of many kinds, which are
often of a large size (see Tobit vi. 3, and compare
Strab. xl. 14, § 8). Abundant water-fowl float on
the waters. The banks are fringed with palm-trees
and pomegranates, or clothed with jungle and reeds,
the haunt of the wild boar and the lion.
(The most important notices of the Tigris to be
found in the classical writers are the following:
Stnho, xi. 14, } 8, and xvi. 1, §§ 9-13; Arrian,
Exptd. Alt*, vii. 7; and Plin. U. N. vi. 87. The
best modern accounts are those of Col. Chesney,
Euphrates Expedition, 1. 16, etc., and Winer, XenU
uSrttrbuch, ii. 823, 888; with which may be com-
pared Layard, ffineveh and Babylon, 49-61, and
461-478; Loftus, Chaldaa and Susiana, 8-8;
Jones in Transactions of the Geographical Society
of Bombay, vol. ix. ; Lynch in Journal of Geo-
graphical Society, vol ix. ; and Rawlinson's fferod-
*ut, i. 552, 683 ) G. K.
TIK/VAH (iTJfiri [cord, expectation] : e«-
crweV; [Vat. Benicooavi Alex. Butnov: Thecua).
L The frther of Shallum the husband of the
prophetess Huldah (2 K. xxii. 14). He is called
Tikvath in the A. V. of 2 Chr. xxxiv. 23.
S. (eeaW; [Vat FA. EAxtmi] Alex. St-
rew: Tkecue.) The father of Jahaxiah (Est. x.
15). In 1 Esdr. Ix. 14 he is called Thkocamos.
TIK/VATH (nZifiq [obedience.]; KarL
"ITTpiH; properly TtMkathot Tokhath: eonW;
Tat KosVissAi] Alex, ewovof : Thecuath). Toc-
rAH the fittbei of Shalluni (2 Chr. xxxhr. 33).
TILE. For general information on the subject,
TIMBREL
8249
• At* v4r mpismr.
» IfiaOfum (Mark n. 4).
•• This sole ArenMsan,— son,
and Mark* sOrti-
see the articles Brick. PornutY, Sbai. The ex-
pression in the A. V. rendering of Luke v. 18
" through « the tiling," has given much trouble ta
expositors, from, the fact that Syrian houses are in
genera] covered, not with tiles, but with plaster
terraces. Some suggestions toward the solution o*
this difficulty have been already given. [Horss,
vol. ii. p. 1104.] An additional one may here be
offered. 1. Terrace-roofs, if constructed improperly,
or at the wrong season of the year, are apt to crank
and to become so saturated with rain as to be easLy
penetrable. Hay not the roof of the bouse in which
our I/>rd performed his miracle, have been in this
condition, and been pierced, or, to use St Mark's*
word, » broken up," by the bearers of the paralytic ?
(Arundell, Trav. in Asia Minor, i. 171; Ruesen,
Akppo,l.».)
2. Or may the phrase " through the tiling " be
accounted for thus? Greek houses were often, if
not always, roofed with tiles (Pollux, vii. 161;
Vitruvius, iii. 8). Did not St Luke, a native,
probably, of Greek Antiocb, use the expression
" tiles," as the form of roof which was most familiar
to himself and to his Greek readers without reference
to the particular material of the roof in question ?
(Enseb. //. E. iii. 4; Jerome, ProL to Comm. on
St. Mittth. vol. vii. 4; Conybeare and Howson,
St. Paul, i. 867.) It may perhaps lie worth re-
marking that houses in modern Antioeh, at least
many of them, have tiled roofs (Fisher, news m
Syria, i. 18, vi 66). [See Hodse, note 4, i. 1104,
Amer. ed.] H. W. P.
TIL'GATH-PILNB'SER (njVl
"W? 1 ?? 5 'S '"9^ ' "'P? 1 ?? Wfyn. : [Bom.
»ay\cupaX\atra)), QaXyaftMaerip; Vat] BoA-
ya&araaap, QayraQafUurap, &a\ytitptK\atap ;
Alex. 9ay\a$ paKrcurap-- Tkelgathphahaear). A
variation, and probably a corruption, of the name
Tiolatii-pileskr. It is peculiar to the books of
Chronicles, being found in 1 Chr. v. 6, 36; 2 Chr
xxviii. 30. G.
• TILLAGE- [Aomcoltubk.]
TTLON (pVVT, KerL^Vri [perh.or/T|:
'IrsV; Alex. 8i\»r: Thilon). One of the four
sons of Shimon, whose family is reckoned in the
genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 30).
TlftLeETJS (Ti/ioTor: Tmamt). The father
of the blind man, Bar-timaens, who was restored to
by Jesus as he left Jericho (Mark x. 46).°
TIMBEEL, TABRET. By these words the
A.V. translates the Heb. *lH «P*. which b de-
rived from an imitative root occurring in many
languages not immediately oonneeted with each
other. It is the same aa the Arabic and Persian
S >
vJi> t duff, which In Spanish becomes adufe, a
tambourine. The root, which signifies to beat or
strike, is found in the Greek rvwavor or riuxanr,
Let tympanum, It tamburo, Sp. tambor, Fr. tam-
bour, Prov. tabor, Eng. tabor, tabouret, timbrel,
tambourine, A.-S. dubbim, to strike, Eng. tap, and
many others.** In Old English tooor was used for
umlae si the Oresk treosfclssa. On the utTdnmsHaim
of the miraele, see Biamuns [Amer. ed.]. H.
* It la usual tn ■Ifnulaatsls ss sjass* 9m Are*
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8250
TIMBREL
any dram. Tint RoV of Gloucester, p. 396 ( d.
Hearne, 1810) : — '
" Tor of tramps* and of taban th* Saracens mad* then
80 grat oobe, that CrlttannMn al dlatonrbad wan."
In Shahetpeara'a time It aaami to hare become an
liiitrumen" of peace, and it Urn* eoDtruted with the
dram: "I haws known when there was no music
with Mm but the drum and file; and now had he
rather bear the tabor and the pipe " {Much Ado, ii.
8). Tubourtt and tabourine are diminutive! of
laeor, and denote the instrument now known a* the
tambimrint: —
« Or Hlmoa'a whittling to hU tahomt,
8aUio| a laughter for a cold meal'i meat"
Hill, Sat. It. 1, 78.
Tabrel I* a contraction of tabourtt. The word it
retained in the A. T. from Corerdale'i tranalation
In all paiaage* except la. xxx. 39, where it is
omitted in Coverdale, and Ea. xxriii. 13, where it
is rendered " beauty."
The Ueb. tbph is undoubtedly the instrument
described bj travellers as the duff or chff of the
Arabs. It was used in very early timet by the
Syriana of l'adan-aram at their merry-makings
(Gen. xxxi. 87). it was played principally by
women (Ex. it. 90; Judg. xL 34; 1 Sam. xviii. 6;
Pa. lxviii. 26 [26] ) as an accompaniment to the
song and dance (comp. Jud. iil. 7), and appears to
hare been worn by them as an ornament (Jer. xxxi.
4). The iipk was one of the instruments played
by the young prophets whom Saul met on hit re-
turn from Samuel (1 Sam. x. 5), and by the Le-
vitt* in the Temple-band (9 Sam. vi. 5; 1 Cbr.
xiii. 8). It accompanied the merriment of feasts
(Is. T. 19, xxiv. 8), and the joy of triumphal pro-
cessions (Judg. xi. 84; 1 Sam. xviii. 6), when the
women came out to meet the warriors returning
from victory, and it everywhere a sign of happiness
and peace (Job xxi. 19; It. xxx. 39; Jer. xxxi. 4).
So in the grand triumphal entry of God into his
Temple described in strong figum in Ft. lxviii.,
the procession it made up by the lingers who
marched in front, and the players on stringed in-
strument! who brought up the rear, while round
them all danced the young maidens with their tim-
brels (Pi. lxviii. 35 [26]).
The diff of the Arabs it described by Buttell
(Aleppo, p. 04, 1st ed.) as « a hoop (sometimes with
piece* of brats fixed in it to make a jingling) over
which a piece of parchment is distended. It is beat
with the fingers, and is the true tympanum of the
ancients, as appear* from its figure in several re-
tfevoa, representing the orgies of Bacchus and rites
of Cybele." The tame Instrument was used by the
Egyptian dancing-women whom Hasselquist saw
(Trot, p. 89, ed. 1766). In Barbery it it called
atr, and " it made like a sieve, consisting (at Isi-
dore* describe* the tympanum) of a rim or thin
hoop of wood with a skin of parchment stretched
aver the top of it This (arret for the ban in all
their concert*, which they accordingly touch very
artfully with their fingers, or with the knuckles or
palms of their hands, a* the time and measure re-
quire, or as force and softness are to be oommuni-
aated to tbe several puts of the performance"
Shaw, Trap. p. 208).
**Mf a* the original of tmrnbom and (after ,- but um-
Vftanettlr th* tintMr it a guitar, aad not a drum
■ustaU's Alrppo. 1. US, 3d ed.). Tbe parallel Arable
•atd I* last, wtaieh aaaatM* Jfed.sf anus, aad Is the
T1MNAH
The tympanum was mod in the had* of Crack
(Her. It. 76), and is said to have been the amo-
tion of Dionysus and Rhea (Eur. Baeck. 68). tt
Tar. (Laoe'a Modtrn Egyptian*, 866, bth ad.)
was played by women, who beat it with tbe pake*
of their bands (Ovid, UtU It. 29), and Jure***.
(Sal. iii. 64) attribute* to it a Syrian origin : —
"Jam prldem Byrus In Tlberlm deflaxlt Ornate*
St Uugnam, at mors* et emu tlbiehM cborda*
Oblique*, p en no n gemtilia tymp mn n sacum
V*xtt'
In the same way the tabor is said to have been
introduced into Europe by the Cnuaden, who
adopted it from the Samaria, to whom it waa
peculiar (see Du Cange'a note on De Joinrilk's
But. du Roy Saint Louu, p. 61).
Tbe author of SHUt BaggiLboran (c 2) give*
the Greek kvu&oXov at the equivalent of tip)), and
says it waa a hollow basin of metal, beaten with a
(tick of brat* or iron.
The passage of Exekiel (xxriii. 13) is obscure, and
appears to have been early corrupted. In stead of
TP8.P1, "thy tabreta," the Vulg. and Targmn read
*P9*, "thy beauty," which Is the rendering
adopted in Corerdale'e and Crenmer's Bible*.
Tbe LXX. seem to have read f ?HP1, at in ver.
16. If the ordinary text be adopted, there h do
reason for taking ttph, at Jerome suggest*, in tb*
sense of the setting of a gem, " pala qua gemma
continetur." W. A. W.
TIMTJA, TIMTSAH (S^QF\ [park, re-
ttrained or mncetmibU] : Bm/irdl (m 1 Cbr. i. 89,
Vat. corrupt:] Thamna). 1. A concubine of EB-
phax ton of Esau, and mother of Amalek (Gen.
xxxvi. 12; in 1 Chr. i. 36 named aa a son of EH-
phtz): it may be presumed that the was the an
a* Ttnina, sister of Lotan, and daughter of Sear
the Horite ([Gen. xxxvi.] ver. 22, and 1 Cbr. i.
89).
2. [In 1 Chr., Tat. eautor; Alex. eejiaaa.]
A duke, or phyltrch, of Edom in the but list is
Gen. xxxvi. 40-45 (1 Chr. 1. 51-54), when tb*
dukes tie named <• according to their fun Die*, after
their placet, by their names .... according to
their habitation*: " whence wa may eoodDde, a* in
tbe cue of Txmak, that Timnah wat also tbe name
of a place or a district E. S. P.
TIM7TAH (PTJpn [A*»or6o»]). A nam*
which occurs, aimpk) and compo un ded, and with
alight variations of form, erveral time*, in tb* topog-
raphy of the Holy Land. Tbe name la derived by
tb* auricograpber* (Gemini, SlmooJa, Fnnt) Boat
nun* with tbe Babb. H*b. MM, and
kettle-drum Th* Instrunwnt aad th*
eomt to ua through Kb* Baraesaa.
■ Or*. W.SL
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TTMNATH
I mot signifying to '• portion out, or divide": " but
Its frequent occurrence, and the analogy of the to-
pographical names of other countries, would rather
Imply that it referred to some Datura! feature of the
country.
L (\l$a, 9a/iri; [in > Chr. Vat omits;] Alex.
90X01*, eVuuft; Joseph. Qafifd' Thtitnnn, Thorn*
mm.) A plaoe which fonsed one of the landmarks
on the north boundary of the allotment of Judith
(Josh. xt. 10). It was obviously near the western
and of the boundary, being between Beth-shemesh
and the " shoulder of Ekron." It is probably iden-
tical with the Thimmatiiah of Josh. xix. 43, one
of the towns of Dan, also named in connection with
Ekron, and that again with the Timnath, or more
accurately Tlmnathah, of Samson, and the Tham-
natha of the Maccabees. Its belonging at that
time to Dan would explain its absence from the
list of the towns of Judah (Josh. xv. ), though men-
tioned in describing the course of the boundary.
The modern representatire of all these various forms
of the same name is probably Tibneh, a village
about two miles west of Aim Skenit (Beth-shemesh),
among the broken undulating country by which
the central mountains of this part of Palestine de-
scend to the maritime plain. It has been shown In
several other cases [Keicah, etc.] that this district
contained towns which In the lists are enumerated
as belonging to the plain. Tlmnah la probably an-
other instance of the same thing, for In 2 Chr. xxriii.
18 a place of the same name is mentioned as among
the cities of the Shefelnh, which from its occurrence
with Beth-ehemesh, GIderoth, Gimzo, all more or
less hi the neighborhood of Ekron, is probably the
same as that Just described ss in the bills. After
the Danites had deserted their original allotment
for the north, their towns would naturally fall into
the hands of Judah, or of the Philistines, as the con-
tinual struggle between them might happen to fluc-
tuate.
In the later history of the Jews Tlmnah must
have been a conspicuous place. It was fortified by
Baeehides as one of the most important military
posts of Judas (1 Mace. ix. 60), and it became
the head of a district or toparcby, which was called
after its name, and was reckoned the fourth in
order of importance among the fourteen Into which
the whole country was divided at the time of Ves-
pasian's Invasion (Joseph. B. J. ill. 3, § 8 j and see
Pliny, v. 14).
Ttbnek it now spoken of as " a deserted site "
(Rob. 11. 16), and not a single western traveller
appears to have visited It, or even to have seen it,
though its position is indicated with tolerable cer-
tainty. [Tomato.]
8. (QaiwcUH; Alex. Oapra: Thamnt.) A town
In the mountain district of Judah (Josh. xv. 57).
It h) named in the same group with Maon, Ziph,
and Carmel, which an known to have been south
of Hebron. It is, therefore, undoubtedly a distinct
plaoe from that just examined. G.
TIM'NATH. The form In which the trans-
lators of the A. V. inaccurately present two names
which are certainly distinct, though it is possible
that they refer to the same place.
L TtawAB (rtjtjpl, i. «. Tlmnah [to*, jm-
Hm]: Bauri. Thamnntha). The scene of the ■vH-
renture of Judah with his daughter-in-law Tamar
• IV (.XX. m alove, derived It from una, the
TIMKATH-SERAB 8251
(Gen. xxxvlli 19. 13, 14). There is nothing hers
to indicate its position. The expression " went up
to Tinman " (ver. It) indicates that it was on
higher ground than the spot from which Judah
started. But as we are ignorant where that was,
the indication is of no service. It seems to hare
been the place where Judah's flocks were kept
There was a road to it (A. V. " way "). It may
be identified either with the Timnah in the moun-
tains of Judah, which was in the neighborhood of
Carmel where Nabal kept his huge flocks of sheep ;
or with the Tlmnathah so familiar in the story of
Samson's conflicts. In favor of the latter is the
doubtful suggestion named under En ah and Tap*
pt/ah, that in the words translated " an open
place " there is a reference to those two towns. In
favor of the former is the possibility of the name in
Gen. xxxviil. being not Timnah but Timnathah (as
In the Vulgate), which is certainly the name of the
Philistine place connected with Samson. More
than this cannot be said.
The place is named in the specification of the
allotment of the tribe of Dan, where the A. V. ex-
hibits it accurately as Thimhathah. and its name
doubtless survives in the modern Tibneh which la
said to lie below Zmtah, about three miles to the
S. W. of it, where the great Wady e*-8trtr issues
upon the plain.
2. Timxathah (n^lJOPl : BapraSi; Joseph.
Oopni: Thamnatha). The residence of Samson's
wife (Judg. xiv. 1, 9, 5). It was then in the occu-
pation of tho Philistines. It contained vineyards,
haunted however by such savage animals as indi-
cate that the population was but sparse. It was on
higher ground than Ashlcslon (xiv. 19), but lower
than Zorah, which we may presume was Samson's
starting-point (xiii. 88). G.
TIM'NATH-HE'KIS(DT£ ngpfl [por-
tion of tht tun, Ges.] : QupraBaptf, Alex. Bafivw
tap *a>f : Thaumattare). The name under which
the city and burial-place of Joshua, previously called
Timkath-bebar, is mentioned in Judg. ii. 9. The
constituent consonants of the word are the same,
but their order is reversed. The authorities differ
considerably in their explanations. The Jews adopt
Heres as the real name; interpret it to mean the
sun ; and see in it a reference to the act of making
the sun stand still, which is to them the greatest
exploit of Joshua's life. Others (as Fiirst, i. 449),
while accepting Heres as the original form, in-
terpret that word as "aiay," and as originating in
the character of the soil. Others again, like
EwaW (Getch. ii. 347, 348), and Bertheau (0*
Judytt), take Serah to be the original form, and
Heres an ancient but unintentional error. G.
TIMI* ATH-SETRAH (rnp-napW [por-
tion of abundance]: [Rom. Qau*atrap4x'< Vat.]
BafUtpxapV't BafivaBao-ax-f 1 ' ^lex. Ba/wal
o-apa, Bauya<raxap'< Joseph. &aprd'- Thamnath
Saraa, Thamnath San). The name of the city
which at his request was presented to Joshua after
the partition of the country was completed (Josh,
xix. 50); and in " the border" of which be was
buried (xxlv. 80). It is specified as "in Mount
Ephraim on the north side of Mount Gaaah." In
Judg. Ii. 9, the name is altered to TlMKATH-frKitica,
The latter form Is that adopted by the Jewish writers,
who interpret Heres as meaning the sun, and account
for the name by stating that the figure of the sut
(femwurfl An dura) was carved upon the sepal
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8252
TIMNITE
anre, to indicate that it was the tomb of the man
who had caused the ran to stand still (Kashi, Com-
ment on both passages). Accordingly, thej iden-
tify the place with Kefur cherrt, which is said by
Rabbi Jacob (Canuoly, Itinerairrt, etc., p. 186),
hap-Parchi (Asher's Benj. p. 434), and other Jew-
ish travellers down to Scbwarz in our own day (p.
161), to be about 5 miles S. of Shechem (NaLlus).
No place with that name appears on the maps, the
closest approach to it being Ktfr-Hmit. which is
more nearly double that distance S. S. W. of K6-
bbu. Wherever it be, the place is said by the Jews
still to contain the tombs of Joshua, of Nun, and of
Caleb (Schwarz, p. 151).
Another and more promising identification has,
however, been suggested in our own day by Dr. Eli
Smith (Bibl. Sacrn, 1843). In his journey from
Jifna to MejdtL Taba, about six miles from the
former, he discovered the ruins of a considerable
town on a gentle hill on the left (south) of the
road. Opposite the town (apparently to the south)
was a much higher hill, in the north side of which
are several excavated sepulchres, which in size and
in the richness and character of their decorations
resemble the so-called " Tombs of the Kings " at
Jerusalem. The whole bears the name of Tibnth,
and although without further examination it can
hardly be affirmed to be the Timnah of Joshua,
yet the identification appears probable. [Gaabh,
Amer. ed.]
Timnath-Serah and the tomb of its illustrious
owner were shown in the time of Jerome, who
mentions them in the EpUnphium Paula (§ 18).
Beyond its being south of Shechem, he gives no
indication of its position, but he dismisses it with
the following characteristic remark, a fitting tribute
to the simple self-denial of the great soldier of Israel :
" Satisque mirata est, quod distributor possessionum
sibi montana et aspera dekgisset." G.
TIMTilTE, THE ("OPfin [pair.]: rot
9a/irl [Vat. -mi]; Alex, o 'Seuira$ato$i Thnrn-
natkatu), that is, the Timnathite (as in the Alex.
LXX., and Vulg.). Samson's father-in-law (Judg.
xv. 6).
TI/MON (Tlfutr: Timon). One of the seven,
commonly called '• deacons " [Deacos], who were
appointed to act as almoners on the occasion of
tomplaints of partiality being raised by the Hellen-
istic Jews at Jerusalem (Acts vi. 1-6). Like his
-ooUeagues, Timon bears a Greek name, from which,
taken together with the occasion of their appoint-
ment, it has been inferred with much probability
that the seven were themselves Hellenists. The
name of Timon stands fifth in the catalogue.
Vothing further is known of him with certainty ;
out in the " Synopsis de Vita et Morte Prophetarum
Apostoloruin et Discipulorum Domini," ascribed to
Dorotheas of Tyre (BiM. Patrum, iii. 149), we are
informed that he was one of the " seventy-two "
disciples (the catalogue of whom is a mere conge-
lie* of New Testament names), and that he after-
wards became bishop of Bostra ( ? « Bostra Ara-
bum "), where he suffered martyrdom by fire.
ff.RJ,
TMOTHETJS (TijuWfM [honoring God]).
• The children of these marrlafes wars known as
Mamsarlm (bastards), and stood Just above the Jlx-
tanmx. This was, howavar, arieru paribus. A baa-
lard who was a whs student of the I*w was, in theory,
•hove an ignorant Mfh-prisst (Oam. Bleros. HcrajoiA,
TIMOTHY
L A "captain of the Ammonites' (1 Mace, v 6)
who was defeated on several occasions by Judas
Maccabeus, n. c. 164 (1 Mace. v. 6, 11, 84-44).
He was probably a Greek adventurer (enatp. Joa
Ant. xii. 8, § 1), who had gained the leadership of
the tribe. Thus Josephns (Ant. xiii. 8, f 1, quoted
by Grimm, on 1 Maee. v. 6) mentions one u Zeno
surnamed Cotylas, who was despot of Babbah " in
the time of Johannes Hyrcanna.
2. In 9 Mace, a leader named Tbnotben* m
mentioned u having taken part in the invasion of
Nicanor (b. c. 166 : 2 Mace. viii. 80, ix. 8). At
a later time he made great preparations for a second
attack on Judas, but was driven to a stronghold,
Gazara, which was stormed by Judas, and there
Timotheua was taken and slain (3 Msec, x 84-87).
It has been supposed that the emits recorded in
this latter narrative are identical with those in 1
Mace. v. 6-8, an idea rendered more plausible by
the similarity of the names Jazer and Gazara (in
Lat Gazer, Jazare, Gazara). But the name Timo-
theua was very common, and it is evident that
Timotheua the Ammonite leader was not slain at
Jazer (1 Mace. v. 84); and Jazer was on the east
side of Jordan, while Gazara was almost certainly
the same as Gezer. [Jaazks; Gazara.] It
may be urged further, in support of the substantial
accuracy of S Mace., that the second campaign of
Judaa against Timotbeus (1) (1 Maes. v. 87-44) is
given in 8 Mace. xii. 3-94, after the account of the
capture of Gazara and the death of Timotbeus (9)
there. Wemsdorf assumes that all the differences
in the narratives are blunders in 8 Msec. (JDtJidm
Libr. Mace. § hue.), and in this he is followed by
Grimm (on 2 Mace. x. 24, 32). But, if any reli-
ance is to lie placed on 2 Mace., the differences of
place and circumstances are rightly taken by Patri-
tius to mark different events (2>e Ubr. Mace.
§ xxxii. p. 259).
3. The Greek name of TrMorrrr (Acts xvi. 1,
xvii. 14, ate.). He is called by this name in the
A. V. in every case except 8 Cor. i. 1, Philem. 1,
Heb. xiii. 23, and the epistles addressed to him.
B.F. W.
TIM'OTHY (iWfan [honoring God}: Tim-
olheut). The disciple thus named was the son of
one of those mixed marriages which, though con-
demned by stricter Jewish opinion, and placing
their offspring on all but the l o wes t step in the
Jewish scale of precedence, were yet not uncom-
mon in the later periods of Jewish history. The
father's name is unknown : he was a Greek, •'.«.»
Gentile by descent (Acts xvi. 1, 8). If in any
sense a proselyte, the fact that the issue of the
marriage did not receive the sign of the covenant
wouM render it probable that be belonged to the
class of half-converts, the so-called Proselytes of the
Gate, not those of Righteousness [eomp. Prosk-
lyteb]. The absence of any personal allusion to
the father in the Acts or Epistles suggests the infer-
ence that he must have died or disappeared during
his son's infancy. The care of the boy thus de-
volved upon his mother Eunice and her mother
Lois (9 Tim. i. B). Under their training his edu-
cation was emphatically Jewish. ■• From a child ''
he learnt (probably in the LXX. version) to •» know
RU. 84, hi Usjntfoot, Her. J*». in Matt. xxBl. 14) ; and
the education of Timotbeus (3 Tim. UL If » may there-
fore have helped to overaome the prejudice which
the Jews would naturally have against hiss on tak
ground.
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TIMOTHY
(be Uolj Scriptures " daily. The language of the
Acts leaves it uncertain whether I.jstra or Derhe -
woe the residence of the devout family. The Utter
hai been inferred, but without much likelihood,
bom ■ possible oonttruetion of Acta xx. 4, the
former from AcU rri. 1, 2 (eomp. Neuider, Pfi.
md Lot. i. 288; Alford and Huther, in foe.). In
either can the absence of any indication of the
exietence of a synagogue makes this devout con-
sistency more noticeable. We may think here,
as at Philippi, of the few devout women going
forth to their daily worship at some river-side ora-
tory (Conybaare ai.d Howson, I. 311). The read-
ing irapi *lmty, in 3 Tim. Hi. 14, adopted by
Larhmann and Tischendorf, indicates that it was
from them as well as from the Apostle that the
young disciple received his first impression of
Christian truth. It would be natural that a
character thus fashioned should retain throughout
something of a feminine piety. A constitution far
town robust (1 Urn. v. S3), a morbid shrinking
from opposition and responsibility (1 Tim. iv. 12-
16, v. 20, 31, tL 11-14; 3 Tim. ii. 1-7), a sen-
sitiveness even to tears (3 Tim. i. 4), a tendency
to au ascetic rigor which he had not strength to
bear (1 Tim. v. 33), united, as it often is, with a
temperament exposed to some risk from " youthful
lusts"' (3 Tim. ii. 23) and the softer emotions
(1 Tim. T. 2) — these we may well think of as
characterizing the youth as they afterwards char-
acterized the man.
The arrival of Paul and Barnabas in Lycaonia
(Acta ziv. 6) brought the message of glad-tidings
to Timotheus and his mother, and they received it
with " unfeigned faith " (3 Tim. i. 5 ). If at lus-
tra, at seems probable from 3 Tim. iii. 11, he may
have witnessed the half-completed sacrifice, the
half finished martyrdom, of Acta xiv. 19. The
preaching of tbe Apostle on his return from his
short circuit prepared him for a life of suffering
(Acta xiv. 32). From that time his life and edu-
eation must hare been under the direct superin-
tendence of the body of elders (ibid. 23). During
the interval of seven years between the Apostle's
first and second Journeys, the boy grew up to
manhood. His zeal, probably his asceticism, be-
came known both at Lystra and Iconium. The
mention of the two churehes as united in testify-
ing to his character (AcU xvi. 2), leads us to be-
lieve that the early work was prophetic of the lata .
that he had been already employed in what was
afterwards to be tbe great labor of his life, as " the
messenger of the churches," and that it was his
tried fitness for that office which determined St.
Paul's choice. Those who had the deepest insight
into character, and spoke with a prophetic utter-
ance, pointed to Mm (1 Tim. 1. 18, iv. 14), as
ethers had pointed before to Paul and Barnabas
(Acts xiii. 2), as specially fit for the missionary work
m which the Apostle was engaged. Personal feel-
ing led St. Paul to the same conclusion (Acts xvi.
1), and he 'was solemnly set apart (the whole as-
sembly of the elders laying their hands on him, as
did the Apostle himself) to do the work and poesi-
ily to bear the title of Evangelist (1 Tim. iv. 14;
I Tim. i. 6, iv. 5).' A sreat obstacle, however,
« Gomp. tbe elaborate dissertation, Dt vtmpueaii
snfvp£ai< t by Botfus, la Hate's Thaaurut, vol. U.
& Iooninm has been suggested by Conybeare and
I (I. 2BB) as the probable seme of tbe ordina-
TIMOTHT
8258
pruatiited itself. Timotheus, though inheriting, at
it were, from the nobler side (Wetstein, in foe.)
and therefore reckoned as one of the seed of Abra-
ham, had been allowed to grow up to the age of
manhood without the sign of circumcision, and in
this point he might seem to be disclaiming the
Jewish blood that was in him, and choosing to
take up his position as a heathen. Had that been
his real position, it would have been utterly incon-
sistent with St. Paul's principle of action to urge
on him the necessity of circumcision (1 Cor. vii.
18; Gal. ii. 8, v. 2). As it was his condition
was that of a negligent, almost of an apostate
Israelite; and, though circumcision was nothing,
and uncircumcision was nothing, it waa a serious
question whether the scandal of such a position
should be allowed to frustrate all his efforts as an
Evangelist. The fact that no offense seems to
have been felt hitherto is explained by the pre-
dominance of the Gentile element in the churches
of Lycaonia (Acts xiv. 97). But his wider work
would bring him into contact with the Jews, who
had already shown themselves so ready to attack,
and then the scandal would come out. They
might tolerate a heathen, as such, in the syna-
gogue or the church, but an uncircumcised Israel-
ite would be to them a horror and a portent.
With a special view to their feelings, making no
sacrifice of principle, the Apostle, who had refuted
to permit tbe circumcision of Titus, " took and
circumcised" Timotheus (Acts xvi. 3); and then,
as conscious of no inconsistency, went on his way
distributing the decreet of the council of Jeru-
salem, the great charter of the freedom of the
Gentiles (ibid. 4). Henceforth Timotheus was one
of his most constant companions. Not since he
parted from Barnabas had he found one whose
heart so answered to his own. If Barnabas had
been as the brother and friend of early days, he
had now found one whom he could claim as hit
own true son by a spiritual parentage (1 Cor. iv.
17; 1 Tim. i. 2; 2 Tim. i. 2). They and Sil-
vanut, and probably Luke also, journeyed to Phi-
lippi (Acts xvi. 12), and there already the young
Evangelist was conspicuous at once for bit filial
devotion and his zeal (Phil. II. 22). His name
does not appear in tbe account of St. Paul's work
at Thessalonica, and it is possible that he remained
some time at Philippi, and then acted as the mes-
senger by whom the members of that church sent
what they were able to give for the Apostle's wants
(Phil. iv. IS). He appears, however, at Beraa,
and remains there when Paul and Silas are obliged
to leave (Acts xvii. 14), going on afterwards to
join his master at Athens (1 Tbess. iii. 2). From
Athens he it sent back to Thessalonica (ibid.), at
having special gifts for comforting and teaching.
He returns from Thessalonica, not to Athens but
to Corinth," and his name appears united with
St. Paul's in the opening words of both the letters
written from that city to the Thessaloniaiis (1
Thess. i. 1; 2 Thess. i. 1). Here also he waa
apparently active as an Evangelist (2 Cor. i. 19),
and on him, probably, with some exceptions, de-
volved the duty of baptizing the new convert* (1
Cor. i. 14). Of the next five years of his life we
e Dr. Wo-dsworth Intern from 2 Cor. Ix. 11, and
Acts xviii. 6, that ha brought contributions to the
support of the Apostle from the HasedoDUn ehurrbtSj
and thus released him from his continuous labor as
tent-maker.
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TIMOTHY
have no record, and can infer nothing beyond a
continuance of hit active service at St T'aul'i com-
panion. When ire next meet with him it it as
being lent on in advance when the Apostle wa>
contemplating the long journey which was to in-
clude Macedonia, Achaia, Jerusalem, and Rome
(Acta ziz. 22). Ha waa sent to "bring" the
churches ■-into remembrance of the ways" of the
Apostle (1 Cor. ir. 17). We trace in the words
of the " lather" an anxious desire to guard the son
from the perils which, to hi* eager but sensitive
temperament, would be omit trying (1 Cor. xvi.
10). His route would take him through the
chuiuhea which he had been instrumental in found-
ing, and this would give him scope for exercising
the gifts which were afterwards to be displayed in
a still more responsible office. It is probable, from
the passages already referred to, that, after accom-
plishing the special work assigned to him, he
returned by the same route, and met St. Paul ac-
cording to a previous arrangement (1 Cor. xvi. 11),
and was thus with him when the second epistle
was written to the Church of Corinth (2 Cor. i. 1).
He returns with the Apostle to that city, and joins
in messages of greeting to the disciples whom he
had known personally at Corinth, and who had
since found their way to Rome (Rom. xvi. 21).
He fonns one of the company of friends who go
with St. Paul to Philippi and then sail by them-
selves, waiting for his arrival bj a different ship
(Aots xx. 3-6). Whether he continued his jour-
ney to Jerusalem, and what became of him during
St Paul's two years' imprisonment, are points on
which we must remain uncertain. The language
of St. Paul's address to the ciders of Ephesus
(Acts xx. 17-35) renders it unlikely that be was
then left there with authority. The absence of
his name from Acts xxrii. in like manner leads to
the conclusion that he did not share in the perilous
voyage to Italy. He must have joined him, how-
ever, apparently soon after his arrival in Rome,
and was with him when the epistles to the Phi-
lippians, to the Colossiana, and to Philemon were
written (Phil. i. 1, ii. 19; Col. 1. 1; Pbilem. 1).
All the indications of this period point to incessant
missionary activity. As before, so now, he is to
precede the personal coming of the Apostle, in-
specting, advising, reporting (Phil. ii. 19-23), car-
ing especially for the Macedonian churches as no
one else could care. The special messages of greet-
ing sent to him at a later date (2 Tim. iv. 21), show
that at Rome also, as elsewhere, he bad gained
the warm affection of those among whom be min-
istered. Among those most eager to be thus
remembered to him, we find, according to a fairly
supported hypothesis, the names of a Roman noble
[Promts], of a future bishop of Rome [Linus],
and of the daughter of a British king [Claudia]
(Williams, Claudia and Pvdatt; Conybeare and
a The writer has to thank Prof. Lightfoot for oall-
'.ng hie attention to an article (" They of desar's
Household ") in Jovm. of CUus. and Sacred Philology^
Mo. X., In which the hypothesis Is questioned, on the
ground that the Epigrams are later than the Epistles,
and that they eonneet the name of Pudena with
heathen customs and vices. On the other band It
snay be urged that the bantering tone of the Epigrams
forbids os to take them as evidences of character.
Pndeos tells Martial that he does not "like his
poems." K Oh, that la because you read too many at
s tune " 'iv. 29). He begs him to correct their blem-
abae. ' fouwantan antograph oopj then, doyouT"'
TIMOTHY
Howson, ii. 601; Alford, Ezeurmu m Greek leaf
■iii. 104). It is interesting to think of the young
Evangelist as having been the instrument by which
one who was surrounded by the fathomless impu-
rity of the Roman world was called to a higlm
life, and the names which would otherwise hare
appeared only in the foul epigrams of Martial (I.
32, iv. 18, t. 48, xi. 63) raised to a perpetual
honor in the salutations of an apostolic epistle.'
To this period of his life (the exact time and place
being uncertain) we may probably refer the im-
prisonment of Heb. xiii. 23, and the trial at which
he " witnessed the good confession " not unworthy
to be likened to that of the Great Confessor before
Pilate (1 Tim. vi. 13). .
Assuming the genuineness and the later date of
the two epistles addressed to him [comp. the fol-
lowing article], we are able to put together a few
notices as to his later life. It follows from 1 Tim.
i. 3 that he and his master, after the release of the
latter from bis imprisonment, revisited the pro-
consular Asia, that the Apostle then continued his
journey to Macedonia,* while the disciple remained,
half-reluctantly, even weeping at the separation
(2 Tim. 1. 4), at Ephesus, to check, if possible,
the outgrowth of heresy and licentiousness which
had sprung up there. The time during which he
was thus to exercise authority as the delegate of an
Apostle — a vicar apostolic rather than a bishop —
was of uncertain duration (1 Tim. iii. 14). The
position in which he found himself might well
make him anxious. He had to rule presbyters,
most of whom were older than himself (1 Tim.
iv. 12), to assign to each a stipend in proportion
to his work (ibid. v. 17), to receive and decide on
charges that might be brought against them (ibid.
r. 1, 19, 20), to regulate the almsgiving and the
sisterhoods of the Church (ibid. v. 3-10), to ordain
presbyters and deacons (ibid. iii. 1-13). There was
the risk of being entangled in the disputes, prej-
udices, covetousness, sensuality of a great city.
There waa the risk of injuring health and strength
by an overstrained asceticism (ibid. It. 4, v. 23).
Leaders of rival sects were there — Hymenseus.
Philetus, Alexander — to oppose and thwart him
(1 Tim. i. 20; 2 Tim. ii. 17, iv. 14, 15). The
name of his beloved teacher was no longer hon-
ored as it had been ; the strong affection of former
d\ys had vanished, and " Paul the aged " had be-
come unpopular, the object of suspicion and dis-
like (comp. Acts xx. 87 and 2 Tim. i. 15). Only
in the narrowed circle of the faithful few, Aquila,
PriscUla, Mark, and others, who were still with
him, was he likely to find sympathy or support (2
Tim. iv. 19). We cannot wonder that the Apos-
tle, knowing these trials, and, with his marvelous
power of hearing another's burdens, making them
his own, should be full of anxiety and fear for his
disciple's steadfastness ; that admonitions, appeals,
(Til. 11). The slave Bo- or Xucolpoa (the name is
possibly a willful distortion of Eubulus) does what
might be the fulfillment of a Christian vow (Acts xvfli
18), and this Is the occasion of the suggestion which
seenu most damnatory (v. 48). With this then min-
gles however, as In It. 18, ft 68, the hugoage of a
more real esteem than is common in Martial (eomp
acme good remarks in Bay. W. B. Galloway > A Ctoff
men's Holiday*, pp. 85-49).
6 Dr. Wordsworth, In an Interesting note on 8 Tim
i. 15, supposes the parting to hare been In onus*
queue* of St. Paul's second arrest, and sees fa, fi»
the explanation of the tears of Tunothens
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riMOTHT
■arnliigs, should follow each other In rapid u»]
vehement sucoeasinn (1 Tim. L 18, iii. 15, ir. 14,
». 91, vi. 11). In the second epiitle to him this
leap peraoDal feeling uttan itself yet mora fully.
The friendship of fifteen yean was drawing to a
aloae, and all memories connected with it throng
apou the mind of the old man, now ready to be
ottered, the blameless youth (9 Tim. iii. IB], the
holy household (ibid, i. 5), the solemn ordination
(ibid. i. 6), the tears at parting (UmL i. 4). The
last recorded words of the Apostle express the
earnest hope, repeated yet more earnestly, that ha
might see him ooce again (ibid. ir. 9, 91). Timo-
theus is 1} oome before winter, to bring with him
the cloak for which in that whiter there would be
need (9 Tim. ir. IS). We may hazard the oon-
(eoture that he reaohed him in time, and that the
but hours of the teacher were soothed by the
presence of the disciple whom he tared so truly.
Some writers have even seen in Heb. xiii- 93 an
i n dication that he shared St. Paul's imprisonment
and was released from it by the death of Nero
(Conybeara and Howson, ii. 609; Neander, Pfi.
mi Lett. I 668). Beyond this all is apocryphal
and uncertain. He continues, according to the
aid traditions, to act aa bishop of Ephesus (Euseb.
U. £. iii. 14), and dies a martyr's death under
Domitian or Nerra (Niceph. B. A', iii. 11). The
great festival of Artemis (the tarayayior of that
goddess) led him to protest against the license and
frenzy which accompanied it. The mob were roused
to fury, and put him to death with clubs (coinp.
Polycratea and Simeon Hetaphr. in Henaehen's
Acta Sanctorum, Jan. 94). Some later critics —
Sehleiermacher, afayerhoff — have aeeu in him the
author of the whole or part of the Acts (Olahau-
sen, Commenlar. ii. 619).
A somewhat startling theory aa to the inter-
vening period of his life has found favor with
Gaimet («. v. Timothit), Tillemont (ii. 147), and
others. If he continued, according to the received
tradition, to be bishop of Ephesus, then he, and no
other, must have bean the " angel " of that church
to whom the message of Her. ii. 1-7 was nd-
Iresasd. It may be urged, as in some degree
sonfirming this view, that both the praise and the
blame of that massage are suoh as harmonise with
the impressions as to the character of Timotheus
derived from the Acta and the Epistles. The
refusal to acknowledge the self-styled apostles,
the abhorrence of the deads of the Nioolaitans, the
unwearied labor, all this belongs to " the man of
God " of the Pastoral Epistles. And the fault is
ao lass characteristic. The strong language of St.
Paul's entreaty would lead us to expect that the
temptation of such a man would be to foil away
from the glow of his " first love," the zeal of his
first faith. Ths promise of toe Lord of the
Churches is in substance the same as that implied
in the language of the Apostle (9 Tim. tt. 4-6).
The ooujecture, it should be added, has been
■eased over unnoticed by most of the recent com-
mentators on the Apocalypse (eooip. Alford and
Wordsworth, in toe). Trench (Seven Churchtt of
Jsia, p. 64), oontraste the "angel" of Kev. ii.
with Timotheus aa an "earlier augel " who, with
the generation to which he belonged, had passed
sway when the Apocalypse was written. It must
be remembered, however, that at the time of
Hz. Paul's death, Timotheus waa still "young.*
probably not more than thirty-five, that be might,
therefore, well be living, even, on the assumption of
TIMOTHY, EPISTLES TO 8255
the later date of the Apocalypse, and thai the
traditions (taltant quantum) place his death after
that date. Bengal admits this, but urges the
objection that he waa not the bishop of any auigla
dioneae, but the superintendent of many churches.
This however may, in its turn, be traversed, by
the answer that the death of St Paul may have)
made a great difference in the work of one who had
hitherto been employed in travelling as his repre-
sentative. The special charge committed to him
in the Pastoral Epistles might not unnaturally
give fixity to a life which had previously been
wandering.
An additional fast connected with the name of
Timothy is that two of the treatises of the Pseudo.
Dionysius the Arsopagita are addressed to him (Dt
Bierarch. Cat. i. 1; comp. Le Nourry, Dimart.
o. ix., and UaHoix, (feast*, ir. in Migoe'e edition).
tt u p
TIMOTHY, EPISTLES TO. Authority-
— The question whether these epistles were written
by St Paul was one to which, till within the hut
half-century, hardly any answer but an affirmative
one was thought possible. They are reckoned among
the Pauline Epistles in the M uratorian Canon and
the Peshito version. Ensebius (B. £. iii. 36,
places them among the b/u^oyov/um of the N. T-,
and, while recording the doubta which affected the
Second Epistle of St Peter and the other orriAe-
yi/ura, knows of none which affect these. They
are cited as authoritative by Tertuiliao (D* Praia:
e. 96; ad Uxorem, i. 7), Clement of Alexandria
(Strom. 11. 11), Ireuama (Adv. Bar. iv. 16, } 8,
ii. 14, $ 8). Parallelisms, implying quotation, in
some eases with oloae verbal agreement, are found
in Clem. Bom. 1 Cor. o. 98 (comp. 1 Tim. ii. 8)|
Ignat not Mug*, o. 8 (1 Tim. i. 4); Polycarp, c 4
(comp. 1 Tim. vi. 7, 8); Theophilus of Antioeh
ad AutoL iii. 196 (comp. 1 Tim. ii. 1, 9). Then
were indeed some notable exceptions to this con-
sensus. The three Pastoral Epistles were all re-
jected by Maroion (TertulL noV. Marc v. 91;
Inn. i. 99), BssiUdes, and other Gnoatio teachers
(Hierou. Prof. i» Ttium). Tatian, while strongly
maintaining the genuineness of the Epistle to Titus,
denied that of the other two (Hieron. ib.). Id
these instances we are able to discern a dogmatic
reason for the rejection. The sects which these -
leaders represented could not but feel that they
were condemned by the teaching of the Pastoral
Epistles. Origan mentions some who ex e l a d ed
9 Tim. from the Canon for a very different reason.
The names of Jannes and Jambrea belonged to
an apocryphal history, and from such a history
St. Paul never would have quoted (Origan, Comm.
in Matt. 117).
The Pastoral Epistles have, however, been sub-
jected to a mora elaborate scrutiny by the criticism
of Germany. The first doubta were uttered by
J. C. Schmidt. These were followed by the Send-
ichreibtn of Schleiermaoher, who, assumiug the
genuinenese of 3 Tim. and Titus, undertook, on
that hypothesis, to prove the spuriousness of 1 Tim.
Bolder critics saw that the position thus taken waa
untenable, that the three epistles must stand or
fell together. Eichhom (EM. iii.) and De Wetw
(A'Wei.) denied the Pauline authorship of all three.
There waa still, however, an attempt to maintain
their authority as embodying the substanoe of the
Apostle's teaching, or of letters written by him,
on the hypothesis that they had been sent forth
after his death by some over zealous disciple, who
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8256 TIMOTHY, EPISTLES TO
wished, under the shadow of his name, to attack
'he prevailing error* of the time (Eichhorn, ib.).
Due writer (Schott, ltagogt But. frit. p. 334)
ventures on the hypothesis that Luke was the
writer. Baur (Die togmuumttn Pattorat-Brieft),
here a* elaewhere more daring than others, maligns
them to no earlier period than the latter half of
the second century, after the death of Polycorp in
a. d. 167 (p. 138). On this hypothesis 3 Tim. was
the earliest, 1 Tim. the latest of the three, each
probably by a different writer (pp. 73-76). They
grew out of the state of parties in the Church of
Kome, and, like the Gospel of St. Luke and the
Acts, were intended to mediate between the extreme
Pauline and the extreme Petrine sections of the
Church (p. 58). Starting from the data supplied
by the Epistle to the Philippians, the writers, first
of 3 Tim., then of Titus, and lastly of 1 Tim.,
aimed, by the insertion of personal incidents, mes-
sages, and the like, at giving to their compilations
an air of verisimilitude (p. 70).
It will be seen from the above statement that
the question of authorship is here more than usually
important. There can be no solution as regards
these epistles like that of an obviously dramatic
and therefore legitimate personation of character,
such as is possible in relation to the authorship
of Eoclesiastes. If the Pastoral Epistles are not
Pauline, the writer clearly meant them to pass
as such, and the animui dtdpiemU would be there
in its most flagrant form. They would have to
take their place with the Pseudo-Clementine Hom-
ilies, or the Pseudo-Ignatian Epistles. Where we
now see the traces, full of life and interest, of the
oharacter of " Paul the aged," firm, tender, zealous,
loving, we should have to recognize only the tricks,
sometimes skillful, sometimes clumsy, of some un-
known and dishonest controversialist.
Consequences such as these ought not, it is true,
to lead us to suppress or distort one iota of evi-
dence. They may well make us cautious, in ex-
amining the evidence, not to admit conclusions that
are wider than the premises, nor to take the prem-
ises themselves for granted. The task of exam-
ining is rendered in some measure easier by the
fact that, in the judgment of most critics, hostile as
well as friendly, the three Pastoral Epistles stand
on the same ground. The intermediate hypotheses
of Schleiermacher (supra) and Credner (EmL uu
N. T.), who looks on Titus as genuine, 3 '11m. as
made up out of two genuine letters, and 1 Tim. as
altogether spurious, may be dismissed as individual
socentrieities, hardly requiring a separate notice.
In dealing with objections which take a wider range,
<re are meeting those also which are confined to
one or two out of the three epistles.
The chief elements of the alleged evidence of
s>uriousness may be arranged as follows: —
[. Language. — The style, It is urged, is different
from that of the acknowledged Pauline Epistles.
Thisre is less logical continuity, a want of order
and plan, subjects brought up, one after the other,
abruptly (Schleiermacher). Not less than fifty
words, most of them striking and characteristic,
are found in these epistles which are not found in
St. Paul's writings (see the list in Cooybeare and
Uowson, App. I., and Huther's £MeU.). The
prmula of salutation (%Apn, tKtos, tlp^rn), half-
eehnical words and phrases, like tuai&na and its
cognates (1 Tim. 8, Hi. 16, vi. 6, et al), taper
sarraArictf (1 Tim. 1. 18, vi. 30; 3 Tim. i. 13, 14,
a 8), the frequently recurring Turret a A0701
TIMOTHY, BPI8TLES TO
(1 Tim. 1. 15, Ui. 1, iv. 9; 8 Tim. li. II), the use
of iryiairovtra as the distinctive epithet of a true
teaching, these and others like them appear bent
for the first time (Schleierm. and Baur). Some of
these words, it is urged, aVmpeCv, rruftdVsia,
o-wttm), ayis Inrpiciror, belong to the Gnostic ter-
minology of the 3d oentury.
On the other side it may be said, (1) thai then
is no test so uncertain as that of language and style
thus applied; how uncertain we may Judge from
the fact that Schleiermacher and Neander find na
stumbling-blocks in 8 Tim. and Titus, while they
detect an un-Pauline character in 1 Tim. A dif-
ference like that which marks the speech of men
divided from each other by a century may be con-
clusive against the identity of authorship, but short
of that there is hardly any conceivable divergency
which may not coexist with it. The style of one
man is stereotyped, formed early, and enduring long.
The sentences move after an unvarying rhythm; the
same words recur. That of another changes, more
v less, from year to year. As his thoughts expand
they call for a new vocabulary. The last works
of such a writer, as those of Bacon and of Burke,
may be florid, redundant, figurative, while the
earlier were almost meagre in their simplicity. In
proportion as the man is a solitary thinker, or a
strong assertei of hk own will, will he tend to the
former state. In proportion to his power of re-
ceiving impressions from without, of sympathizing
with others, will be his tendency to the latter.
Apart from all knowledge of St. Paul's oharacter,
the alleged peculiarities are but of little weight in
the adverse scale. With that knowledge we may
see in them the natural result of the intercourse
with men in many lands, of that readiness to be-
couie all things to all men, which could hardly fail
to show itself in speech as well as in action. Each
group of his epistles has, in like manner, its char-
acteristic words and phrases. (8.) If this is true
generally, it is so yet more emphatically when the
circumstances of authorship are different, 'las
language of a bishop's charge is not that of his
letters to his private friends. The epistles which
St. Paul wrote to the churches as societies, might
well differ from those which he wrote, in the
full freedom of open speech, to a familiar friend,
to bis own " true son." It is not strange that we
should find in the latter a Luther-like vehemence
of expression (e. g. Kticawmipwr/Uiiav, 1 11m. iv.
3, Sunrapcrrpifjal Sit4>6apiitrmr i/Aptmmr to*
reus', 1 Tim. vi. 5, atcttptvuira OftapWair, 3 Tim.
iii. 6), mixed sometimes with words that imply that
which few great men have been without, a keeu
of humor, and the capacity, at least, for satire
(e. g. ypaitta /litmn, 1 Tim. iv. 7; fxiapoi
sol vtpifpyoi, 1 Tim. v. 18; rtTwpantu, 1 Tun.
vi. 4; yurriftt ipyai, Tit L 13). (8.) Other
letters, again, were dictated to an amanuensis These
have every appearance of having been written with
his own hand, and this can hardly have been with-
out its influence on their style, rendering it less
diffuse, the transitions wan abrupt, the treatment
of each subject more concise. In this respect it
may be compared with the other two autograph
epistles, those to the Galatians and Philemon. A
list of words given by Aiford (iii. Proitg. c. vii.)
shows a considerable resemblance between the former
of the two and the Pastoral Epistles. (4.) It may
be added, that to whatever extent a forger of spu
rious epistles would be likely to form his s'yls
after the pattern of the rec ogni ze d ones, so thai
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TIMOTHY, EPISTLES TO
men might not be able to distinguish the counterfeit
from the true, to that extent the diversity which
haa bam dwelt on is, within the limite that have
been above stated, not against, but for the genuine-
nen of theaa epistles. (6.) Lastly, there is the
poaitive argument that there ia a large common
element, both of thoughts and words, shared by
these epistles and the others. The grounds of iaith,
the law of life, the tendency to digress and go off
at a word, the personal, individualizing affection,
the free reference to bis own sufferings for the
train, all these are in both, and by them we
raoogniae the identity of the writer. The evidence
can hardly be given within the limits of this article,
but its weight will be felt by any careful student.
The coincidences are precisely those, in most in-
stances, which the forger of a document would
hare been unlikely to think of, and give but scanty
support to the perverse Ingenuity which sees in
these resemblances a proof of compilation, and
therefore of spurtousness.
K. It has been urged (chiefly by Eichborn, KM.
p. 315) against the reception of the Pastoral Epistles
that they cannot be fitted in to the records of St
Paul's life in the Acta. To this there is a threefold
answer. (1. ) The difficulty has been enormously
exa gg e rated. If the dates assigned to them must,
to some extent, be conjectural, there are at least
two hypotheses in each case (infra) which rest on
reasonably good grounds. (2.) If the difficulty were
is great as it is said to be, the mere feet that we
annot fix the precise date of three letters in the
fife of one of whose onaanloss labors and journeyings
we have, after all, but fragmentary records, ought
not to be a stumbling-block. The hypothesis of a
release from the imprisonment with which the bis-
ory of the Aets ends removes all difficulties; and
if this be rejected (Baur, p. 67), as itself not rest-
ing ou sufficient evidence, there is, in any case, a
wide gap of which we know nothing. It may at
east claim to be a theory which explains phenomena.
,8.) Here, as before, the reply is obvious, that a
awn composing counterfeit epistles would have been
Bkety to make them square with the acknowledged
records of the life.
IlL The three epistles present, it ia said, a more
developed state of church organization and doctrine
than that belonging -to the lifetime of St Paul.
(1.) The rale that the bishop is to be "the husband
ef one wife " (1 Tim. iii. 9; Tit i. 6) indicates
the strong opposition to second marriages which
■heraeterized the id century (Baur, pp. 113-190).
(2.) The " younger widows " of 1 Tim. ». 11 can-
not possibly be literally widows. If they were, St
Paul, in advising them to marry, would be exclud-
ing them, according to the rule of 1 Tim. v. 9, from
all chance of sharing in the church's bounty. It
follows therefore that the word gijoai is used, as it
was in the 3d century, in a wider sense, as denoting
a consecrated life (Baur, pp. 49-49). (3.) The rules
ef fe cti n g the relation of the bishops and elders in-
dicate a hierarchic development characteristic of
the Petrine element, which became dominant in
the Church of iioine in the post-Apostolic period,
but foreign altogether to the genuine epistles of
St Panl (Baur, pp. 80-89). (4.) The term aiprrunfr
is used in its later sense, and a formal proosdure
against the heretic is recognized, which belongs to
Jw 9d century rather than the 1st (5.) The up-
ward progress from the office of deacon to thai of
presbyter, implied in 1 Tim. iii. 13, belongs tr a
taier period (Baur, L a).
906
TIMOTHY, EPISTLES TO 8257
ft is not difficult to meet objections which con-
tain so large an element of mere arbitrary assump-
tion. (1.) Admitting Baur's interpretation of 1
Tim. iii. 9 to be the right one, the rule which
makes monogamy a condition of the episcopal office
is very far removed from the harsh, sweeping cen-
sures of all second marriages which we find In
Athenagoras and Tertullian. (9. ) There is not a
shadow of proof that the " younger widows " were
not literally such. The xrjoai of the Pastoral
Epistles are, like those of Ante vi. 1, ix. 39, women
dependent on the alms of the church, not neces-
sarily deaconesses, or engaged in active labors. The
rule fixing the age of sixty for admission is all but
conclusive against Baur's hypothesis. (3. ) The use
of tVfo-coiroi and wptffBirtpot in the Pastoral
Epistles as equivalent (Tit. i. 5, 7), and the absence
of any intermediate order between the bishops and
deacons (1 Tim. iii. 1-8), are quite unlike what we
find in the Ignatian Epistles and other writings of
the 2d century. They are in entire agreement with
the language of St Paul (Acta xx. 17, 98; Phil.
1. 1). Few features of these epistles are more
striking than the absence of any high hierarchic
system. (4.) The word alprrutis has its counter-
part in the a/pso-eif of 1 Cor. xi. 19. The sentence
upon Hymenaws and Alexander (1 Tim. i. 90) has
a precedent in that of 1 Cor. v. 6. (6.) The best
interpreters do not see in 1 Tim. iii. 18 the transi-
tion from one office to another (oomp. Ellicott, ia
foe., and Dxaooh). If it is there, the assumption
that such a change ia foreign to tin Apostolic age
is entirely an arbitrary one.
IV: Still greater stress is hid on the indications
of a later date in the descriptions of the false
teachers noticed in the Pastoral Epistles. These
point, it is said, unmistakably to Mansion and his
followers. In the orriaWetr ttjv tf/svoWepo*
yvfottn (1 Tim. vi. 90) there is a direct reference
to the treatise which he wrote under the title of
'ArrMata, setting forth the contradiction between
the Old and New Testament (Baur, p. 96). The
" genealogies " of 1 Tim. i. 4, Tit iii. 9, in like
manner, point to the jEons of the Valentinians and
Ophites (ibid. p. 19). The " forbidding to marry,
and commanding to abstain from meats," fits in
to Mansion's system, not to that of the Judaizing
teachers, of St Paul's time (iWi p. 34). The as-
sertion that "the law ia good " (1 Tim. i. 8) im-
plies a denial, like that of Mansion, of its Divine
authority. The doctrine that the " Resurrection
was past already " (3 Tim. ii. 18) was thoroughly
Gnostic in its character. In his eagerness to find
tokens of a later date everywhere, Baur sees in the
writer of these epistles not merely an opponent of
Gnosticism, but one in part infected with their
teaching, and appeals to the doxologies of 1 Tim ,
i. 17, vi. lfi, and their Christology throughout, as
baring a Gnostic stamp on them (pp. 98-33).
Carefully elaborated as this part of Baur's attack
haa been, it ia perhaps the weakest and most ca-
pricious of all. The false teachers of the Pastoral
Epistles are predominantly Jewish, vo/ioSiSdViuAoi
(1 Tim. i. 7), belonging altogether to a different
school from that of Maroion, giving heed to " J*vUh
fables " (Tit i. 14) and >• disputes connected with
the Law " (Tit iii. 9). Of all monstrosities of
exegesis few are more willful and fantastic than
that which finds in vo/toSitda-icaKai Antinomian
teachers and in pagol rofuxai Antinomian doctrine
(Baur. p. 17). The natural suggestion that in Arts
xx. 80, 81, St Paul contemplates the rise and
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8258 TIMOTHY, EPISTLES TO
progress of a like perverse teaching, that in CoL il.
8-83 we have the name combination of Judaism and
a self-styled yrmru (1 Tim. vi. 90) or tpiXavixpia
(CoL ii. 8), leading to a like false asceticism, ia aat
aaido summarily by the rejection both of the speech
and the epistle aa spurious. Em the denial of
the Resurrection, we may remark, belong! aa nat-
urally to the mingling of a 8adducagan element with
an eastern mysticism as to the teaehing of Harcion.
The self-contradictory hypothesis that the writer
of 1 Tim. ia at onee the strongest opponent of the
Gnostics, and that he adopts their language, need
hardly be refuted. The whole line of argument,
indeed, first misrepresents the language of St Paul
in these epistles and elsewhere, and then assumes
the entire absence from the first century of even
the germs of the teaching which characterized the
aeeond (oomp. Neander, PJL. una! Lett. i. p. 401;
Heydenreich, p. 84).
Dale. — Assuming the two epistles to Timothy
to have been written by St. Paul, to what period
of his life are they to be referred ? The question
as it affects each epistle may be discussed sep-
arately.
Fmt EputU (o Timothy. — The direct data in
this instance are very few. (1.) L 3, implies a
Journey of St. Paul from Ephesus to Macedonia,
Timothy remaining behind. (2.) The age of Tim-
othy is described as rtirnt (if. 13). (3.) The
general resemblance between the two epistles in-
dicates that tbey were written at or about the same
time. Three hypotheses have been maintained as
fulfilling these conditions.
(A.) The. journey in question has been looked
on as an unrecorded episode in the two years'
work at Ephesus of Acts xiz. 10.
(B.) It has been identified with the journey of
Acts xx. 1, after the tumult at Ephesus.
On either of these suppositions the date of the
•puttie has been fixed at various periods after St.
Paul's arrival at Ephesus, before the conclusion of
his first imprisonment at Borne.
(C) It has been placed in the interval betwee n
St. Paul's first and second imprisonments at
Rome.
Of these conjectures, A and B have the merit of
bringing the epistle within the limit of the authen-
tic records of St. Paul's life, but they have scarcely
any other. Against A, it may be urged that a
journey to Macedonia would hardly have been
passed over in silence either by St Luke in the
Acta, or by St Paul himself in writing to the
Corinthians. Against B, that Timothy, instead of
*maining at Ephesus when the Apostle left, bad
gone on into Macedonia before him (Acts xix. 99).
11m hypothesis of a possible return is traversed by
the fact that he is wKh St Paul in Macedonia at
the time when 8 Cor. was written and sent off. In
favor of C as compared with A or B, is the internal
evidence of the contents of the epistle. The errors
against which Timothy is warned are present, dan-
gerous, portentous. At the time of St Paul's visit
to Miletus in Acts xx., i. e^ according to those
hypot h es e s, subsequent to the epistle, they are still
only looming in the distance (rer. 80). All the
circumstances icfaied to, moreover, imply the pro-
longed absence of the Apostle. Discipline bad be-
<nme lax, heresies rife, the economy of the church
disordered. It was necessary to check the chief
ettnders by the sharp sentence of excommunleation
(1 Tim. i. 90). Other churches called for his coun-
sel and directions, or a sharp necessity took him
TIMOTHY, EPISTLES TO
away, and be hastens on, leaving behind him, witfc
full delegated authority, the disciple in whoa he
most confided. The language of the epistle afaw
has a bearing on toe data. According to the hy-
potheses A and B, It belongs to the aamo periods
as 1 and 3 Cor. and the Ep. to the Bcenana, or, at
the latest, to the same group as Philippians and
Ephesiana; and, in this ease, the differences of
style and language are somewhat difficult to ex-
plain. Assume a later date, and then there is room
for the changes in thought and expression which,
in a character like St Paul's, were to be expected
as the years went by. The only algtetiona to the
position thus assigned are — (1) the doubtfulness
of the second imprisonment altogether, which has
been discussed in another place [Paul]; and (9),
the " youth " of Timothy at the time when the
letter was written (iv. 19). In regard to the latter,
it is sufficient to say that, on the assumption of the
later date, the disciple was probably not more than
34 or 38, and that this was young enough for one
who was to exeroise authority over a whole body of
Bishop-presbyters, many of them older than Urn-
self (v. 1).
Seoond Kpilit to .'.<•«»».— The number of
special names and incidents in the 3d epistle snake
the chronological date more numerous. It will be
best to bring them, as far as possible, together,
noticing briefly with what other facts each oonnecte
itself, and to what conclusion it leads. Here also
there are the conflicting theories of an earlier and
later date, (A) during the imprisonment of Acts
xxviii. 30, and (B) during the seoond imprisonment
already spoken of.
(1.) A parting apparently resent, under eiraean-
stanoesof special sorrow (i. 4). Not decisive. The
scene at Miletus (Acts xx. 87) suggests itself, if we
assume A, The parting referred to In 1 Tun. L t
might meet B.
(9.) A general desertion of the Apostle even by
the disciples of Asia (i. 16). Nothing In the Acta
indicates anything like this before the imprison-
ment of Acts xxviii. 30. Everything in Acts xix.
and xx., and not less the language of the Epistle
to the Ephesiana, speaks of general and strong
affection. This, therefore, so far as it goes, must
be placed on the side of B.
(8.) The position of St Paul as suffering (1. 18),
in bonds (ii. 9), expecting "the time of his de-
parture " (lv. 6), forsaken by almost all (iv. 16).
Not quite decisive, but tending to B rather thu A.
The language of the epistles belonging to the firm
imprisonment imply, it fa) fame, bonds (PUL i. 18,
18; Eph. ill. 1, vi. 90), but In all of them the
Apostle is surrounded by many friends, and is
hopeful, and confident of release (Phil. L 9»|
Philam. 98).
(4.) The mention of Oneriphorus, and of services
rendered by him both at Rome and Ephesus (i. 16-
18). Not decisive again, but the tone is rather
that of a man looking back on a past period of hie
life, and the order of the names suggests the thought
of the ministrations at Ephesus being subsequent if.
those at Rome. Possibly too the mention of >< the
household," instead of Oneeiphorus himself, mty
imply his death In the Interval. This therefore
tends to B rather than A,
(fi.) The abandonment of St. Paul by Demas (hr
10). Strongly m favorof R Denies »ae with the
Apostle when the Epistles to the Coloeaans (iv.14'
and Philemon (84) were written. 9 Tim. auast
therefore, in all probability, have bean written aftet
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TIMOTHY, EPISTLES TO
sham ; but, if we place it anywhere in the first im-
prisonment, we are all but compelled • by the men-
tion of Mark, for whose coming the Apostle ssks in
3 Tim. to. 11, and who ii with him in CoL to. 10,
to place it at an earlier age.
(6.) The presence of Luke (to. 11). Agrees well
enough with A (CoL to. 14), but i» perfectly com-
patible with B.
(7.) The request that Timothy would bring Mark
(to. 11). Seems at first, compared as above, with
CoL to. 14, to support A, but, in eonneetiou with
the mention of Denies, tends decidedly to B.
(8.) Mention of Tjohicus as sent to Kphesus (to.
1 J). Appears, as oounected with F.ph. vi. 31, 33,
(J»L to. 7, in favor of A, yet, as Tychicus was con-
tinually employed on special missions of this kind,
may just as well fit in with B.
(9.) The request that Timothy would bring the
cloak and books left at Trees (to. 1»). On the as-
sumption of A, the last visit of St. Paul to Troas
would have been at least (bur or five years before,
during which there would probably have been op-
portunities enough for his regaining what he had
left. In that case, too, the eireumstancas of the
Journey present uo trace of the haste and sudden-
ness which the request more than half implies. On
the whole, then, this must be reckoned as in favor
or a
(10.) « Alexander the coppersmith did ma much
evil," "greatly withstood our words " (to. 14, 16).
The part taken by a Jew of this name in the uproar
of Acta xix., aud the natural connection of the ^aA-
atfa with the artisans represented by Demetrius,
suggest a reference to that event as something re-
cent and so far support A. On the other hand,
the name Alexander was too common to make us
certain as to the identity, and if it were the same,
the hypothesis of a later date only requires us to
assume what was probable enough, a renewed hos-
tility.
(U.) The abandonment of the Apostle in his first
defense (as-oAoyla), and his deliverance « from the
mouth of the lion " (to. 16, 17). Fits in as a pos-
sible contingency with either hypothesis, but, like
the mention of Donas in (6), must belong, at any
rats, to a time much later than any of the other
epistles written from Borne.
(13.) '• Erastut abode at Corinth, but Trophimus
I left at Miletus sick " (to. 80). Language, as in
(9), implying a comparatively recent visit to both
places. If, however, the letter wen written during
the first Imprisonment, then Trophimus had not
bean left at Miletus but had gone on with St. Paul
to Jerusalem (Acts xxL 2B),» and the mention of
Enstnt ss remaining at Corinth would haw been
supsrOuous to one who had kA that city at the
same time as the Apostle (Acts xx. 4).
(18.) « Hasten to come before winter." Assum-
ing A, the presenile ot Timothy in PhiLi. 1; CoL i.
1; Phllesn. 1, might be regarded as the co n seq u ence
of this; but then, as shown in (S) and (7), there
are almost insuperable di*ioulttea in supposing this
epistle to have ben writtew before those three.
(14.) The salutations from Eubums. Pudens,
Linus, and Claudia. Without laying much stress
en this, it may be said that the absence of these
asanas from all the epistles, which, according to A
• The qualifying words might have been asa'tted,
rot far the nut that It has ban suggested that Onus,
saving tessera 8t Paul, repented sot returned (lard-
Bsf v vt. 80B).
TIMOTHY, EPISTLES TO 825*1
belong to the tame period, would be difficult to ex-
plain. B leaves it open to conjecture that they
were converts of more recent date. They are men-
tioned too as knowing Timothy, aud this implies,
ss at least probable, that be had already been at
Rome, and that this letter to him was consequently
later than those to the Philippiana and Coluasians.
On the whole, it is believed that the evidence
preponderates strongly in favor of the later date,
and that the epistle, if we admit its genuineness, is
therefore a strong argument for believing that the
imprisonment of Acts xxviii. was followed by a
period first of renewed activity and than of suffer-
ing.
Pino*. — In this respect as in regard to time.
1 Tim. leaves much to conjecture. The absence of
any local reference but that in L 3, suggests Mace-
donia or some neighboring district. In A and
other MSS. in the l'eshito, Ethiopia, and other
versions, Laodicea is named in the inscription ss
the place wheoos it was sent, but this appears ts
have grown out of a traditional belief resting on
very insufficient grounds, and incompatible with
the conclusion which hss been above adopted, that
this is the epistle referred to in Col. to. 16 as that
from Laodicea (Theophyl. m foe). The Coptic
version with aa little likelihood states that it was
written from Athens (Hutber, Einltti.).
The second epistle is free from this conflict of
conjectures. With the solitary exception of Bijtt-
ger, who suggests Cessans, there is a consensus in
favor of Home, and everything in the circumstances
and names of the epistle leads to the same conclu-
sion (Mil.).
Structure tad CharaeUr'uiia. — The peculiar-
ities of language, so far aa they affect the question
of authorship, have been already noticed. Assum-
ing the genuineness of the epistles, some character-
istic features remain to be noticed.
(1.) The ever-deepening sense in St. Paul's heart
of the Divine Mercy, of which he was the object,
as shown in the insertion of (Acot in the salutations
of both epistles, and in the r/Ae4<V of 1 Tim. i. 13.
(2.) The greater abruptness of the second epistle.
From first to last there is no plan, uo treatment of
subjects osrefully thought out. All speaks of strong
overflowing emotion, memories of the past, anxieties
about the future.
(8.) The absence, as compared with St. Paul'a
other epistles, of Old Testament references. This
may connect itself with the fact just noticed, that
these epistles sre not argumentative, possibly also
with the request for the " books and parchments "
which had been left behind (3 Tim. to. IS). He
may have been separated for a time from the
Ifpb yfififiora, which were commouly his com-
panions.
(4.) The conspicuous position of the " faithful
sayings" ss taking the place occupied in other
epistles by the O. T. Scriptures. The way »i
which these are cited as authoritative, the variety
of subjects which they cover, suggest the thought
that in them we have spe cim ens of the prophecies
of the Apostolic Church whioh had moat impressed
themselves on the mind of the Apostle, and of the
disciples generally. 1 Cor. xiv. shows how deep
a reverence be was likely to feel for such spiritual
• The eonjeeron that the •'leaving'' referred ts
took place during the voyage of Acts zxvtL Is purely
arbitrary, and at variance with vers. 6 sal 6 af that
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J
8260 tin
■tionmcai In 1 Tim. It. 1, we have a distinct
reference to tbeni.
(5.) Tbe tendency of the Apostle's mind to dwell
mora on the universality of the redemptive work of
ChrUt (1 11m. ii. 8-6, if. 10), hie etrong deeire that
all the teaching of hit disciples abould be " sound "
(tryialyovoa), commending itself to mindi in a
healthy state, hie fetr of the oorruptiou of that
teaching by morbid subtleties.
(6.) The importanoe attached by him to the
practical details of administration. The gathered
experience of a long life had taught him that the
life and well-being of the Church required then fin-
ite safeguard*.
(7.) 'llie recurrence of doxologiea (1 Tim. i. 17,
vi. 16, 16; 8 Tim. to. 18) aa from one tiring per-
petually in the pretence of God, to whom the lan-
guage of adoration was as his natural speech.
It ha* been thought desirable, iu the above dis-
cussion of conflicting theories, to state them simply
ss they stand, with the evidence on which they rest,
without encumbering the page with oonstant ref-
erence to authorities. The names of writers on
the X. T. in such a case, where the grounds of
reasoning are open to all, add little or nothing to
the weight of the conclusions drawn from them.
Full particulars will, however, be fouud in the in-
troductions of Alford, Wordsworth, Huther, David-
son, Wiesinger, Hug. Conybesre and Howsou
(App. i.) give a good tabular summary both of tbe
objections to the genuineness of the epistles and of
the answers to them, and a clear statement iu favor
of the later date. The most elaborate argument in
favor of the earlier is to be found in N. Lsrduer,
tiutory of ApotL and Evang. ( Workt, vi. pp. 315-
375). E. H. P.
* For the literature relating to these epistles, see
under Ttiua, Efutlk to. A.
TIN ( 7^3 : Kaaairtf at- ttamwm). Among
the various metals found among tbe spoils of the
Midisnitcs, tin is enumerated (Num. xxzi. 22). It
was known to the Hebrew metal-workers as an
illoy of other metals (I*, i. 25; Ee. ixii. 18, 20).
The markets of Tyre were supplied with it by the
ships of Tarshish (Ez. xxvii. 12). It was used for
plummets (Zech. iv. 10), and was so plentiful as to
furnish the writer of Ecclesiasticus (xlvii. 18) with
a figure by which to express tbe wealth of Solomon,
whom he apostrophizes thus: " Thou didst gather
gold a* tin, and didst multiply silver a* lead." Iu
the Homeric times the Greeks were familiar with it.
Twenty layers of tin were In Agamemnon's cuirass
given him by Kinyres (/£ xi. 26), and twenty bosses
if tin were upon his shield (Vi xi. 34). Copper,
in, and gold were used by Hephostus in welding
the famous shield of Achilles (II. xviii. 474). The
fence round the vineyard in the device upon it was
jf tin (Vi xviii. 684), and the oxen were wrought
of tin and gold (ibid. 674;. Tbe greaves of Achilles,
made by Hephaestus, were of tin beaten fine, close
fitting to the limb (Vi xviii. 612, xxi. 692). His
shield had two folds or layers of tin between two
Miter layers of bronze and an inner layer of gold
(Vixx. 271). Tin was used in ornameuting chariots
(Vi. xxiii. 503), and a cuirass of bronze overlaid
with tin is mentioned in Vi. xxiii. 661. No allu-
•ion to it is found in tbe Odyuey. The melting
•f tin in a smelting-pot It mentioned by Hesiod
(r*etio.862).
Tin is not found in Palestine. Whence, then, did
Ibe ancient Hebrews obtain their supply ? " Only
nv
three oountriet are known to contain any eonsider*
able quantity of it: Spain and Portugal, OornwsL
and the adjacent parts of Devonshire, and the
islands of Junk, Ceylon, and Bancs, in the Strait*
of Malacca " (Kenrick, P/umida, p. 212). Ac-
cording to Diodorus Biennis (v. 46) there were tin-
mines in the island of Panchaia, off the east coast
of Arabia, but the metal was not exported. There
can be little doubt that the mines of Britain were
tbe chief source of supply to the ancient world.
Mr. Cooley, indeed, writes very positively (Maritime
and Inland DUantry, i. 131): " There can be no
difficulty in determining tbe oouutry from which
tin first arrived in Egypt. That metal has been in
all ages a principal export of India: it is enumer-
ated as such by Arrian, who found it abundant in
the ports of Arabia, at a time when the supplies of
Borne flowed chiefly through that channel. The
tin-mines of Banca are probably the richest in the
world; but tin was unquestionably brought from
the West at a later period." But it has been
shown conclusively by Dr. George Smith ( The Cat-
nttridu. Loud. 1863) that, so far from such a
statement being justified by the authority of Arrian,
the (set* are all the other way After examining
tbe commerce of tbe port* of Abyssinia, Arabia, and
India, it is abundantly evident that, " instead of its
coming from tbe East to Egypt, it has been invari-
ably exported from Egypt to the East " (p. 23).
With regard to the tin obtained from Spain, al-
though ibe metal was found there, it does not ap-
pear to have been produced in sufficient quantities
to supply the Phoenician markets. Posidonius (in
Strsb. iii 147) relates tliat in the oouutry of the
Artabri, in the extreme N. W. of the peninsula,
the ground was bright with silver, tin, and white
gold (mixed with silver), which were brought down
by the rivers; but the quantity thus obtained could
not have been adequate to the demand. At the
present day the whole surface bored for mining in
Spain is little more than a square mile (Smith,
Caniteridtt, p. 46). We are therefore driven to
conclude that it was from the Cassiterides, or tin
districts of Britain, than tbe Phomicians obtained
the great bulk of this commodity (Sir G. C Lewi*,
BitL Survty of lie Attr. of the Anc p. 461), and
that this was done by tbe direct voyage from Gsdes.
It is true that at a later period (Strabo, iii. 147) tin
was conveyed overland to Marseilles by a thirty
days' journey (Diod. Sie. v. 8); but Strabo (iii.
175) tells us that tbe Phoenicians alone carried on
this traffic iu former times from Gsdes, concealing
the passage from every one; and that on one occa-
sion, when the Romans followed one of their vsssfls
in order to discover the source of supply, the master
of the ship ran upon a shoal, leading those w\
followed him to destruction. In course of time,
however, the Roman* discovered the passage. In
Esekiel, " the trade In tin is attributed to Tarshish,
a* ' the merchant ' for the commodity, without any
mention of tbe place whence it was procured "
(Ca$$iterida, p. 74); and it is after the tins? jf
Julius Caessr that we first beer of the overland
traffic by Marseilles.
Pliny (vi. 36) identifies the eauilerot at tot
Greeks with the plumbum album or candidv m of
the Romans, which is our un. Btannum, be says,
is obtained from an ore containing lead and silver
and is the first to become melted in the tumaea
It is the ssnie which the Germans call Wert, sol
is apparently tbe meaning of the Hebr. UM in In
1. 26. The etymology of aiuiUrot it
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TIPHSAH
horn the tact that in Sanskrit kaslira ng.iifia
' tin," an argument has been derived in favor of
India being the source of the ancient supply of this
metal, but too much stress must not be laid upon
It [L»ad.] W. A. W.
TIPH'SAH (np?n [ford]: [in 1 K-, Rom.
Vat omit; in 2 K.] e<p(ri\ [Alex. Baba, Baipa:]
Tkaphta, Tknpta) is mentioned in 1 it. It. 24 as
the limit of Solomon's empire towards the Euphra-
tes, and in 2 K. xr. 18 it is said to hare been at-
tacked by Menahen:, king of Israel, who " smote
Tlphsah and all that were therein, and all the
coasts thereof." It Is generally admitted that the
town intended, at any rate in the former passage, is
that which the Greeks and Romans knew under the
name of Thapsacus (bJojmucos), situated in North-
ern Syria, at the point where it was usual to cross
tho Euphrates (Strab. xri. 1, § 21). The name is
therefore, reasonably enough, connected with rtiJJJi
" to pass orer " (Winer, ReahOrtrrbuch, li. 613),
and is believed to correspond In meaning to the
Greek wipos, the German furl, and our " ford."
Thapsacus was a town of considerable import-
ance in the ancient world. Xenophon, who saw it
In the time of Cyrus the younger, calls it •' great
and prosperous " (/irydAi) koI ebtaifiav, Anab. i.
4, § 11 ). It must hare been a place of considera-
ble trade, the land-traffic between East and West
passing through It, first on account of its fordway
(which was the lowest upon the Euphrates), and
then on account of its bridge (Strab. xri. 1, § 23),
while it was likewise the point where goods were
both embarked for transport down the stream (Q.
Curt x. 1 ), and aho disembarked from boats which
had come up to it, to be conveyed on to their final
destination by land (Strab. xri 8, § 4). It is •
fair conjecture that Solomon's occupation of the
place was connected with his efforts to establish a
line of trade with Central Asia directly across the
continent, and that Tadmor was intended as a
resting-place on the journey to Thapsacus.
Thapsaeus was the place at which armies march-
ing east or west usually cro sse d the " Great Hirer. "
It was there that the Tw» Thousand first learned
the real intentions of Cyrus, and, consenting to aid
him in his enterprise, passed the stream (Xen.
Anab. i. 4, § 11 ). There too Darius Codomannus
M osse d on his flight from Issus (Arr. Exp. At. ii.
13); and Alexander, following at his leisure, made
his passage at the same point (ibid. ill. 7). A
bridge of boats was usually maintained at the place
by the Persian kings, which was of course broken
up when danger threatened. Even then, however,
the stream could in general be forded, unless in the
tuod-eeason. a
It bat been generally supposed that the site of
Thapsacus was the modern Detr (D'AnriHe, Ren-
•aB, Vara, etc.). But the Euphrates expedition
proved that there is no ford at Detr, and indeed
showed that the only ford in this part of the course
af the Euphrates is at Surigeh, 46 miles below Ba-
ds, and 18$ above Detr (Ainaworth, TravtU in the
Track of the Ten Thousand, p. 70). This then
Bust hare been the position of Thapsacus. Hers
(he river is exactly of the width mentioned by Xen-
iphoo (4 stades or 800 yards), sad hen for four
TIKA9
82ol
• TMs ■ clear from the tot
sad fa Mmarmed by modern
aatrns told Cyras that the stream
kiss as Ms Hog, haTing never ben
of the esses,
I. When tha
id acknowledged
fcrdsd until his
mouths In the winter of 1841-1842 the river had
out 20 inches of water (ibid, p. 72;.
" The Euphrates is st this spot full of beauty
and majesty. Its stream is wide, and its waters
generally clear and blue. Its banks are ow and
level to the left, but undulate gently to the right
Previous to arriving at this point the course of the
river is southerly, but here it turns to the east, ex-
panding more like an inland lake than a river, and
quitting (as Pliny has described it) the Palmyrean
solitudes for the fertile Mygdonia" (ibid.). A
paved causeway is risible on either side of the Eu-
phrates at Suriyeh, and a long line of mounds may
be traced, disposed, something like those of Nine-
veh, in the form of an irregular parallelogram
These mounds probably mark the site of the ancient
city. G. R.
Till AS (Pyn [perh. fonotno, desire]: eel-
pot; [Rom. in 1 Cbr. Stoat;] Thiras). The
youngest son of Japheth (Gen. x. 2). As the name
occurs only in the ethnological table, we hare no
clew, as tar as the Bible is concerned, to guide us
as to the identification of it with any particular
people. Ancient authorities generally fixed on the
Thracians, as presenting the closest verbal approx-
imation to the name (Joseph. Ant. i. 6, } 1; Je-
rome, in Gen. x. 2; Targums Pseudqj. and Jems,
on Gen. 1. a; T&rg. on 1 Chr. 1. 6): the occasional
rendering Persia probably originated in a corrup-
tion of the original text The correspondence be-
tween Thrace and Tins is not so complete as to be
convincing; the gentile form 9vp{ brings them
nearer together, but the total absence of the t in
the Greek name is observable. Granted, however,
the verbal identity, uo objection would arise on
ethnological grounds to placing the Thracians
among the Japhetic races. Their precise ethnic
position is indeed involved in great uncertainty;
but all authorities agree in their general Indo-Eu-
ropean character. The evidence of this is circum-
stantial rather than direct The language has dis-
appeared, with the exception of the ancient names
and the single word bria, which forms the termina-
tion of Hesembria, Selymbria, etc., and is said to
signify " town " (Strab. vti. p. 819). The Thra-
cian stock was represented in later times by the
Gets:, and these again, still later, by tha Dad,
eaoh of whom inherited the old Thraeian tongas
(Strab. vil. p. 803). But this circumstance throws
little light on the subject; for the Dacian language
has also disappeared, though fragments of its vo-
cabulary may possibly exist either in WaUachiaa
dialects or perhaps in the Albanian language (Die
fenbach, Cf. Eur. p. 88). If Grimm's identifica-
tion of the Getas with the Goths were established,
the Teutonic affinities of the Thracians would be
placed beyond question (Oesch. Denis. Bpr. 1. 178)|
but this view does not meet with geceral accept-
ance. The Thracians are associated in ancient his-
tory with the Pelaegians (Strab. Ix. 401), and the
Trojans, with whom they had many names in com-
mon (Strab. xiii. NO); in Asia Minor they were
represented by the Btthyniana (Herod. L 28, vil.
76). These circumstances lead to the conclusion
that they belonged to the Indo-European family,
bat do not warrant us In assigning them to any
army waded through K, they calculated on his ifno
ranct. or thought he would not examine too strtctlj
Into the groundwork of acompUment (BeeXaa. -ins*
1.MU).
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8262 TTRATHITES, THE
particular branch of it Other explanation hat*
been offend of the name Tina, of which we may
notice the Agatbjni, the tint part of the name
(Aya) being treated u a prefix (Knobd, VHUeeri.
p. 139); Taurus and the tartans tribes occ upyin g
that range (Kalisch, Comm. p. 246); the river Ty-
rai, Dnietter, with ita eognominoua inhabitants,
the Tyritas (Havemick, itnfcit ii. 931; Sehul-
tfaess, Parad. p. 194); and, batty, the maritime
Tyrrheni (Toco, in Gtn. L «.). W.UB.
TI'RATHITES, THB (DVpyTjn [from a
plan = « gale," Gee.] : [Rom. BapyatU^i Vat]
ra&ftp; Alex. Afrvafccut: Cantntet). One of
the three families of Scribal residing at Jabex (1
Chr. ii. 65), the othera bring the Shimeathitea and
Suchathites. The passage ia hopelessly obscure,
and it ia perhapi impossible to diaoorer whence
these three families derived their names. The
Jewish commentators, playing with the names in
true Sbemitic fashion, interpret them thus; u They
called them Tirathim, because their voices when
they sung resounded loud (y^J-l) i snd Shimeath-
itea because they made themselres heard (9Q^)
In reading the Law."
The Shimeatmitw baring been InadTertently
omitted in their proper place, it may be as well to
give here the equiralents of the name (DVl^l?B# :
JapoeWp: Raommta). G.
TIKK 0"tJ9)- -An ornamental bead-dresa worn
on festiYO occasions (E*. xxtr. 17, S3). The term
pttru elsewhere rendered "goodly" (Ex. xxxix.
IS); "bonnet" (Is. Ui. 90; Ex. xliv. 18); and
"ornament" (Is. lxi. 10). For the character of
the article, see Head-dress. W. L> B.
TIR'HAKAH (nrjrTTW [psrh. brought
forth, axilted, Sim.]: SopoRi; [Vat. In S K.,
Bapa; Sin. Alex, in la., eapaBa-] Tharaea). King
of Ethiopia, Cash (frunXtbt AWioVew, LXX.),
the opponent of Sennacherib (3 K. ill. 9 ; Is. xxxvii.
9). While the king of Assyria was " warring
against Iibnab," in the south of Palestine, he heard
of Tirhakah's advance to fight him, and sent a
second time to demand the surrender of Jerusalem.
This waa b. c. dr. 718, unless we suppose that the
expedition took place in the 94th instead of the
14th year of HezeUab, which would bring it to
B. o. sir. 703. If it were an expedition later than
that of which the date h) mentioned, it must bare
been before b. c. dr. 698, Herekiah's last year.
But If the reign of Manasseh is reduced to 86 years,
these dates would be respectivdy b. c. «ir. 393,
883, and STB, and these numbers might Ave to be
slightly modified, the fixed date of the canton of
Samaria, B. c. 731, being abandoned.
According to Hanetho's epitomlsts, Tarkos or
Tarakoa was the third and last king of the XXVth
dynasty, which was of Ethiopians, and reigned 18
(Afr.) or 90 (Ens.) years. [So.] From one of the
Apis-tablets we learn that a bull Apis was bom in
bis 98th year, anddledattfaeendoftheSOthof
Psammetichua I. of the XX Vlth dynasty. Its file
exceeded SO years, and no Apis Is stated to have
lived longer than 98. Taking that sum as the
"1 date Tirhakah's aoces
■mat probable, we should
i. o. en-. 896, and assign him a reign of 96 years.
n this ease we should be obliged to take the later
reckoning of the Biblical events, were It not for the
possibility that Tirhakah ruled over Ethiopia before
TIRSHATftA
becoming king of Egypt In oonnee tl on with tab
theory it must be observed, that an earlier Ethi-
opian of the same dynasty is called In the Bibk
" So, king of Egypt," while this ruler is caOrd
" Tirhakah, king of Ethiopia," and that a Pharaoh
ia spoken of in Scripture at the period of the latter,
and also that Herodotus represents the Egyptian
opponent of Sennacherib as Sethoa, a native king,
who may however have been a vassal under the
Ethiopian.
The name of Tirhakah ia vritten in hieroglyph-
ics TEHARKA. Sculptures at Thebes comment
orate hia rule, and at Gebd-Berkd, or Napate, ha
constructed one temple and part of another. Of
the event! of hia reign little die is known, and tbi
account of Hegasthenes (op. Strain, xv. p. 686),
that be rivaled Sesostris as a warrior and reached
the Pillars of Hercules, is not supported by other
evidence. It is probable that at the close of his
reign he found the Assyrians too powerfal, and re
tired to his Ethiopian dominions. B. 8. P.
TIR'HAKAH (n^tnri [ineOtaAmotfa.
cor, Gee., FUrst]: via^u'; 'Alex. Bapxra: Tha-
rtma). Son of Caleb ben-Hexron by hia concubine
Haachah (1 Chr. ii. 48).
TIBIA (hr-Vfl [/car, Gee.]: e v «C; [Vat
Zmtpai] Alex. v>imm«: Tkiria). Son of Jihsldsrl
of the tribe of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 16).
TTRSHATHA (always written with the ar-
ticle, bVp^hr\il [see below]: hence the LXX.
give the word* 'Afcce-wrM [Alex. FA. Attpnta,
Vat other forms] (Ear. ii. 68; Neh. rii. 66), and
'Aprafavti [Vat Alex. FA. omit] (Neh. x. 1):
Vulg. Allimatha). The title of the governor of
Judese under the Persians, derived by Gesenins
from a Persian root signifying •• stern," '■ severe."
He compares the title Gestrenger Herr, formerly
given to the magistrates of the free and imperial
cities of Germany. Compare also our expression,
" most drtad aorenign." It is added as a title
after the name of Mehemiah (Neb. viH. 9, x. 1 [Heu.
9]); and occurs also in three other places, &r. ii.
(rer. 68), and the repetition of that aooount in Neh.
rii. (w. 66-70), where probably it is intended to
denote Zerobbabd, who had held the office before
Nehemiah. In the margin of the A. V. (Ear. ii.
63; Neh. rii. 66, x. 1) it is rendered "governor; "
an explanation justified by Neh. rii. 96, where
" Nehemiah the governor," ) it T ^M (Ptcha, pos-
sibly from the same root as the word we write Pa-
cha, or Pasha), occurs instead of the more usual
expression, " Nehemiah the Tirehatha." This word,
np^, Is one of very com m on occurrence. It Is
twice applied by Nehemiah to himself (w. 14, 18),
and by the prophet Haggai (L 1, Ii. 9, 31) to Zs-
rubbsbd. According to Gesenins, it denotes tee
prefect or governor of a province of less extent than
a eatrapy. The word is used of officers and gov-
ernors under the Assyrian (9 K. xviii. 94 ; Is. xxxvi.
9), Babylonian (Jer. H. 67; Ea. xxiii. 6, 33; set
also Ear. *. 3, 14, vi. 7; Dan. iii. 9, 3, 97, vi 7
[Heb. 8]), Median (Jer. H. 38), and Persian (Beth.
vi«. 9, tx. 3) monarchies. And under this last ws
find it applied to the rulers of tbe provinces bor-
dered by the Euphrates (Ear. vtti. 86; Neh. ii. 7
9, iii. 7), and to the governors of Juusia, Zerubbs
bd and Nehemiah (compare Msl. i. 8). It
found also at an earlier period in the times of Bete
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TIRZAH
toon (1 K. x. 15, 2 Chr. Ix. 14) and Benhedad king
*f Syria (1 K. xx. 24): from which laat place, eom-
pered with othen (3 K. xviii. 94, U. xxxri. 9), we
Bod that military oommandi were often held by
then governors; the word indeed ia often rendered
by the A. V., either in the text or the margin,
TISHBITE, THE
3263
By thu* briefly examining the eenae of Pecha,
which (though of coarse a much mora general and
teat diatinctive word) ia given at an equiTalent to
Tirahatha, we have no difficulty in forming an
opinion aa to the general notion implied in it. Wa
lure, however, no sufficient information to enable
ua to explain in detail In what eonaieted the apecial
peeuliaritiat in honor or fuuctiona which distin-
guiabed the Tirahatha from othen of the same class,
zoTomora, captains, prittoes, rulera of provinces.
E. P. E.
TIB'ZAH (TT^-iri, I a. Thina [dtKgk(\ :
%tpei: Therta). The youngest of the fire dangb-
tera of Zelopbehad, whoae eaae originated the law
that in the event of a man dying without male
iatue hia property should pan to bis daughter*
(Num. xxvi. 33, xxvii. 1, xxxvi.' 11; Joah. xvii. 3).
[ZBU>FHMAD.] G.
TIB'ZAH (n^-yjl [deUakt]: [Bom. ttye-rf,
SffKTiAi; Vat.] Qapva, t>««o-a, 6of«r«Aai Alex.
Stpua, 8«a<ra, Stpo-iAa-' Therm). An ancient
Caiiaanite city, whoae king ia enumerated amongst
the twenty-one overthrown in the conquest of the
country (Josh. xiL 24). from that time nothing
ia heard of it till after the disruption of Israel ana
Judah. It then reappears as a royal city — the
residence of Jeroboam (1 K. xlr. * 17) and of hia
successors, Baasha (xv. 81, 33), Elah (xvi. 8, 9), and
Zimri (Hid. 15). It contained the royal sepulchres
of one (xvi. 8), and probably all the first four king*
of the northern kingdom. Zimri was besieged there
by Omri, and perished in the flames of hia palace
(ibid. 18). The new king continued to reside there
at first, but after six years he removed to a new
city which he built and named Shorarflo (Samaria),
and which continued to be the capital of the north-
ern kingdom till its foil. Once, and only once,
does Tiraah reappear, as the aeat of the conspiracy
of Menahem ben-Uaddi against the wretched Shal-
lum (S K. xv. 14, 16); but as soon as hia revolt
had proved successful, Menahem removed the aeat
of hia government to Samaria, and Uriah was
again left in obscurity.
Its reputation for beauty throughout the country
must have been wide-spread. It ia in this sense
that it ia mentioned in the 'Song of Solomon,
where the juxtaposition of Jerusalem ia sufficient
proof of the estimation in which it was held —
" Beautiful aa Tiraah, comely at Jerusalem " (Cant
i. 4). The LXX. (sfttWa) and Vulg. (wows)
a In this pangs the order of the
In the Hsbrsw tat from that prewr-sd la
saaaagas — and soil mere so In toe LXX.
* The LXX. Tusloa of toe nansdvs of which thai
verse tonne part, amoapt other remarkable variations
bom the Uebraw text, substitutes Sarin [3a*t**„ that
to, Zends, tor Tirmh. In tut thsy an aapforud by
ao other vsnkm.
• Its oeearrenot ben on a level with Jcnrwana has
bstn held to Indicate that the Son* of Songs was tba
■ark of a writer bslonglag to the norttwrn kingdom
tat suraly a sort, and so ardent a post as the author
do not, however, take ttrttah aa a proper same la
this passage.
Eusebiua (OmmuuL ©afWtAd d ) mentions it in
connection with Menahrm, and identifies it with a
» Tillage of Samaritans in Betansa." There ia,
however, nothing in the Bible to lead to the in-
ference that the Tiraah of the Israelite munarchi
was on the east of Jordan. It does not appear to
be mentioned by the Jewish topographers, or any
of the Christian travellers of the Middle Ages, ex-
cept Brocardua, who places " Thersa on a high
mountain, three leagues (fewxe) from Samaria to
the 'east " (Ducriptio, cap. vii.). This is exactly
the direction, and very nearly the distance, of Ttt-
lizah, a place in the mountains north of NMus,
which was visited by Dr. Robinson and Mr. Van
de Velde in 1862 (BiU. So. iil. 302; Syr- and Pal
ili. 334). The town ia on an eminence, which to-
wards the out is exceedingly lofty, though, being
at the edge of the central highlands, it is more
approachable from the west. The place ia large
and thriving, but without any obvious marks of
antiquity. The name may very probably be a cor-
ruption of Tiraah; but beyond that similarity, and
the general agreement of the site with the require-
ments of the narrative, there is nothing at present
to establish the identification with certainty.
G.
TI8HT5ITE, THE (^Iffon [patr.] : [Vat]
o 6W0sin»; [Rom.] Alex. /sW0(tt/s : TlteMles).
The well-known designation of Eujah (1 K. xvii. 1,
xxi. 17, 28; 2 K. i. 3, 8, ix. 88).
(1.) The name naturally points to a place called
Tishbah (Flint), Tiehbi, or rather perhaps Tesbab,
as the residence of the prophet And indeed the
word \3U?na, which followa it in 1 K. xvii. 1,
and which in the resdred Hebrew text is so pointed
a* to mean " from the residents," may, without
violence or grammatical impropriety, be pointed to
read "from Tisbbl." This latter reading appears
to have been followed by the LXX. (6 8»<t0<(tij»
6 «*« 9w$*v), Josephus (Ant. viii. 18, § 2, we-
Aswr e«o-/8«rw»), and the Targum (ajjfVH?^,
'•from out of Toshab"); and it has the rapport
of EwaH (Gcclt. iil. 468, note). It ia also sup-
ported by the fact, which seems to have escaped
notice, that the word does not in this passage con-
tain the 1 which ia present in each one of the places
where SttfVl is used at a men appellative nous.
Had the 1 been present in 1 K. xvii. 1, the inter*
pretation "from Tiahbi" could never have been
proposed.
Assuming, however, that • town ia alluded to,
as Elijah's native place, it is not n ec ess a ry to infer
that it was itself in Gilead, aa Epiphanina, Adricbo-
of the Song of Songs, may hare been soSckmtly In-
dependent of pollttoal oonsldsntloni to go out of his
own country h* Tlneh ean ba said to ba out of Uu
country of a native of Jadah — tor a metaphor.
d It will ba obasrvsd that the name stood m the
LXX. of a*, xv. Mtaaustblua' Urns virtually In the
earns strangs un-Bsbnw farm that it now does.
• Sohwan(UO) tssms manly to repeat this passage.
J ins Alex. MS. omits lbs word In 1 K. xvtt. 1, serf
both ma. omit It In xxl. 28, whloh thsy oast, with
the whole passage, In a dlflsrsnt form sri thoBsbrew
stst.
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3264
TITANS
nio*, "Csstell, mid others have imagined; for the
ward 2y\FI, which in the A. V. is rendered by
the general term 'inhabitant," baa really the
ipedal force of "resident" or even* "stranger."
This, and the fact that a place with a similar name
b not elsewhere mentioned, has induced the com-
mentators « and lexicographers, with few exceptions,
to adopt the name " Tishbite " as referring to the
place Thisre in Naphtall, which la found in the
LXX. text of Tobit 1. 2. The difficulty in the way
of this la the great uncertainty in which the text
of that passage is involved, as has already been
shown under the head of Tiiisbe ; an uncertainty
quite sufficient to destroy any dependence on It as
a topographical record, although It bears the traces
of having originally been extremely minute. Bunsen
' Kbtbctrk, note to 1 K. xvil. 1) suggests in sup-
port of the reading >> the Tishbite from Tlshbi of
Gilead " (which however he does not adopt in his
text), that the place may have been purposely so
described, in order to distinguish it from the town
of the same name in Galilee.
(3.) But , 3tPnn hat not always been read as
a proper name, referring to a place. Like 'StWTO,
though exactly In reverse, It has been pointed so as
to make it mean " the stranger." This is done by
Michaelis in the text of his interesting Bibtl fir
Unyttehrten — " der Fremdling Ella, elner von den
Fremden, die in Gilead wohnhaft waren; " and it
throws a new and Impressive air round the prophet,
who was so emphatically the champion of the God
of Israel. But this suggestion does not appear to
have been adopted by any other interpreter, ancient
or modern.
The numerical value of the letters '2U7J"I is 718,
on which account, and also doubtless with a view
to its c o r r e s pondence with his own name, Eliaa
Levita entitled his work, in which 718 words are
explained, Stpher Tuhti (Bartolocd, i. 140 »).
Q.
TITANS (TitSvm, of uncertain derivation),
rhase children of Uranus (Heaven) and Gaia
(Earth) were, according to the earliest Greek le-
gends, the vanquished predecessors of the Olympian
gods, condemned by Zeus to dwell In Tartarus, yet
not without retaining many relics of their ancient
dignity (-(Each. Prom. Vina, passim). By later
(I Jttin) poets they were confounded with the kindred
Gigantti (Hor. Od. lii. 4, 42, Ae.), as the traditions
of the primitive Greek faith died away; and both
terms were transferred by the Seventy to the Re-
phaim of ancient Palestine. [Giaht.] The usual
Greek rendering of Rephcim is indeed riyarrtt
(Gen. xIt. 0; Josh. xii. 4, 4c), or, with a yet
dearer reference to Greek mythology, ynymtt
(Prov. ii. 18, lx. 18), and StofJx" (Symmach.
a This lexicographer pretends to have bean in pos-
session of some special Information as to the situation
cf the place. lis says (.Lac. H*r. el. Mlehaelle),
«Urbs to trlbu Gad, Jebaa Inter at Saron." Jebaa
should be Jaebaa (t. «. Jogbebah) and this strange Mt
of confident topography la probably taken from the
map of Adrlcbomlua, made on (be principle of Insert-
bag every name mentioned In the Bible, known or nn-
s There Is no doubt that this Is the meaning of
3»\P1. See Gen. xxtU. 4 <" sojourner "), «x. XU. 46
rlsssfnat
r' ), Lev. xxv. «("
"), Ps. xxxlx. 13
TITHB
Prov. lx. 18, xxl.16; Johxxvi. 6). Hut b S Sam
v. 18, 32, " the valley of Rephaim " is represmted
by r) icoiAat tm miwrnn instead of *. xgiAat raw
■yrf&rrmr, 1 Cbr. xi. It, sir. 9, 13; and the same
rendering occurs in a HexapL text in 3 Sara, xxiii.
13. Thus Ambrose defends his use of a ilaaaica*
allusion by a reference to the Old I-atin version of
2 Sam. v., which preserved the LXX. rendering
(Dejidt, ill. 1, 4, Nam et gigmUa et vattem if-
tanum prophetici sermonis series non refugit. Et
Eeaias Sirena$ . . . dixit). It can therefore oc-
casion no surprise that in the Greek version of the
triumphal hymn of Judith, '• the sons of the Titans "
(viol TwaW: Vulg. JUa Titan: Old Latin, JUS
Datkan;/. Tdaff. bellatonm) stands parallel
with " high giants," tynAol Tiyarm, where the
original text probably bad O^H^ and BT*~jS313.
The word has yet another interesting point of con-
nection with the Bible ; for it may hare been from
some vague sense of the struggle of the infernal and
celestial powers, dimly shadowed forth in the clas-
sical myth of the Titans, that several Christian
fathers inclined to the belief that Terror was the
mystio name of " the beast " indicated in Rev. xJii.
18 (Iren. v. 30, 3 . . . "divinum putatur apud
multos esse boo nomen . . . et oatentationem quan-
dam eontinet ultionis . . . et alias autetn et antl
quum, et fide dignum, et regale, magis autetn et
tyrannicum nomen . . . ut ex multis ooDigamus
ne forte Titan rocetur qui veniet").
a f. w.
TITHE.'' Without inquiring Jito the reason
for which the number ten • has been so frequently
preferred as a number of selection in the esses of
tribute-offerings, both sacred and secular, voluntary
and compulsory, we may remark that numerous
instances of its use are found both in profane and
also in Biblical history, prior to or independently
of the appointment of the 1-evitical tithes under the
Law. In Biblical history the two prominent in-
stances are — 1. Abrani presenting the tenth of all
his property, according to the Syriac and Arabia
versions of Heb. vii. and S. Jarchi in his Com., but
as the passages themselves appear to show, of the
spoil* of his victory, to Helcbizedek (Gen. xiv. 30;
Heb. vil. 2, 6; Joseph. Ant. 1. 10, § 2; SeWen On
Tilhtt, c 1). 2. Jacob, after his vision at Luc,
devoting a tenth of all his property to God in case
he should return home in safety (Gen. xxviii. S3).
These instances bear witness to the antiquity of
tithes, In some shape or other, previous to the
Mosaic tithe-system. But numerous instances are
to be found of the practice of heathen nations,
Greeks, Romans, Carthaginians, Arabians, of apply-
ing tenths derived from property in general, from
spoil, from confiscated goods, or from commercial
profits, to sacred, and quasi-sacred, and also to fiscal
purposes, namely, as consecrated to a deity, pre-
(" sojourner "). It often occurs In connection witn
TJ, «an alien," as in Lev. xxv. 28, 85, 40, 47 e, 1 Chr
xxlx. 14. Besides the above passages. Mate* is mans
in Lev. xxii. 10, xxv. 46, 47 o.
c Belaud, Pat. p. 1086 1 Qesaoius, law. p. UBS*
•to., ke.
* "^vPyiS '• eeears : decimal and pL nVltPJft}
ol sVeeret: dtcimm; from ">lp5, "tan.*'
• Philo derives Mas from Mxewta (Ot X OHM tk
1841.
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TTTHB
•anted as a reward to a snc u ss fu l general, Mt apart
M a tribute to a sovereign, or as a permaucnt
mm of revenue. Among other "•etages, the fol-
lowing may be cited : 1 Mace, xi. 85- Herod, L 89,
It. 153, T. 77, tU. 189, U. 81; Diod. Bio. v. 43, xi.
33, xx. 14; Paus. t. 10, § 9, i. 10, § 1; Dlonys.
Hal. i. IS, 33; Justin, xriii. 7, xx. 8; Arirt. CEcon.
li. 3; Llv. t. 91 ; Polyb. ix. 39; CSe. Vtrr. li. 8, 6,
and 7 (where titlien of wine, oil, and " minute)
fruges," are mentioned). Pro Leg. Manil. 8; Plat.
Aget. c 19, p. 389; Pliny, If. H. xii. 14; Macrob.
Snt iii 6; Xen. Hell. i. 7, 10, iv. 8, 91; Ron,
Inter. Gr. p. 915; Gibbon, voL iii. p. 801, ed.
Smith ; and a remarkable instance of frnlta tithed
and offered to a delly, and a font made, of which
toe people of the diitrict partook, in Xen. Exp.
Cgr. v. 8, 9, answering thus to the Hebrew poor
man's tithe-feast to be mentioned below.
The first enactment of the Law in respect of
tithe is the declaration that the tenth of aft prod-
uce, as well is of flocks and cattle, belongs to
Jehovah, and must be offered to Him. 9. That the
tithe was to be paid in kind, or, if redeemed, with
an addition of one fifth to its value (Lev. xxviL
30-33). This tenth, called Terumolh, is ordered to
be assigned to the Levitee, as the reward of their
service, and it is ordered further, that they are
themselves to dedicate to the Lord a tenth of these
receipts, which is to be devoted to the maintenance
of the high-priest (Num. xviii. 31-38).
This legislation is modified or extended in the
book of Deuteronomy, i. e. from thirty-eight to
forty yean later. Commands are given to the peo-
ple, — 1, to bring their tithes, together with their
votive and other offerings and first-fruits, to the
ehoeen centre of worship, the metropolis, there to
be eaten in festive celebration in company with their
children, their servants, and the Levites (Deut- xii.
6-181. 3. After warnings against idolatrous or
virtually idolatrous practices, and the definition
of clean as distinguished from unclean animals,
among which latter class the swine is of obvious
importance in reference to the subject of tithes, the
legislator proceeds to direct that all the produce of
the soil shall be tithed every year (ver. 17 seems to
show that corn, wine, and oU alone are intended),
and that these tithes with the firstlings of the flock
and herd are to be eaten in the metropolis. 3. But
In ease of distance, permission is given to convert
the produce into money, which is to be taken to the
appointed place, and there laid out in the purchase
sf food for a festal celebration, in which the Levite
by special command, to be included (Deut. xiv.
13-97). 4. Then follows the direction, that at
the end of three years, i. e. in the course of the
third and sixth years of the Sabbatical period, all
the tithe of that year is to be gathered and laid up
11 within the gates," i. e. probably in some central
place in each district, not at the metropolis; and
that a festival is to be held, in which the stranger,
the fatherless, and the widow, together with the
Levite, are to partake (ibid. w. 38, 39). 5. Lastly,
t is ordered that after taking the tithe in each third
nar," which is the year of tithing," " an exculpa-
tory declaration is to be made by every Israelite,
hat be has done his best to fulfill thr Divine com-
mand (Deut. xxvi. 19-14).»
from all this we gather, 1. That one tenth o»
TITHB
3265
the whole prodnoe of the soil was to be assigned foi
the maintenance of the Levites. 9. That out of this
the Levites were to dedicate a tenth to God, for
the use of the high-priest 3. That a tithe, hi all
probability a •scuta! tithe, was to be applied to
festival purposes. 4. That in every third year,
either this festival tithe or a third tenth was to be
en in company with the poor and the Levites.
The question arises, were there three tithes taken
in this third year; or it the third tithe only the
second under a different description ? That there
were two yearly tithes seems clear, both from the
general tenor of the directions and from the LXX.
rendering of Deut. xxvi. 19. But it must be allowed
that the third tithe is not without support. 1. Jo-
sephus distinctly says that one tenth was to be given
to the priests and Levitee, one tenth was to be ap-
plied to feasts in the metropolis, and that a tenth
besides these (rpl-rn¥ wobt airrcut) was every third
year to be given to the poor (Ant. iv. 8, } 8, and
39). 9. Tobit says, be gave one tenth to the prieata,
one tenth he sold and spent at Jerusalem, i. e. com-
muted according to Deut. xiv. 24, 35, and another
tenth he gave away (Tob. i. 7, 8). 8. St. Jerome
says one tenth was given to the Levites, out of
which they gave one tenth to the priests (oivrr
oeSimrn)); a second tithe was applied to festival
purposes, and a third was given to the poor (mr
XaStieirri) (Cum. on Etek. xiv. vol i. p. 565).
Spencer thinks then) were three tithes. Jennings,
with Mede, thinks there were only two complete
tithes, but that in the third year an addition of
some sort was made (Spencer, Dt Leg. Htbr. p.
727; Jennings, Jew. AnU p. 183).
On the other hand, Malmonides says the third and
sixth years' tecond tithe was shared between the
poor and the Levites, i. e. that there was no third
tithe (De Jwr. Pimp. vi. 4). Sdden and If iehaali*
remark that the burden of three tithes, besides the
first-fruits, would be excessive. Selden thinks that
the third year's tithe denotes only a different appli-
cation of the second or festival tithe, and Miehaelis.
that it meant a surplus after the consumption of
the festival tithe (Sdden, On Tithes, c 9, p. 13;
Miehaelis, Lam of Motet, % 199. vol. iii. p. 143,
ed. Smith). Against a third tithe may be added
Reland, Ant. Uebr. p. 859; Jabn, Ant. § 389;
Godwyn, Motet and Aaron, p. 136, and Carpsov,
pp. 691, 693; KeiL BM. Arch. % 71, i. 337 ; Saal-
achiitz, Htbr. Arch. 1. 70; Winer, Renlwb. e. v
Zehntt. Knobal thinks the tithe was never taken
in full, and that the third year's tithe only meant
the portion contributed in that year (Com. en Deut.
xiv. 29, in Kwtgtf. Extg. Handbuch). Ewald
thinks that for two years the tithe was left in great
measure to free-will, and that the third year's tithe
only was compulsory (Aherlhum. p. 346).
Of these opinions, that which maintains vhite
separate and complete tithings seems improbable, as
imposing an excessive burden on the land, and not
easily reconcilable with the other directions; yet
there seems no reason for rejecting the notion of
two yearly tithes, when we recollect the especial
promise of fertility to the soil, conditional on ob-
servance of the commands of the l-aw (Deut. xxviii).
There would thus be, 1, a yearly tithe for the
Levites; 2, • second tithe for the festivals, whici
last would every third year be shared by the Levites
» ZhoLkX ban her
here iav evmAfogv hnttxvnm
rav t> hntdmanr »•»» ynvaiinw vijt yqt eee if «*J
im i<f Tpiry vi Stiirtpev «»iS««<ii or fitmt
rm At.ffa, K. v. A.
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3266
TITTLE
with the poor. It is this poor man's tithe which
Uichaelis think* is spoken of as likely to be con-
verted to the king's use under the regal dynasty
(1 Sam. viii. 16, 17; Mich. Lata of Motet, vol i.
p. 299). Ewald thinks that under the kings the
ecclesiastical tithe-system reverted to what he sup-
poses to have been its original free-will character.
It is plain that during that period the titbe-systom
partook of the general neglect into which the ob-
servance of the Law declined, and that Hezekiah,
among his other reforms, took effectual means to
revive its use (2 Chr. xxzi. 5, 12, 19). Similar
measures were taken after the Captivity by Nehe-
miah (Neh. xii. 44), and in both these cases special
officers were appointed to take charge of the stores
and storehouses for the purpose. The practice* of
tithing especially for relief of the poor appears to
have subsisted even in Israel, for the prophet Amos
•peaks of it, though in an ironical tone, as existing
in his day (Am. iv. 4). But as any degeneracy in
the national faith would be likely to have an effect
on the tithe- system, we find complaint of neglect in
this respect made by the prophet Malachi (iii. 8,
10), Yet, notwithstanding partial evasion or omis-
sion, the system itself was continued to a late period
in Jewish history, and was even carried to excess
by those who, like the Pharisees, affected peculiar
exactness in observance of the Law (Heb. vii. 6-8;
Matt, xxiii. 23; Luke xviii. 12; Josephus, Ant. xx.
9, §2; VU. e. 16).
Among details relating to the tithe payments
mentioned by Rabbinical writers may be noticed :
(1.) That in reference to the permission given in
case of distance (DeuL xir. 24), Jews dwelling in
Babylonia, Amnion, Moab, and Egypt, were consid-
ered ss subject to the law of tithe in kind (Keland,
iii. 9, S, p. 366). (2.) In tithing sheep the custom
was to inclose them in a pen, and at the sheep
went out at the opening, every tenth animal was
marked with a rod dipped in vermilion. This was
the '• passing under the rod." The Law ordered
that no inquiry should be made whether the animal
were good or bad, and that if the owner changed it,
ooth the original and the channeling were to be re-
garded as devoted (Lev. xxvii. 32, 33; Jrr. xxxiii.
13; BccorotA, ix. 7; Godwyn, U. and A. p. 136,
ri. 7). (3.) Cattle were tithed in and after Au-
gust, corn in and after September, finite of trees
a and after January (Godwyu, p. 187, § 9);
Suxtorf, St/n. Jvd. c xii. pp. 282, 288. (4.)
' Corners " were exempt from tithe (Ptah, i. 6).
;5.) The general rule was that all edible articles
not purchased, were tithable, but that products
lot specified in Deut. xiv. 23, were regarded as
loubtful. Tithe of them was not forbidden, but
was not required (MaaserotK, i. 1; Dtmai, i. 1;
"arptov, App. Bibl pp. B19, 620). H. W. P.
* TITTLE is the diminutive of tit, hence =
MKt'mwn, the very least of a thing. It stands for
the Greek gtpala (Matt. v. 18; Luke xri. 17),
■ Utile horn, denoting the slightly curved hooks at-
tached to some of the Hebrew letters, especially
Capvd, more noticeable in Hebrew manuscripts than
•> the ordinary printed Hebrew. It vitiated a letter
» an entire copy to omit this appendage where it
belonged. The jot in the same connection was the
Greek iota or Hebrew yodh, the smallest letter
« Ills birthplace may have been ben ; but this Is
lutte uncertain. The name, which la Soman, prove!
<*tkm«
T1TDB
of the Greek and Hebrew alphabets. It will bt
! seen bow strong, therefore, was the Saviour's asset
eration: " one jot or one tittle snail in no wise past
from the law till all be fulfilled " (Matt. v. 18'.
H.
TITUS MANLI0S. [Makltos.]
TITUS (Tiros: Ttiut). Our materials for ths
biography of this companion of St. Paul mutt bt
drawn entirely from the notices of him in the Second
Epistle to the Corinthians, the Galatians, and to
Titus himself, combined with the Second Epistle to
Timothy. He is not mentioned in the Acts at alL
The reading Tirol/ 'IoArrov in Acts xviii. 7 is too
precarious for any inference to be drawn from it.
Wieseler indeed lays some slight stress upon it
(Chronol del ApotU Ztit. GUt. 1848, p. 204),
but this is in connection with a theory which needs
every help. As to a recent hypothesis, that Titus
and Timothy were the same person (K. King, Who
teas St. Tito* t Dublin, 1863), it it certainly in-
genious, but quite untenable.
Taking the passages in the epistles in the chrono-
logical order of the events referred to, we turn lust
to Gal. ii. 1, 3. We conceive the journey men-
tioned here to be identical with that (recorded in
Acts xr.) in which Paul and Barnabas went from
Antioch to Jerusalem to the conference which was
to decide the question of the necessity of circum-
cision to the Gentiles. Here we see Titus in dost
association with Paul and Barnabas at Antioch. 11 He
goes with them to Jerusalem. He is in fact one of
the ti«i &AA.01 of Acts xv. 2, who were deputed to
accompany them from Antioch. His chcumcision
was either not insisted on at Jerusalem, or, if de-
manded, was firmly resisted (obx tirayxia^
wsoir/nitrqwu). He is very emphatically spoken of
as a Gentile CEAXt)*), by which is most probably
meant that both his parents were Gentiles. Hera
is a double contrast from Timothy, who was circum-
cised by St. Paul's own directions, and one of whose
parents was Jewish (Acts xvi. 1, 8 ; 2 Tim. i. 6, iii.
15). Titus would seem, on the occasion of the
council, to have been specially a representative of
the church of the uncircumcision.
It is to our purpose to remark that, In the pas*
aage cited above, Titus is so mentioned as apparently
to imply that he had become personally known to
the Galatian Christiana. This, again, we combine
with two other circumstances, namely, that the
Epistle to the Galatians and the Second Epistle to
the Corinthians were probably written within a few
months of each other [Galatiaks, Epistle to],
and both during the same journey. From the latter
of these two epistles we obtain fuller notion of
Titus in connection with St. Paul.
After leaving Galatia (Acts xviii. 23), and spend-
ing a long time at Ephesus (Acts xix. 1-xx. 1),
the Apostle proceeded to Macedonia by way of Trots.
Here he expected to meet Titus (2 Cor. Ii. 13), who
had been sent on a mission to Corinth. In this hops
he was disappointed [Tkoab], but in Macedonia
Titus joined him (2 Cor. vii. 8, 7, 13-15). Here
we begin to see not only the above-mentioned fact
of the mission of this disciple to Corinth, and the
strong personal affection which subsisted between
him and St. Paul (jy t6 vapovcta ainov, vii* 7).
but also some part of the purport of the mission
itself. It had reference to the immoralities at
Corinth rebuked in the first epistle, and to ths
effect of that first epistle on the offending church,
We learn further that the mission was so far ant
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TITU8
jesaM and satisfactory: arayyJWar T*jr i/tir
irir68r)irtr (vii. 7), iKmrlfirrf tls jirrdVeiot' (vii.
>), rr/t* wdWvt* i/imv irwaxtrtir (vii. 15); and we
are enabled also to draw from the chapter a strong
sonclusion regarding the warm zeal and sympathy
of Titus, his grief for what was evil, his rejoicing
over what was good: rf rapcut\faf> f wafKK^Bri
ttf ifu„ (vii. 7); irari-wamat to wvtv/m airoi
4xo xiirrav Oftiiy (vii. 13); ra mxAyx"* avrov
wtouraarioms tls buis iffrir (Tii. IB). But if we
proceed further, we discern another part of the
mission with which he was entrusted. This had
reference to the collection, at that time in progress,,
for the poor Christiana of Judaea (xaSiit wpo-
ti^p{aro, viii. 6), a phrase which shows that he
had been active and zealous in the matter, while
the Corinthians themselves seem to have been rather
remiss. This connection of his mission with the
gathering of these charitable funds is also proved by
another passage, which contains moreover an im-
plied assertion of his integrity in the business (^
ti ^wXcoWirrno'cy bftas Tiros 1 xii. 18), and a
statement that St. Paul himself had sent him on
the errand (wapsa-cUso-a Tires*, ibid.). Thru we
are prepared for what the Apostle now proceeds to
do after his encouraging conversations with Titus
regarding the Corinthian Church. He sends him
back from Macedonia to Corinth, in company with
two other trustworthy Christians [Trophimus,
Tychicus], bearing the second epistle,' and with
an earnest request (irapaicaAeVai, viii. «, tV
wapiK\i)<rui, viii. 17) that he would tee to the
completion of the collection, which he had zealously
promoted on his late visit (7m Kates rpoec^pJaTo,
otrm am) fareAeVp, viii. 6), Titua himself being
in nowise backward in undertaking the commission.
On a review of all these passages, elucidating as they
do the characteristics of the man, the duties he dis-
charged, and his close and faithful cooperation with
St. Paul, we see bow much meaning there la in
the Apostle's short and forcible description of bim
(firs fores Ti'tou, KOtvwti i/ihs col tls bnas
wvrtpyis, viii. S3).
All that has preceded is drawn from direct state-
ments in the epistles; but by indirect though fair
inference we can arrive at something further, which
gives coherence to the rest, with additional elucida-
tioua of the dose connection of Titus with St Paul
and the Corinthian Church. It has generally been
considered doubtful who the U«Ae>o7 were (1 Cor.
xvi. 11, IS) that took the first epistle to Corinth.
Timothy, who had been recently sent thither from
Ephesus (Acts xix. 22), could not have been one of
them («Vu> t\9y Ttu. 1 Cor. xvi. 10), and Apollos
declined the commission (1 Cor. xvi. 12). There
can be little doubt that the messengers who took
that first letter were Titus and his companion, who-
ever that might be, who is mentioned with him in
be second letter (wapticAktca Tiro*, ko1 avrari-
T«Aa rot* a3sAe>oV, 9 Cor. stt. 18). This view
fas held by Macknight, and very clearly set forth
by him (Ttiintl. of the Apottolicnl Eputia, with
Comm. Edinb. 1829, vol i. pp. 451, 674, vol. ii.
pp. 2, 7, 124). It has bran more recently given
»y Professor Stanley (Cortnthiaru, 2d ed. pp. 848,
jri),° but it has been worked out by no one so dab-
-.ffstejy as by Professor Lightfoot ( Camb. Journal
if CsWcof and Sacred Philology, ii. 901, 902'
TITUS
3267
• Tots* Is some danger of oonfosrug Titm and Uu
W««*cr (2 Oor. xH. 18), L *. Iht brtkrtn of 1 Cor. xvi
•D. B. whs (pacordliig to this view) took the Or* lat-
As to the connection between the two contempora-
neous missions of Titus and Timotheua, this obser-
vation may be made bere, that the difference of th»
two errands may have had some connection with a
difference in the characters of the two agents. If
Titus was the firmer and more energetic of the two
men, it was natural to give him the task of enfor-
cing the Apostle's rebukes, and urging on the Sag-
ging business of the collection.
A considerable interval now elapses before we
come upon the next notices of this disciple. St-
Paul's first imprisonment is concluded, and his last
trial is impending. In the interval between the
two, he and Titus were together in Crete (o.rs'Ar
niv at iv Kp*r», Tit. i. 6). We see Titus re-
maining in the island when St. Paul left it, and
receiving there a letter written to him by the
Apostle. From this letter we gather the following
biographical details: In the first place we learn that
be was originally converted through St. Paul's in-
strumentality : this must be the meaning of the
phrase yv^aiov tckvov, which occurs so emphat-
ically in the opening of the epistle (i. 4). Next
we learn the various particulars of the responsible
duties which he had to discharge in Crete. He is
to complete what St. Paul bad been obliged to leave
unfinished (ftn ro\ kthrovra friSioptWn, i- b\
aud he is to organize the church throughout the
island by appointing presbyters in every city [tiOR-
tyha ; I.as.ea]. Instructions are given as to the
suitable character of such presbyters (vv. 6-9); and
we learn further that we have here the repetition of
instructions previously furnished by word of mouth
(is iyib o-oi Sterold/inr, ver. 6). Next he is to
control and bridle (twio-roul(tu>, ver. 11) the rest-
less and mischievous Judaizers, and he is to be per-
emptory in so doing (t\tyx* ainobs ktorifiMs,
ver. 13). Injunctions in the same spirit are reiter-
ated (ii. 1, lfi, iii. 8). He it to urge the duties of
a decorous and Christian life upon the women (ii.
3-6), some of whom (wp«r/9im8ar, ii. 3) possibly
had something of an official character (a-aAos'ioW-
a-aAavi, Ira empporlCtio-i ras viat, vv. 8, 4). He
is to be watchful over bis own conduct (ver. 7); he
ia to impress upon the slaves the peculiar duties of
their position (ii. 9, 10); be is to check all social
and political turbulence (iii. 1), and also all wild
theological speculations (iii- 9) ; and to exercise dis-
cipline on the heretical (iii. 10). When we con-
sider all these particulars of his duties, we see nut
only the confidence reposed in him by the Apostle,
but the need there was of determination and strength
of purpose, and therefore the probability that thai
was bis character; and all this ia enhanced if we
bear in mind his isolated and unsupported position
in Crete, and the lawless and immoral character of
the Cretans themselves, aa testified by their own
writers (i 12, 13). [Chute.]
The notices which remain are more strictly per-
sonal. Titus is to look for the arrival in Crate of
Artemaa and Tychicus (iii. 12), and then he is to
hasten (enrwStae-ot*) to join St Paul at Nkopolia,
where the Apostle is proposing to pass the winter
(ibid.). Zoom and Apollos are in Crete, or expected
there; for Titus is to send them on their journey,
and supply them with whatever they need for it
(iii. 13). It is observable that Titus and Apollos
are brought into Juxtaposition here, as they wars
tar, with 21fluaaui(*«e>«tfem(IOos\TM.i6-M)wlM
took the ssoond leUsr.
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8268
TITUS
before In the discussion of the mission from Epbe-
sus to Corinth.
The movements of St Paul, with which then
later instructions to Titus an connected, are con-
sidered elsewhere. [Paul; Timotbt.] Warned
only observe here that there would be great diffi-
culty in inaerting the viilU to Crete and Kkopolis
in any of tbejoumeya recorded in the Acta, to say
nothing of the other objection! to giving the epistle
any date anterior to the voyage to Rome. [Titus,
Epistlb to.] On the other hand, there is no dif-
ficulty in arranging then circumstances, if we sup-
pose St. Paul to have travelled and written after
being liberated from Rome, while thus we gain the
farther advantage of an explanation of what Paley
has well called the affinity of this epistle and the
first to Timothy. Whether Titus did Join the
Apostle at Nicopolia we cannot tell. But we nst-
arally connect the mention of this place with what
St. Paul wrote at no great interval of time after-
wards, in the last of the pastoral epistles (T(toi (if
AaAporfw, 9 Tim. iv. 10); for Dalmetia lay to
the north of NieopoUs, at no great distance from it
[Niooroua.] From the form of the whole sen-
tence, it seems probable that this disciple had been
with St Paul in Rome during his final imprison-
ment; but this cannot be assorted confidently. The
touching words of the Apostle in this passage might
seem to imply some reproach, and we might draw
from them the conclusion that Titus became a sec-
ond Demaa: but on the whole this seems a harsh
and unnecessary judgment.
Whatever else" remains is legendary, though it
■nay contain elements of truth. Titus is connected
by tradition with Dalmatia, and he la said to have
been an object of much reverence In that region.
This, however, may simply be a result of the pas
sage quoted immediately above: and it is observ-
able that of all the churches in modern Dalmatia
(Neale's Ecclesiotogical Notes on Dalm. p. 175)
not one is dedicated to him. The traditional con-
nection of Titus with Crete is much more specific
and constant, though here again we cannot be cer-
tain of toe facta. He is said to have been permi
nent bishop in the island, and to have died there at
an advanced age. The modern capital, Candia, ap-
pears to claim the honor of being his burial-place
(Cave's Apottotici, 1716, p. 43). In toe fragment,
D* Vita el Actis Titi, by the lawyer Zenas (Fabric.
Cod. Apoe. N. T. ii. 831, 838), Titus is called
Bishop of Gortyna: and on the old site of Gortyna
la a ruined church, of ancient and solid masonry,
which bears the name of St Titus, and where ser-
vice is occasionally celebrated by priests from the
neighboring hamlet of Metropolis (E. Falkener,
Remains in Crete, from a M8. Bistort/ of Can-
dia by Onorio Belli, p. 23). The cathedral of Me-
aab-Castron, in the north of the island, is also
dedicated to this saint Lastly, the name of Titus
was the watchword of the Cretans when they were
invaded by the Venetians: and the Venetian! them-
selves, after their conquest of tbe island, adopted him
to some of the honors of a patron saint; for, as the
response after the prayer for the Doge of Venice
was " Sancte Marce, tu nos adjuva," so tbe response
after that for the Duke of Candia was « Sancte Tlte,
tu nos adjuva " (Paahley's Travels in Crete, 1. 6,
176).«
« The day on which Titos Is eomnM&oiatad Is
fenuary 4 In tbe Latin Calendar, and August 26 in
fee Greek.
TITUS, EPISTLE TO
We most not leave oncotic*' the striking, tfcocarjk
extravagant panegyrio of Titus by bis ■n uu. eao r ic
the see of Crete, Andreas Cretemis (puUiahed, with
Amphilochlus and Methodius, by Conines*, Paris,
1644). This panegyrio has many excellent points:
e. o. it incorporates well the more important pas-
sages from the Second Epistle to the Corinthiai a.
The following an stated as frets. Titos m nested
to the Proconsul of the island: among his sisal ei
are Minos and Rhadamanthns (»/ in Aids). Early
in life he obtains a copy of the Jewish Scriptures,
and learns Hebrew in a abort time. He goes tu
Judaea, and is present on the occasion mentkn-nl
in Acts i. IS. His conversion takes peace before
that oT St Paul himself, but afterwards be attaches
himself elosely to the Apostle. Whatever the value
of these statements may be, the following; descrip-
tion of Titus (p. 166) is worthy of quotation: i
TOwrot tv)» KfT/Tatr iaeKntrlas dtfiiKtar tt,j
iXnBtiat 6 arvKor TO tv}i irurrtttf tpeiafa.-
Tin •uary-v*AuceM> KnpvypArur r) aolyrrros erdx-
»i"y{" to tynXor tv/j IlauAsv yhirrrnr eWr/xnuo.
TITUS, EPISTLE TO. There en no
specialties in this epistle which require any very
elaborate treatment distinct from the other Pastoral
Letters of St Paul. [Twotht, Epistle*) to.]
If those two wen not genuine, it would be diffi-
cult confidently to maintain the genuineness of this.
On the other hand, if the epistles to Timothy are
received as St Paul's, there is not the slightest
reason for doubting tbe authorship of that to Titus.
Amidst the various combinations which are found
among those who have been skeptical on tbe sub-
ject of tbe pastoral epistles, there is no instance ol
tbe rejection of that before us on the part of those
who have accepted the other two. So for indeec
as these doubts an worth considering at all, tbe
argument is more in favor of this than of either
of those. Tatian accepted tbe Epistle to Titus,
and rejected the other two. Origen mentions some
who excluded 2 Tim., but kept 1 Tim. with Titus.
Schleiermacher and Neander invert this proces s of
doubt in regard to the letters addressed to Timothy,
but believe that St Paul wrote the present letter
to Titus. Credner too believes it to be genuine,
though he pronounces 1 Tim. to be a forgery, and
9 Tim. a compound of two epistlea.
To turn now from opinions to direct external
evidence, this epistle stands on quite as firm a
ground as the others of the pastoral group, if Lot
a firmer ground. Nothing can well be more ex-
plicit than the quotations in Irenans, C. Barn. i.
16, 8 (see Tit ili. 10), Clem. Alex. Strom. L 350
(see i. 12), Tertull. De Prascr. Bar. c 8 (tee iii.
10, 11), and the reference, also Ath. Mare. v.
21; to say nothing of earlier allusions in Justin
Martyr, Dial c. Trgn. 47 (aee iii. 4), which can
hardly be doubted, Tbeopb. Ad Autal ii. p. 96
(see ill. 6), ili. 126 (see iii. 1), which axe probable,
and Clem. Rom. 1 Cor. 9 (see iii. 1), which ie
possible.
At to internal features, we may notice, in the
first place, that the Epistle to Titus has all the char-
acteristics of the other pastoral epistles. See, foi
instance, wurrot i Xoyer (iii. 8), irfuinun <i«W
Ka\la (i. 9, Ii. 1, comparing I. IS, ii. 8), ,
»eu», crdtppar, tmQpotm (i- 8, ii. 6, 6, 19). <
otot, aarho, *»>(* (L 8, 4, ii. 10, 11, IS, hi. 4, •
6), 'levSolKol pS6w (1- 14, comparing iii. »),#»►
4>dV«ia (ii- 13), tMBiia (i. 1), l\e s (iii. 6; in i
4 tbe word is doubtful). All this Unas to "
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TITUS, EPISTLE TO
that thli letter ih written eboot the same time
tnd under similar circumstance! with the other two.
But, on the other hand, thli epistle hu marks in
Its phraseology and style which assimilate it to the
general body of the epistles of 8t- PanL Such may
fairly be reckoned the following: icnpiypueri »
ittumiAift M (i. 8); the quoUtioo from a
heathen poet (i. IS); the use of Mom/us* (i- M);
the " going off at a word " (rorrijpos .... Ar*»
afcirn yap .... aorrhpun .... U. 10, 11);
and the modes in which the doctrines of the Atone-
ment (ii. 13) and of Free Justification (iii. 6-7)
come to the surface- As to any difficulty arising
from supposed indications of advanced hierarchical
arrangements, it is to be obserred that in this epis-
tle -rptefHrtpot and iiriuKowot are used as synon-
ymous (Jko Karcurrl}<rjis upeofioripovi .... 8««
■vip rev iwicKOTtav. ... L 6, 7), just as they are
in the address at Miletus about the year 58 A. D.
(Acta xx. 17, 98). At the same time this epistle
has features of its own, especially a certain tone of
abruptness and severity, which probably arises
partly out of the circumstances of the Cretan popu-
lation [Crete], partly out of the character of Ti-
tus himself. If all these things are put together,
the phenomena an seen to be very unlike what
would be presented by a forgery, to say nothing of
the general overwhelming difficulty of imagining
who could have been the writer of the pastoral
epistles, if it were not St Paul himself.
Concerning the contents of this epistle, some-
thing has already been said in the article on Trim
No very exact subdivision is either necessary or
possible. After the introductory salutation, which
has marked peculiarities (1. 1-4), Titus is enjoined
to appoint suitable presbyters in the Cretan Church,
and specially such as shall be sound in doctrine and
able to refute error (5-8). The Apostle then panes
to • description of the coarse character of the Cre-
tans, as testified by their own writers, and the mis-
chief caused by Judaudng error among the Chris-
tians of the island (10-16). In opposition to this,
Titos Is to urge sound and practical Christianity
on all classes (ii. 1-10), on the older men (ii. 8), on
the older women, and especially in regard to their
influence over the younger women (8-5), on the
younger men (8-8), on slaves (9, 10), taking heed
meanwhile that be himself is a pattern of good
works (ver. 7). The grounds of all this are given
in the free grace which trains the Christian to seV-
nenylng and active piety (11, 19), in the glorious
hope of Christ's second advent (ver. 18), and In the
atonement by which He has purchased us to be his
people (ver. 14). All which lessons Titus is to urge
with fearless decision (ver. 16). Next, obedience
tn rulers is enjoined, with gentleness and forbear-
ance' towards all men (iii. 1, 9), these duties being
again rested on our sense of past sin (ver. 8), and
ou the gift of new spiritual 1Mb and free Justification
(4-7). With these practical duties are contrasted
those idle speculations which are to be carefully
avoided (8, 9); and with regard to those men who
are positively heretical, a peremptory charge is
jjven (10, 11). Some personal allusions then fol-
low: Artemas or Tychicus may be expecti-d at
Crete, and on the arrival of either of them Titus is
to hasten to join the Apostle at Nleopolia, where
te Intends to winter; Zonae the lawyer also, -id
Apolos, are to be provided with all that is neneatery
far a journey in prospect (19, 13). FlnaCy, before
the concluding m ana g es of sanitation, an admoni-
tion ie given to the Cretan Christiana, that they
TITUS, EPISTLE TO 32d9
give heed to the duties of practical, useful {.iety
(14, 15).
Aa to the time and place and other circumstances
of the writing of this epistle, the following scheme
of filling up St Paul's movements after his first
imprisonment will satisfy all the conditions of the
ease: We may suppose him (possibly after accom-
plishing his long-projected visit to Spain) to have
gone to Ephesua, snd taken voyages from thence,
first to Macedonia and then to Crete, during the
former to have written the First Epistle to Tim-
othy, and after returning from the latter to have
written the Epistle to Titus, being at the time of
despatching it on the point of starting for Nioop-
olis, U which place be went, taking Miletus and
Corinth on the way. At Nlcopolis we may con-
ceive him to have been finally apprehended and
taken to Rome, whence he wrote the Second Epis-
tle to Timothy. Other possible combinations may
be seen in Burks (Bora Apotloiiat, at the end of
his edition of the Hoea Paulina, pp. 999-301),
and in Wordsworth (Orttk Ttttnmtnt, Pt iii. pp.
418, 421). It is an undoubted mistake to en-
deavor to insert this epistle in any period of that
part of St Paula life which is recorded In the
Acts of the Apostles. There is in this writing
that unmistakable difference of style (as compared
with the earlier epistles) which associates the Pas-
toral Letters with one another, and with the latest
period of St Paul's lift; and it seems strange thai
this should have beeu so slightly observed by good
scholars and exact chronologists, e. g. Archdn.
Evans (Script. Biog. Iii. 337-333), and Wiesela
(ChromoL da Apart. Zeitalt. pp. 899-365), who,
approaching the subject in very different ways, agree
in thinking that this letter was written at Epbestis
(between 1 and i Cor.), when the Apostle wss in
the early part of his third missionary journey
(Acta xix.).
The following list of commentaries on the Pas-
toral Epistles may be useful for 1 and 9 Tim., as
well as for Titus Besides the general Patriitie
commentaries on all St Paul's epistles (Chrysos-
tom, Theodoret, Theopbylact, Jerome, Bade, Al-
cuin), the Medieval ((Ecumeulus, Euthymius,
Aquinas), those of the Reformation period (Luther,
Melancthon, Calvin), the earlier Roman Cetbouc
(Justiniani, Cornelius a Lapide, Extras), the Prot
estant commentaries of the 17th century (Coeeeius,
Grotius, etc.), and the recent annotations on the
whole Greek Testament (RoeenmUUer. De Wette,
Alford, Wordsworth, etc.), the following on the
Pastoral Epistles may be specified: DallK, Expo*-
(wn (1 Tim. Genev. 1861, 9 Tim. Genev. 1858,
TU. Par. 1866); Heydenreloh, Die Pattoralbriy*
Pari trttuttrl (Hadam. 1896, 1898); Flett, For*
lenmgtn aoer du Br. P. an Tim. u. TU. (Tub.
1831); Mack (Roman Catholic), Omm. iter 4k
Pattorulbrief* (Tub. 1838); Matthiee, ErkUnmj
tier PattaralMtf* (Greusw. 1840); Hutber (pari
[xL] of Meyer's Commentary, Giitt 1860 [» Aufl.
1888]); Wiesinger (in continuation of Olshausen,
Koenigsb. 1860), translated (with the exception of
9 Tim.) in Clark's Foreign Thtokg. Lib. (Edinb.
1861 [the whole is translated In vol. vt. of the
Amer. ed. of Olahausen, N. T. 1868]), and espe-
cially Ellioott (Paloral Eputlet, 9d ed., London,
Idol), who mentions in his preface a Danish com-
mentary by Bp. Monar, and one In modern Greek,
SuWicSquos 'leoaruros, by Corey (Par. 1881)
Beaidea these, there are commentaries on 1 Tim.
and 8 Tim. by Moabeim (Hamb. 1766 >, aoi Lev
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TIZITE, THE
(Lips. 1887, 1860), on 1 Tim. by FUaehmann
(Tub. 1791), and Wegscheider (Gtitt 1810), on 8
Tim. bj J. Barlow an 4 T. Hall (Loud. 1638 and
1668), and by Brumner (Hafn. 1880), on Tit bj
T. Taylor (London, 1668), Van Haven (Hal 1743),
and Kuinoel (Comment. Tkeol ad. Vdthusen,
Rupertiet Kuinoel [i. p. 299ff.]). To these mutt
be added what li found in toe Critici Sacri, Supp.
ii., T., vii., and a (till fuller lilt ia given in Dar-
Bng'e Cgclopadia Biiliographica ; Pt ii. Subject*,
pp. 1636, 1666, 1674. J. S. H.
* The earlier literature of the controveriy on
the genuineness of the Paatoral Epistles it referred
to in the art. TutoTRT, Enmus TO. Among
the more recent eaaaya on the subject we may
■woe the following: C E. Sebarllng, i>k nemetten
Untertuchmgen ii. die togtnmmten Pattornt-
tritft, mil dem DtnucMen, Jena, 1846 (unde-
cided). Th. Rudow, Dt Argument** hiMorici;
•mow rettnter Epittolarum Pntt. Origo Paulina
tmpugnata eet, a price eaiay, Qotting. 1868 (rejects
1 Tim., with LUcke and Bleek, but defend* 8 Tim.
and Titui). W. Mangold, Die Jrrkhrer dtr Pae-
toralbriefe, Mark 1866. C. W. Otto, Die ge-
tchichltichen Verhilimiee dtr Pattoralbriefe auft
Neut unlermckt, Leips. 1860, pp. zvi., 408 (de-
fend* the genuineness of the epiitlea, but weakens
toe argument by denying the Apostle's release
from his first impilsonment); eorup. the review by
Weiss, Tlieol. Stud. u. KriL, 1861, pp. 676-687,
and Huther'a criticisms in the 8d ed. of his Krit.
txeg. Handtmeli (1866). I. Ruflet, Saint Paul,
sn double capticiU a Rome, Paris, 1860. Reuss,
Geech. d.heiL Sclirtften N. T. (4* Ausg. 1864), pp.
76 ft"., 113 ff. (defends the genuineness). Wiesder,
art. Timothtu* u. film, die Brief e Pauli an, in
Herrog's fleni-A'iiey/W. xxi. 276-343 (1868). Holtx-
mann, in Bunsen's Bibehmk, viii. 486-612 (1866),
reviewing the recent literature. Laurent, NeuttiL
Studien (1866), p. 104 ff., chiefly on the point of
Paul's release from bis first imprisonment, which
be maintains; so Ewald, Uetchichte, vi. 630 f.,
8* Ausg. It may be noted here that recent ex-
aminations of the Alexandrine MS. show that the
reading i t X ro rtppa rf)t ttftrt «> in the Eplst.
of Clement of Rome to the Corinthians (c. 6) is
unquestionable. See on the passage Ligbtfcot's
note, in his excellent edition of the epistle (1869).
L. Moller, in the 3d ed. of toe part of De Wettes
Kurtgef. exeg. Uandbuek (Bd. U. TheU v.) which
contains the Paatoral Epistles, observes that, though
jrmerly hoUing a pretty firm conviction of their
puriousness, renewed study has satisfied him of
the untenableneas or altogether too subjective char-
acter of many of the objections to them, though
he cannot yet fed that confidence in their genuine-
ness which the recent commentators (Wiesinger,
Huther, Oostereee) express (Pref, p. x.). Guer-
'cke, Neutett. Jsagogik, 3« Aufl. (1868), pp. 860-
180, defends the genuineness of these epistles, as in
bis earlier works. Davidson, Introd. to the Study
■fine If. T. (Lond. 1868), II. 144-196, repeats the
arguments of the Tubingen school against them.
To the list of commentaries on the Paatoral
Epistles given above, we may add that of J. J.
ran Oosterzee, Theil xi. of Lange'a Bibehoerh (3*
Aufl. 1864), translated with additions by Dr. E.
A. Washburn and Dr. E. Harwood, In vol viii. of
the Amer. ed. of Lange (N. T. 1868). A.
TI'ZITE, THE (^S^n [patr.]: Tat and
fA. • I«or«; [Rom. «Wi] Alex. Burner- sari***.
TOBIAH
Tkotaitet). The designation of Job*, the nratkc*
of Jediad and son of Shimri, one of the heroes of
David's army named in the su pp le m entary list of 1
Chr. xi. 46. It occurs nowhere dee, and nothing
is known of the place or family which it deno t es
G.
TO'AH (rj\n [inclined, &w*>, Ges.]: eW
[Vat e.n;] Alex. Boouf- Thanu). A Kohathite
Bevite, ancestor of Samuel and Heman (1 Chr. vi.
34 [19]). The name as it now stands may be a
fragment of " Kahath " (comp. vt. 86, 34).
TOB-ADONTJAH (n;3YTJ« 310 lowrf
u A.]: T»/3oJoWoti [Vat TvSatmBem: Alex.'
Ta&aSartay, 3. m. •*■:] TkobadaniaM). One of
tho Levitts sent by Jebosbapbat through the eitiea
of Judah to teach the Law to the people (1 Chr
xvii. 8).
TOB, THE LAND OF (SH& T^ [bad
of goodueti, fruitful]: yri tifi: terra fob). The
place in which Jephthah took refuge when rrpUrA
from home by his half-brother (Judg. xi. 3); and
where he remained, at the bead of a band of free-
booters, till be was brought back by the sheikhs •
of Uilead (ver. 6).
The narrative implies that the land of Tob was
not far distant from (iilead: at the same time,
from the nature of the case, it must have bun out
towards the eastern deserts. It is undoubtedly
mentioned again in 8 Sam. x. 6, 8, as one of the
petty Aramite kingdoms or states which supported
the Ammonites in their great conflict with David.
In the Authorised Version the name is presented
literatim as Ishtob, t. e. Man of Tob, meaning,
according to a common Hebrew idiom, the " men
of Too." After an immense interval it appears
again in the Maccahean history (1 Mace. v. 13).
Tob or Tobie was then the abode of a considenbie
colony of Jews, numbering at least a thousand
males. In 3 Mace. xii. 17 its position is defined
very exactly as at or near Charax, 750 stadia from
the strong town Caspis, though, as the position of
neither of these places is known, we an not there-
by assisted In the recovery of Tob. [Tobu;
TuBUmi.]
Ptolemy (Gtogr. v. 19) mentions a place called
0ai$a as lying to the a W. of Zobah, and there-
fore possibly to the E. or N. R. of the country of
Amnion proper. In Stephanos of Byxsuithna and
in Eckhd {Doctr. tfumm. iii. 863), the names
Tubai and Tabeni occur.
No identification of this ancient district with
any modern one has yet been attempted. The
name Tell Dobbe (Burckhardt, Syrvi, April 26),
or, as it is given by the latest explorer of those
regions, Tell Dtbbe (Wetzstein, Map), attached tc
a ruined site at the south end of the Lrjn, a few
miles N. W. of Kendwnt, and also that of ed-D-ib,
some twdve hours east of the mountain et-Kulrib.
are both suggestive of Tob. But nothing can be
said, at present, ss to their co n nectio n with &.
G.
TOBIAH (Hjyitt [gooantm o/ Jthtmi].
T-Biat [Vat. TaiSfia]. TvjSfo: TMa). 1. "The
children of Toblah " were a family who returned
with Zerubbabd, but were unable to prove thafe
connection with brad (Ear. 1L 60; Neh. vil. 89).
a The wee* Is
TJtTT. *"* •-•*»•
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TOBIAS
*. (TSA. U 19, FA. T*/8««; iv. 3, FA.1 1W-
&*:] JWmw.) "Tobiah the slave, the Ammon
lit," played a conspicuous pert in the rancorous
opposition made by Sanballat the Moabite and hi
adherents to the rebuilding of Jerusalem. ~
two races of Hoab and Ammon found in these
men fit representatives of that hereditary hatred
to the Israelite! which began before the entrance
into Canaan, and was not extinct when the He-
brews had ceased to exist as a nation. The hor-
rible story of the origin of the Hoabitet and Am-
monites, as it was told by the Hebrews, is an index
of the feeling of repulsion which must hare existed
between these hostile families of men. In the
dignified rebuke of Nebemiah it received its high-
est expression: "ye hare no portion, nor right,
nor memorial in Jerusalem " (Neh. ii. SO). But
Tobiah, though a slave (Neh. ii. 10, 19), unless
this is a title of opprobrium, and an Ammonite,
found means to ally himself with a priestly family,
and his son Jobanan married the daughter of
Meshullam the son of Berechiah (Neh. vi. 18).
He himself was the son-in-law of Sheohaniah the
son of Aran (Neh. vi. 17), and these family re-
lations created for him a strong faction among
the Jews, and may hare had something to do with
the stern measures which Eira found it necessary
to take to repress the intermarriages with foreigners.
Ewa a grandson of the high-priest Eliashlb bad
married a daughter of Sanballat (Neb. xiii. 88). In
xiii. 4 Kliashib is said to hare been allied to Tobiah,
which would imply a relationship of some kind
between Tobiah and Sanballat, though its nature
is not mentioned. The evil had spread so far that
the leaders of the people were compelled to rouse
tkeir religious antipathies by reading from the Law
of Moses the strong prohibition that the Ammon-
ite and the Moabite should not come into the con-
gregation of God for ever (Neb. xiii. 1). Ewald
(Getch. It. 173) conjectures that Tobiah had been
a page ("slave ") at the Persian court, and, being
in favor there, had been promoted to be satrap of
the Ammonites. But it almost seems that against
Tobiah there was a stronger feeling of animosity
than against Sanballat, and that this animosity
found expression in the epithet " the slave," which
is attached to bis name. It was Tobiah who gave
venom to the pitying scorn of Sanballat (Neh. iv.
8), and provoked the bitter cry of Nehemiah (Neh.
Iv. 4, 5); it was Tobiah who kept up communica-
tions with the factious Jews, and who sent letters
to put their leader in fear (Neh. vi. 17, 10): but
his crowning act of insult was to take up his resi-
dence in the Temple in the chamber which Eliashib
had prepared for him in defiance of the Mosaic
statute. Nehemiah'a patience could no longer con-
tain itself, "therefore," be says, " I cast forth all
the household stuff of Tobiah out of the cham-
ber," and with this summary act Tobiah disappears
from history (Neb. xiii. 7, 8). W. A. W.
TOBI'AS. The Greek form of the name To-
«iah or Tobijah. L (T»/9f at : Thabitu, Tobias.)
The son of Tobit, and central character in the rook
t f that name. [Tobit, Book of.]
S. The father of Hyrcanus, apparently a man of
{rest wealth and reputation at Jerusalem in the
time of Seleucus Phiiopator (cir. B. o. 187). In
the high-priestly schism which happened afterwards
[Mekelacs], " the sons of Tobias " took a con-
spicuous part (Joseph. Ant. iii. 6, $ 1). One of
these, Joseph, who raised himself by Intrigue to
TOBIT, BOOK OF
3271
high favor with the Egyptian court, hail a sob
named Hyrcanus (Joseph. Ant. xil. 4, 4, 3).- II
been supposed that this is the Hyrcanus re-
ined to in 2 Mace. ill. 11 ; and it is tot impossi-
ble that, for some unknown reason (ss In the cast
of the Maccabees), the whole family were called
after their grandfather, to the exclusion of the
father's name. On the other hand, the natural
recurrence of names in successive generations makes
it more probable that the Hyrcanus mentioned ii
Josephus was a nephew of the Hyrcanus in 2 Maes
(Coup. Ewald, Ouch. d. V. I. iv. 808; Grimm,
ad Mace L c). B. F. W.
T03IE, THE PLAGES OF (tV nh
Tov0iov [Rom. TmjBiov]: in locit Tabin: Syr.
Tvbbi). A district which In the time of the
Maccabees was the seat of an extensive colony of
Jews (1 Mace. v. 18). It is in all probability
identical with the Land of Tob mentioned in the
history of Jephtbah. [See also Tubikhi.] G.
T03IEL (barilla, the goodntu of God:
Tt»M\t Thobitl, Toblet), the father of Tobit and
grandfather of Tobias (1), Tob. i. 1. The name
may be compared with Tabael (To£c*A). [Ta-
baeu] B. F. W.
TOBI'JAH flnjaStt [goodntu of Jeho-
vah]: Tmplas; [Vat Alex, omit:] Tkobiat). 1.
One of the Levites sent by Jehoshapbat to teach
the Law in the cities of Judah (2 Cbr. xvii. 8).
2. (of xpr/«voi air?)*: Tubiit.) One of the
Captivity in the time of Zechariah, in whose pres-
ence the prophet was commanded to take crowns
of silver and gold and put them on the head of
Joshua the high-priest (Zech. vi. 10). In ver. 14
his name appears in the shortened form n*3"ltS.
Roseiimiiller conjectures that he was one of a
deputation who came up to Jerusalem, from the
Jews who still remained in Babylon, with contri-
butions of gold and silver for the Temple. But
Maurer considers that the offerings were presented
by Toby&h and his companions, because the crowns
were commanded to be placed in the Temple as a
memorial of their visit and generosity.
W. A. W.
TOBIT (Te>/8«(», Trnpttr, T.»/S(t: Vulg. To.
Mot; Tat. Lat. TM, Thobi, Tobit), the son of To-
biel (Twflif/X: Thobitl, ToUet) and father of Tobias
(Tob. i. 1, etc.). [Tobit, Book or.] The name
appears to answer to \? StS, which occurs frequently
in later times (Fritesche, ad. Tob. 1 1), and not (as
Welte, EM. 86) to iljaTO; yet in that esse
TetjStt , according to the analogy of A«vt> 0V?)i
would have been the more natural form. The
etymology of the word is obscure. Ilgen translates
it simply "my goodness; " Fritxsche, with greater
probability, regards it as an abbreviation of T\ J2TB
eomparing M,\ x l (Luke iii. 84, 88), "•fTTTl, eta.
(ad Tab. L c). The form in the Viugete Is of no
weight against the Old Latin, except so far as it
shows the reading of the Cbaldaic text which Jerome
used, in which the identity of the names of the
father and son is directly affirmed (i. 9, Vulg.).
H V W
TO'BIT, BOOK OF. The book is called
simply Tobit (TcjBIt, Ta»6«fr) in the old MSS.
At a later time the opening words of the book, B(0-
Act Xbytn Tm/Mt, were taken as a title. Is
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TOBIT, BOOK OF
Latin MSS. It is atjlad Tabu, Liter ThobU, liter
Tibia (Sahatier, p. 706), Tobit « Tobiat, Liber
utriutqtie Tobkt (Fritrache, KM. % 1).
1. TtxU — The book exists at present In Greek,
Latin, Sjriac, and Hebrew tezta, which differ mote
or less from one another in detail, but jet on the
whole are so (u alike that it la waaonabh to sup-
pose that all were derived from one written original,
which waa modified in the course of translation or
transcription. The Urttk text is found In two
distinct recensions. The one is followed by the
mass of the MSS. of the LXX., and gins the oldest
text which remains. The other is only fragmen-
tary, and manifestly a revirion of the former. Of
this, one piece (i. 1— ii. 2) is contained in the Cod.
Sinaiticna ( = Cod. Krid. Augustanus), and another
In three later MSS. (44, 106, 107, Holmes and
Parsons; vi. 8-xill.; Fritxache, /Swo. Handb. 71-
110). The Latin texts are also of two kinds.
The common (Vulgate) text is due to Jerome, who
formed it by a very hasty revision of the old Latin
version with the help of a Chaldee copy, which was
translated into Hebrew for him by an assistant who
was muter of both languages. The treatment of
the text in this recension is very arbitrary, as might
be expected from the description which Jerome
gives of the mode in which it waa made (comp.
Prof, in Tob. {4); and it is of very little critical
value, for it is impossible to distinguish accurately
the different elements which are incorporated In it.
The ante-Hieronymian (Vetua Latins) texts are far
more valuable, though these present considerable
variations among themselves, as generally happens,
and represent the revised and not the original Greek
text Sabatier has given one text from these MSS.
of the eighth century and also added various read-
ings from another MS., formerly in the possession
of Christina of Sweden, which contains a distinct
version of a considerable part of the book, i.-vi. 12
(BibL Lot. ii. 706). A third* text is found in the
quotations of the Spectdum, published by Mai, Sjii-
aleg. Rom. ix- 21-23. The Hebrew versions are
of no great weight. One, which was published by
P. Fagius (1S42), after a Conatantlnopolitan edition
of 1517, is closely moulded on the common Greek
text without being a servile translation (r'ritzeche,
{ 4). Another, published by S. Muntter (1642,
etc. ), is based upon the revised text, but is extremely
free, and is rather an adaptation than a version.
Both these versions, with the Syriae, are reprinted
in Walton') Polyglot, and are late Jewiah works of
uncertain date (Fritxache, L c. Ihren, cfa. xvii. if.).
The Syriae version la of a composite character. As
far as ch. vii. 9 it is a dose rendering of the com-
mon Greek text of the LXX., but from this point
to the end it follows the revised text, a fact which
is noticed in the margin of one of the MSS.
2. Conttnti. — The outline of the book is as fol-
lows. Tobit, a Jew of the tribe of Naphtali, who
strictly ooserved the Law and remained faithful to
the Temple-tervice at Jerusalem (1. 4-6), was carried
captive to Assyria by Shalmaneser. While in cap-
tivity he exerted himself to relieve his countrymen,
which his favorable position at court (myofaoriit,
1. 13, " purveyor ") enabled him to do, and at this
time he waa rich enough to lend ten talents of silver
to a countryman, Gabael of Rages in Media. But
when Sennacherib succeeded his rather Salmanoer,
the fortune of Tobit was changed. He waa accused
if burying the Jews whom the king had put to
leath, and was only able to save himself, his wife
Anna, and his son Tobias, by flight On the ac-
TOBIT, BOOK OF
cession of Eaarhaddon be waa allowed totatem to
Nineveh, at the intf rw Minn of hie nephew, Acbi-
acharua, who occupied a high place in the king 'a
household (i. 221 ; bat his seal for bia countrymen
brought him into a strange misfortune. An he lay
one night in the court of his house, being imrlcaa
from having buried a Jew whom his son bad sound
strangled in the market-place, au a i i u wa * mated
warm dung into his eyes," and he ***——* blind.
Being thus disabled, be was for a time supported by
Achlacharus, and after his departure (read rarapew-
0v/, U. 10), by the labor of his wife. On ana oc-
casion be falsely accused her of stealing a kid which
bad been added to her wages, and in return she re-
proached him with the miserable issue of all Lis
righteous deeds. Grieved by her taunts be prayed
to God for help; and it happened that on the aunt
day Sara, hia kinswoman (vi. 10, 11), the only
daughter of Raguel, also sought help from God
against the reproaches of her father's household.
For seven young men wedded to her had perished
on their marriage night by the power of the evil
spirit Asmodeua [Abmodkus] ; and she thought
that she should " bring bar father's old age with
sorrow unto the grave " (iii. 10). So Raphael was
tent to deliver both from their sorrow. In the
mean time Tobit called to mind the money which
be had lent to Gabael, and despatched Tobias, with
many wise counsels, to reclaim it (ir.). On this
Raphael (under the form of a kinsman, Asanas)
offered himself as a guide to Tobias on his journey
to Media, and they " went forth both, and «A«
young num't dog with llm," and Anna was com-
forted for the absence of her son (v.). When they
reached the Tigris, Tobias waa commanded by Ra-
phael to take " the heart, and liver, and gall " of *• a
fish which leaped out of the river and would have
devoured him," and instructed bow to use the first
two against Asruodeoa, for Sara, Raphael amid, was
appointed to be his wife (vi.). So when they
reached Echetana they were entertained by RagneL
and in accordance with the words cf the angel, Sara
wis given to Tobias in marriage that night, and
Asmodeua was "driven to the utmost parts of
Egypt," where "the angel bound him" (Tii-,viii.>.
After this Raphael recove re d the loan from Gabael
(ix.), and Tobiaa then returned with Sara and half
ber father's goods to Nlneve(x.). Tobit, informed
by Anna of their son's approach, hastened to meet
him. Tobias by the command of the angel applied
the fish's gall to bis father's eyes and restored his
eight (x.). After this Raphael, addressing to both
words of good counsel, revealed himself, and "they
saw him no mors" (xli.). On this Tobit expressed
his gratitude in a fine psalm (xiii.); and he lived to
set the long prosperity of his son (xiv. 1, 2). After
his death Tobias, according to hia instruction, re-
turned to Ecbatana, and "before he died he heard
of the destruction of Nineve," of which "Jonas tbr
prophet spake " (xiv. 18, 4).
3. Hutoricnl Character. — The narrative which
has been Just stretched, seams to have been received
without inquiry or dispute as historically true til
the rise of free criticism at the Reformation. Lower,
while warmly praising the general teaching of the
book (comp. § 6), yet expressed doubts as to Its
literal truth, and these doubts gradually gained a
wide currency among Protestant writers. Bertboldt
(EinL § 679) has given a summary of alleged error*
in detail (e. g. i. 1, 2, of NapnthaK, compared with
2 K. it. 29; vi. 9, Rages, said to have been founded
by Set Nioator), but the question I
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TOBIT, BOOK OF
tin general complexion of the history than apon
minute objections, which are often captious and
rarely aatisfactory (comp. Welte, tint. pp. 84-94).
This, however, is fatal to the supposition that the
book could hare been completed abort!) after the fall
of Nineveh (b. c. 606; Tob. xiv. 15), and written
in the main some time before (Tob. xii. 20). The
whole tone of the narrative bespeaks a later age ; and
above all, the doctrine of good and evil spirits is
elaborated in a form which belongs to a period con-
siderably posterior to the Babylonian Captivity
(Asmodeus, iii. 8, vi. 14, viii. 3; Raphael, xii. 15).
The incidents, again, are completely isolated, and
then is no reference to them in any part of Scrip-
tun (the supposed parallels, Tob. iv. 15 (16) ||
Matt. vii. 13; Tob. riii. 16-18 |j Kev. xxi. 18, are
men general ideas), nor in Josephus or Philo.
And though the extraordinary character of the de-
tails, as such, is no objection against the reality of
the occurrences, yet it may be fairly urged that the
character of the alleged miraculous events, when
taken together, is alien from the general character
of such events in the historical books of Scripture,
while there is nothing exceptional in the circum-
stances of the persons as in the case of Daniel
[Dahul, vol. i. 548], which might serve to explain
this difference. On all these grounds it may cer-
tainly be concluded that the narrative is not simply
history, and it is superfluous to inquire how far it
is based upon facts. It is quite possible that some
real occurrences, preserved by tradition, furnished
the basis of the narrative, but it does not follow by
any means that the elimination of the extraordinary
details will leave behind pure history (so Ilgen).
As the book stands it is a distinctly didactic narra-
tive. Its point lies in the moral lesson which it
conveys, and not in the incidents. The incidents
furnish lively pictures of the truth which the author
wished to inculcate, but the lessons themselves are
independent of them. Nor can any weight be laid
on the minute exactness with which apparently
unimportant details are described (e. g. the geneal -
ogy and dwelling-place of Tobit, i. 1, 2; the mar-
riage festival, viii. 20, xi. 18, 19, quoted by Ilgen
and Welts), as proving the reality of the events,
for such particularity is characteristic of Eastern
romance, and appears again in the book of Judith.
The writer in composing his story necessarily ob-
served the ordinary form of a historical narrative.
4. Original Language and Ktxinunt. — In the
absence of all direct evidence, considerable doubt
has been felt as to the original language of the book.
The superior clearness, simplicity, and accuracy of
the LXX. text prove conclusively that this is nearer
the original than any other text which is known, if
it be not, as some have supposed (Jahu and Fritxsehe
doubtfully), the original itself. Indeed, the argu-
aaants which have been brought forward to show
that it is a translation an far from conclusive. The
s upp os ed contradictions between different parts of
the book, especially the change from the first (L— iii.
9) to the third person (iii. 7-xiv.), from which Ilgen
endeavored to prove that the narrative was made
up of distinct Hebrew documents, carelessly put
together', and afterwards rendered by one Greek
translator, an easily eipl.aable on other grounds;
and the alleged mistranslations (iii. 6; iv. 19, etc.)
depend rather on errors iu interpreting the Greek
text, than on errors in the text itaeh. The style,
again, though harsh in parts, and far from the
classical standard, is not more so than some books
which w re undoubtedly written in break («• g- the
so*
TOBIT, BOOK OF
3278
Apocalypse) ; and there is little, if anything, in it
which points certainly to the immediate influence
of an Aramaic text. (i. 4, tls vaVcu rat ytvtai
rot aiwfot, comp. Eph. iii. 21; i. 22, in Sivripas;
iii. 15, }j>a rl pot (r)V, v. 15, riva aoi tao/uu
fiurBbv 9tS6fait xiv. 3, wpoaiQtro tpofifftrOcu, etc.)
To this it may be added that Origen was not ac-
quainted with any Hebrew original (A/;, ad Afiic.
13); and the Chaldee copy which Jerome used, as
far as its character can be ascertained, was evi-
dently a later version of the story. On the other
hand, there is no internal evidence against the sup-
position that the Greek text is a translation. Some
difficulties appear to be removed by this supposition
(e. g. ix. 6); and jf the consideration of the date
and place of the composition of the book favor this
view, it may rightly be admitted. The Greek offers
some peculiarities in vocabulary: i. 6, wpuro-
Kovpia, »'. e. 4; farapxh r * y kovo&v, Deut, xviii. 4 ;
i. 7, iarorpari (oftat ; i. 21, ixKoyiarla; ii. 3,
aTpayyakim, etc.: and in construction, xiii. 7,
&ya\Auur9ai ri)y ntya\a<riyiiy; xii. i, tixaiovtrSal
tim; vi. 19, xpoa&ytiv rwl (intrans.); vi. 6, iy
■ylCtw cV, etc But these furnish no argument on
either side.
The various texts which remain have already
been enumerated. Of these, three varieties may be
distinguished: (1) the LXX. ; (2) the revised Greek
text, followed by the Old Latin in the main, and by
the Syriac in part; and (3) the Vulgate Latin.
The Hebrew versions have no critical value. (1.)
The LXX. is followed by A. V., and has been al-
ready characterized as the standard to which the
others are to be referred. (2. ) The revised text,
first brought distinctly into notice by Fritzsche
(Einl § 5), is based on the LXX. Greek, which is
at one time extended, and then compressed, with a
view to greater fullness and clearness. A few of
the variations in the first chapter will indicate its
character: Ver. 2, t)fo-/bj>, add. Matt Sua/tir
i)\iw «*{ ifurrtpiv taydp ; ver. 8, oTt KaHiKti,
given at length tiki 6p<payo!s xol t«ui xV°">
K. T. X. : ver. 18, ix rqt 'lovSaior, add. ir riptpaa
T«jj Kplatm it fVoiigew <*{ airrov i fiaaiKttit
T oS oiparov w«sl raw 0\atra)ri/uay ay i&\sur-
(frtjfijlffty. ver. 22, otyoxiot, opxiatyoxoW (3.)
The Vulgate text was derived in part from a
Chaldee copy which was translated by word of
mouth into Hebrew for Jerome, who in turn die
tated a Latin rendering to a secretary. {Prof, m
Tub. : . . . . Fjugitis ut librum Cbaldaeo sermon*
conscriptum ad Latinum stylum traham ....
Feci satis desiderio vestro, non tatnen meo studio
. . . . Et quia viciua est Chaldoorum lingua ser-
mon! Hebraico, utriusque lingua peritissimum lo-
quacem reperiens uniut (tin labortm airipui, et
quidquid ille mihi Hebraicis verbis expreasit, hoc
ego, accito notario, sermonibus Latinis exposui.) It
is evident that in this process Jerome made some use
of the Old Latin version, which he follows almost
verbally in a Tew places : iii. 3-6 ; iv. 6, 7, 11, 23, etc. ;
but the greater part of the version seems to be an
independent work. On the whole, it is more concise
than the Old Latin ; but it contains Interpolations
and changes, many of which mark the asceticism of
a late age: ii. 12-14 (parallel with Job); iii. 17-83
(expansion of iii. 14); vi. 17 ff. (expansion of vi.
18); ix. 11, IS; xii. 13 (et quia aeceptus eras Deo,,
necesse fuit ut tentatio probaret se).
6. rite andPUict of Competition. —The data
for determining the age of the book and the place
when It was compiled ace scanty wd eoaaeouenilf
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8274
TOBIT, BOOK OF
vary different opinion* have been entertained on
these points. Eichbora (Eiitl pp. 408 ff.) placet
the author after the time of Dariua Hystaapis with-
oat fixing any further limit of age or country
Bertholdt, insisting (wrongly) on the supposed date
of the foundation of Bagee [Bagxs], bring! the
book considerably later than Seleucua Nieator (dr.
B. c. 350-900), and supposes that it m written
by a Galilean or Babylonian Jew, from the prom-
inenee given to those districts in the narratire
(EM. pp. 2499, 2500). De Wette teres the date
undetermined, but argoe> that the author waa a
natireofPale«tine(£MS811). Ewald(G«eAicA<e,
It. 233-238) fixes the eompoaition in the far East,
towards the close of the Persian period (eir. 350
B. a). This last opinion is almost certainly cor-
net. The superior and inferior limits of the date
of the book seem to be defined with fair distinct-
ness. On the one hand the detailed doctrine of
aril spirits points clearly to some tune after the
Babylonian Captivity; and this date is definitely
marked by the reference to a new Temple at Jeru-
salem, "not like the first" (Tob. xiv. 5; eomp.
Ear. Ui. 12). On the other hand, there is nothing
to show that the Jews were threatened with any
special danger when the narratire was written (as
in Judith), and the manner in which Media is men-
tioned (xir. 4) implies that the Persian monarchy
was still strong. Thus its date will fall somewhere
within the period between the dote of the work of
Nehemiah and the invasion of Alexander (cir. b. c.
430-334). The contents of the book furnish also
some clew to the place where it wu written. Not
only is there an accurate knowledge of the scenes
described (Ewald, p. 233), but the incidents have a
local coloring. The continual reference to alma-
giving and the burial of the dead, and the stress
which is laid upon the right performance of worship
at Jerusalem by those who are afar off (i. 4), can
scarcely be doe to an effort of imagination, but
must rather bare been occasioned by the immediate
experience of the writer. This would suggest that
be was living out of Palestine, in some Persian city,
perhaps Babylon, where his countrymen were ex-
posed to the capricious cruelty of heathen governor*,
and in danger of neglecting the Temple-service.
Glimpses are also given of the presence of the Jews
at court, not only in the history (Tob. i. 22), but
alto in direct counsel (xii. 7, /wtrrfipiov /hurl\tas
xaAor Kpttym), which better cult such a position
than any other (eomp. xiii. 3). If these conjectures
as to the date and place of writing be correct, it
follows that we mutt assume the existence of a He-
brew or Chaldee original. And even if the date
of the book be brought much lower, to the begin-
ning of the second century B. c., which seems to
be the latest possible limit, it it equally certain that
it must hare been written in some Aramaic dialect,
as the Greek literature of Palestine belongs to a
much later time ; and the references to Jerusalem
teem to show that the book could not have been
oomposed in Egypt (1. 4, xiv. 5), an inference, in-
deed, which may be deduced from its general con-
tents. As long at the book was held to be strict
history it was supposed that It was written by the
immediate actors, in accordance with the direction
of the angd (xii. 20). The passages where Tobit
a This is expressed sail mora distinctly to the
a>mi/um (p. 1127, 0., el. Far. 1836): "Non sunt
tasHtsndl et hi [Hbrl] qoos onldem ante Balratorls adV
TOBIT, BOOK OF
in the first person (i— Ui. 6, xiii.) snae as
signed to his authorship. Tne intervening chapters
to Tobit or Tobias. The description of the dose
of the life of Tobit to Tobias (xiv. 1-11); and the
concluding verses (xiv. 12-15) to one of hit friends
who survived him. If, however, the historical
character of the narrative is set aside, there b no
trace of the person of the author.
6. Hutorg. — The history of the book a in Use
main that of the LXX. version. While the eon-
tents of the LXX., as a whole, were l e cdi s d at
canonical, the book of Tobit was niiismilyindoaVd
without further inquiry among the books of Holy
Scripture. [Cason.] The peculiar merits of tie
book contributed also in no small degree to gun
for it a wide and hearty reception. There appears
to be a dear reference to H in the Latin version of
the Epistle of Pdyearp (c. 10, cfct m os y s n de marie
Burnt, Tob. It. 10, xii. 9). In a scheme of the
Ophites, if there be no corruption in the text, Tobias
appears among the prophets (Iren. i. 30, 11).
Clement of Alexandria (JStrot*. ii. 23, } 139, Torn
fipaxitts t) ffxuph 8«8r/A«wtf» fipr/avto, Tob. iv. 16)
and Origen practically use the book at canonical;
but Origen distinctly notices that neither Tobit star
Judith were received by the Jews, and rests the
authority of Tobit on the usage of the ehurehet
(Ep. ad Afrie. 13, 'EjSoouh r£ Tt»jB(a o* xpsnrsu
.... AAA', trt\ xpaVrai r«7 Tv/Ha ai (hucAw-
o-fai . . . . De Ornt. 1, § 14, if rev T«p%
Pl$Xtp aVriAeyowrir of *7r wcairopqi err st4> tw
SiaoVJKti ....). Even Athanasins when writing
without any critical regard to the Canon quotes
Tobit as Scripture (Apol. e. Arum. § 11, fa yf.
ypaTTtu, Tob. xii. 7); but when be gives a formal
list of the tiered books, he definitely excludes it
from the Canon, and places it with other apocryphal
books among the writings which were " to be read
by those who were but just entering on Christian
teaching, and desirous to be instructed in the rales
of piety " (Ep. Fat. p. 1177, ed. Migne). In the
Latin Church Tobit found a much more dedded
acceptance. Cyprian, Hilary, and Lucifer quote it
as authoritative (Cypr. De Oral. Dam. 32; Hil
Plet. At rVtan. exxix. 7; yet eomp. Prol m Pt
xv.; Ludf. Pro Atknn. i. p. 871). Augustine in-
cludes it with the other apocrypha of the LXX.
among "the books which the Christian Church
received " (De Doetr. Christ, ii. 8),« and in thit
be was followed by the mass of the later Latin
fathers [eomp. Canoh, vol. i. p. 364, Ac]. Am-
brose in especial wrote an essay on Tobias, treating
of the evils of usury, in which be speaks of the bosk
as >' prophetic " in the strongest terms (De Tatid,
i. 1; eomp. Htxntm. vi. 4). Jerome however, fol-
lowed by Ruffinus, maintained the purity of tat
Hebrew Canon of tne 0. T., and, at has bean teas,
treated it very summarily (for later authorities sss
Cakoh). In modern times the moral exceueoea
of the book has been rated highly, except in the
beat of controversy. Lather pronounced it, if only
a fiction, yet "a truly beautiful, wholesome, and
profitable fiction, the work of a gifted poet. . . .
A book useful for Christian reading " (ap. Fritxsehs,
AM. $ 11). The same view is held abo in the
English Church. A passage from Tobit is quoted
in the Second Book of Homilies as the teaching
a Jackets redptt tauten ejusdem Sarratorls exists* *
The preface from which these words are tak<u ft far
lowed by qsttanons from Wisdom, bekoetjurat, ant
Tobit.
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TOBIT. BOOK OP
•of (he Holy Ghmt in Scripture" (Of AUnsdeeds, [
l p. JJ9I, «d. Conic); tnd the Prayer-book offers
erreral indications of the w» feeling of respect (tu-
rtle book. Three veran are retained among the
•ententes need at the Offertory (Too. It. 7-9); and
the Preface to the Marriage Service contains a plain
adaptation of Jerome's ration of Tob. ri. 17 (Hi
namqne qni conjugium ita suscipiunt ut Deum a
eett earn mente exclndant, et suae libidini ita
meant, stent eqans et malm quibas non est Intel-
leetue, faabet potestatem daHUonium super eos). In
the First Hook of Edward VI. a reference to the
blessing of Tobias and Sara by Raphael was re-
taiaed in the same serrice from the old office in
place of the pre s en t reference to Abraham and
Sarah . and one of the opening clauses of the Litany,
Introduced from the Sarum Breriary, is a repro-
saction of the Vulgate version of Tob. ill. 3 (Ne
rindictam somas de peccatis meis, Deque reminis-
earis delict* mea vel psrentum meorum).
7. Religion Character. — Few probably can read
the book in the LXX. text without assenting
heartily to the favorable judgment of Luther on its
merits. Nowhere ehe is there pr eserv e d so com-
plete and beautiful a picture of the domestic life of
the Jews after the Return. There may be symptoms
ef a tendency to formal righteousness of works, but
ss yet the works are painted as springing from a
living faith. The devotion due to Jerusalem is
united with definite set* of charity (i. 6-8) and
with the p rospec t of wider blessings (xiii. 1 1 ). The
giving of alma is not a mere scattering of wealth,
bat a real service of love (L 16, 17, ii. 1-7. iv. 7-11,
16), thoagh at times the emphasis which is laid
upon the duty is exaggerated (as It seems) from
the special circumstances in which the writer was
placed (xii. 9, xir. 10). Of the special precepts one
(iv. IS, 5 unit pnotrf woi^trnt) contains the
sedative aide of the golden rule of conduct (Matt.
vii. 12), which in this partial form is found among
the maxims of Confucius. But it is chiefly in the
exquisite tenderness of the portraiture of domestic
life that the book excels. The parting of Tobias
and Iris mother, the consolation of Tobit (r. 17-22),
the affection of Raguel (vii. 4-8), the anxious wait-
ing of the parents (x. 1-7), the son's return (iz. 4,
si.), and even the unjust suspiciousness of the sor-
row of Tobit and Anna (ii. 11-14) are painted with
a simplicity worthy of the best times of the patri-
archs. Almost every family relation is touched
upon with natural grace and affection : husband and
wife, parent and child, kinsmen, near or distant,
master and servant, are presented in the most varied
action, and always with life-like power (ii. 13, 14,
r. 17-89, Tit 16, Tiii. 4-8, x. 1-7, xl. 1-13, 1. 22,
B. 10, Tit 8-8, T. 14, 16, xiL 1-6, Ac.). Prayer
hauowa the whole conduct of life (iv. 19, vi. 17,
tEL 6-8, 4c); and even in distress there is con-
fidence that in the end all will be well (It. 6, 14,
19 ), though there is no clear anticipation of a future
personal existence (itt. 6). The most remarkable
BDCtrioa. denture in the book is the prominence
then to the action of spirits, who, while they are
conceived to be subject to the passions of men and
naterial influences ( Asmodeus), are yet not affected
by bodily wants, and manifested only oy their own
wHJ (Raphael, xii. 19). Powers of evil (turfy toy,
TOBIT, BOOK OF
8275
trrev/ia wernpoV, ill. 8, 17, vi. 7, 14, 17) are rep
resented an gaining the means of figuring men by
sin [Asmodeus], while they are driven away and
bound by the exercise of faith and prayer (viii. 2, 8).
On the other hand Raphael comes among men as
11 the healer " (comp. Dillmann, Dot Buch Henoch,
c. 20), and by the mission of Cod (iii. 17, xii. 18),
restores those whose good actions he has secretly
watched (xii. 12, 13), and "the remembrance of
whose prayers he has brought liefore the Holy One "
(xii. 12). This ministry of intercession is elsewhere
expressly recognised. Seven holy angels, of whom
Raphael is one, are specially described as those
" which present the prayers of the saints, and which
go in and out liefore the glory of God " (xii. IS).
It is characteristic of the same sense of the need
of some being to interpose between God and mar.
that singular prominence is given to the idea of
"the glory of God," before which these archangels
appear as priests in the holiest place (viii. 15, xii.
15): and in one passage "the angel of God" (v.
16, 21) occupies a position closely resembling that
of the Word in the Targums and Philo (De mul.
nam. § 18, etc.). Elsewhere blessing is rendered
to "all the holy angels" (xi. 14, iv\oyr)fi4'yot as
contrasted with ti\oyt)rit' comp. Luke i. 42),
who are themselves united with " the elect "' in the
duty of praising God forever (viii. 15). This men-
tion of "the elect" points to a second doctrinal
feature of the book, which it shares with Baruch
alone of the apocryphal writings, the firm belief in
a glorious restoration of the Jewish people (xiv. 5,
xiii. 9-18). But the restoration contemplated is
national, and not the work of a universal Saviour.
The Temple is described as " consecrated and built
for all ages " (i. 4), the feasts are "an everlasting
decree " (i. 6), and when it is restored '• the streets
of Jerusalem shall say . . . Blessed be God which
hath extolled it for ever" (xiii. 18). In all there
is not the slightest trace of the belief in a personal
Messiah.
8. Comparisons have often been made between
the book of Tobit and Job, but from the outline
wbich has been given it is obvious that the resem-
blance is only superficial, though Tob. ii. 14 was
probably suggested by Job ii. 9, 10, while the dif-
ferences are such as to mark distinct periods. In
Tobit the sorrows of those who are afflicted are
laid at once in prayer before God, in perfect reli-
ance on his final judgment, and then immediately
relieved by Divine interposition. In Job the real
conflict is in the soul of the sufferer, and his relief
comes at length with humiliation and repentance
(xiii. 6). The one book teaches by great thoughts ;
the other by clear maxims translated into touching
incidents. The contrast of Tobit and Judith is
still more instructive. These books present two
pictures of Jewish life and feeling, broadly dis-
tinguished in all their details, and yet mutually
illustrative. The one represents the exile prosper-
ous and even powerful in a strange land, exposed
to sudden dangers, cherishing his national ties,
and looking with unshaken love to the Holy City,
but still mainly occupied by the common duties of
social life; the other portrays a time of reproach
and peril, when national independence was threat-
ened, and a righteous cause seemed to justify un-
" la this connec t ion may be noticed the Incident,
which is without a parallel In Scripture, and seems
■son natural to the Wert than to the nut. the com-
I of the doe; with Tobias (v. 16, xl. 4
Amur. HtxaXm . vi. 4, 17 : « Kutss spec's bastus sanctas
Raphael, angelus Tobue Juvsnls .... at I
gratis orudtobet affectum ").
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TOCHEN
scrupulous valor. The one gives the popular aval
of holiness of living, the other of courage in daring.
The one reflect) the current feeling at the close of
the Persian rule, the other during the struggles for
freedom.
9. The first complete edition of the book was bj
K. D. Ilgen (Die Geek. TaWt . ... mil ... .
finer Einleihmg tertehen, Jen. 1800), which, in
spite of serious defects due to the period at which
it was published, contains the most full discussion
jf the contents. The edition of Fritzsche (Kxtgtt.
ffandb. ii., Leipzig, 1853) is concise and scholar-
like, but leaves some points without illustration.
In England the book, like the rest of the Apocry-
pha, seems to have fatten into most undeserved
neglect B. F. W.
* Additional Literature. — Among the more
recent works we may mention F. H. Reusch, Dot
Buck Tobiai aben. u. erklart, Freib. im Br.,
1887; H. Sengelmann, flu Buck Tobit erklart,
Hamb. 1857; Hitzig, Zur KriL d. apokr. Bicker
da A. Tut., in Hilgenfeld's ZeiUckriJl f. aim.
TheoL, 1860, pp. 350-261; Hilgenfeld, in his Zeit-
echrifl, 1862, pp. 181-198; Vaihinger, art. Tobiai,
Buck da, in Herzog's Real- Una/Id. xvi. 180 ff.
(1862); Ewald, Cess*, d. Votkei Israel (4« Ausg.
1864), iv. 269-274; Noldeke, Alttett. Lit. (1868),
pp. 101-109; and the Introductions to the O. T.
by Keil (1859), p. 708 ff., Ue Wette (8« Ausg.,
bearb. von Schrader, 1869), p. 580 ff., and David-
son (Lond. 1863), iii. 368 ff. A.
TO'CHKN (Phi [test, measure]: eo«d;
Alex. Boxx"*' Tkochtn). A place mentioned (1
Chr. iv. 82 only) amongst the towns of Simeon.
In the parallel list of Josh. (xiz. 7) there is noth-
ing corresponding to Tochen. The 1.XX., how-
ever, adds the name Tbalcha between Remmon
and Ether in the latter passage; and it is not
impossible that this may be the remnant of a
Tochen anciently existing in the Hebrew text,
though it has been considered as an indication of
Telem. G.
TOGAB/MAH (npT?h: Bopyaful; [Alex.
Bepyaua; in 1 Chr. i. 6,'eopoap; Vat. in Ex.,
Scuypcuia, Bepyofta:] Thogorma). A son of
Gomer, and brother of Asbkenaz and Riphath
(Gen. x. 8). It has been already shown that To-
garmah, as a geographical term, is connected with
Armenia, 1 ' and that the subsequent notices of the
name (Ex. xxvii. 14, xxxviii. 6 ) accord with this view.
[Armexia.] It remains for us to examine into
the ethnology of the Armenians with a view to
the position assigned to them in the Mosaic table.
The most decisive statement respecting them in
ancient literature is furnished by Herodotus, who
says that they were Phrygian colonists, that they
were armed in the Phrygian fashion, and were as-
sociated with the Phrygians under the same com-
mander (Herod, vii. 73). The remark of Eudoxus
(Steph. Byz. «. «. 'Kpfuvla) that the Armenians
resemble the Phrygians in many respects in lan-
guage (t# dwn-p weAAa <f>pvyl(ov<ri) tends in
'he same direction. It is hardly necessary to un-
derstand the statement of Herodotus as implying
■xn than a common origin of the two peoples;
lor, looking at the general westward progress of the
Japhetic races, and on the central position which
a The name Itself may possibly have reference to
eisasata, for, according to Grimm (Ottc/i. Deuttrh.
•r. sV 8*3), Togarmah comes from the Sanskrit lota.
TOLA
Armenia held in regard to their nioreiueMU. <M
should rather Infer that Phrygia was colonized fnm
Armenia, than rice vtni. The Phrygians wen
indeed reputed to have had their first settlements
in Europe, and thence to have crossed into Asia
(Herod, vii. 73), but this must be regarded as sim-
ply a retrograde movement of a section of the great
Phrygian race in the direction of their original
home. 'Die period of this movement is fixed sub-
sequently to the Trojan war (Strab. xiv. p. 680),
whereas the Phrygians appear as an important
race in Asia Minor at a far earlier period (Strab.
vii. p. 321; Herod, vii. 8, 11). There can be Jttii
doubt but that they were once the dominant race
in the peninsula, and that they spread westw-trr'
from the confines of Armenia to the shores of the
iEgasn. The Phrygian language ia undoubtedly
to be classed with the Indo-European family. The
resemblance between words in the Phrygian and
Greek tongues was noticed by the Greeks them-
selves (Plat. Cratgl. p. 410), and the inscriptions
still existing in the former are decidedly Indo-
European (Rawlinson's Herod, i. 666). The Ar-
menian language presents many peculiarities which
distinguish it from other branches of the Indo-
European family; but these may he accounted for
partly by the physical character of the country,
and partly by the large amount of foreign admix-
ture that it has experienced. In spite of this,
however, no hesitation is felt by philologists in
placing Armenian among the Indo-European lan-
guages (Pott, Ktym. Fortck. Introd. p. 32: Die-
fenbach, Orig. Kurop. p. 43). With regard to the
ancient inscriptions at Wan, some doubt exists;
some of them, but apparently not the most an-
cient, are thought to bear a Turanian character
(tayard's /fin. and Bab. p. 402; Rawlinson's
Herod, i. 652) ; but, even were this fully estnlt-
lished, it fails to prove the Turanian character of
the population, inasmuch as they may have been
set up by foreign conquerors. The Armenians
themselves have associated the name of Togarmah
with their early history in that they represent the
founder of their race, Haik, as a son of Thorgoni
(Moses Choren. 1. 4, §§ 9-11). W. L. B.
TCHT7 (Vlfcl [perh. ms&ned, laolv] : (W;
Alex. BooV- Thoku). An ancestor of Samuel the
prophet, perhaps the same as Toah (1 Sam. L. 1 ;
conip. 1 Chr. vi. 34).
TCi OSfa [error] : Booi: [V**.ono» Qovov,]
Alex. Baa: Thoi). King of Hamath on the
Orontes, who, after the defeat of his powerful
enemy the Syrian king Hadadezer by tbe army of
David, sent bis son Joram, or Hadoram, to con-
gratulate tbe victor and do him homage with
presents of gold and silver and brass (8 Sam. viii.
0, 10). " For Hadadezer had wars with Toi," and
Ewald (Oettk. iii. 199) conjectures that he may
have even reduced him to a state of vassalage
There was probably some policy in the conduct of
Toi, and his object may hare been, as Josephiu
says it was {Ant. vii. 6, § 4), to buy off the con-
queror with the " vessels of ancient workmanship "
(vKtin rijt ipxaias anroa'KSvqf ) which he pr»
sen ted.
TOXA (S^'Vl [a worm] : e»Xd; Us*. Bet
" tribe," and Arma » Armenia, which he
neota with Banuae the son of MasMM S S.
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TOLAD
Vmk, S*a<, e«A«i:] Thuln). L The flrat-
xwn of lssaehar, and ancestor of toe Tolaites
(Gen. xlvi. 18; Num. xxvi. 83; 1 Chr. vii. 1, 8),
who in tba time of David numbered 33,600 men
of valor.
2. Judge of brad alter Abimelech (Judg. x. 1,
I). He ia described as "the eon of Push, tbe son
of Dodo, a man of Issachar." In the LXX. and
Vulg. he is made the son of Abimeleeh's uncle,
Dodo (TITO) being considered an appellative.
But Gideon, Abimeleeh's father, was a Manassite.
Tola judged Israel for twenty-three years at Sha-
mir in Mount Epbraim, where he died and was
buried.
TOTjAD CYlFl [Mr*, gentration]: [Vat]
BovXat/j.; [Rom J Alex. 8«AoJ: Tholad). One
of the towns of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 29), which was
in the possession of the tribe up to David's reign,
probably to the time of the census taken by Joab.
In the lists of Joshua the name is given in tbe
fuller form of El-tolad. G.
TOXAITES, THE O^Virj [from Tola] :
i &a\at [Vat. -««] : ThoUOta). The descendants
of Tola the son of Issschar (Num. xxri. 23).
TOL'BANES (Ta\j3<uo)s: Tvlbana). Tb-
UOt, one of the porters in the days of Kara (1
Esdr. ix. 35).
* TOLL. [Taxbs; Tribute.]
TOMB. Although the sepulchral arrange-
ments of the Jews have necessarily many points of
contact with those of the surrounding nations, they
are still on the whole — like everything else that
people did — so essentially different, that it is most
unsafe to attempt to elucidate them by appealing
to tbe practice of other races.
It has been hitherto too much tbe fashion to
look to Egypt for tbe prototype of every form of
Jewish art; but if there is one thing in the Old
Testament more clear than another, it is the abso-
lute antagonism between the two peoples, and the
abhorrence of everything Egyptian that prevailed
from first to last among the Jewish people. From
tbe burial of Sarah in the cave of Machpdah (Gen.
xxiit. 19) to tbe funeral rites prepared for Dorcas
(Acts ix. 37), there is no mention of any sarcoph-
agus, or even coffin, in any Jewish burial. No
pyramid was raised — no separate hypogeum of any
individual king, and what is most to be regretted
by modern investigators, no inscription or painting
which either recorded the name of the deceased,
or symbolized the religious feeling of tbe Jews
towards the dead. It is true of course that Jacob,
dying in Egypt, was embalmed (Gen. I. 8), but it
was only in order that be might be brought to
he entombed in tbe cave at Hebron, and Joseph,
as a naturalized Egyptian and a ruler in the land,
was embalmed ; and it is also mentioned as some-
thing exceptional that he was put into a coffin, and
was so brought by the Israelites out of tbe land,
and hid with his forefathers. But these, like the
surning of tbe body of Saul [see Burial], were
dearly exceptional cases.
Still less were the rites of the Jews like those of
the Pelasgi or Etruscans. With that people the
craves of the dead were, or were intended to be, in
-very respect similar to tbe homes of the living.
The lucumo lay in his robes, the warrior in his
armor, on the bed on which he had Tpoeed ji ..fe,
mrrounded by the furniture, the vessels, and the
tomb 8277
ornaments which had adorned his duoing wbea
alive, as if be were to live again in a new world
with the same wants and feelings as before. Be.
sides this, no tall stele 1 , and no sepulchral mound,
baa yet been found in the hills or plains of Judasa,
nor have we any hint either in the Bible or Jose-
phus of any such having existed which could be
traced to a strictly Jewish origin.
In very distinct contrast to all this, the sepul-
chral rites of the Jews were marked with the same
simplicity that characterized all their religious ob-
servances. The body was washed and anointed
(Mark xiv. 8, xvi. 1; John xix. 88, Ac.), wrapped
in a dean linen cloth, and borne without any
funeral pomp to the grave, where it was laid with-
out any ceremonial or form of prayer. In addition
to this, with kings and great persons, there seems
to hare been a " great burning " (2 Chr. xvi. 14,
xxi. 19; Jer. xxxiv. 6): all these being measures
more suggested by sanitary exigencies than by any
hankering after ceremonial pomp.
This simplidty of rite led to what may be
called tbe distinguishing characteristic of Jewish
sepulchres — the deep hetdus — which, so far as is
now known, is universal in all purely Jewish rock-
cut tombs, but hardly known elsewhere. Its form
will be understood by referring to the annexed dia-
gram, representing tbe forms of Jewish sepulture.
No. 1. — Diagram of Jewish Sepnlohrs.
In the apartment marked A, there are twdra
such loculi, about 3 feet in width by 8 feet high.
On tbe ground-floor these generally open on the
levd of the floor ; when In tbe upper story, as at
C, ou a ledge or platform, on which the body
might be laid to be anointed, and on which the
stones might rest which closed the outer end of
each loculus.
The shallow loculus is shown In chamber B, but
was apparently only used when sarcophagi were
employed, and therefore, so far as we know, only
during the Greco-Roman period, when foreign cus-
toms came to be adopted. The shallow loculus
wo |ld have been singularly inappropriate and in-
convenient, where an unembalmed body was lair
out to decay — as there would evidently be no
means of shutting it off from tbe rest of tbe
catacomb. The deep loculus on the other band
was as strictly conformable with Jewish customs,
and could easily be closed by a stone fitted to the
end and luted into the groove which usually exists
there.
This fast ia especially interesting as it affords a
key to much that is otherwise hard to be under-
stood in certain passages in the New Testaireat
Thus in John xi. 39, Jesus says, " Take away the
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.278 TOMB
stone," and (ver. 41) "the; took away the atone"
without difficulty, apparently; which could hardly
hare been the cue had it been auch a rock aa
would be required to dote the entrance of a care.
And ch. xx. 1, the tame expression ia used, " the
■tone ia taken away; " and though the Greek word
in the other three Evangelists certainly implies that
it wa> rvlUd away, thit would equally apply to the
•tone at the mouth of the loculus, into which the
Maries must have then stooped down to look in.
In bet the whole narrative is infinitely more clear
and intelligible if we assume that it was a stone
dosing the end of a rock-cut grave, than if we sup-
pose it to hare been a stone closing the entrance
or door of a hypogeum. In the latter case the
atone to close a door — say S feet by 3 feet, could
hardly have weighed less than 3 or 4 tons, and
eould not hare been moved without machinery.
There ia one catacomb — that known as the
"Tombs of the Kings"— which is closed by a
■tone rolling across its entrance; but it ia the only
one, and the immense amount of contrivance and
fitting which it has required ia sufficient proof that
such an arrangement was not applied to any other
of the numerous rock-tombs around Jerusalem, nor
could the traces of it have been obliterated had it
anywhere existed. From the nature of the open-
ings where they are natural caverns, and the orna-
mental form of their doorways where they are ar-
chitecturally adorned, It is evident, except in this
one instance, that they could not have been closed
by stones rolled across their entrances; and conse-
quently it seems only to be to the closing of the
loculi that these expressions, can refer. But until
a more careful and more scientific exploration of
these tombs is made than has hitherto been given
to the public, it U difficult to feel quite certain on
Ibis point.
Although, therefore, the Jews were singularly free
from the pomps and vanities of funereal magnifi-
cence, they were at all stages of their independent
existence an eminently burying people.
From the time of their entrance into the Holy
Land till their expulsion by the Romans, they seem
to hare attached the greatest importance to the
possession of an undisturbed resting-place for the
bodies of their dead, and in all ages seem to hare
shown the greatest respect, if not veneration, for
the sepulchres of their ancestors. Few, however,
sould enjoy the luxury of a rock-cut tomb. Taking
all that are known, and all that an likely to be
discovered, there are not probably 600, certainly not
1000, rock-cut loculi in or about Jerusalem, and
aa that city must in the days of its prosperity have
possessed a population of from 30,000 to 40,000
souls, it is evident that the bulk of the people
must then, at tow, hare been content with graves
iug in the carta; bnt situated aa near the Holy
Places aa their means would allow their obtaining
a place. The bodies of the kings were buried close
to the Temple walls (Ea. xlHi. 7-8), and however
little they may hare done in their life, the place of
their burial is carefully recorded in the Chronicles
if the Kings, and the cause why that place was
jhoaec is generally pointed out, at if that record
was not only the most important event, but the
final judgment on the lift of the king.
Tomb$ of the Pntriarcht. — Turning from these
eonaiderations to the more strictly historical part of
(he subject, we find that one of the moat striking
went* in the life of Abraham ia the purchase of
Jks (si i of Ephron the Hittite at Hebron, in which
TOMB
was the cava of Kachpelah, in order tiiat he might
therein bury Sarah his wife, and that it might bt
a sepulchre for himself and his children. Hit re-
fusing to accept the privilege of burying there at
a gift when offered to him, shows the importance
Abraham attached to the transaction, and hit insist-
ing on purchasing and paying for it (Gen. xxiii.
20), in order that it might be " made sure unto
him for the possession of a burying-plaee." There
he and his immediate descendants were laid 3,700
years ago, and there they are believed to rest now;
bnt no one in modern timet hat seen their re-
mains, or been allowed to enter into the cave when
they rest
A few years ago, Signer Pierotti says, he was
allowed, in company with the Paths of Jerusalem,
to descend the steps to the iron grating that closet
the entrance, and to look into the care. What bt
seems to have seen was — that it was a natural
cavern, untouched by the chisel and unaltered by
art in any way. Those who accompanied the
Prince of Wales In hit visit to the Mosque were
not permitted to see even thit entrance. All they
saw was the round hole in the floor of the Mosque
which admits light and air to the cave below. The
same round opening exists at ffeby Sanuoil in the
roof of the reputed sepulchre of the Prophet Sam-
uel, and at Jerusalem there is a similar opening
into the tomb under the Dome of the rock. In
the former it is used by the pious votaries to drop
petitions and prayers into the tombs of patriarchs
and prophets. The latter having lost the tradi-
tion of its having been a burying-place, the open-
ing only now serves to admit light into the care
below.
Unfortunately none of those who hare visited
Hebron hare had sufficient architectural knowledge
to be able to aay when the church or mosque which
now stands above tho cave was erected ; but there
seems no great reason for doubting that it is a
Byzantine church erected there between the age oi
Constantino and that of Justinian. From such in-
dications aa can be gathered, it seems of the later
period. On its floor are sarcophagi purporting to
be those of the patriarchs; but, as it usual in east-
ern tombs, they are only cenotaphs representing
those that stand below, and which are esteemed too
sacred for the vulgar to approach.
Though It ia much more easy of aeons, it is
almost as difficult to ascertain the age of the wall
that incloses the sacred precincts of these tombs.
From the account of Joeephua (B. J. iv. 7 ), it does
not seem to have existed in his day, or he surely
would hare mentioned it; and such a citadel could
hardly fail to bare been of warlike importance in
those troublous times. Besides this, we do not
know of any such inclosure encircling any tombs
or stored place in Jewish times, nor can we con-
cern any motive for so secluding these graves.
There are not any architectural mouldings about
this wall which would enable an arahteologist to
approximate its date; and if the beveling ia as-
sumed to be a Jewish arrangement (which it very
far from being exclusively the case), on the otbet
hand it may be contended that no buttressed wall
of Jewish masonry exists anywhere. There is fas
fact nothing known with sufficient exactness to
decide the question, but the probabilities certainly
tend towards a Christian or Saracenic origin for the
whole structure both internally and externally.
Aaron died on the summit of Mount Hor (Norn,
xx. 98, xxxiii. 39), and we are led to inn* Of at*
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TOMB
juried then, though it is not so stated; and we
have no details of his tomb which would lead us to
suppose that anything existed there earlier than the
Mohammedan Kubr that uow crowus the hill over-
looking Petra, and it is at the same time extremely
doubtful whether Ikat is the Mount Hor where the
high-priest died.
Moses died in the plains of Moab (DeuU xxxiv.
8), and was buried there, "but no man kuoweth his
sepulchre to this day," which is a singular utter-
ance, as being the only instance in the Old Testa-
ment of a sepulchre being concealed, or of one being
admitted to be unknown.
Joshua was buried in his own inheritance in
Tunnath-Serah (Josh. xxiv. 80), and Samuel in his
own house at Ramah (1 Sam. xxv. 1), an expression
which we may probably interpret as meaning in
the garden attached to his house, as it is scarcely
probable it would be the dwelling itself. We know,
however, so little of the feelings of the Jews of that
age on the subject that it is by no means improb-
able but that it may have been in a chamber or
loculus attached to the dwelling, and which, if
closed by a stone carefully cemented into its place,
would have prevented any annoyance from the cir-
cumstance. Joab (1 K. ii. 34) was also buried " ii
his own house in the wilderness." In fact it appears
that from the time when Abraham established the
burying-place of bis family at Hebron till the time
when David fixed that of his family in the city
which bore his name, the Jewish rulers had no fixed
or favorite place of sepulture. Each was buried on
his own property, or where be died, without much
caring either for the sanctity or convenience of the
place chosen.
Tomb oftht Kings. — Of the twenty-two kings
of Judah who reigned at Jerusalem from 1048 to
590 B. c-, eleven, or exactly one half, were buried
in one hypogeum in the " city of David." The
names of the kings so lying together were David,
Solomon, Behoboam, A by ah, Asa, Jeshoshaphat,
Ahaziah, Amaziah, Jotham, Hezekiah, and Josiah,
together with the good priest Jehoiada. Of all
these it it merely said that they were buried in
"the sepulchres of their fathers " or "of the kings"
in the city ofDavid, except of two — Asa and Hez-
ekiah. Of the first it is said (2 Cfar. xvi. 14),
« they buried him in his own sepulchres which he
Lad made for himself in the city of David, and laid
him in the bed [loculus?], which was filled with
sweet odors and divers spices prepared by the
apothecaries' art, and they made a very great burn-
ing for him." It is not quite clear, however, from
this), whether this applies to a new chamber at-
tached to the older sepulchre, or to one entirely
distinct, though in the same neighborhood. Of
Hezekiah it is said (2 Chr. xxxii. 33), they buried
him in " the chiefest [or highest] of the sepulchres
•>f the sons of David," as if there were several apart-
teota in the hypogeum, though it may merely be
.sat they excavated for him a chamber above the
•titers, as we find frequently done in Jewish sep-
ulchres.
Two more of these kings (Jehoram and Joash)
fere buried also in the city of David, " but not in
the sepulchres of the kings." The first because of
the sore diseases of which he cued (2 Chr. xxi. 20);
the second apparently in consequence of his disas-
trous end (2 Chr. xxiv. 25): and one king, Dzziah
(2 Chr- xxvi. 23), was buried with his lathers in
the "field of the burial of the kings," because he
was a leper. All this evinces the extreme care the
TOMB
3279
Jews took in the selection of the but] big-places of
their kings, and the importance they attached to
the record. It should also be borne in mind tliiit
the highest honor which couM be bestowed on the
good priest Jehoiada (2 Chr. xxiv. 16) was that
" they buried him in the city of David among the
kings, because he had done good in Israel, both to-
ward God and toward his House."
The passage in Neh. iii 16, and in Ea. xlili. 7,
9, together with the reiterated assertion of the
books of Kings and Cbrouicles that these sepul-
chres were situated in the city of David, leave no
doubt but that they were on Zion [see Jkkusa-
lem], or the Eastern Hill, and in the immediate
proximity of the Temple. They were in fact cer-
tainly within that inclosure now known as the " Ha-
ram Area " ; but if it is asked on what exact spot,
we must pause for further information before a re-
ply can be given."
This area has been so altered by Roman, Chris-
tian, and Moslem, during the last eighteen centu-
ries, that, till we can explore freely below the sur-
face, much that is interesting must be hidden from
us. It is quite clear, however, that the spot was
well known during the whole of the Jewish period,
inasmuch as the sepulchres were again and again
opened as each king died ; and from the tradition
that tiyrcanus and Herod opened these sepulchres
(.■int. xiii. 8, § 4; xvi. 7, § 1). The accounts of
these last openings are, it must be confessed, some-
what apocryphal, resting only on the authority of
Josephus; but they prove at least that he consid-
ered there could be no difficulty in finding the
place. It is very improbable, however, from what
we know of the extreme simplicity of the Jewish
sepulchral rites, that any large sum should have
been buried in David's tomb, and have escaped not
only the Persian invaders, but their own necessitous
rulers in the time of their extremest need. It is
much more probable that Hyrcanus borrowed the
treasure of toe Temple, and invented this excuse ;
whereas the story of Herod's descent is so like that
told more than 1,000 years afterward, by Benjamin
of Tudela, that both may be classed in the same
category. It was a secret transaction, if it took
place, regarding which rumor might fttshion what
wondrous tales it pleased, and no one could contra-
dict them; but bis having built a marble steV
{Ant. xvi. 7, $ 1) in front of the tomb may have
been a fact within the cognizance of Joaepbus, and
would at all events serve to indicate that the sepul-
chre was rock-cut, and its site well known.
So &r as we can judge from this and other indi-
cations, it teems probable there was originally a nat-
ural cavern in the rock in this locality, which may
afterward have been improved by art, and in the
sides of which ioculi were sunk, in which the bodies
of the eknreu kings and of the good high-priest were
laid, without sarcophagi or coffin, but " wound in
linen clothes with the spices, as the manner of the
Jews is to bury " (John xix. 40).
Besides the kings above enumerated, Manasseh
was, according to the book of Chronicles (2 Chr.
xxxiii. 20) buried in his own house, which the book
of Kings (2 K. xxi. 18) explains as the " garden of
his own house, the garden of Uzza," where his sou
Amon wss buried, also, it is said, in his own sepul-
chre (ver. 26 ), but we have nothing thai would en-
able us to indicate where this was ; and Ahaa. the
o • See note at the end of this article, Amor, u
I. W
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S280
TOMB
wicked king, was, according to the book of Chron-
icle* (2 Chr. xxviii. 27) " buried in the city, even
•n Jerusalem, and they brought him not into the
sepulchre* of the kings of Israel." The (act of
these three hut kings baring been idolaters, though
one reformed, and their baring all three been buried
apparently in the city, proves what importance the
Jews attached to the locality of the sepulchre, but
also tends to show that burial within the city, or
the inclosure of a dwelling, was not so repulsive to
their feelings as is generally supposed. It is just
possible that the rock-cut sepulchre under the west-
ern wall of the present Church of the Holy Sepul-
chre may be the remains of such a cemetery as that
..i which the wicked kings were buried.
TOMB
This, with many other cognate inestions, must
be relegated for further information ; for up tt tbt
present time we hare not been able to identify out
single sepulchral excavation about Jerusalem which
can be said with certainty to belong to a period
anterior to that of the Maccabees, or, more cor-
rectly, to hare been used for burial before the time
of the Romans.
The only important bypogeum which is wholly
Jewish in its arrangements, and may consequently
belong to an earlier or to any epoch, is (hat known
as the Tombs of the Prophets in the western flank
of the Mount of Olives. It has every appearance ol
baring originally been a natural cavern improved by
art, and with an external gallery some 140 feet U
No. 3. — Flan of the « Tombs of ths Prophets." from Ds
tx-ent, Into which twenty-seven deep or Jewish loculi
open. Other chambers and loculi have been com-
eienoed in other parts, and in the passages there are
moss where many other graves could have been
i. eated, ail which would tend to show that it had
oeen disused before completed, and consequently waa
very modern; but be this as it may, it bas no
architectural mouldings — no sarcophagi or shallow
loculi, nothing to indicate a foreign origin, and
nay therefore be considered, if not an early, at
jast as the most essentially Jewish of the sepul-
chral excavations in this locality — every other im-
Dortant sepulchral excavation being adorned with
architectural features and details betraying most
unmistakably their Greek or Roman origin, and
fixing their date consequently as subsequent to that
rf the Maccabees; or in other words, like every
other detail of pre-Christian architecture in Jeru-
salem, they belong to the 140 years that elapsed
■am the advent of Pompey till the destruction of
she city by Titus.
Oniao-Soman Tomb*. — Besides the tombs above
Banucated. there are around Jerusalem, in the
valleys of Hinnom and Jeooshaphat, and on the
plateau to the north, a number of remarkable rock-
cut sepulchres, with more or less architectural deco-
ration, sufficient to enable us to ascertain that they
are all of nearly the same age, and to assert with
very tolerable confidence that the epoch to which
they belong must be between the introduction of
Roman influence and the destruction of the city by
Titos. The proof of this would be easy if it were
not that, like everything Jewish, there is a remark-
able absence of inscriptions which can be assumed
to be integral. The excavations in the Valley of
Hinnom with Greek inscriptions are comparatively
modem, the inscriptions being all of Christian im-
port and of such a nature as to render it extremely
doubtful whether the clumbers were sepulchral at
all, and not rather the dwellings of ascetics, and
originally intended to be used for this purpose.
These, however, are neither the most important no*
the most architecture/ —indeed none of those in that
valley are so remarkable as those in the other locali-
ties just enumerated. The most important of thost
in the Valley of Hinnom is that known sa lb*
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TOMB
Betreat place of the Apostles." It U in unfinished
«cavai:on of extremely late date, and many of tlie
Mbers look much more like the dwellings for the
living than the resting-places of the dead.
In the village of Nilo.tm there is a monolithic cell
V singularly Egyptian aspect, which l)e Saulcy
< Voyage aid ttr dt li .\ftr Morte, ii. 306) assumes
"m be a chapel of Solomon's Egyptian wife. It it
probably of very much more modern date, and is
more Assyrian than Kgyptian in character; but as
lie is probably quite correct in staling that it is not
sepulchral, it is only necessary to mention it here
in order Joat it may not be confounded with tlioae
that are so. It is the more worthy of remark as
one of the great difficulties of the subject arises
from travellers too readily assuming that every
fitting in the rock must be sepulchral. It may
be so in Egypt, but it certainly was not so at
t'yrene or Petra, where many of the excavations
TOMB
8281
So 8. — So-called " Tomb of Zechariah."
•ere either temples or monastic establishments, and
it certainly was not universally the case at .fern.
■aleni, though our information is frequenlly too
•canty to enable us always to discriminate exactly
to which cass the cutting in the rock may belong.
The principal remaining architectural sepulchres
nay be divided into three groups.
First, those existing in the Valley of Jehoshaphat,
sod known popularly as the Tombs of Zechariah,
of St. James, and of Absalom.
Second, those known as the Tombs of the Judges,
ind toe ao-called Jewish tomb, about a mile north
t the city.
Third, that known as the Tombs of the Kings,
gout half a mile north of the Damascus Gate.
Of the three hrst-named tombs the most southern I
I known a* that of Zechariah, a popular name
fhieh there la not even a shadow of tradition
» justify. It consist* of a square solid basement,
aeetaring 18 feet 6 inches each way, and 90 feet
Mga to the top of toe cornice. On eaeh face are
war engaged Ionic columns between antes, and
ttw are surmounted, not by an Egyptian oorniee,
• b ajually asserted bat by one of purely As-
syrian type, such at u found at Khonabnd (wood-
cut No. 4). As the Ionic or voluted order cams
also from Assyria, this ex-
ample is in fact a more
pure specimen of the Ionic
order than any found in
Europe, where it was always
used by the Greeks with a
quasi-Doric cornice. Mot-
withstanding this, in the
form of the volutes — the
egg-and-dart moulding be-
neath, and every detail — No. 4.— Section of Strl
it is so distinctly Roman obate at Khoraabsd.
that it it impossible to as-
sume that it belongs Co an earlier age than that of
their influence.
Above the cornice it a pyramid rising at rather ■
sharp angle, and hewn like all the rest out of the
solid rock. It may further be remarked that only
the outward face, or that fronting Jerusalem, is
completely finished, the other three being only
blocked out (De Saulcy, ii. 303), a circumstance
that would lead us to suspect that the works may
hare been interrupted by the fall of Jerusalem, or
some such catastrophe, and this may possibly also
account for there being no sepulchre on its rear, if
such be really the case.
To call this building a tomb is evidently a mis-
nomer, ss it is absolutely solid — hewn out of ths
living rock by cutting a passage round it. It has
no internal chambers, nor even the semblance of a
doorway. From what is known of the explorations
carried on by M. Kenan about Byblus, we should
expect thst the tomb, properly so called, would be
an excavation in the passage behind the monolith —
but none such has been found, probably it was
never looked for — and that this monolith is the
stele" or indicator of that fact. If it is so, it Is very
singular, though very Jewish, that any one should
take the trouble to carve out such a monument
without putting an inscription or symbol on it to
mark its destination or to tell in whose honor it
was erected.
The other, or so-called Tomb of Absalom, figured
in vol. i. p. 17, is somewhat larger, the base being
about 21 feet square in plan, and probably 33 or 24
to the top of the cornice. Like the other, it is of
the Roman Ionic order, surmounted by a cornice of
Ionic type; but between the pillars and the cornice
a frieze, unmistakably of the Roman Doric order,
is Introduced, to Roman ss to be In itself quite
sufficient to fix its epoch. It is by no means clear
whether it had originally a pyrsmidical top like itt
neighbor. The existence of a square blocking above
the cornice would lead ut to suspect it bad not ; at
all events, either at the time of its excavation or
subsequently, this was removed, and the present
very peculiar termination erected, raising itt height
to over 60 feet. At the time this was done a
shamber was excavated In the base, we must
luroe for sepulchral purposes, though how a body
could be introduced through the narrow hole above
ihe cornice is by n* means clear, nor, if Inserted,
how disposed of in the two very narrow loeuli that
exist.
The great interest of this excavation is that Im-
mediately In rear of the monolith we do find Just
inch a sepulchral cavern as we should expect. It
Is called the Tomb of Jehoshaphat, with about tat
tame amount of discrimination ss governed tot
nomenclature of the others, but is now i "
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8282
TOMB
(he rubbish and stones thrown by the pioot *t the
Tomb of the undutiful Son, and consequertiy it*
Internal arrangements are unknown ; but externally
it is crowned by a pediment of considerable beauty,
and in the same identical style as that of the Tombs
of the Judges, mentioned further on —showing that
^_ Miii^?* wraa ,., Irani
^ ■* , 4- P¥--?T L
No. 6. — Angle of Tomb of Absalom, from De Saulcy.
these two at least are of the same age, and this one
at least must have been subsequent to the excava-
tion of the monolith ; so that we may feel perfectly
certain that the two groups are of one age, even if
K should not be thought quite clear what that age
may be.
M*. 8. — Plan <t Tomb of St. Jesses.
The third tomb sf this group, called that of St
lasses, U situated be twe e n the other two, and ii
if a very different character. It consists (see Plan)
■ Pterota. In his posBehed Plan of Jerusalem, adds
sarcophagus chamber with shallow loeoli, but as
*4b 8er4as and Ds Baatey-amit this, It Is probable the
TOMB
of a verandah with two Doric pillars in antia, vbiei
may be characterized as belonging to a very late
Greek order rather than a Roman example. Be-
hind this screen are several apartments, which in
another locality we might be justified in calling s
rock-cut monastery appropriated to sepulchral pro-
poses, but in Jerusalem we know so little that it is
necessary to pause before applying any each desig-
nation. In the rear of all is an apartment, ap-
parently unfinished, with three shallow locnii meant
for the reception of sarcophagi, and so indicating ■
poet-Jewish date for the whole or at least for that
part of the excavation.
The hypogeum known as the Tomb* of the
Judges is one of the most remarkable of the cata-
combs around Jerusalem, containing about sixty
deep loculi, arranged in three stories; the upper
stories with ledges in front to give convenient acres*,
and to support the atones that closed them; lb*
lower flush with the ground : • the whole, conse-
quently, so essentially Jewish that it might I* of
any age if it were not for its distance from the
town, and its architectural character. The fatter,
as before stated, is identical with that of the Tomb
of Jeboshnphat, and has nothing Jewish about it-
It might of course be difficult to prove this, as we
know so little of what Jewish architecture really a :
but we do know that the pediment is more essen-
tially a Greek invention than any other part of their
architecture, and was introduced at least not previ-
ously to the age of the Cypeeh'da-, and this peculiar
form not till long afterwards, and this particular
example not till after an age when the debased
Koman of the Tomb of Absalom had I
sihle.
Mo. i. — facade of the Tombs of the Judges.
The same remarks apply to the tomb without
name, and merely called " a Jewish Tomb," in thi
neighborhood, with beveled facets over its facade
but with late Roman Doric details at its angles
sufficient to indicate its epoch ; but there is nothing
else about these tombs requiring especial mention.
7omos of Herod. — The last of the great groups
enumerated above is that known as the Tombs of
the Kings — Kebir a - SkUhh — or the Roya
Caverns, so called because of their magnificence
and also because that name is applied to them by
Josepbus, who in describing the third wall men
tioos them (B. J. v. 4, § S). He states that " the
wall reached as hi as the Tower 1'sephinua, and
then extended till it came opposite the Monuments
(uma<iw) of Helena. It then extended further te
a great length till it passed by the Sepulchral
Italian Is
plao, but used
ing the asset
Wont-cut No. 1st
as a diagram rattair than I
fcelsof the east
Digitized by CjOOQIC
TOMB
■"averris of the King*," etc. We nave thus lint
tie Tower Psephinus, the aite of which is very
joknbly ascertained on the ridge above the Pool
3iiket il.iatill'i ; then the Monument of Helena,
tad then at ran distance eastward these Royal
Caverns.
The; are twice again mentioned under the title
sf 'HoASou furrifuivr. Pirst, when Titus, ap-
proaching from the north, ordered the ground to
be cleared from Scopus — which is tolerably well
known — up to those Monuments of Herod (B. J.
v. 3, § 2) ; and lastly in the description of the cir-
eoiuvallation (S. J. v. 12, § 4), where they are
mentioned after passing the Monument of Ananas
and Pouipey's Camp, evidently on the ridge where
Psephinus afterwards stood, and on the north of
the city.
These three passages refer so evidently to one
sod the same place, that no one would probably
erer have doubted — especially when taken in con-
junction with tbe architecture — but that these
caverns were the tombs of Herod and his family,
were it not for a curious contradiction of himself
in the works of Josephns, which bis led to consid-
erable confusion. Herod died at Jericho, and the
most probalile account (Ant. xvii. 8, § 8) would lead
us to suppose (it is not so stated) that his body
ass Irougut to Jerusalem, where the funeral pro-
cession was formed on a scale and with a magnifi-
cence which would have been impossible at such a
plic* as Jericho without long previous preparation ;
ami it then goes on to say, " and so they went
tight Mlrulia to [tbe] Herodium, for there, by bis
own command, be was to be buried "—eight stadia,
or one mile, being the exact distance between tbe
ro\al palace and these tombs.
The other account (B. J. I. 83, § 9) repeats the
details of the procession, and nearly in the same
aunla, but substitutes 300 for 8, which has led to
tie belief that be was buried at Jebrl Furtidii,
where be bad erected a palace CO stadia south of
lenanJem, and 170 from Jericho. Even then the
procession must have passed through Jerusalem,
md this hardly would have been tbe case without
its being mentioned ; but the great difficulty is that
there is do hint anywhere else of Herod's intention
to be buried there, and the most extreme Improb-
sbility that be should wish to be interred so far
from tbe city where all his predecessors were laid.
Though it would be unpardonable to alter the text
in order to meet any particular view, still when an
author makes two statements in direct contradic-
tion tbe one to the other, it is allowable to choose
tbe most conformable with probability; and this,
added to bis million that Herod's Tombs were In
this neighborhood, seems to settle the question.
Tbe architecture (wood-cut No. 8) exhibits the
same ill-understood Roman Doric arrangements as
are found in all these tombs, mixed with bunches
of grapes, which first appear on Maccabean coins,
sod foliage which is local and peculiar, and, so far
as anything is known elsewhere, might be of any
age. Its connection, however, with that of the
Tombs of Jehoahapbat and tbe Judges fixes it tt
Jbe same epoch.
Tbe entrance doorway of this tomb Is below the
t*el of the ground, and concealed, as far as any-
thing can be said to be so which Is so architecturally
(darned ; and it is remarkable as the only instance
*f this quasi-concealment at Jerusalem. It is closed
sy a very curious and elaborate contrivance of a
atone, often deaerilied, but very clumsily
TOMB
8283
answering its put 1 ,oee. This also !s characterittk.
of its age, as we know from Pauaaiiias that tbe
structural marble monument of Queen Helena of
Adialiene was remarkable fur a similar piece of mis-
placed ingenuity. Within, the tomb consists of a
vestibule or entrance-hall about 20 feet square, from
which three other square apartments open, each
surrounded by deep loculi. These again possess a
peculiarity not known in any other tomb about
Jerusalem, of having a square apartment either
beyond the head of the loculus or on one side: u,
for Instance (wood-cut No 9), a A have their inner
chambers a' a' within, but B and b, at b' b', on
one side. What the purpose of these was H is dif-
ficult to guess, but at all events it was not Jewish.
But perhaps the most remarkable peculiarity of
the hjpogeiuu is the sarcophagus chamber d, in
which two sarcophagi were found, one of which was
brought borne Ivy De Saulcy, and is now in the
Louvre. It is of course quite natural that a Roman
king who was buried with such Roman pomp should
have adopted the Roman mode of sepulture; and
if this and that of St. James are the only sarcophagi
chambers at Jerusalem, this alone should settle tbe
controversy ; and all certainly tends to make it
No. 8. — Facade of llerod'a Tombs, from a Photograph.
more and more probable that this was really the
sepulchre of Herod.
If the sarcophagus now in tbe Louvre, which
came from this chamber, is that of Herod, it is th*
most practical illustration that has yet come to
light of a theory which has recently been forcing
itself on the attention of antiquarians. According
to this new view, it is not necessary that furniture,
or articles which can be considered as such, mutt
ahoatp follow the style of tbe architecture of the
day. They must hare done so always in Egypt, in
Greece, or in the Middle Ages; but might have
deviated from it at Rome, and may probably have
done so at Jerusalem, among a people who had no
art of their own, as was the case with the Jews.
The discord in fact may not bare been more offen-
sive to them thau tbe Louis Quatorze furniture ia
to us, with which we adorn our Classical and Gothic
buildings with such cosmopolite impartiality. If
this is so, the sarcophagus may have been made for
Herod. If this hypothesis is not tenable, it may
belong to any age from the time of the Maccabees
to that of Justinian, most probably the latter, for
it certainly is not Roman, and has no connection
with the architecture of these tombs-
Be this as it may, there seems no reason ft*
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3284 tomb
lonbting but that all the architectural tombs of
Jerusalem belong to the age of the Romans, like
everything that has jet been found either at Petra,
Baalbec, Palmyra, or Damascus, or even among the
■tone cities of the Hauran. Throughout Syria, in
TOMB
fact, there is no important architectural axamplt
which is anterior to their day ; and all the speci-
mens which can be called Classical are strongly
marked with the impress of the peculiar forms of
Roman art.
No. 0. — Plan of Tombs of Herod, from Os Saulej.
Tomb of Helena of Adiabene. — There was one
Jther very famous tomb at Jerusalem, which can-
not be passed over in silence, though not one ves-
tige of it exists — for the simple reason that though
Queen Helena of Adiabene was converted to the
Jewish faith, she had not so fully adopted Jewish
feelings as to think it necessary she should be
buried under ground. On the contrary, we are
told that " she with her brother were buried in the
pyramids which she had ordered to be constructed
at a distance of three stadia from Jerusalem " (Ant.
xz. 4, § 3). This is confirmed by Pausanias (viii.
16), who, besides mentioning the marble door of
very apocryphal mechanism which closed its en-
trance, speaks of it as a Tiipes in the same sense
In which he understands the mausoleum at Hali-
camassus to have been a structured tomb, which
he could not have done if this were a cave, as some
hare supposed.
The specification of the locality by Josephns is so
minute that we have no difficulty in ascertaining
whereabouts the monument stood. It was situated
outside the third wall, near a gate between the
Tower Psephinus and the Koyal Caverns (B. J. r.
IS, and v. 4, § 2). These last are perfectly known,
and the tower with very tolerable approximate cer-
tainty, for it was placed on the highest point of the
ridge between the hollow in which the Birket Ma-
nilla is situated and the upper valley of the Kedron ;
they were consequently either exactly where marked
an Uie plan in vol. ii. p. 1313, or it may be a little
more to the eastward.
They remained sufficiently entire in the 4th cen-
tury to form a conspicuous object in the landscape,
to be mentioned by Eusebius, and to be remarked
by those who accompanied Sta. Paula (Euseb. ii.
19; Uieron. Epitaph. Paula) on her Journey to
There is no difficulty in forming a tolerably dis-
tinct idea of what the appearance of this remark-
able monument must lL.ve been, if we compare
the words descriptive of it in the various authors
who have mentioned it with the contemporary
monuments in the Valley of Jehoshaphat. If
we place together in a row three such monu-
ments as the Tomb of Zechariah, or rather two
such, with the monument of Absalom between
them, we have such an edifice as will answer to
the Pyramid of Josephus, th« Taphos of Pausa-
nias, the Steles of Eusebius, or the Mausoleum of
Jerome. But it need hardly be added, that not
one of these expressions applies to an underground
excavation. According to this view of the mat-
ter, the entrance would be under the Central Cip-
pus, which would thus form the ante-room to the
two lateral pyramids, in one of which Helena her-
self reposed, and in the other the remains of her
brother.
Since the destruction of the city by Titus, none
of the native inhabitants of Jerusalem hare been in
a position to indulge in much sepulchral magnifi-
cence, or perhaps had any taste for this class of dis-
play ; and we in consequence find no rock-cut hy-
pogea, and no structural monuments that arrest
attention in modern times. The people, however,
still cling to their ancient cemeteries in the Valley
of Jehoshsphat with a tenacity singularly charac-
teristic of the East. The only difference being,
that the erection of the Wall of Agrippa, which
now forms the eastern boundary of the Haram
Area, has pushed the cemetery further toward the
Kedron, or at least cut off the upper and nobler
part of it And the contraction of the city on
the north has enabled the tombs to approach
nearer the limits of the modern town than was
the can in the days when Herod the Gnat toe'
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TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
Helena of Adiabene were buried " on the sidee Jl
the north."
The only remarkable exception to this assertion
U that splendid Mausoleum which Constantine
created over what he believed to be the tomb of
Christ, and which still exist* at Jerusalem, known
to Moslems as the Dome of the Bock; to Christians
as the Mosque of Omar.
The arguments for its authenticity have already
been sufficiently insisted upon in the article Jeru-
salem, In the second volume, and its general form
aud position shown in the wood- cut, p. 1318. It
will not, therefore, be necessary to go over this
ground again. Externally its appearance was very
much altered by the repairs of Suleiman the Mag-
nificent, when the city had returned to the posses-
sion of the Moslems after the retreat of the Cru-
saders, and it has consequently lost much of its
original Byzantine character; but internally it re-
main* much as it was left by its founder; and is
now — with the exception of a few Indian tombs
— the most magnificent sepulchral monument in
Asia, and is, as it ought to be, the most splendid
Christian sepulchre in the world. 8 J. F.
* On this subject one may see also Ordnance
Survey of Jerusalem, pp. 61-70 (Lond. I860);
Remains of Tombs in Palestine, by Captain C. W.
Wilson, in Quarterly Statement of the Palestine
Exflor. Fund, accompanied by drawings (Lond.
1869); Tobler, DenkblSUer aus Jem*, pp. 609-
635, and Drittt Wanderung nock PalSttina, pp.
844-853; Sepp, Jerusalem u. das keiU Land, i.
817 ff.; Rev. George Williams, Holt City, more es-
pecially in regard to tombs in and around Jerusa-
lem, UL 129 ff.; and in this Dictionary, Jerusa-
lem, ancient and modern. H.
TONGUES, CONFUSION OF. The
unity of the human race is most clearly implied, if
not positively asserted, in the Mosaic writings. The
general declaration, " So God created man in his
own image, .... mule and female created He
them " (Gen. i. 37), is limited as to the mode in
which the act was carried out, by the subsequent
narrative of the creation of the protoplast Adam,
who stood alone on the earth amidst the beasts of
the field, until it pleased Jehovah to create "an
help-meet for him " out of the very substance of
his body (Gen. ii. 33). From this original pair
sprang the whole antediluvian population of the
world, and hence the author of the book of Genesis
conceived the unity of the human race to be of the
most rigid nature — not simply a generic unity, nor
again simply a specific unity (for unity of specie*
may not be Inconsistent with a plurality of original
centre*), but a specific based upon a numerical
unity, the species being nothing else than the en-
largement of the individual. Such appears to be
• * The anther of this article baa introduced into
It two points of a favorite theory which Is original
with bun, namely, that the Doom at the Bock, or the
Hosque of Omar, and Constantino's Church of the
Soly Sepulchre are identical ; and that Mount Moriah,
or the Eastern Hill, and Mount Zlon, are Identical :
and, consequently, that the royal sepulchres of Judah
van somewhere within the present Haram Ana. The
pounds of utter dissent from these views have been
ctveu by the writer of this in the article Jiaoauxu,
• IV. p. 1880 IT, Am«r. ed. The assertion above,
which has no historical support, that " the Wall, of
Agrippe now form* the eastern boundary of the Ba-
irn Area," contracting the ancient cemetery, *> dis-
Bovod by Cept. Watren's explorations, who Is* M
TONGUES, CONFUSION OF 328fi
the natural meaniug of the first chapters of Gene-
sis, when taken by themselves — much more so
when read under the reflected light of the New
Testament; for not only do we meet with refer-
ences to the historical fact of such an origin of tb*
human race — e. g. in St. Paul's declaration that
God '■ hath made of one blood every nation of men
to dwell on all the face of the earth " b (Act* xvii.
26) — but the same is evidently implied in the nu-
merous passages which represent Jesus Christ as the
counterpart of Adam in regard to the universality
of his connection with the human race. Attempt*
have indeed been made to show that the idea of a
plurality of original pairs is not inconsistent with
the Mosaic writings; but there is a wide distinction
between a view not inconsistent with, and a view
drawn from, the words of the author : the latter is
founded upon the fact* he relates, as well as his
mode of relating them ; the former takes advantage
of the weaknesses arising out of a concise or un-
methodical style of composition. Even if such a
view could be sustained in reference to the narra-
tive of the original creation of man, it must inevi-
tably fail in reference to the history of the repopu-
lation of the world in the postdiluvian age; for
whatever objections may be made to the historical
accuracy of the history of the Flood, it is at all
events clear that the historian believed in the uni-
versal destruction of the human race with the ex-
ception of Noah and his family, and consequently
that the uuity of the human race was once more
reduced to One of a numerical character. To Noah
the historian traces up the whole postdiluvian pop-:
ulatiou of the world: " These are the three suns cl
Noah : and of them was the whole earth overspread ' '
(Gen. ix. 19).
Unity of language is summed by the sacred histo-
rian apparently a* a corollary of the unity of race.
No explanation is given of the origin of speech, but
its exercise is evidently regarded as coeval with the
creation of man. No support can be obtained iu
behalf of any theory on this subject from the first
recorded instance of it* exercise ("Adam gave
name* to all cattle") for the simple reason that
this notice i* introductory to what follows: "but
for Adam there was not found an help-meet for
him " (Gen. ii. 30). It was not so much the inten-
tion of the writer to state the fact of man's power of
speech, a* the fact of the inferiority of all other ani-
mals to him, and the consequent necessity for the
creation of woman. The proof of that inferiority ia
indeed most appropriately made to consist in the
authoritative assignment of names, implying an act
of reflection on their several nature* and capacities,
and a recognition of the offices which they were de-
signed to fill in the economy of the world. The
exercise of speech is thus most happily connected
substructions in Jerusalem more ancient and massive
than portions of the Eastern Wall, layers of whksh
remain mstiu.
The Quarterly Staumeml Ho. T. of the Pal. Bxpl.
Fund (pp. 916-261) contains an account, by Dr. Oh.
Sandreeskl, of the nek-tombs of tt-Mtdyth, a village
near Lydde, and his reason* for identifying this sit*
with Modln, and these tombs, known as KubUr tt- Jo-
*ftd, w>th the Meecahajan mausoleum. The suggea
ttOD appears quite plausible. [Moral, Hi 1969.]
8. W.
The force of the Apostle's statement is inade
quately given In the A. V., which gives "for to
dwell" as the result, instead of the direct object ot
the principal verb.-
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8286 TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
with the exercise of reflection, and the relationship
between the inner act of the mind (\6yot Midte-
rm) and the outward expreuion (\6yot rpofopt-
git) i» fully recognized. Speech being thus inhe-
rent in man aa a reflecting being, waa regarded aa
handed down from father to son by the same process
of imitation by which it is stilt perpetuated. What-
ever divergences may hare arisen in the antedilu-
vian period, uo notice is taken of them, inasmuch
aa their effects were obliterated by the universal catas-
trophe of the Flood. The original unity of speech
was restored in Noah, and would naturally be re-
tained by his descendants aa long as they were held
together by social and local bonds. Accordingly
we are informed that for some time " the whole
aarth waa of one lip and the same words " (Gen. xi.
1), »'. e. both the vocal sounds and the vocables
were identical — an exhaustive, but not, as in the
A. V., a tautologous description of complete unity.
Disturbing causes were, however, early at work to
dissolve this twofold union of community and speech.
The human family ■ endeavored to check the ten-
dency to separation by the establishment of a great
central edifice, and a city which should serve as the
metropolis of the whole world. They attempted to
■any out this project in the wide plain of Baby-
lonia, a locality admirably suited to such an object
from the physical and geographical peculiarities of
the country. The project was defeated by the in-
terposition of Jehovah, who determined to " con-
found their language, so that they might not under-
stand one another's speech." Contemporaneously
with, and perhaps aa the result of, this confusion
of tongues, the people were scattered abroad from
thence upon the bee of all the earth, and the
memory of the great event was preserved in the
name Babel (= confusion ). The ruins of the tower
are identified by M. Oppert, the highest authority
on Babylonian antiquities, with the basement of
the great mound of Bin-Nimrii, the ancient Bor-
sippa.*
Two points demand our attention in reference to
this narrative, namely, the degree to which the con-
fusion of tongues may be supposed to have extended,
and the connection between the confusion of tongues
and the dispersion of nations. (1.) It is unneces-
sary to assume that the judgment inflicted on the
builders of Babel amounted to a loss, or even a sus-
pension, of articulate speech. The desired object
would be equally attained by a miraculous fore-
ttalment of those dialectical differences of language
which are constantly in process of production, but
which, under ordinary circumstances, require time
and variations of place and habits to reach such a
point of maturity that people are unable to under-
stand one another's speech. The elements of the
one original language may have remained, but so
disguised by variations of pronunciation, and by the
introduction of new combinations,' aa to be practi-
cally obliterated. Each section of the human fam-
.y may have spoken a tongue unintelligible to the
emainder, and yet containing a substratum which
was common to all. Our own experience suffices
to show bow completely even dialectical differences
render strangers unintelligible to one another; and
a* we further take into consideration the differences
a The project has been restricted by certain critics
So the Hamites, or, at ail events, to a mere section of
■he human race. This and various other questions
arising out of the narrative are discussed by Vltringa
a his Oburv. Sscr. 1.1, {$3-8; 6, J} 1-4. Although
me rasufation above noticed is not irreconcilable with
TONGUKS. CONFUSION OF
of habits and associations, of which dialectical dif
ferences are the exponents, we shall have no •Hlri.
culty in accounting for the result described by tin
sacred historian. (2.) The confusion of tongues
sod the dispersion of nations are spoken of in the
Bible ss contemporaneous events. " So the l-ord
scattered them abroad " is stated sa the executior
of the Divine counsel, " Let us confound their lan-
guage." The divergence of the various families
into distinct tribes and nations ran parallel with
the divergence of speech into dialects anil languages,
and thus the 10th chapter of Genesis is posterior in
historical sequence to the events recorded in the
11th chapter. Both passages must bo taken into
consideration in any disquisition on the early for-
tunes of the human race. We propose therefore to
inquire, in the first place, how far modern re-
searches into the phenomena of language favor the
idea that there was once a time when ■' the whole
earth was of one speech and language;" and, in
the second place, whether the ethnological views
exhibited in the Mosaic table accord with the evi-
dence furnished by history and language, both in
regard to the special facts recorded in it, and in the
general Scriptural view of a historical or more
properly a gentilic unity of the human race. Then
questions, though independent, yet exercise a re-
flexive influence on each other's results. Unity of
speech does not necessarily involve unity of race,
nor yet vice ttrtn ,• but each enhances the proba-
bility of the other, and therefore the arguments
derived from language, physiology, and history,
may ultimately furnish a cumulative amount ot
probability which will fall but little below demon
stratum.
(A.) The advocate of the historical unity of lan-
guage has to encounter two classes of opposing
arguments; one arising out of the differences, the
other out of the resemblances of existing languages.
On the one hand, it is urged that the differences
are of ao decisive and specific a character aa to place
the possibility of a common origin wholly out of
the question ; on the other hand that the resem-
blances do not necessitate the theory of a historical
unity, but may be satisfactorily accounted for on
psychological principles. It will be our object to
discuss the amount, the value, and the probable
origin of the varieties exhibited by languages, with
a view to meet the first class of objections. But
before proceeding to this, we will make a few re-
marks on the second class, Inasmuch as these, if
established, would nullify any conclusion that might
be drawn from the other.
A psychological unity is not n ece ss a rily opposed
to a gentilic unity. It is perfectly open to any
theorist to combine the two by assuming that the
language of the one protoplast waa founded ou
strictly psychological principles. But, on the other
hand, a psychological unity does not necessitate a
gentilic unity. It permits of the theory of a plu-
rality of protoplasts, who under the influence of
the same psychological laws arrived at similar inde-
pendent results. Whether the phenomena of lan-
guage are consistent with such a theory, we think
extremely doubtful ; certainly they cannot furnish
the basis of it. The whole question of the origin
the text, It Interferes with the ulterior object for whkfc
the narrative was probably Inserted, namely, to resom*
cile the manifest diversity of language with ±» Use t
an original unity.
I> See the Appendix to this article.
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TONGUKS, CONFUSION OF
■I language lie* beyond the pale of hi«*/»ri»-«i proof,
uid any theory couuactad with it admit* neither
of being proved nor disproved. We know, a* s
nutter of bust, thai language ia communicated from
one generation to another solely by force of imita-
tion, and that there U no play whatever for the in-
ventive faculty in reference to it. But in what
manner the aubaunoe of language waa originally
produced, we dj not know. No argument can be
derived againat the common origin Ironi analogies
drawn from tho animal world, and whsu Professor
AgaaaU oomparea ainiilaritiea of language with
those of the cries of animals (v. Bohlen's JtUivd. (u
Om. ii. 878), he leave* out of consideration the
important fact that language ia not identical with
sound, and that the word* of a rational being, how-
ever originally produoed, are perpetuated in a- man-
ner wholly distinct from that whereby animals learn
to utter their cries. Nor doe* the internal evidence
of language itself reveal the mystery of its origin ;
for though a very large number of words may be
referred either directly or mediately to the prin-
ciple of onomatopoeia, them are others, as, for in-
stance, the first and second personal pronouns, which
do not admit of such an explanation, lu short,
this and other similar theories cannot be reconciled
with the intimate connection evidently existing be-
tween reason and speech, and which is so well ex-
pressed in the Greek language by the application
of the term \iyot to each, reason being nothing
else than inward speech, and speech nothing else
than outward reason, neither of them possessing an
independent existence without the other. As we
conceive that the psychological, aa opposed to the
gantilic, unity involves questions connected with the
origin of language, we can only say that in this re-
spect it falls outside the range of our inquiry.
Reverting to the other class of objection*, we
proofed to review the extent of the differences ob-
servable in the languages of the world, in order to
ascertain whether they are such as to preclude the
possibility of a common origin. Such a review
must necessarily be imperfect, both from the mag-
nitude of the subject, and also from the position of
the linguistic scienc* itself, which aa yet ha* hardly
advanced beyond the stage of infancy. On the
latter point we would observe that the most impor-
tant links between the various language families
may yet be discovered in languages that are either
unexplored, or, at all event*, unplaced. Mean-
while, no one can doubt that the tendency of all
nng" i fH< 1 research is in the direction of unity.
Already it has brought within the bond* of a well-
established relationship languages so remote from
each other In external guise, in age, and in geo-
graphical position a* Sanskrit and English, Celtic
and Greek. It ha* done the same for other groups
of languages equally widely extended, but present-
ing lee* opportunities of investigation. It ha*
recognized affinities between languages which the
ancient Greek ethnologist would have classed under
the head of >• barbarian " in reference to each other,
and even ia many inataneee where the modem phi-
lologist ha* anticipated no relationship. The lines
af discovery therefore point in one direction, and
fcvor the expectation that the various families may
be combined by the discovery of connecting links
Into a single family, comprehending in its capacious
bosom fell the languages of the world. But should
sash s> result never be attained, the probability of
aeoaunon origin would still remain unshaken; for
'J» failure. v»dd nrobably be due to the s bse u ce,
TONUUES, CONFUSION OF 3287
In many classes end families, of that chain of his-
torical evidence, which in the case of the Indo-
European and Sheinilic families enables us to tra.»
their progress for above 3,000 years. In many lan-
guages no literature at all, in many others no ancient
literature exists, to supply the philologist with
materials for comparative study: in these cases it
can only be by laborious research into existiug
dialect* that the original forms of words can be
detected, amidst the incrustation* and transmuta-
tions with which time has obscured tbem.
In dealing with the phenomena of language, we
should duly consider the plastic nature of the main
rial out of which it is formed, and the numerous in-
fluence* to which it is subject. Variety in unity
is a general law of nature, to which even the moat
stubborn physical substance* yield a ready obe-
dience, lit the case of language it would be diffi-
cult to lay any bounds to the variety which we
might d priori expect it to assume For in the
first place it is brought into close contact with the
spirit of man, and reflect* with amazing fidelity its
endless variations, «<Up»ji»g itself to the expression
of each feeling, the designation of each object, the
working of each cast of thought or stage of reason-
ing power. Secondly, its sounds are subject to
external influences, such as peculiarities of Jos
organ of speech, the result either of natural con-
formation, of geographical position, or of habits of
life and association* of an accidental character. In
the third place, it is generally affected by the stats
of intellectual and social culture of a people, as
manifested more especially in the presence or ab-
sence of a standard literary dialect, and in the pro-
ceases of verbal and syntactical structure, which,
again react on the very core of the word, and pro-
duce a variety of aound-uiutatious. Lastly, it is
subjected to the wear and tear of time and use, ob-
literating, as in an old coin, the original impress of
the word, reducing it in bulk, producing new com-
binations, and occasionally leading to singular in-
terchanges of sound and idea. The varieties, re-
sulting from the modifying influences above enu-
merated, may be reduced to two classes, according as
they affect the formal or the radical elements of lan-
guage. On each of these subjects we propose to
make a few remarks.
I. Widely as languages now differ from each
other in external form, the raw material (if we may
use the expression) out of which they have sprung
appears to have been in all cases the same. A sub-
stratum of significant monosyllabic root* underlies
the whole structure, supplying the materials usees
aery net only for ordinary predication, but also for
what is usually termed the "growth " of language
out of its primary into its more complicated forms-
It is necessary to point this out clearly in erdai
that we may not be led to suppose that the sir
ments of one language are in themselves endued
with any greater vitality than those of another.
Such a d i sti nct ion, if it existed, would go far to
prove a specific difference between languages,
which could hardly be reconciled with the idea of
their common origin. The appearance of vitality
arises out of the manipulation of the roots by the
human miud, and is not inherent in the roots
themselves.
The proofs of this original equality are furnished
by the *ai>guages themselves. Adopting for the
present the threefold morphological elassifieatioa
into isolating, agglutinative, and inflecting lan-
guages, we shall find that uc original element exist*
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8288 TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
a the one which does not mho out in the other.
With regard to the isolating deal, the terma *• mon-
aryllabic " and " radical," by which it is other-
wise deaeribed, are decisive aa to its character.
Languages of this class an wholly unsusceptible of
grammatical mutations: there is no formal distinc-
tion betw e en verb and noun, substantive and ad-
jective, preposition and conjunction : there are no
inflections, no case or person terminations of any
kind: the bare root forms the sols and whole sub-
stanoe of the language. In regard to the other two
classes, it is necessary to ntshliih the two distinct
points, (1) that the formal elements represent roots,
and (2) that the roots both of the formal and the
radical elements of the word are monosyllabic.
Now, it may be satisfactorily proved by analysis
that all the component parts of both inflecting and
agglutinative languages are reducible to tat) kinds
of roots, predicable and pronominal; the former
supplying the material element of verbs, substan-
tives, and adjectives, the latter that of conjunctions,
prepositions, and particles; while each kind, but
more particularly the pronominal, supply the formal
element, or, in other words, the temiinatious of
verbs, substantives, and adjectives. The full proofs
of these sssertions would involve nothing leas than
a treatise on comparative grammar: we can do no
more than adduce in the accompanying note a few
illustrations of the various points to which we have
adverted.' Whether the two classes of roots, pred-
icable and pronominal, are further reducible to
one class, is a point that has been discussed, but
has not ss yet been established (Bopp's Compar.
Oram. § 105; Max Muller's Ltctma, p. 269).
We have further to show that the roots of rgglu-
tinative and inflecting languages are monosyllabic.
This is an acknowledged characteristic of the Indo-
European family; monoayuatttsm is indeed the only
a 1. That propositions an reducible to pronominal
roots may be illustrated by th« following instances.
The Ones. aeo, with its cognates the German ab and
our «/*, Is derived from the demonstrative base a,
whence also the Sanskrit dps (Bopp, f 1000); rpi and
wmpi are akin to the Sanaa, fri and par*-, secondary
formations of the above-mention e d dps (Bopp, } 100»).
The only prsposttton which appears to spring boa a
wsdkahla bass is (ran*, with let •agnates dmck and
taroaga, which are rafcmd to lbs verbal rost lor (Bopp.
1018).
2. That conjunctions are similarly reducible may be
illustrated by the nuniliar instances of in, quod, and
n that," indifferently used ss pronouns or conjunctions.
The Latin it is connected with the pronoun av«f ; and
at, together with the Ssuak. audi, with the relative bass
so (Bopp, ,994).
S. That the suffixes forming the inner aVms of verbs
and nouns are nothing earn than the relies of either
predicable or pronominal roots, will appear from the fol-
lowing in sta nc es, drawn (1) from the Indo-European
languages, and (2) from the Oral- Altaian languages. (1. )
Hm hm In ataa|M is connected with the root whence
-ating the oblique cans of the personal pronoun iy>i ;
foe -r in StAsc is (he remains of otI ; and therm fori
for which u,a substituted in titmn) reprsssnts
the Sanskrit (a, which reappears in miris and in the ob-
^ue<«ee»ofthaarnole(Bopp,iJ*8t,4i8, 466). So
again, the -w In the no minati ve k/rfK represents the
Sanskrit pronominal root so, and the -d of the neuter
•awl the Sanskrit In (Schleicher's Cmprmd. J 2*6);
the genitive terminations -ec, -wo (originally -owoto),
and banes -a* _ the Sanskrit sea, another form of as
, 1 262); the dative (or more properly jhe
•) -y or -o> in referable m the d laalutlve
1 >(Seh]eeBher,f 264); and the accusative -» (orig-
TONQUES. CONFUSION OF
feature which its roots have in common ; in othei
respects they exhibit every kind of variation Iran a
unUiteral root, such as i lire), up to wrmhiiietinnt
of five letters, such as snmrf (stunt/ere), the total
number of admissible forms of root ammntiiig to
no leal than eight (Schleicher, f 90S). In the
Shemitie fiunily mooosjuabism is not a prim&fade
characteristic of the root; on the contrary, the ver-
bal* stems exhibit bisyllahiam with such remark-
able uniformity, that it would lead to the impres-
sion that the roota also moat have bean biaylktbie.
The bisyUabtsm, however, of the Shemitie stem is
in reality triconsonantausin, the vowels not forming
any part of the essence of the root, but being
wholly subordinate to the consonants. It is at
once apparent that a tf consonantal and even a
qnxdriconaonantal root may be in certain ecmbina-
tioos uniayUabie. But further, it ia more than
probable that the tricooaonantal has been evolved
out of a biconsooantal root, which must necessarily
be unisyllabie if the consonants stand, sa they in-
variably do in e Shemitie roots, at the beginning
and end of the word. With regard to the agglu-
tinative class, it may be seen mad that the same law
which we have seen to prevail in the isolating and
inflecting classes, prevails also in this, holding ss it
does an intermediate place between those opposite
poles in the world of language.
From the consideration of the erode umteriab of
language, we paa on to the varieties exhibited in
its structure, with a view to ascertain whether in
these there exists any bar to the idea of an original
unity. (1.) Reverting to the classification already
noticed, we have to observe, in the first place, that
the principle on which it is based is the nature of
the connection existing between the predicable and
the relational or inflectional dements of a word. In
the isolating dass these two are kept wholly dis-
mally f,) to a pronominal base, probably am, which
no longer appears in its simple form (Schleicher, { 210).
(2.) In the Ural-Altaian languages, we And that the
terminations of the verbs, gerunds, and participles are
referable to slgninoant roota ; as in Turkish ths active
aflU < or d to a root signifying « In do " (Kwald,
jknoaw. Abk. 1L 27), sod In Hungarian the foetitive
affix I to u, " to do," the passive affix I to fe, " to be-
come ; " the affix of possibility aac to *et, " to workv*
etc (Pnlasky, in PkiloU Trans. USB, p. 115).
6 Mooasy liable substantives an not unusual In He-
brew, as instanced in 3tj, ]$, stc It Is unnaeessary
to regard mass ss truncated forms from bkj liable
e Tbat the SbamMie 1
in a state of monceyllahism ie questioned by aVenan,
partly because the surviving monosyllabie languages
have never emerged from their primitive condition,
and partly b s eau es he ooneaivee eynthcsis sad con-
plexity to be anterior In the history of language os
analysis and simplicity (.Hilt. Uea. 1. 88-100). Tne
first of these objections is baaed upon the aaeumptkn
that langnsgee an developed only in the direction tf
eynthetieiam ; but this, ss we shall hsrssltsr she*
is not the only po ss tMa form of dsvelopment, and it Is
just b s e s nss the uienceyllabie languages have adopted
another method of perfecting thamaslves, that they
here remained in their original stage. The monad
objection seems to Involve a violation of the natural
order of things, snd to be Inconsistent with the evi-
dence sflbrded bj language iter If ; for, though then a,
undoubtedly a tendency In leagues* to pass from ass
syntheti c al to the analytical state, it m no ism esssr
from the ilemsnta of •ynthede forme that they sssaa
have originally existed In aa analytical state.
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TONGUrirf, CONFUSION OF
tbet: relational ideas in expressed bj juxtapo-
lition or by syntactical arrangement, and not by
any combination of the roots. In the agglutinative
clan the relational element* ve attached to the
principal or predicable theme by a mechanical kind
of junction, the individuality of each being pre-
served even in the combined state. In the inflecting
dan the junction i* of a more perfect character,
and may be compared to a chemical combination,
the predicable and relational element* being so fused
together as to present the appearance of a single
and indivisible word. It is clear that there exists
no insuperable barrier to original unity in these
iiflrrences, from the simple fact that every inflect-
ing language must once have been agglutinative,
and every agglutinative language onoa isolating.
If the predicable and relational elements of an iso-*
taring language be linked together, either to the
eye 01 the ear, it is rendered agglutinative ; if the
material and formal parts are pronounced as one
word, eliminating, if necessary, the sounds that
resist incorporation, the language becomes inflecting.
(9.) In the second place, it should be noted that
these three classes are not separated from each
other by any sharp line of demarcation. Not only
does each possess in a measure the quality pre-
dominant in each other, but moreover each grad-
uates into its neighbor through its bordering
members. The isolating languages are not wholly
isolating ; they avail themselves of certain words as
relational particles, though these still retain else-
where their independent character: they also use
composite, though not strictly compound words.
The agglutinative are not wholly agglutinative: the
Finnish and Turkish classes of the Ural-Altaian
family are in certain instances inflectional, the rela-
tional adjunct being fully incorporated with the
predicable stem, and having undergone a large
amount of attrition for that purpose. Nor again
are the inflectional languages wholly inflectional:
Hebrew, for instanoe, abounds with agglutinative
forms, and also avails itself largely of separate
particles for the expression of relational ideas : our
own language, though classed as inflectional, retains
nothing more than the vestiges of inflection, and is
in many respects as isolating and juxtapositional as
say language of that class. While, therefore, the
classification holds good with regard to the pre-
dominant characters of the classes, it does not imply
di ffe rences of a specific nature. (8. ) But further,
the morphological varieties of language are not con-
fined to the exhibition of the single principle hitherto
described. A comparison between the westerly
branches of the Ural- Altaian on the one hand, and
the Indo-European on the other, belonging respec-
tively to the agglutinative and inflectional classes,
will show that the quantitative amount of syn-
thesis is fully as prominent a point of contrast as
tnt qualitative. The combination of primary and
subordinate terms may be more perfect in the
Ijdo-Buropean, but it is more extensively employed
in the Ural-Altaian family. The former, for in-
stance, appends to its verbal stems the notions of
time, number, person, and occasionally of interro-
gation; the latter further adds suffixes indicative
of negation, hypothesis, causativeness, reflexiveness,
and other similar ideas, whereby the word is built
op tier on tier to a marvelous extent. The former
appends to its substantival stems suffixes of case
and number; the latter adds governing particles,
rendering them post-positional Instead of pre posi-
UoijU, and combining them syntheticallv with the
907
TONGUES, CONFUSION OF 3289
predieable stem. If, again, we compare the Shemitio
with the Indo-European languages, we shall find a
morphological distinction of an equally diverse
character. In the former the grammatical category
is expressed by internal vowel-changes, in the latter
by external suffixes. So marked a distinction has
not unnaturally been constituted the basis of a
classification, wherein the languages that adopt this
system of internal flection stand by themselves as a
separate class, in contradistinction to those which
either use terminational additions for the same pur-
pose, or which dispense wholly with inflectional
forms (Bopp's Comp. Or. 1. 103). The singular
use of praformatives in the Coptic language ii,
again, a morphological peculiarity of a very decided
character. And even within the same family, say
the Indo-European, each language exhibits an idio-
syncrasy in its morphological character, whereby it
stands out apart from the other members with a
decided impress of individuality. The inference to
be drawn from the number and character of the
differences we have noticed is favorable, rather than
otherwise, to the theory of an original unity. Start-
ing from the same common ground of monosyllabic
roots, each language-family has carried out its own
special line of development, following an original im-
pulse, the causes and nature of which must remain
probably forever a matter of conjecture. We can
perceive, indeed, in a general way, the adaptation of
certain forma of speech to certain states of society.
The agglutinative languages, for instance, seem to be
specially adapted to the nomadic state by the prom-
inence and distinctness with which they enunciate
the leading idea in each word, an arrangement
whereby communication would be facilitated be-
tween tribes or families that associate only at inter-
vals. We might almost imagine that these languages
derived their impress of uniformity and soMdity
from the monotonous steppes of Central Asia, which
have in all ages formed their proper habitat. So,
again, the inflectional class reflects cultivated
thought and social organisation, and its languages
have hence been termed "state" or "political."
Monosyllabisra, on the other hand, is pronounced to
be suited to the most primitive stage of thought and
society, wherein the family or the individual is the
standard by which things are regulated (Max MUV
ler, in PhUot. of Hit. i. 288). We should hesi-
tate, however, to press this theory as furnishing an
adequate explanation of the differences observable in
language-families. The Indo-European language* at-
tained their high organization amid the same scenes
and in the same nomad state as those wherein the
agglutinative languages were nurtured, and we
should be rather disposed to regard both the language
and the higher social status of the former as the
concurrent results of a higher mental organization.
If from words we pass on to the varieties of syn-
tactical arrangement, the same degree of analogy
will be found to exist between class and class, or
between family and family in the same class; in
other words, no peculiarity exists in one which doss
not admit of explanation by a comparison with
others. The absence of all grammatical forms in
an isolating language necessitates a rigid collocatioi*
of the words in a sentence according to logical prin-
ciples. The same law prevails to a very great extent
in our own language, wherein the subject, verb, and
object, or the subject, copula, and predicate, gener-
ally hold their relative positions in the order ex-
hibited, the exceptions to such an arrangement Mng
easily brought into harmony with that geneul law.
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8290 TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
b the agglutinative languages the bur of arrange-
ment u that Uw principal word should come hat
in the sentence, every qualifying clause or word
preceding it, and being as it were sustained by it.
The syntactical ia thus the rererae of the verbal
structure, the principal notion taking the precedence
in the latter (Kwmld, SprneA». JM. Li. 99). There
ia in this nothing pocnliar to this class of languages,
beyond the greater uniformity with which the ar-
rangement ia adhered to: it ia the general rule in
the rlmwicil, and tbe occasional rule in certain of the
Teutonic languages. In the Sbemitie family the
reverse arrangement prevails: the qualifying adjec-
tives follow the noun to which they belong, and
the verb generally stands first : short sentences are
necessitated by such a collocation, and hence more
room ia allowed for the influence of emphasis in
deciding the order of the sentence. In illustration
of grammatical peculiarities, we may notice that
in the agglutinative class adjectives qualifying
substantives, or substantives placed in apposition
with substantives, remain undeclined : in this ease
the process may be compared with the formation
of compound words in the Indo European languages,
where the final member alone is inflected. So again
the omission of a plural termination in nouns fol-
lowing a numeral may be paralleled with a similar
naage in our own language, where the terms
"pound " or " head " are used collectively after a
numeral. We may again aite the peculiar manner
of expressing the genitive in Hebrew. This is
•fleeted by one of the two following methods —
placing the governing uoun in the itatut am-
wtructm, or using the relative pronoun ° with a
preposition before the governed esse. The first of
these processes appears a strange inversion of the
laws of language; but an examination into the
origin of the adjuncts, whether prefixes or affixes,
used in other languages Tor Uw indication of the
genitive, will show that they have a more intimate
connection with the governing than with the
governed word, and that they are generally re-
solvable into either relative or personal pronouns,
which serve Uw simple purpose of connecting the
two words together (Gamett's £•*"•*, pp. 214-227).
Tb» same end may be gained by connecting the
w is in pronunciation, which would lead to a rapid
uueranee of the first, and consequently to the changes
which are witnessed in Uw ttatiu omu/rueni*. The
second or periphrastic process is in accordance with
the general method of expressing the genitive; for
Uw expression " the Song which is to Solomon "
strictly answers to " Solomon's Song," the s repre-
senting (according to Bopp's explanation) a com-
bination of the demonstrative aa and the relative ya.
It is thus that the varieties of construction may be
shown to be consistent with unity of law, and that
they therefore furnish no argument against a com-
mon origin.
Lastly, it may be shown that Uw varieties of
language do not arise from any constitutional in-
equality of vital energy. Nothing- is more remark-
» Ths settee of this law Is as follows: The vowels
an divided Into three elsssss, which we may term
snarp, medial, and flat : the first sod the last cannot
as nasanlnsil In any rally formed word, bat all the
•mats moat be attber of toe two first, or of the two
hvat r lsw u . Tba sumxas most always accord with
ths tent la regard to the quality of its vowel-aoonda,
■at asaea Uw nssasnt/ of having double foraw for all
TONGUBS, CONTUSION OF
able than the compensating power apparent!) ia
herent in all language, whereby it finds the meant
of reaching the level of Uw human spirit through a
faithful adherence to ita own guiding print iple.
The isolating languages, being shut out from Uw
manifold advantages of verbal composition, attain
their object by multiplied combinations of radical
sounds, assisted by an elaborate system of accentua-
tion and intonation. In this manner Uw Chinese
language has framed a vocabulary fully equal to
Uw demands made upon it ; and though this mode
of development may not commend itself to our
notions ss Uw most effective that can be devised,
yet it plainly evinces a high susceptibility ou Uw
part of the linguistic faculty, and a keen perception
of Uw correspondence between sound and sense.
Nor does Uw absence of inflection interfere with
Uw expression even of the most delicate shades of
meaning in a sentence: a compensating resource is
found partly in a multiplicity of subsidiary terms
expressive of plurality, motion, action, ebb, and
partly in strict attention to syntactical arrangement.
The agglutinative languages, again, are deficient
in compound words, and in this respect krek Uw
elasticity and expansiveness of Uw Indo-European
family ; but they are eminently synthetic, and no
one can fail to admire Uw regularity and solidity
with which ita words are built up, suffix on suffix,
and, when built up, are suffused with an uniformity
of tint by the law of vowel-harmony. 6 The Shemitie
languages have worked out a different principle of
growth, evolved, not improbably, in Uw midst of a
conflict between Uw systems of prefix and suffix,
whereby Uw stem, being ss it were inclosed at both
extremities, was precluded from all external incre-
ment, and was forced back into such changes as
could be effected by a modification of ita vowel
•ounds. But whatever may be Uw origin of Uw
system of internal inflection, it must be conceded
that Uw results sre very effective, as regards both
economy of material, and simplicity and dignity of
style.
The result of Uw foregoing observations is to
show that Uw formal varieties of language present
no obstacle to the theory of a common origin.
Amid these varieties there may Iw discerned mani-
fest tokens of unity in the original material out of
which language was farmed, in Uw stages of forma-
tion through which it haa passed, in Uw general
principle of grammatical expression, and, lastly, ia
the spirit and power displayed in Uw development
of these various formations. Such a result, though
it does not prove Uw unity of language in respect
to its radical elements, ne v e rthele s s tends to estab-
lish the a prion probability of this unity ; for if al
connected with the forms of language may be re-
ferred to certain general laws, if nothing in thai
department owes its origin to chance or arbitrary
appointment, it surely favors Uw presumption thai
the same principle would extend to Uw formation
of Uw roots, which are Uw very core and kernel of
language. Here too we might expect to find Uw
the soflUas to suet the sharp or tba flat ehanetar of
the root. Tba practice is probably reanble to the
asms principle which aavigned so retuerkabla a prom-
inence to the root. As the root sustains Uw series of
minxes. Ita vowel-sonnd becomes not unnaturally Uw
key-note of the whole strain, fellitotmg the piuu ss—
of uueranee to tba speaker, and of psvo s s si sa to vac
hearer, and eommunloatins; to the word the rnaWjrsafaj
which at so eharaotsrlsUe of Uw whole snes l i m af
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rperation of fixed laws of mm kind or other, pre-
facing remit* of an uniform character; here too
tctual variety may not be inconsistent with origin*]
•oity.
tl. Before entering on the subject rf the radical
identity of languages, we man express oar convic-
tion that the time ha* not yet ai rived for a deciaive
•pinion a* to the possibiBty of eaUhHahing it by
proof. Let us briefly review the difficulties that
bent the question. Every word as it appears in
an organic language, whether written or spoken,
is resolvable into two distinct elements, which we
have termed predicable and formal, the first being
•hat is commonly called the root, the second the
grammatical termination. In point of fact both of
these elements consist of independent roots; and in
order to prove the radical identity of two languages,
it must be shown that they agree in both respects,
that is, in regard both to the predicable and the
formal roots. As a matter of experience It is found
that the formal elements, consisting for the most
part of pronominal bases, exhibit a greater tenacity
of life than the others; and hence agreement of in-
flectional forma is justly regarded as furnishing a
strong presumption of general radical identity.
Even foreign elements are forced into the formal
mould of the language into which they are adopted,
and thus l«ar testimony to the original character
of that language. But though such a formal agree-
ment supplies the philologist with a most valuable
instrument of investigation, it cannot be accepted
as a substitute for complete radical agreement: this
would still remain to lie proved by an independent
examination of the predieahle elements. The diffi-
culties connected with these latter are many and
varied. Assnmlng that two languages or huiguage-
fiunilie* are under comparison, the phonological
laws of each must be investigated in order to arrive,
in the first place, at the primary forms of words in
the language in which they occur, and, in the sec-
ond place, at the corresponding forms in the lan-
guage which constitutes the 'other member of
comparison, as done by Grimm for the Teutonic as
compared with the Sanskrit and the classical lan-
guages. The genealogy of sound, as we may term
it, must be followed up by a genealogy of significa-
tion, a mere outward accordance of sound arid sense
in two terms being of no value whatever, units* a
radical affinity be proved by an Independent ex-
* Orlmm was the first to diseovnr a regular system
at displacement of sounds (lau/verjcsicoiittf ) pervading
the Oothto and Low German languages a* compared
with One* and Latin. According to this system, the
Sothh) substitutes aspirates for tenues (« for Or. * or
Let. «, th for I, and / for />) ; tenues for mediate (( for
«*, p for a, and k for *■): and medial* for aspirates
(l for Or. ck or Ut A, d for Or. M, and b for Let/or
0r.pa)(O*K*. Drain. S/ir. 1. 883). We may Illustrate
the enangss by comparing htart with rar or «aptut ;
laoe> with <« ; fin with Wfm (Wer.), or fittktr with
mur; tw with dm; hut with yirv; goaie with *jr :
•an with tapirim ; brar with /sro or «Vp». What has
thus been done for the Teutonle languages, has been
sairiad out by Sehleieber in his Compuuimm for each
slass of the Indo-European family.
* It Is a doUoate question to deetde wnether in any
ttven languegs the onomatopoetio words that may
seeur are origl lal or derived. Numerous coincidences
sf sound and sense occur In different languages to
eaten little or no value k attached by •tymologisu
.n the ground that they an ooomat<">o»tlo. But
ivtdently than may have been handea down from
^ensratsoa to gsoeratlon, and frnm language to Ian-
TONGUES. CONFUSION OF 3291
amlnation of the cognate words in each ease. II
•till remains to be inquired how far the ultirru.ta
accordance of sense and sound may be the result of
onomatopoeia, 6 of mere borrowing, or of a possible
mixture of languages on equal terms. The final
stage in etymological inquiry is to decide the limit
to which comparison may be carried in the prim-
itive strata of language — in other words, how far
roots, as ascertained from groups of words, may be
compared with root*, and reduced to yet simpler
elementary forms. Any flaw in the processes above
described will of course invalidate the whole result.
Even where the philologist is provided with ample
materials for inquiry in stores of literature ranging
over long periods of time, much difficulty is ex-
perienced in making good each link in the chain
of agreement; and yet in such cases the dialectic
varieties have been kept within some degree of re-
straint by the* existence of a literary language,
which, by impressing its authoritative stamp on
certain terms, has secured both their general use
and their external integrity. Where no literature
exists, as is the case with the general mass of lan-
guages in the world, the difficulties are infinitely
increased by the combined effect* of a prolific growth
of dialectic forma, and an absence of all means of
tracing out their progress. Whether under these
circumstances we may reasonably expect to establish
a radical unity of language, is a question which
each person must decide for himself. Much may
yet be done by a larger induction and a scientific.
analysis of languages that are yet comparatively
unknown. The tendency hitherto has been to en-
large the limits of a " family " according as the
element* of affinity hare been recognized in out-
lying member*. These limit* may perchance be
still more enlarged by the discovery of connecting
links between the language-families, whereby the
criteria of relationship will be modified, and new
elements of internal unity be discovered amid the
manifold appearances of external diversity.
Meanwhile we must content ourselves with stating
the present position of the linguistic science in ref-
erence to this important topic. In the first place
the Indo-European language* have been reduced to
an acknowledged and well-defined relationship: they
form one of the two families included under the
head of " inflectional " in the morphological classi-
fication. The other family in this class is the (so-
guage, and may have as true a genealogy as any other
term* not bearing that character. For instance, ths
Hebrew '•*«. (*jj"*1 r?) expresses in its very sound the
notion of npaihwing or gutping, the word consisting,
as Renin has remarked (tf. 0. 1. 480), of a Ungual
and a guttural, representing respectively the tongue
and ths throat, which an chiefly engaged In the
operation of swallowing. In the Indo-European Ian
gueges we meet with a large class of words containing
the same elements and conveying, more or less, the
same meaning, such ss Ajixm, AixpeW, tigurio, fingaa,
gula, R lick," and otben. These words may have had
a "annum source, but, because they an onomatopootto
la their character, they an excluded as evidence of
radical affinity. This sxeluslon may be carried too
for, though It is difficult to point out whan It shouid
stop. But even onomatopostio words bear a apeetfle
character, and the names given in imitation of the
notes of birds dinar materially In different languages,
apparently from the p erce p tion of some subtle analogy
with previously existing sounds or Ideas. The subjset
Is one of gnat Interest, and may yet play an importaat
part In the haunrv of languasje.
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8292 TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
i) Sbemitic, the limits of whioh are not equally
well defined, Inasmuch na it may be extended over
what are termed the mb-Sbemitia language*, in
eluding the Egyptian or Coptic. The criteria of
the proper Sbemitic family (i. e. the Aramaean,
Hebrew, Arabic, and Ethiopia language!) are dis-
tinctive enough; but the connection between the
Sbemitic and the Egyptian is not definitely estab-
lished. Some philologists are inclined to claim for
the latter an independent position, intermediate
between the Indo-European and Sbemitic families
(Bunsen's PkiL of Hut I. 185 ff.). The aggluti-
native languages of Europe and Asia are combined
by Prof. M. MUller, in one family named " TV
rauien." It is conceded that the family bond in
this ease is a loose one, and that the agreement in
roots is very partial (Aectarrs, pp. 290-293). Many
philologists of high standing, and more particularly
Pott (Cngkieh. Mtnich. Rnuen, p. 232), deny the
family relationship altogether, and break up the
agglutinative languages into a great number of
families. Certain it is that within the Turanian
circle there are languages, such, for instance, as the
Ural-Altaian, which show so close an affinity to
each other as to be entitled to fonn a separate
division, either a* a family or a aulidivision of a
family: and this being the case, we should hesitate
to put them on a parity of footing with the re-
mainder of the Turanian languages. The Caucasian
group again diners so widely from the other mem-
bers of the family as to make the relationship very
dubious. The monosyllabic languages of south-
eastern Asia are not included in the Turanian
family by Prof. M. Miiller (Ltd. pp. 290, 326),
apparently on the ground that they are not ag-
glutinative; but as the Chinese appears to be con-
nected radically with the Burmese (Humboldt's
VertchiaL p. 368), with the Tibetan (Pit. of Hut
i. 393-390), and with the Ural-Altaian languages
(Schott in Abh. Ab. BerL 1861, p. 172), it seems
to have a good title to be placed in the Turanian
family. With regard to the American and the
bulk of the African languages, we are unable to say
whether tbey can be brought under any of the
heads already mentioned, or whether they stand by
themselves as distinct families. The farmer are
referred by writers of high eminence to an Asiatic
ar Turanian origin (Bunsen, Phil, of Hill. ii. Ill;
Latham's Man and hit Migrnt p. 186); the latter
So the Sbemitic family (Latham, p. 148).
o Several of the terms compared by bun are ooe-
saatopoetic, as parole (Jrac-tan), ptttoih (migmil,
sod kalapf and in each of these caws the Initial latter
forms part of the onomatopoeia. In others th« Initial
lettar In the Greek is radical, as In tVaeiAmtr (Potts
Ii. Forth. 11. 272), apihmtv (1. 229), and eraAajnr
(1. 197). In others again it is euphonic, as In fitix-
leir. butly, we are unable to sea how tArap and thrtp
admit of doss comparison with 6>uC«ur and Tp*$«r.
It shows ths uncertainty of such analogies that Qese-
nlos comparse tamp with tsdmw, and hblap (f\ 73)
vtth yatty«u>, which Delitssch compares with kkUap
1 vTI), An attempt to establish a large amount
ef radical Identity by means of a resolntfoo of the
Babeew word into its component and significant ela-
eauts may be seen In the Pkiutof. Vrtmi. tor 1868,
•ham, far Instance, the as in the Hebrew balcatk, Is
■cm pared with the Tsutonio prefix at ,• the liar In dar~
kuk with the Welsh dar In dormant; and the ekaph
•a cltapkatk with the Welsh ntf in n/am*
' The* group* are subViently common in Hebrew.
TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
The problem that awaits solution is, whethet ths
several families above specified can be reduced « a
single family by demonstrating their radical iden-
tity. It would be unreasonable to expect that this
identity should be coextensive with the vocabula-
ries of the various languages: it would naturally
be confined to such ideas and objects as are eonv
mon to mankind generally. Even within this circls
the difficulty of proving the identity may be in-
finitely enhanced by the absence of materials.
There are indeed but two families in which these
materials are found in anything like sufficiency,
namely, the Indo-European and the Sbemitic, and
even these furnish us with no historical evidence
as to the earlier stages of their growth. We find
each, at the most remote literary period, already
exhibiting its distinctive character of stem- and
word-formation, leaving us to infer, as we best
may, from these phenomena the proc esses by which
they had reached that point Hence there arises
abundance of room for difference of opinion, and
the extent of the radical identity will depend very
mi ch on the view adopted as to these earlier pro-
cesses. If we could accept in its entirety the sys-
tem of etymology propounded by the analytical
school of Hebrew scholars, it would not be difficult
to establish a very large amount of radical identity ;
but we cannot regard as established the preposi-
tional force of the initial letters, a* stated by
Delitzach in his Jethurm (pp. 166, 173, note),
still less the correspondence between these and the
initial letters of Greek and Latin words" (pp.
170-172). The striking uniformity of bixyuabism
in the verbal stems is explicable only on the as-
sumption that a single principle underlies the
whole ; and the existence of groups * of words dif-
fering slightly in form, and having the same radi-
cal sense, leads to the presumption that this princi-
ple wss one not of composition, but of euphonism
and practical convenience. This presumption is
still further favored by an analysis of the letters
forming the stems, showing that the third letter is
in many instances a reduplication, and in others a
liquid, a nasal, or a sibilant, introduced either as
the initial, the medial, or the final letter. The
Hebrew alphabet admits of a classification • based
on the radical character of the letter according to
its position in the stem. The effect of composi-
tion would have been to produce, in the first place,
a greater inequality in the length of the words,
We will take as an Instano* the following one : tFltO,
BTIjM, BftjJ?, ETtMi u>d 0?w?S, a" conveying the
Idea of "dash" or '"strike." Or, again, the follow.
ing group, with the radical sense of slippsrinsss
a*?. "?)?, n?b, 33b, abn, >V?n, rfc.
f] vtt?, eto. A claasiflcatory lexicon of such (roups
would sestet the etymological Inquiry.
e Bach a classification Is attempted by Boettlehar
In Bunssn, Plalot. of Hit. 11. 867. After staling whs.
letters may be Inserted either at the beginning, mid-
dle, or end of the root, he enumerates those wMeb
an always radical In the several positions ; 3, ta
Instance, In the beginning and middle, but lot at the
end ; 7 and & lu the beginning only j D and W
In the middle and at the and. but not In the begin.
nlog. We are not prepared to acce'tt this classman
tion as wholly correct, but we adduce it in lUcatrattoa
of the point above noticed.
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TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
sod, in the second place, a grater equality in the
Dae of the nrioua organic sounds.
After dedaeting largely from the amount of ety-
mological correspondence baaed on the analytical
teneta, there still remains a considerable amount of
radical identity which appears to be above sus-
picion. It is impossible to produce hi this plaee a
complete list of the terms in which that identity is
manifested. In the subjoined note we cite some
Instances of agreement, which cannot possibly be
explained on the principle of direct onomatopoeia,
and which would therefore seem to be the common
inheritance of the Indo-European and Shemitie
hoiHea, Whether this agreement is, as Renan
suggests, the remit of a keen susceptibility of the
ooomatopoetio faculty in the original framera of
the words (Hi*. Gen. i. 468), is a point that can
neither be proved nor disproved. But even if it
wen so, It does not follow that the words were not
framed before the separation of the families. Our
bat of comparative words might be much enlarged,
if we went to include comparisons baaed on the
reduction of Shemitie roots to a bisyllabic form.
A list of such words may be found in Delitxach's
Jahwua, pp. 177-180. In regard to pronouns
and numerals, the identity is but partial. We
may detect the ( sound, which forms the distinc-
tive sound of the second personal pronoun in the
Indo-European languages, in the Hebrew all Ah,
and in the personal terminations of tbe perfect
tense; but the m, which is the prevailing sound of
the first personal pronoun in the former, is sup-
planted by an n in the latter. The numerals
taeia and theba, for «« six " and "seven," accord
with the Indo-European forms: those representing
tbe numbers from " one " to " five " are possibly,
though not evidently, identical.* With regard to
the other ianguage-fiuniliea, it will not be expected,
after the observations already made, that we should
attempt the proof of their radical identity. The
Ural- Altaian languages have been extensively stud'
ied, but are hardly ripe for comparison. Occa-
sional resemblances have been detected in gram
matical forms • and in the vocabularies; <* but the
value of these remains to be proved, and we must
await the results of a more extended research into
this and other regions of the world of language.
(B.) We pass on to the second point proposed
for consideration, namely, the ethnological views
in the Bible, and mora particularly in
TJ1JJJ, alryw, misew, mix.
'rjnj, ana, circle.
TfTrJ, Oarm. erd; earth.
PTrJi a**", ftta», Oarm. gtatt, (Us
BO, D|, Dy, awn, ovV.mofc.
H^p, *Mot, shuns, Oarm. •at, fall
I^D, asms, pun.
WJ^rrnj, «>ra»,p>»<.
ITlfy, W.,p*p*,,fin,*mt.
TONGUES, CONFUSION OF 8293
the 10th chapter of Genesis, which records the dis-
persion of nations consequent on the Confusion of
Tongues.
I. The Mosaic table does not profess to describe
tbe process of the dispersion; but assuming that
dispersion as a fail ncoumpli, it records the ethnic
relations existing between the various nations af-
fected by it. These relations are expressed under
the guise of a genealogy; the ethnological char-
acter of the document is, however, clear both from
the names, some of which are gentilic in form, as
Ludim, Jebnaite, etc., others geographical sr local,
as Mixraim, Sidon, etc. ; and again from the form-
ulary, which concludes each section of tbe subject
» after their families, after their tongues, in their
countries, and in their nations" (vv. 6, 20, 31)
Incidentally, the table is geographical as well as
ethnological; but this arises out of the practice of
designating nations by the countries they occupy.
It haa indeed been frequently surmised that the ar-
rangement of the table is purely geographical, and
this idea is to a certain extent favored by the pos-
sibility of explaining the names Shem, Ham, and
Japheth on this principle; the first signifying the
u high " lands, the second the " hot " or " Vow "
lands, and the third the "broad,'' undefined regions
of the north. The three famines may hare been
so located, and such a circumstance could not have
been unknown to tbe writer of the table. But
neither internal nor external evidence satisfactorily
prove such to have been the leading idea or prin -
eipk) embodied in it; for the Japhetitea are mainly
assigned to the " isles " or maritime districts nf
tbe west and northwest, while the Shemites press
down into the plain of Mesopotamia, and tbe
Hamitea, on the other band, occupy the high
lands of Canaan and Lebanon. We hold, there-
fore, the geographical as subordinate to the ethno-
graphical element, and avail onrselres of the former
only aa an instrument for tbe discovery of the
latter.
The general arrangement of the table is ss fol-
lows: The whole human race is referred back to
Noah's three sons, Shem, Ham, and Japheth. Tbe
Shemites sre described last, apparently that the
continuity of the narrative may not be further
disturbed; and tbe Hamitea stand next to tbe
Shemites, in order to show that these wen mon
closely related to each other than to the Japhetitea.
The comparative degrees of affinity are expressed.
mi
lyiO, Sanaa, mart, nut*, mi!k (flint, Lm. •
v.), whence bj the Introduction of r the Latin men.
• Bee Hanger's note in Oaten. Gramm. p. 16*.
The identity even of sktth and " six " has been quas>
stoned, on the ground that the original form of tha
Hebrew word was atol and of the Aryan knakt (PUIti
Irani. 1880, p. 181).
• Several sueb ressmblaneas are pointed out by
Jswald in his Spradno. Atkamt., U. 18, 81, note.
<t The following verbal naembianca In Hungarian
and Sanskrit have been noticed : sgy and tka, "one; "
Aal and start, "six;" hit and taptan, "seven;" ««
and damm, " ten ; " tzer and MAojra, " thousand } "
seta and Mote, " frog ; " arany and Mnmja, " gold ; "
(fUloL Trwu. Jbr 1868, p. 88). Proofc of a mora to-
tlmate nlatlouhlp be twe e n the Finnish and Info
■uropeen ^ngaagas an addooad In a paper na Iht
suhjset in u*e Philot. Iraw. tar 1880, p. 881 ft
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4294 TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
partly by coupling the names together, a* In the
cues of Eliahah end Tenhiih, Kittim end Doda-
nim (tot. 4), and partly by representing a genea-
logical descent, at, when the nation* jut mentioned
are ssid to be "eone of Javan." An inequality
may be observed in the length of the genealogical
lines, which in the case of Japheth extendi only
to one, in Haul to twp, in Shem to three, and even
four degrees. This inequality clearly arises out
of the varying interest taken in the several lines
by the author of the table, and by those for v/bose
use it was designed. We msy lastly observe, that
the occurrence of the same name in two of the lists,
■s in the esse of Lud (rv. 1J, 83), sod Sheba
(vv. T, 98), possibly indicates a fusion of the
The identification of the Biblical with the his-
torical or classical names of nations, is by no means
an easy task, particularly where the names are not
subsequently noticed in the Bible. In these cases
comparisons with ancient or modern designations
are the only resource, and where the designation it
one of a purely geographical character, as in the
esse of Kiphath compared with Jiipcd mania, or
Hash compared with Mniim mom, great doubt
must exist as to toe ethnic force of the title, inas-
much as several nations may hare successively
occupied the same district. Equal doubt arises
where names admit of being treated as appella-
tives, and so of being transferred from one district
to another. Recent research into Assyrian and
Egyptian records has in many instances thrown
light on the Biblical titles. In the former we find
Mesbech and Tubal noticed under the forms Mus-
ical and Tuptai, while Javan appears as the appel-
lation of Cyprus, where the Assyrians first met
with Greek civilization. In the latter the name
Phut appears under the form of Pount, Hittite
as Khila, Cush as Kttnk, Canaan as Kawuta,
ate.
1. The Japhetit* list contains fourteen names,
of which seven represent independent, and the re-
mainder affiliated nations, at follows: (i.) Gomer,
connected ethnically with the Cimmerii, Cimbri (V),
and Cyry; and geographically with Crimea, As-
sociated with Gomer are the three following: (a.)
Ashkenas, generally compared with lake Atcaniut
in Bithynia, but by Knobd with the tribe Atai,
At, or Outlet in the Caucasian district On the
whole we prefer Hasse's suggestion of a connection
between this name and that of the Axtnut, later
the Euximu Pontus. (A.) Kiphath, the Ripai
Monies, which Knobd connects etymulogioally and
geographically with Carpatei Hona. (c.) Togar-
ffiah, undoubtedly Armenia, or a portion of it.
(ii.) Magog, the Scythian*. (Hi.) Madai, Mediu.
(iv.) Javan, the Jonians, as a general appellation
for the Hellenic race, with whom are associated
the four following: (a.) Elishah, the jEolian*, leas
probably identified with the district Eli*, (A.)
Tarshiah, at a later period of Biblical history cer-
tainly identical with Tartttsut in Spain, to which,
however, there are objections as regards the table,
partly from the too extended area thus given to the
Mosaic world, and partly because Tartessus was a
Phoenician, and consequently not a Japhetic settle-
ment. Knobd compares the Tyr$tni, Tgrrheni,
and 7Wri of Italy; but this is precarious, (e.)
Kittim, the town Citnm in Cyprus, Id.) Doda-
eim, the Dtirdani of Illyria and Myaia: Doauna
Is sometimes compared, (v.) Tubal, the Tibartni
at Pou««s. (vi.> Mesbeeh, the Moteki In
TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
northwestern part of Armenia. (viL) Tins, far
haps Thrada.
8. The Hamitie list oontains thirty nam—, at
which four represent independent, and the remain-
der affiliated nations, as follows: (i.) Cush, in two
branches, the western or African rep re s entin g
JVtkwpia, the Kettk of the old Egyptian, and the
•astern or Asiatic being connected with the names
of the tribe Cusam, the district Ciuia, and the
province Sumana or Khuiiitm, With Cush are
associated: (a.) Sel*, the Sabai of Ytmem in
south Arabia. (A.) Havilah, the district ATMcfn
in the same part of the peninsula, (c) *«- u.k
the town Sabatha in HadramauL (</.) n— "-i-
the town Rhegma on the aoutheastem coast cf
Arabia, with whom are associated: (a 1 .) Sheba, a
tribe probably connected ethnically or commercially
with the one of the same name already mentioned,
but located on the west coast of the Persian Golf.
(If 1 .) Dedan, also on the west coast of the Fenian
Uulf, where the name perhaps still survives in the
island Dadnn. («.) Sahhvhah, perhaps the town
Samj/dace on the coast of the Indian Ocean east-
ward of the Persian Gulf. (J~.) Nhsrod, a per-
sonal and not a geographical name, the representa-
tive of the easte rn Cushites. (ii.) Mizraim, the
two Mint, i. e. Upper and Lower Egypt, with
whom the following seven are connected: (<i.)
Ludim, aooording to Kuobel a tribe allied to the
Shemitic Lud, but settled in Egypt; others com-
pare the river Laud (Plin. v. 8), and the LtwAtak,
a Berber tribe on the Syrtes. (A.) Anaraian, ac-
cording to Knohel the inhabitants of the Dtlla,
which would be described in Egyptian by the term
mntmhit or ttanemhit, "northern district," con-
verted by the Hebrews into Anamim. (c.) Kaphtu-
him, variously explained as the people of JVepatAes,
i. «. the northern coast district (bochart), and as
the worshippers of Phthah, meaning the inhabit-
ants of Memphis, (rf.) Pathrusim, Upper Egypt,
the name being explained as meaning in the Egyp-
tian " the south " (Knobd). (e.) Casluhim, Ca-
•u nons, C'atuotii, and Cattium, eastward of the
Delta (Knobd): the Cokhiaos, aooording to Bo-
chart, but this is unlikely, (f.) Caphtorim, most
probably the district about Captot in Upper Egypt
[Cafhtor] ; the island of Crete according to many
modern critic*, Cappadocia according to the older
interpreters, (o.) Phut, the Punt of the Egyptian
inscriptions, meaning the Libyans, (iii.) Canaan
the geographical position of which calls for no re-
mark in this place. The name has been variously
explained as meaning the " low " land of the coast
district, or the '• subjection " threatened to Canaan
personally (Gen. ix. 85). To Canaan belong the
following eleven: («.) Sidon, the well-known town
of that name in Phoenicia. (A. ) Heth, or the Hit-
tites of Biblical history, (e.) The Jebusite, of Jt-
but or Jerusalem, (d.) The Amorite frequently
mentioned in Biblical history, (e.) The Girgasite,
the same as the Girgaahitn. if.) Tin Hirite, va-
riously explained to mean the occupants of the
" interior " (Ewald), or the dwellers in » villages '
(Gesen.). (g.) The Arkite, of Aren, north of Tnp-
oUs, at the foot of Lebanon. (A.) The Sinite, ol
Sin or Sinna, places in the Lebanon district. \i.
The Arvsdite otAradm on the coast of Phoenicia.
(j.) The Zemarite, of Simgra on the Ekmtberua
(*.) The Hamatulte, of Hamnlk, the classical />■
phnnw, on the Orontes,
8. The Shemitic list contains twenty-five names
of which Ave refer to independent, sod the iiaaslr
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TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
let to affiliated tribes, as follows: (L) Elan, the
ttibe Elymai and the district Elymau in Susiana.
(ii.) Asshur, Auyria between the Tigria and ths
lange of Zagrus. (lii.) Arphaxad, Arrapachitii in
northern Assyria, with whom are associated: (a.)
Sakh, a personal and not a geographical title, in-
dicating » migration of the people represented by
him ; Salah's aon (a') Eber, representing geograph-
ically the district ncrou v i. t. eastward of ) the Eu-
phrates i and liber's two sons (a») Peleg,a personal
name indicating a " division " of this branch of the
Shemttis family, and (o>) Joktan, representing gen
erally the inhabitants of Arabia, with the following
thirteen sons of Joktan, namely: (a*.) Almodad,
probably representing the tribe of Jttrkum near
Mecca, whose leader was named Mndad. (A*.)
Shelepb, the Saltpem In Yemen, (e*.) Hasarnia-
veth, ffadrnmaut, in southern Arabia, (of.) Je-
rah. (e*.) Hadoram, the AtlramUa on the south-
ern coast, in a district of BadramatU. (f*.) Uxal,
snpposed to represent the town Sztnaa in south
Arabia, as baring been founded by Aiti. (g*.)
Diklah. (A 4 .) Obal, or, as m 1 Chr. L 33, Ebal,
which latter is identified by Knobel with the Ge-
btrnUn in the southwest (i*.) Abimael, doubtfully
connected with the district Makra, eastward of
Hadramaut, and with the towns Mara and Mali.
O' 1 .) Sbeba, the Saba* of southwestern Arabia,
about Hariaba. (t 4 .) Ophir, probably Adiine on
toe southern coast, but see article. (/'.) Harilah,
the district Kkialan in the northwest of Yemen
(m*.) Jobab, possibly the Joiarila at Ptolemy (ri.
7, § 34), for which Jobabitn may originally hare
stood, (iv.) Lud generally compared with Lydia,
but explained by Knobel as referring to the various
aboriginal tribes in and about Palestine, such as
the Amalekites, Bephaites, Emim, etc. We can-
not consider either of these news as well established.
Lydia itself lay beyond the horizon of the Mosaic
table: as to the Sheniitic origin of its population,
conflicting opinions are entertained, to which we
shall have occasion to advert hereafter. Knobel's
view has in its favor the probability that the tribes
referred to would he represented in the table; it is,
however, wholly devoid of historical confirmation,
with the exception of an Arabian tradition that
Amlik was one of the sons of Laud or Lamad, the
•on of Sbem." (v.) Aram, the general name for
Syria and northern Metopotamin, with whom the
following are associated: (a.) Ux, probably the
jBtita of Ptolemy. (*.) Hul, doubtful, but best
connected with the name Hulth, attaching to a dis-
trict north of Lake Merom. (c.) Qether, not iden-
tified, (d.) Hash, Math* Mom, in the north of
Mesopotamia.
There is yet one name noticed m the table,
tamely, Philistim, which occurs in the Hamitic
division, but without any direct assertion of Ham-
itic descent The terms used in toe A. V. " out
of whom (Caslubim) came Phllistim" (ver. 14),
would naturally imply descent; but the Hebrew
text only warrants the conclusion that the Philis-
tines sojourned in the land of the Csxluhim. Not-
withstanding this, we believe the intention of the
author of the table to have been to affirm Ue
Hamitic origin of the Philistines, waving mide-
■kied the particular branch, whether Casluhim or
» Tux tradition probably originated In Ins dob* to
tarn a eonnteUog link between the Mosaic table and
I of ths Arabian population. Ths
to he drawn iron It is that, Id the
TONGUES, CONTUSION OF 8295
Caphtorim, with which it was more immediately
sonaected.
The total number of names noticed in the table
including PhUistim, would thus amount to 70,
which was raised by patristic writers to 79
These totals afforded scope for numerical compari-
sons, and also for an estimate of the number of
nations and languages to be found on the earth's
surface. It is needless to say that the Bible itself
furnishes no ground for such calculations, inasmuch
as it does not in any case specify the numbers.
Before proceeding further, it would be well tc
discuss a question materially affecting the historical
value of the Mosaic table, namely, ths period to
which it refers. On this point very various opin-
ions are entertained. Knobel, conceiving it to rep-
resent the commercial geography of the Phcsnieiaas,
assigns it to about 1300 B. o. ( VSttert. pp. 4-4:,
and Benan supports this view (Hist. Gen. i. 40),
while others allow it no higher an antiquity than
the period of the Babylonish Captivity (v. Boh'en's
Gen. 11. 307; Winer, Smb. ii. 6«5). Internal
evidence leads us to refer it back to the age M
Abraham on the following grounds: (1.) The (V
naanitas were ss yet in undisputed possession of
Palestine. (3.) The Philistines had not concluded
their migration. (3.) Tyre is wholly unnoticed, an
omission which cannot be satisfactorily accounted
for on the ground that it is included under the
name either of Heth (Knobel, p. 333), or of Sidon
(v. Bohlen, ii. 341). (4.) Various places such as
Simyra, Sinna, and Area, are noticed, which bad
fallen into insignificance in later times. (5.) Kit-
tim, which in ths age of Solomon was under Pho>-
nirian dominion, is assigned to Japheth, and the
same may be said of Tarahish, which in that age
undoubtedly referred to the Phoenician emporium
of Tartamu, whatever may hare been its earlier
significance. The chief objection to so early a data
as we have ventured to propose, is the notice of the
Medes under the name Medal. The Aryan nation,
which bears this name in history, appears not to
have reached its final settlement until about 900
b. o. (Bawlinson's Herod, i. 404). But on the other
hand, the name Media may well have belonged to
the district before the arrival of the Aryan Medes,
whether it were occupied by a tribe of kindred ori-
gin to them or by Turanians; and this probability
is to a certain extent confirmed by the notice of a
Median dynasty in Babylon, as reported by Berosus,
so early ss the 85th century B. c. (Rawlinson, I.
434). Little difficulty would be found in assigning
so early a date to the Medes, If the Aryan origin
of the allied kings mentioned in Gen. xiv. 1 were
thoroughly established, in accordance with Banan's
view (ft. G. 1. 81): on this point, however, we have
our doubts.
The Mosaic table la supplemented by ethnolog-
ical notices relating to the various divisions of the
Terachite family. These belonged to the Sbemitie
division, being descended from Arphaxad through
Peleg, with whom the line terminates in the table.
Beu, Scrug, and Nahor form the intermediate links
between Peleg and Tersh (Gen. xi. 18-36), witt
whom began the movement that terminated in the
occupation of Canaan and the adjacent districts by
certain branches of the family. Ths original seat
opinion of Its originator, there was an ilsmani which
was neither Iihmaelits in Joklankt (aValdj, Smss. I
saw, note).
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8fcdd TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
if r«rah« ww Ur of the Chaldees (Gen. xl. 88):
Ihenee he migrated to Haran (Gen. xi. SI), where
a lection of hit descendants, the representatives of
Nabor, remained (Gen. xxlr. 10, xxvii. 43, xxix.
4 ff ), while the two branches, represented by Abra-
ham and Lot, the eon of Haran, crossed toe Euphra-
tes and settled in Canaan and the adjacent district*
(Gen. xii. 5). From Lot sprang the Moabitea and
Ammonites (Gen. xix. 80-38): from Abraham the
Ishmaelitea through hia ton Ishmael (Gen. xxv. IS),
the Israelites through Isaac and Jacob, the Edom-
ites through Isaac and Esau (Gen. xxxvi.), and cer-
tain Arab tribes, of whom the Midlanitea are the
most conspicuous, through the sons of hit concubine
Keturah (Gen. xxr. 1-4).
The most Important geographical question in
connection with the Teracbites concerns their orig-
inal settlement. The presence of toe Chaldees in
Babylonia at a subsequent period of Scriptural his-
tory has led to a supposition that they were a Ham-
itie people, originally belonging to Babylonia, and
thence transplanted in the 7th and 8tk centuries to
northern Assyria (lUwlinson'a Bend. i. 819). We
do not think this new supported by Biblical notices.
It is more consistent with the general direction of
the Terachite movement to look for Cr in northern
Mesopotamia, to the east of Haran. That the Cbal-
deee, or, according to the Hebrew nomenclature,
the Kasdim, were found in that neighborhood, is
Indicated by the name Cbesed as one of the sons of
Nabur (Gen. xxii. 28), and possibly by the name
Arphaxad itself, which, according to EtraM (Gttch.
1. 878), means "fortress of the Chaldees." In
classical times we And the Kasdim still occupying
the mountains adjacent to Armpachitu, the Bibli-
cal Arpachsad, under the names Chaldai (Xen.
Anab. iv. 8, J§ 1-4) and Gordym or Cnrduehi
(Strab. xvi. p. 747), and here the name (till has a
vital existence under the form of Kurd. The name
Kasdim is explained by Oppert as meaning " two
rivers," and thus as equivalent to the Hebrew
Snkai-aim and the classical Afacpotamia (Ztit.
Morg. Or$. xi. 137). We receive this explanation
with reserve; but, as far as It goes, it (iron the
aortbern locality. The evidence for the antiquity
of the southern settlement appears to be but small,
if the term Kaldni does not occur In the Assyrian
inscriptions until the 9th century B. c. (Rawllnsoo,
1. 449). We therefore conceive the original seat
of the Chaldees to ha™ been in the north, whence
they moved southward along the course of the Tigris
until they reached Babylon, where we And them
dominant in the 7th century o. c. Whether they
first entered this country as mercenaries, and theu
xwquered their employers, aa suggested by Renan
'H. 0. i. 68), must remain uncertain; but we think
the suggestion supported by the circumstance that
the name was afterwards transferred to the whole
Babylonian population. The sacerdotal character
of the Chaldees is certainly difficult to reconcile
with this or any other hypothesis on tbe subject.
Returning to the Terachites, we find It impossible
to define tbe geographical limits of their settlements
with precision. They Intermingled with the pre-
riously existing inhabitants of the countries Inter-
vening between the Red Sea and the Euphrates,
■nd hence we find an Aram, an Ux, and a Cheaed
tmong the descendants of Nahor (Gen. xxii. 81, 88),
» Dedan and a Sheba among those of Abraham by
TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
Keturah (Gen. xxr. 8), and an Amalek among the
descendants of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 18). Few of the
numerous tribes which sprang from this stock at-
tained historical celebrity. The Israelites most of
course be excepted from this description; so else
the Nabateans, if they are to be regarded aa repre-
sented by theNebaioth of the Bible, as to which there
is some doubt (Quatremere, MiUmgt; p. 69). Of
the rest, the Moabitea, Ammonites, Midianitee, and
Edotnitea are chiefly known for their hostilities with
tbe Israelites, to whom they were dose neighbors.
The memory of the westerly migration of the Israel-
ites was perpetuated in the name Hebrew, aa refer-
ring to their residence beyond the river Fj»r*»«ift
(Josh. xxiv. 8).
Besides tbe nations whose origin ia a ccou n ted for
in the Bible, we find other early populations men-
tioned in the course of the history without any
notice of their ethnology. In this category we may
place the Horima, who occupied Edom before the
descendants of Esau (Deut ii. 18, 88); tbe Axa-
lekites of tbe Slnaitic peninsula; the Zmdma and
Zamxummima of Peraea (Gen. xiv. 6; Dent, ii.
80); the Rephaims of Bashan and of the valley
near Jerusalem named after tbem (Geo, xiv. 6;
8 Sam. v. 18); the Emims eastward of the Dead
Sea (Gen. xiv. 6); the Arlms of the southern Phi-
listine plain (Deut- ii. 88); and the Anakinss of
southern Palestine (Josh. xi. 81). The question
arises whether these tribes were Hamitea, or whether
they r ep r e sented an earlier population which pre-
ceded the entrance of tbe Hamitea. The latter
view ia supported by KnobeL who regards tbe
majority of these tribes as Shemitea, who preceded
the Canaanltes, and communicated to them the
Shemltio tongue ( VSlkert. pp. 804, 818). No
evidence can be adduced In anpport of this theory,
which was probably suggested by the double diffi-
culty of accounting for the name of Lud, and of
explaining the apparent anomaly of tbe Hamitea
and Terachites speaking the same language. Still
less evidence is there in favor of the Turanian
origin, which would, we presume, be assigned to
these tribes in common with the Canaanitea proper,
in accordance with a current theory that the first
wave of population which overspread western Asia
belonged to that branch of the human race (Saw-
linson's Htrod. i. 648, note). To this theory wa
shall presently advert: meanwhile we can only
observe, in reference to these fragmentary popu
lations, that, as they Intermingled with the Canaan-
itea, they probably belonged to tbe same stock (eomp.
Num. xdlt. 88; Judg. i. 10). They may perchance
have belonged to an earlier migration than the
Canaanitlsh, and may hare been subdued by the
later comers; but this would not necessitate a dif-
ferent origin. The names of then tribes and of
their abodes, as instanced In Gen. xiv. 5 ; Dent- ii.
83 ; Num. xili. 88, bear a Sbemitic character (Ewakt,
Gach. i. 311), and the only objection to their Ca-
naanltish origin arising out of these namea would
be in connection with Zamxummim, which, according
to Renan (H. G. p. 88, note), is formed on the
same principle aa the Greek 0Ap&ap»t, and in this
case implies at all events a dialectical difference.
Having thus surveyed the ethnological statements
contained in tbe Bible, it remains for ua to Inqoint
how far they are baaed on, or accord with, phys»
or linguistic principles. Knobet -— *-»— «
4 ooooecOon Mnn the names Taran and Trash-
ana iwuran, is suggested by
(ffisl. (Ma. 1. »). This,
with the nraslltca sjsssssally I
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TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
slat the threefold division of the Howie table is
banded on the physiological principle of color,
Sham, Ham, and Japheth representing respectively
the red, black, and white complexions prevalent in
the different region* of the then known world ( VSU
fcert pp. 11-13). He claimi etymological aupport
for this riew in nspect to Ham (= '< dark ") and
Japheth (=>"fair"), but not In respect to Sbem,
and he adduce! testimony to the fact that such
differences of color were noted in ancient times.
The etymological argument weakens rather than
sustains his riew: for it is difficult to conceive that
the principle of classification would be embodied in
two of the names and not also in the third: the
force of such evidence is wholly dependent upon its
uniformity. With regard to the actual prevalence
of the hues, it is quite consistent with the physical
diameter of the districts that the Hamitea of the
sruth should be dark, and the Japhetites of the
north fair, and further that the Siiemites should
hold an intermediate place hi color as in geograph-
ical position. But we have no evidence that this
distinction was strongly marked. The " redness "
expressed in the name Edom probably referred to
the soil (Stanley, 8. d> P. p. 87 ) : the A'lyAraum
Hurt was so called from a peculiarity in its own
tint, arising from the presence of some vegetable
substance, and not because the red Shemites bordered
on it, the black Olenites being equally numerous
on its shores: the name Adnm, as applied to the
Shemitio man, is ambiguous, from its reference to
•oil as well as oolor. On the other hand, the
Phoenicians (assuming them to have reached the
Mediterranean seaboard before the table was com-
piled) were so called from their red hue, and yet
are placed iu the table among the Hamites. The
argument drawn from the red hue of the Egyptian
deity Typhon is of little value until it can be
decisively proved that the deity in question repre-
sented the Shemites. This is asserted by Kenan
(B. G. i. 88), woo endorses Kuobel's view as far
as the Shemites are concerned, though be does not
accept his general theory.
The linguistk) difficulties connected with the
Mosaic table are very considerable, and we cannot
pretend to unravel the tangled skein of conflicting
opinions on the subject. The primary difficulty
arises out of the Biblical narrative itself, and is
consequently of old standing — the difficulty, namely,
of accounting for the evident identity of language
spoken by the Shemitic Terachites and the Hamitie
Cauaanites. Modern linguistic research has rather
enhanced than removed this difficulty. The alter-
natives hitherto offered as satisfactory solutions,
namely, that the Terachites adopted the language
of the Canaanites, or the Canaan ites that of tbe
Terachites, are both inconsistent with the enlarged
area which the language is found to cover on each
aid >. Setting aside the question of the high im-
probability that a wandering nomadic tribe, such
as the Terachites, would be able to impose its lan-
guage on a settled and powerful nation like the
Uanaanitea, it would still remain to be explained
bow the Olenites sod other Hamitie tribes, wbo
Id not come into oontact with tbe Terachites,
required the same general type of language. And
«i the other hand, assuming that what are called
Bbemitic languages were really Hamitie, we have tc
txplain the extension of the Hamitie area over
Mesopotamia and Assyria, which, accenting to the
'Able and the ge.-i ral opinion of ethi ologista, be-
wholly to i nMi-llam'.tic popdatim. A
TONGUES, CONFUSION OF 3297
further question, moreover, arises out of this ex-
planation, namely, what was the language of the Te-
rachites before they assumed this Hamitie tongue T
This question is answered by J. G Miiller, in
Herzog's B. E. xiv. 338, to the effect that the
Shemites originally spoke an Indo-European lan-
guage, — a new which we do not expect to see
generally adopted.
Restricting ourselves, for the present, to the lin-
guistic question, we must draw attention to the feet
that there is a well-denned Hamitie as well as a
Shemitic class of languages, and that any theory
which obliterates this distinction must fall to the
ground. Tbe Hamitie type is most highly devel-
oped, as we might expect, in the country which
waa,/jnr e-xccllencc, the land of Ham, namely, Egypt;
and whatever elements of original unity with the
Shemitic type may be detected by philologists,
practically the two were as distinct from each other
in historical times, as any two languages could
possibly be. We are not therefore prepared at once
to throw overboard the linguistic element of the
Mosaic table. At the same time we recognise the
extreme difficulty of explaining the anomaly of
Hamitie tribes speaking a Shemitic tongue. It will
not suffice to say, in answer to this, that these
tribes were Shemites; for again the correctness of
the Mosaic table is vindicated by the differences
of social and artistic culture which distinguish the
Shemites proper from the Phoenicians and Ouhites
using a Shemitic tongue. The former are charac-
terized by habits of simplicity, isolation, and ad-
herence to patriarchal wsjs of living and thinking;
the Phoenicians, on the other hand, were emi-
nently a commercial people; and the Cusbites are
identified with the massive architectural erections
of Babylonia and South Arabia, and with equally
extended ideas of empire and social progress.
The real question at issue concerns the language,
not of tbe whole Hamitie family, but of the Ca-
naanites and Cusbites. With regard to the former,
various explanations have been offered — such as
Knobel's, that they acquired a Shemitic language
from a prior population, represented by the B»frit»«,
Zuzim, Zamzummiin, etc. (IWttrt p. 316); or
Bunaeu's, that they were a Shemitic race who had
long sojourned in Egypt (P/iii. of Hist. i. 191) —
neither of which are satisfactory. With regard to
the latter, the only explanation to be offered is that
a Joktanid immigration supervened on the original
Hamitie population, the result being a combination
of Cushitic civilization with a Shemitic language
(Kenan, i. U22). Nor is it unimportant to men-
tion that peculiarities have been discovered in the
Cushite Shemitic of Southern Arabia which suggest
a close affiuity with the Phoenician forms (Kenan,
i. 818). We are not, however, without expecta-
tion that time and research will clear up much of
the mystery that now enwraps the subject. There
are two directions to which we may hopefully turn
for light, namely, Egypt and Babylonia, with re-
gard to each of which we moke a few remarks.
That the Egyptian language exhibits many
striking points of resemblance to the Shemitic type
is acknowledged on all sides. It is also allowed
that the resemblances are of a valuable character,
being observable in the pronouns, numerals, in
agglutinative forms, in the treatment of vowels,
anil other such points (Kenan, i. 84, 86). There
is not, however, an equal degree of agreeioem
j among scholars as to the deductions to be draws
torn these resemblances. While rnanv recognize a
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XONGUES, OOHFU8ION OF
i the proofi of a substantial identity , and benee
regard Haniitism at an earl; stage of Sbemitiem,
ethers deny, either on general or on special grounds,
the probability of lueh a oonneetion. When we find
guoh high authorities as Bunsen on the former side
(PkiL of Hit. i. 186-189, ii. 3) and Kenan (i. 88)
an the other, not to mention a king array of scholars
•ho have adopted each view, It would be presump-
tion dogmatically to assert the correctness or in-
eorrectneat of either. We oan only point to the
possibility of the identity being established, and to
the further possibility that connecting links may be
discovered between the two extremes, which may
sane to bridge over the gulf, and to render the
ass of a Shemitic language by a Hamitic race lees
of an anomaly than it at present appears to be.
Turning eastward to the banks of the Tigris and
Euphrates, and the adjacent countries, we find
unple materials for research in the inscriptions re-
cently discovered, the examination of which has
not yet yielded undisputed results. The Mosaic
table places a Shemitio population in Assyria and
Elam, and a Cushitio one in Babylon. The proba-
bility of this being ethnically (as opposed to geo-
graphically) true depends partly on the age assigned
to the table. There can be no question that at a
late period Assyria and Elam were held by non-
Shemitic, probably Aryan conquerors. But if we
carry the table back to the age of Abraham, the
ease may have been different; for though Elam
is regarded as etyuiologically identical with Iran
(Kenan, i. 41), this is not conclusive as to the
Iranian character of the language in early times.
Sufficient evidenoe is afforded by language that the
basis of the population in Assyria was Shemitic
(Kenan, i. 70; Knobel, pp. 104-166); and it is
by no means iniprobal4e that the inscriptions be-
longing more especially to the neighborhood of
Sues may ultimately establish the (act of a Sbemitic
population in Elam. The presence of a Cushitio
population in Babylon is an opinion very generally
held ou linguistic grounds; and a close identity is
said to exist between the old Babylonian and the
Mahri language, a Shemitic tongue of an ancient
type still living in a district of Jiadtamaut, in
Southern Arabia (Kenan, H. G. i. 60). In addition
to the Cushitic and Shemitio elements in the popu-
lation of Babylonia and the adjacent districts, the
presence of a Turanian element has been inferred
from the linguistic character of the early inscrip-
tions. We must here express our conviction that
the ethnology of the countries in question is con-
siderably clouded by the undefined use of the terms
Turanian, Scythic, and the like. It is frequently
difficult to decide whether these terms are used in a
juguistio sense, as equivalent to agglutinative, or
in an ethnic sense. The presence of a certain amount
■£ Turanisnism in the former does not involve its
presence in the latter sense. The old Babylonian and
Suaiauian inscriptions may be more agglutinative
tbnn the later ones, but this is only a proof of
iheir belonging to an earlier stage of the language,
sod does not of itself indicate a foreign population ;
and if these early Babylonian inscriptions graduate
into the Shemitic, as is asserted even by the advo-
cates of the Turanian theory (Bawlinson's Herod, i.
U'i, 416), the presence of an ethnic Turanianisni
jannot possibly be inferred. Added to this, it is
inexplicable how the presenoe of a large Scythic
jopulation in the Aciuemenian period, to which
nany of the Susianian inscriptions belong, could
the notice of historians. The only Scythic
rONOUBH, CONFTJblON OF
tribes noticed by Herodotus in his review uf lbs
Persian empire are the Parthians and the Sacac, ths
former of whom are known to base lived, in the
north, while the latter probably lived in the exxtrae
east, where a memorial of them ia still snnpraol to
exist in the name Seiitam, represe n ting this ancient
Sacasteue. Even with regard to these, Seythie
may not mean Turanian; for they may have be-
longed to the Scythians of history (the Skoiots), for
whom an Indo-European origin is chimed (Bawlin-
son's Btt-od lis. 197). The impress* u conveyed
by the supposed detection of so many beterogesaeoos
elements in the old Babylonian tongue (Rawiiosou,
i. 442, 444, 646, notes) is not favorable to the gen-
eral results of the r e s ear ches.
With regard to Arabia, it may safely be sawn rid
that the Mosaic table is confirmed by modern re-
search. The Cushitic element has left mfm o ruh
of its presence in the south in the net ruins of
ilarth and Sana (Kenan, i. 318), as well as in the
influence it has exercised on the Hwn/nriiic and
Miihri languages, as compared with the Hebrew.
The Joktanid element forms the basis of the Arabian
population, the Shemitic character of whose lan-
guage needs no proof. With regard to the Ish-
maelite element in the north, we are not aware of
any linguistic proof of its existence, bat it is con-
firmed by the traditions of the Arabians *' ' — i
It remains to be inquired how far the Japhetic
stock represents the linguistic characteristics of the
Indo- European and Turanian families. Adopting
the twofold division of the former, suggested by the
name itself, into the eastern and western ; and sab-
dividing the eastern into the Indian and Iranian,
and the western into the Celtic, Hellenic, Hlyrian,
Italian, Teutonic, Slavonian, and Lithuanian chases,
we are able to assign Madai ( Media) and Togarmah
(Armenia) to the Iranian class; Javan (/oaten)
and Eliahah (jEoHnn) to the Hellenic; Gomer can-
jeeturaliy to the Celtic; and Dodanixn, also con-
jecturally, to the Hlyrian. According to the old
interpreters, Ashkenaz represent* the Teutonic class,
while, according to Knobel, the Italian would be
represented by Tarshish, whom be identifies with
the Etruscans; the Slavonian by Magog; and the
Lithuanian possibly by Tires (pp. 90, 68, 130).
The same writer also identifies Hipbath with the
Gauls, as distinct from the Cymry or Gomer (p. 46);
while Kittim is referred by him not improbably to
the Carians, who at one period were predominant
on the islands adjacent to Asia Minor (p. 98 V The
evidence for these identifications varies in strength,
but in no instance approaches to demonstration
Beyond the general probability that the maic
branches of the human family would be represented
in the Mosaic table, we regard much that has been
advanced on this subject as highly precarious. At
the same time it must be conceded that the subject
is an open one, sod that as there is no possibility
of proving, so also none of disproving, the correct
uess of these conjectures. Whether the Turanian
family is fairly represented in the Mosaic table mx,
be doubted. Those who advocate the Mongolian
origin of the Scythians would naturally regard
Magog as the representative of this family; and
eveu those who dissent from the Mongolian theory
may still not unreasonably conceive that the tins
Magog applied broadly to all the nomad tribes of
Northern Asia, whether Indo-European or T»
ranian. Tubal and Mescbecb remain to be eonsid
ered: Knobel identifies tbeer rovpeetitrly with th>
Iberians and the Ugurians (pp. Ill, 119); sad H
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TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
he Finnish character of the Basque language wen
established, be would regard the Iberians ai cer-
tainly, and the ligurians aa probably Turanians,
the relics of the first wave of population which i»
tuppoeed to have once overspread the whole of the
European continent, and of which the Finns in the
north, and the Basques iu the south, are the sole
surviving representatives. The Turanian character
of the two Biblical races above mentioned has been
otherwise maintained on the ground of the identity
of the names Meechech and Muscovite (Rawlinson's
Betvd. i. 852).
IL Having thus reviewed the ethnic relations of
the nations who fell within the circle of the Mosaic
table, we propose to cast a glance beyond its limits,
and inquire how far the present results of ethno-
logical science support the general idea of the unity
of the human race, which underlies the Mosaic sys-
tem. The chief and in many instances the only
instrument at our command for ascertaining the
relationship of nations is language. In its general
results this instrument is thoroughly trustworthy,
and in each individual case to which it is applied it
furnishes a strong priiad fnat evidence; but its evi-
dence, if unsupported by collateral proofs, is not unim-
peachable, in consequence of the numerous instances
of adopted languages which have occurred within
historical times. This drawback to the value of
the evidence of language will not materially affect
our present inquiry, inasmuch as we shall confine
ourselves as much as possible to the general results.
The nomenclature of modern ethnology is not
identical with that of the Bible, partly from the
enlargement of the area, and partly from the gen-
eral adoption of language as the basis of classifica-
tion. The term Sbemitic is indeed retained, not,
however, to indicate a descent from Sbern, but the
use of languages allied to that which was current
among the Israelites in historical times. Hamttic
also finds a place in modern ethuology, but as sub-
ordinate to, or coordinate with, Sbemitic Japhetic
is superseded mainly by Indo-European or Aryan.
The various nations, or families of nations, which
find no place under the Biblical titles are classed
by certain ethnologists under the broad title of
Turanian, while by others they are broken up into
divisions more or less numerous.
The first branch of our subject will be to trace
the extension of the Sbemitic family beyond the
limits assigned to it in the Bible. The most marked
characteristic of this family, as compared with the
Indo-European or Turanian, is its Inelasticity.
Hemmed in both by natural barriers and by the
superior energy and expansiveness of the Aryan
and Turanian races, it retains to the present day
the statu* juo of early times. 9 The only * direction
in which it has exhibited any tendency to expand
has been about the shores of the Mediterranean,
and even here its activity was of a sporadic charac-
ter, limited to a single branch of the family, namely,
the Phoenicians, and to a single phase of expansion,
namely, commercial colonies. In Asia Minor we
find tokens of Shemitic presence in Cilicia, which
a The total amount of the ShemUie population at
anasnt ta computed to be only 80 millions, wall* the
Inuo-laropsau Is eomputed at 400 millions (Benao, L
I*, note).
a Eastward of the Tigris a Sheultio population nat
tssa supposed to exist In Afghanistan, where the
rWtrii language has own regarded as bearing
■rsmluV eharaeter. A theory conseouently has bean
TONGUES, CONFUSION OF 829*
was oonneoted with Phoenicia both by tradition
(Herod, vii. 91), and by language, as attested by
existing coins (Geaen. Hon. Plum. iii. 2) : in Para-
philia, Pisidia, and Lycia, parts of which were oc-
cupied by the Solymi (l'lin. v. 24; Herod, i. 173),
whose name bears a Shemitic character, and who
are reported to hare spoken a Sheraitie tongue
(Euaeb. Prop. Ev. ix. 9), a statement confirmed
by the occurrence of other Sbemitic names, such
as Phoenix and Cabalia, though the subsequent pre-
dominance of an Aryan population in these same
districts is attested by the existing Lycian inscrip-
tions : again in Caria, though the evidence arising
out of the supposed identity of the names of the
gods Osogo and Chrysaoreus with the Ofnraor and
Xpwr&p of Saiichuiiiatbon is called in question
(Kenan, II. 0. i. 49): and, lastly, in Lydia, when
the descendants of Lud are located by many au-
thorities, and where the prevalence of a Shemitic
language is asserted by scholars of the highest
standing, among whom we may specify Bunsen and
lessen, in spite of tokens of the contemporaneous
presence of the Aryan element, as Instanced in the
name Sardis, and in spite slso of the historical
notices of an ethnical connection with Myaia (Herod,
i. 171). Whether the Shemites ever occupied any
portion of the plateau of Asia Minor may be
doubted. In the opinion of the ancients the later
occupants of Cappadocia were Syrians, distinguished
from the mass of their race by a lighter hue, and
benee termed Levcotyri (Strab. xii. p. 642); but
this statement is traversed by the evidences of
Aryanism afforded by the names of the kings and
deities, as well as by the Persian character of the
religion (Strab. xv. p. 733). If therefore the
Shemites ever occupied this district, they must soon
have been brought under the dominion of Aryan
conquerors (Diefenbscb, Oriy. t'mvp. p. 44). The
Phoenicians were ubiquitous on the islands and
shores of the Mediterranean : in Cyprus, where they
have left tokens of their presence at Citium and
other places; in Crete; in Malta, where they were
the original settlers (Diod. Sic. v. 12) ; on the
mainland of Greece, where their presence is be-
tokened by the name Cadmus: in Samoa, Same, and
Samothrace, which bear Shemitic names: in Ios
and Tenedos, once known by the name of Pbcenice;
in Sicily, where Panorama, Motya, and Sokwis wore
Shemitic settlements; in Sardinia (Diod. Sic. v
35); on the eastern and southern coasts of Spain;
and on the north const of Africa, which was lined
with Phoenician colonies from the Syrtis Major ta
the Pillars of Hercules. They must also hare pene-
trated deeply into the interior, to judge from
Strabo'a statement of the destruction of three hun-
dred towns by the Pbarusiaus and Nigritians (Strab.
xrii. p. 836). Still in none of the countries w»
have mentioned did they supplant the original pop-
ulation : they were conquerors and settlers, but no
more than this.
The bulk of the North African languages, both
in ancient and modem times, though not Shemitic
in the proper sense of the term, so far resemble
started that the people speaking It represent the ten
hrlbas of Israel (Forsuw's Prim. Latin. 111. Ml). Ws
believe the supposed Sbemltio reavnblancei to be nor
founded, and that the Puiktu language holds an Inter-
mediate place between the Iranlau and Indian nleesaa,
with the latter of which it po sse ss es in coninon the
Ungual or cerebral sounds (BMsobach. 0». Bur >
ftft
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o tOO TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
that type M to have obtained the title of sub-
SUinitie. In tbe north tbe old Nuniidian language
appears, from the prevalence of the syllable Mat in
the name Mauyiii, etc., to be allied to the modern
Berber ; and the aame concliuion hai been drawn
With regard to the Libyan tongue. Tbe Berber,
In turn, together with the Toutirick and the great
body of the North African dialects, it closely allied
to the Coptic of Egypt, and therefore falls under
the title of Hamitle, or, according to tbe more usual
nomenclature, aub-Sberaitic (Kenan, H. (1. L 201,
SOS). Southwards of Egypt tbe Shemitic type fa)
reproduced in the majority of tbe Abyssinian lan-
guages, particularly in the Chert, and in a leas
narked degree in the Amitotic, the Saho, and the
Gotta ; and Shemitic influence may be traced along
tbe whole east coast of Africa as far as Mutambigue
(Renan, i. 336-340). As to tbe languages of the
interior and of the south there appears to be a con-
flict of opinions, the writer from whom we have
just quoted denying any trace of resemblance to
the Shemitic type, while Dr. Latham asserts very
confidently that connecting links exist between the
sub-Shemitic languages of the north, the Negro
languages in the centre, and the Caftre languages
of the south ; and that even the Hottentot language
Is not so Isolated as has been generally supposed
(Man and hi* Higr. pp. 134-148). Bunsen sup-
ports this view as far as the languages north of the
equator are concerned, but regards the southern as
rather approximating to the Turanian type (PltiL
tf Hut. i. 178, ii. 30). It is impossible as yet to
form a decided opinion on this large subject.
A question of considerable interest remains yet
to be noticed, namely, whether we can trace tbe
Sbemitio family back to its original cradle. In the
ease of the Indo-European family this can be done
with a high degree of probability ; and if an original
unity existed between these stocks, the domicile of
tbe one would necessarily be that of the other. A
certain community of ideas and traditions favors
this assumption, and possibly the frequent allusions
to the east in the early chapters of Genesis may
contain a reminiscence of the direction in which
tbe primeval abode lay (Renan, H. G. i. 476). Tbe
position of this abode we shall describe presently.
The Indo-European family of languages, as at
present « constituted, consists of the following nine
classes: Indian, 6 Iranian, Celtic, Italian, Albanian,
Greek, Teutonic, Lithuanian, and Slavonian. Geo-
graphically, these classes may be grouped together
in two divisions — Eastern and Western— the former
comprising the two first, tbe latter the seven re-
maining classes. Schleicher divides what we have
>rmed the Western into two — the southwest
European, and the north European — in the former
f which be places the Greek, Albanian, Italian,
and Celtic, in the latter the Slavonian, Lithuanian,
and Teutonic (Compend. i. 6). Prof. M. Miilier
combines the Slavonian and Lithuanian classes in
the Windic, thus reducing the number to eight.
These classes exhibit various degrees of affinity to
sacb other, which are described by Schleicher in the
following manner: The earliest deviation from the
■ We use the qv . ifylng expression " at present,"
partly because It ■ tot improbable that new classes
wmy I w hereafter added, as, for instance, an Anatolian,
te describe tbe languages of Asia Minor, and partly
teoru* there may have been other classes once In
ul sn sniii, which b/we entirely disappeared from the
sttieftheeatth.
TONGUES, OONFISION OF
common language of the family was effected ly
tbe Slavono-Teutonic branch. After another in-
terval a second bifurcation occurred, which separated
what we may term the Greoo-Italo-Celtie branch
from the Aryan. The former held together for a
while, and then threw off the Greek (including
probably the Albanian), leaving tbe Celtic and
Italian still connected: the final division of the two
latter took place after another considerable interval.
The first-mentioned branch — tbe Slavono-Teutonic
— remained intact for a period somewhat longer
than that which witnessed the second bifurcation
of the original stock, and then divided into tin
Teutonic and Slavono- Lithuanian, which utter
finally broke up into its two component elements-
The Aryan branch similarly beld together for a
lengthened period, and then bifurcated into tbe
Indian and Iranian. Tbe conclusion Schleicher
draws from these linguistic affinities is thai the
more easterly of the European nations, tbe Sla-
vonians and Teutons, were the first to leave the
common home of tbe Indo-European race: that they
were followed by the Celts, Italians, and Greeks;
and that the Indian and Iranian branches were the
last to commence their migrations. We fed unable
to accept this conclusion, which appears to us to
be based on the assumption that the antiquity of a
language is to be measured by its approximation
to Sanskrit. Looking at the geographical position
of the representatives of the different language-
classes, we should infer that tbe most westerly were
the earliest immigrants into Europe, and therefore
probably the earliest emigrants from tbe primeval
seat of the race; and we believe this to be con-
firmed by linguistic proofs of tbe bigh antiquity of
the Celtic as compared with the other branches
of the Indo-European family (Bunsen, PkiL of
nitU i. 168).
The original seat of the Indo-European race was
on the plateau of Central Asia, probably to the
westward of the Bolor and Muttagh, ranges. The
Indian branch can be traced back to the slopes of
Himalaya by the geographical allusions in tbe Yedie
hymns (M. Midler's iecf. p. 201); in confirmation
of which we may adduce the circumstance thai the
only tree for which the Indians have an appellation
in common with tbe western nations, is one which
in India is found only on the southern slope of that
range (Pott, %m. Fonek. I. 110). Tbe westward
progress of the Iranian tribes is a matter of history,
and though we cannot trace this p ro g re ss back to its
fountain-head, the locality above mentioned best
accords with the traditional belief of the Asiatic
Aryans, and with the physical and geographical
requirements of tbe case (Renan, H. G. i. 481).
The routes by which the various western branches
reached their respective localities, can only be con-
jectured. We may suppose them to have succes-
sively crossed the plateau of Iran until they reached
Armenia, whence they might follow either a north-
erly course across Caucasus, and by tbe shore of 'bs
Black Sea, or a direct westerly one along tbe plateau
of Asia Minor, which seems destined by nature to
be tbe bridge between the two continents of Europs
» Professor M. Holler adopts the termination -*>, as
order to show that classes an Intended. This appears
inn ess ft. when it is specified that tbe i
Is one of classes, and not of single languages,
over, in common usage, the
nimsiissrujr cany the Usa of a class.
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TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
tnd Asia. A third route fau been nirmiied for a
portion of the Celtic itock, namel), along the north
soatt of Auiea, and acrou the Straits of Gibraltar
into Spain (Bunsen, Pk. of H. i. 118), but we see
little confirmation of this opinion beyond the fact of
the early presence of the Celtic in that peninsula,
which is certainly difficult to account for.
The eras of the several migrations are again very
much a matter of conjecture. The original move-
ments belong for the most part to the ante histor-
ical age, and we can do no more than note the
period at which we first encounter the several na-
tions. That the Indian Aryans had reached the
mouth of the Indus at all events before 1000 a. c,
appears from the Sanskrit names of the articles
which Solomon imported from that country [In-
dia]. The presence of Aryans on the Sheoiitic
frontier is as old as the composition of the Mosaic
table; and, acc.rding to some authorities, is proved
by the names of the confederate kings in the age
of Abraham (Gen. xiv. 1; Renan, II. 0. i. 61).
The Aryan Modes are mentioned in the Assyrian
annals about 800 B. o. The Greeks were settled on
the peninsula named after them, as well as on the
islands ot the 2Bgasan, long before the dawn of
history, and the Italians had reached their quarters
at a yet earlier period. The Celtw had reached the
west of Europe at all events before, probably very
long before, the age of Hecatasus (600 B. a); the
latest branch of this stock arrived there about that
period according to Bunsen's conjecture (Ph. of H.
L 152). The Teutonic migration followed at a long
interval after the Celtic I Pythea* fouud them al-
ready seated on the shores of the Baltic in the age
of Alexander the Great (Plin. xxxvil. 11), and the
term gUtiun itself, by which amber was described
in that district, belongs to them (Uiefenboch, Or.
Eur. p. 369). The earliest historical notiee of
them depends on the view taken of the nationality
of the Teutonea, who aooompanied the Cinibri on
their southern expedition in 113-103 B. ft If
these were Celtic, as is not uncommonly thought,
then we must look to Caaar and Tacitus for the
earliest definite notices of the Teutouic tribes. The
Slavonian immigration was nearly contemporaneous
with the Teutonic (Bunsen, Pk. of U.i. 78) : this
stock can be traced back to the Vmtti or Vcntda
of Northern Germany, first mentioned by Tacitus
(Utrm. 46), from whom the name Wtad is probably
descended. The designation of Siati or Safari is of
comparatively late date, and applied specially to the
western branch of the Slavonian stock. The Li-
thuanian* are probably represented by the Gulinda
and Sudani of Ptolemy (lit. 5, § 31), the names of
which tribes have been preserved in all ages in the
Lithuanian district (Diefenbech, p. 303;. The; are
frequently identified with the Aiitui, and it is not
Impossible that they may have adopted the title,
which was a geographical one (= the teut men) ;
the iSatai of Tacitus, however, were Germans. In
the above statements we have omitted the problem-
atical identifications of the northern stocks with
the earlier nations of history i we may here mention
that the Slavonians are not (infrequently regarded
as the representatives of the Scythians 'Skolots)
sod the BarmaUans (KnobeL VSUotrt. p. 6B). The
writer whom we have just died, also endeavors to
•cemeot the Itthnanfcns with the Agathyni (p.
UK)). So again Grimm traced the Teutonic stock
• vTe mast be un de rst oo d as speaking of linguistic
•I treat fonusbad by popaJettoos sx-
TONGUBS, CONFUSION OF 8301
to the Getes, whom he identified with Uw Gotbl
((Stick. DeuL Spi: i. 178).
It may be asked whether the Aryan race were
the first comers in the lands which they occupied
in historical times, or whether they superseded an
earlier population. With regard to the Indian
branch this question can be answered decisively,
the vestiges of an aboriginal population, which once
covered the plains of Hindostan, still exist in the
southern extremity of the peninsula, as well as in
isolated localities elsewhere, as instanced in the can
of the Brahus of the north. Not only this, but
the Indian class of languages possesses a peculiarity
of sound (the lingual or cerebral consonants) which
is supposed to have been derived from this popu-
lation, and to betoken a fusion of the conquerors
Hud the conquered (Schleicher, Compmd. i. Hl\
The languages of this early population are classed
as Turauian (M. Muller, Ltd. p. 399). We are
unable to find decided traces of Turanians on the
plateau of Iran. The Sacw, of whom we have
already spoken, were Scythians, and so were the
Partbians, both by reputed descent (Justin, xli. 1)
and by habits of lift (Strab. xi. 616); but we can-
not positively assert that they were Turanians, inat-
much as the term Scythian was alto applied, as in
the case of the Skolota, to ludo- Europeans. In
the Caucasian district the Iberians and others may
have been Turanian in early as in later times; but
it is difficult to unravel the entanglement of races
and languages in that district. In Europe there
exists in the present day an undoubted Turanian
population eastward of the Baltic, namely, the
Finns, who have been located there certainly since
the time of Tacitus (Germ. 46), and who probably
at an earlier period had spread more to the south-
wards, but had been gradually thrust back by the
advance of the Teutonic and Slavonian nations
(Diefenbach, O. K. p. 309). There exists again in
the south a population whose language (the Biuque,
or, as it is entitled in its own land, the Etnkara
presents numerous points of affinity to the Finnish
in grammar, though its vocabulary is wholly dis-
tinct. We cannot consider the Turanian character
of this language as fully established, and we are
therefore unable to divine the ethnie affinities of
the early Iberians, who are generally regarded as
the progenitors of the Basques. We have already
adverted to the theory that the Finns in the north
and the Basques in the south are the surviving
monuments of a Turanian population which over ■
spread the whole of Europe before the arrival of the
Indo-Europeeua. This is a mere theory which can
neither be proved nor disproved."
It would be difficult, if not impossible, to assign
to the various subdivisions of the Indo-European ■
stock their respective areas, or, where admixturt
has taken place, their relative proportions. Lan-
guage and race are, at already observed, by no
means coextensive. The Celtic rase, for instance,
which occupied Gaul, Northern Italy, large por-
tions of Spain and Germany, and even penetrated
across the Hellespont into Asia Minor, where it
gave name to the province of Galatla, is now rep
resented linguistically by the insignificant popula-
tions among whom the Welsh and the Gaelic ot
Ens languages retain a lingering existence. Ike
Italian rase, on the other hand, which must have
bean well-oigh annihilated by or absorbed In the
toting within historical those, without rafersnee to the
onssfinns faring to Uw antiquity of sum
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8802 TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
yna-whekning ma of the northern bordea, has
imposed iU language outside the bounds ot Italy
ever the peninsula of Spain, France, and Wallaehia.
But, while the noes have ao intermingled h in
bu; instanoee to lose all trace of their original
individuality, the broad fact of their descent from
one or other of the branches of the Indo-Euro-
pean family remains unaffected. It is, indeed, Im-
possible to affiliate all the nations whose names ap-
|«ar on the roll of history, to the existing divisions
at" that family, in consequence of the absence or the
•bscurity of ethnological criteria. Where, for in-
stance, shall we place the languages of Asia Minor
and the adjacent districts ? The Phrygian approx-
imates perhaps to the Greek, and yet it differs from
it materially both in form and vocabulary (Rawlin-
aon'i Htrod. i. 060) still more is this the case
with the Lydan, which appears to possess a vocab-
ulary wholly distinct from its kindred languages
(ibid. 1. 669, 677-479). The Armenian is ranged
under the Iranian division : yet this, as well as the
language of the Caucasian Ossets, whose indigenous
name of Ir or Iron seems to vindicate for them the
same relationship, are so distinctive in their features
as to render the connection dubious. The lan-
guages prevalent in the mountainous district, an-
swering to the ancient Pontile, are equally peculiar
(Diefenbach, 0. K. p. 61 ). Passing to the west-
ward we encounter the Thracians, reputed by Herod-
otus (v. S) the most powerful nation in the world,
the Indians excepted ; yet but one word of then- lan-
guage (Aria = " town ") has survived, and all his-
torical traces of the people have been obliterated.
It is true that they are represented in later times
by the Get*, and these in turn by the Duel, but
neither of these can be tracked either by history or
language, unless we accept Grimm's more than
doubtful identification which would connect them
with the Teutonic branch. The remains of the
Scythian language are sufficient to establish the
Indo-European affinities of that nation (Rawlinson'a
Htrod. iii. 196-203), but insufficient to assign to
it a definite place hi the family. The Scythians,
as well as most of the nomad tribes sasociated with
them, are lost to the eye of the ethnologist, having
been either absorbed into other nationalities or
swept away by the ravages of war. The Sarmatas
can be traced down to the Iacyges of Hungary and
Podlfichia, in which latter district they survived
until the 10th century of our en (Diet of Oeog.
ii. 8), and then tbey also vanish. The Albanian
language presents a problem of a different kind:
materials for research are not wanting in this ease,
but no definite conclusions have as yet been drawn
from thein: the people who use this tongue, the
■ Pkipetnrti as tbey call themselves, are generally re-
garded as the representatives of the old IUyrians,
who in turn appear to have been closely connected
with the Thracians (Strab. vii. 816; Justin, xt. 1),
the name Dardani being found both in IUyria and
on the shores of the Hellespont: It Is not, therefore,
bnprobabie that the Albanian may contain what-
ever vestiges of the old Thracian tongue still survive
(Diefenbach, 0. K. p. 68). In the Italio peninsula
the Etruscan tongue remains as great an enigma as
ever: its Indo-European character is supposed to
be established, together with the probability of its
oeing a mixed language (Bunsen's Ph. if U. i. Bo-
ca). The result of researches into the Umbrian
language, as repres en ted in the Eugubine tablets, the
aarbest of which date from about 400 b. c.; into the
tebelllan, as represented in the tablets of VtOetri
TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
and Amino; and into the Oscan, of which the re-
mains are numerous, have decided their position as
members of the Italic class (Hid. i. 90-94). The
same cannot be sistrled of tbeMtaaaplan or lapygiax
language, which stands apart from all neighboring
dialects. Its Indo-European character is affirmed,
but no ethnological conclusion can as yet be drawn
from the scanty information afforded us (to. i. 94).
Lastly, within the Celtic area there are ethnctogica]
problems which we cannot pretend to solve. The
Ligurians, for instance, present one of these prob-
lems: were they Celts, but belonging to an earlier
migration than the Celts of history ? Their name
has been referred to a Welsh original, but on this
no great reliance can be placed, as it would be in
this case a local (== eoostmen) and not an ethnical
title, and might have been imposed on them by the
Celts. Tbey evidently hold a posterior place to the
Iberians, inasmuch as they are said to have driven
a section of this people serosa the Alps into Italy.
Thst tbey were distinct from the Celts is asserted
by Strabo (ii. 1S8), but the distinction may have
been no greater than exists but w een the British
and the Gaelic branches of that race. The admix-
ture of the Celts and Iberians in the Spanish pen-
insula is again a somewhat intricate question, which
Dr. Latham attempts to explain on the ground that
the term Celt (KfAroi) really meant Iberian
(Ethn. of Eur. p. 36). That such questions ss
these should arise on a subject which carries us
back to times of boar antiquity, forms no ground
for doubting the general conclusion that we can ac-
count ethnoiogkadly for the population of the Euro-
pean continent. ,
The Shemitfe and Indo-European famines cover
after all but an insignificant portion of the earth's
surface: the large areas of northern and eastern
Asia, the numerous groups of islands that line its
coast and stud the Pacific in the direction of South
America, and again the immense continent of
America itself, stretching well-nigh from pole to
pole, remain to be accounted for. Historical aid
is almost woolly denied to the ethnologist in his
researches in these quarters; physiology and lan-
guage are hia only guides. It can hardly, there-
fore, be matter of surprise, if we are unable to
obtain certainty, or even a reasonable degree of
probability, on this part of our subject. Much has
been done; but far more remains to be done before
the data for forming a conclusive opinion can be
obtained. In Asia, the languages fall into two
large classes — the monosyllabic, and the aggluti-
native. The former are represented ethnologieally
by the Chinese, toe latter by the various nations
classed together by Prof. M. MUUer under the
common bead of Turanian. It is unnecessary for
us to discuss tie correctness of his view in re-
garding all then nations as members of one and
the same family. Whether we accept or reject
his theory, the fact of a gradation of linguistic
types and of connecting links between the various
branches remains unaffected, and for our present
purpose the question is of comparatively little mo-
ment. The monosyllabic type apparently betokens
the earliest movement from the commo n home of
the human race, and we should therefore assign
a chronological priority to the settlement of the
Chinese in the east and sou t heas t of the continent
The agglutinative languages fall geographically fats
two divisions, a northern and southern. The north-
ern consists of a well-denned group, or family, cMg
naled by German etlinokvlsts the Ural-AJteean
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TOAGUES. CONFUSION OF
It consists of the following Are brunches: (1.) The
Tungusian. covering a large area, east of the river
Fenian, between lake Baikal, and the Tunguska.
(2.) The Mongolian, which prevails over the Great
Desert of Gobi, and among the Kalmucks, wher-
ever their nomad habit* lead them on the steppes
either of Asia or Europe, in the latter of which
they an found about the lower course of the
Volga. (3.) The Turkish, covering an immense
area bom the Mediterranean in the southwest to
the river Lena in the northeast; in Europe spoken
by the Osmanli, who form the governing class in
Turkey; by the Nogai, between the Caspian and
the Sea of Asov; and by various Caucasian tribes.
(4.) The Samoiedia, on the coast of the Arctic
Ocean, between the White Sea in the west and the
river Anabara in the east (5.) The Finnish,
which is spoken by the Finns and Lapps; by the
inhabitant* of Esthonia and Uvonia to the south
of the Gulf of Finland ; by various tribes about
the Volga (the Tcherernisaians and Mordvinions),
and the Kama (the Votiakrs and Perraians); ami,
lastly, by the Magyars of Hungary. The southern
branch is subdivided into the following four classes :
(1.) The Tamulian, of the south of Hindostan.
(9.) The Bbotlya, of Tibet, the sub-Himalayan
district (Nepaul and Bhotan), and the Lohitic Un-
guiges east of the Brahmapootra. (3.) The Tal,
in Slam, Laos, Anam, and Pegu. (4.) Hie Malay,
of the Malay peninsula, and the adjacent islands;
the latter being the original settlement of the Ma-
lay race, whence they spread in comparatively mod-
ern times to the mainland.
The early movements of the races representing
these several divisions can only be divined by lin-
guistic tokens. Prof. M. Mtiller assigns to the
northern tribes the following chronological order:
Tungnshui, Mongolian, Turkish, and Finnish; and
A the southern division the following: Tsl, Malay,
Bbotlya, and Tamulian {Ph. of IT. i. 481). Geo-
graphically It appears more likely that the Malay
preceded the Tal, inasmuch a* they occupied a
more southerly district. The later movement* of
the European branches of the northern division
can be traced historically. The Turkish race com-
menced their westerly migration from the neigh-
borhood of the Altai range in the 1st century of
our era; in the 6th they had reached toe Caspian
and the Volga; in the 11th and 12th the Turc-
omans took po s se s s ion of their present quarters
south of Caucasus: in the 18th the Osmanli made
their first appearance In Western Asia; about the
middle of the 14th they crossed from Asia Minor
into Europe; and in the middle of the 15th they
had established themselves at Constantinople. The
Finnish race is supposed to have been originally
settled about the Ural range, and thence to have
- migrated westward to the shores of the Baltic,
which they had reached at a period anterior to the
Christian en; in the 7th century a branch pressed
southwards to the Danube, and founded the king-
dom of Bulgaria, where, however, they have long
oaased to have any national existence. The TJgrian
tribes, who are the early representatives of the
Hungarian Magyars, approacned Europe from Asia
m the 6th and settled In Hungary in the Mb cen-
tury of our era. The central point from which
lb* various branches of the Turanian family radi-
ated would appear to be about lake Baikal. With
"■tart to the ethnology of Oceania and America we
yea *ay but little. TTie language* of the former
*M generally supposed to be connected with the
TONGUES, ETC. (APPENDIX) 8308
Malay class (Bunsen, Ph. of IT. U. 114), bat the
relations, both linguistic and ethnological, existing
between the Malay and the black, or Negrito pop-
ulation, which Is found on many of the groups oi
islands, are not well defined. The approximation
In language is for greater than in physiology
(Latham's Ettayt, pp. 213, 218; Garnett'a Eneaye,
p. 310), and in certain eases amounts to identity
(Kennedy's Eteayt, p. 86); but the whole subject
is at present involved in obscurity. The polysyn-
thetic language* of North America are regarded
as emanating from the Mongolian stock (Bunsen,
Ph. of H. II. Ill), and a close affinity is said to
exist between the North American and the Kama-
kadale and Korean languages on the opposite coast
of Asia (Latham, Man and hit Migr. p. 186).
The conclusion drawn from this wruld be that
the population of America entered by way of
Hehring s Straits. Other theories have, however,
been broached on this subject. It has been con-
jectured thst the chain of islands which stretches
across the Pacific may have conducted a Malay
population to South America; and, again, an
African origin ha* been claused for the Caribs
of Central America (Kennedy's Eteayt, pp. 100-
123).
In conclusion, we may safely assert that the ten-
dency of all ethnological and linguistic research is
to discover the elements of unity amidst the most
striking external varieties. Already the myriad*
of the human race are massed together into a few
large groups. Whether it will ever be possible to
go beyond this, and to show the historical unity
of these groups, is more than we can undertake to
say. But we entertain the firm persuasion that in
their broad results these sciences will yield an in-
creasing testimony to the truth of the Bible.
(The authorities referred to in the foregoing
article are : M. Mtiller, Ltcturtt on the Science of
Language, 1862 [and 2d Series, 1864; both re-
printed, N. Y. 1862-66] ; Bunsen, Philoeophy of
History, 9 vols., 1854 [vols, ili , iv. of his t'Arw-
tianily and Mankind] ; Renan, Bitlnire GentraU
det Lingua Semitigvtt, 3d ed., 1863 [4th ed.,
1864]; Knobel, VNkerViftl dtr Genttu, 1860; W.
von Humboldt, Utbrr die Verirhitdenkeil det
mentchlichen Sprachbaute, 1836; Delitach, Jetk-
urun, . •«**; TrantacHont of the Philological So-
ciety) Rawlinson, fferodotue, 4 vols., 1868; Pott,
Ktymologitche t'ortchungen, 1833 [-36; new ed.,
Bd. f II. Abth. 1-8, 1869-69]: Garnett, Anw
1859 ; Schleicher, Compendium dtr vergltichenden
Grammntik, 1861 [2* Aufl., 1866]; Diefenbach,
Origina Europea, 1861; Ewald, Sprachwinen-
tchnfUicht Abhandlungen, 1862. ) [To tbrto should
be added the excellent work of Prof W. D. Whit-
ney, Language and the Study of Language, N. 7 .
1867. — A.] W. L.B.
Awaanwx. — Town or Baburv
The Tower of Babel forms the subject of a pre-
vious article [Babel, Tower or] ; but in conse-
quence of the discovery of a cuneiform inscription,
in which the tower is mentioned in connection with
the Confusion of Tongue, the eminent cuneiform
scholar Dr. Opper* has kindly sent the following
addition to the presen t article.
The history of the confusion of languages was
un s er ve d •* Babylon, as we learn by the testimo-
nies of classical and Babylonian authorities (Aby-
denus, Fragm. HitL Onto., ed. Dido*, vol Iv.).
Only the Chaldean* tbsmadvM did not admit thi
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8804 TONGUES, CONFUSION OF (APPENDIX — TOWER OF BABEL)
Hebrew etymology of the name of their metrop-
olis; they derived it from B<ib-el, the door of El
(Krone* or Saturnui), whom Diodorus Siculus
states to have been the planet moat adored by the
Babylonians.
The Talmtidists aay that the true site of the
lower of Babel was at Borsif, the Greek Borsippa,
the Airs Nimrui, seven miles and a half from
ffillah, 8. W., and nearly eleven ' miles from the
northern ruins of Babylon. Several passages state
that the air of Borsippa makes forgetful (TIN
n3t27Q, Trfr mnthkakh) ; and one Rabbi says that
Bora/ is Butsif, the Confusion of Tongues (flere-
thit Rabba, f. 42, 1). The Babylonian name of
this locality is Bartip or Burtipa, which we ex-
plain by Tower of Tongue: The French expedi-
tion to Mesopotamia found at the Bin Nimi-wl a
clay cake, dated from Bartip the 80th day of the
6th month of the 16tb year of Nabonid, and the
discovery confirmed the hypothesis of several trav-
ellers, who had supposed the Sirs Jfimrud to con-
tain the remains of Borsippa.
Borsippa (the Tonsjue Tower) was formerly a
suburb of Babylon, when the old Babel was merely
restricted to the northern ruins, before the great
extension of the city, which, according to ancient
writers, was the greatest that the sun ever warmed
with its beams. Nebuchadnezzar included it in
the great circumrallation of 480 stades, but left it
out of the second wall of 360 stades; and when
the exterior wall was destroyed by Darius, Bor-
sippa became independent of Babylon. The his-
torical writers respecting Alexander state that Bor-
sippa had a great sanctuary dedicated to Apollo
and Artemis (Strab. xri. 739; Stephanus Byz.
i. o. Bepe-tirra), and the former is the building
elevated in modern times on the very basement of
the old Tower of Babel.
This building, erected by Nebuchadnezzar, is
the same that Herodotus describes as the Tower
of Jupiter Belus. In our Expedition to Mesopo-
tamia " we have given a description of this ruin,
and proved our assertion of the identity. This
tower of Herodotus has nothing to do with the
pyramid described by Strabo, and which is cer-
tainly to be seen in the remains called now Babil
(the Mujeltibeh of Rich). The temple of Borsippa
is written with an Ideogram, 6 composed of the signs
for house and spirit (anima), the real pronuncia-
tion of which was probably Sarakh, tower.
The temple consisted of a large substructure, a
stade (600 Babylonian feet) in breadth, and 75
feet in height, over which were built seven other
stages of 25 feet each. Nebuchadnezzar gives
notice of this building in the Borsippa inscription.
He named it the temple of the Sewn Lit/hit of
the Earth, 1. e. the planets. The top was the
temple of Nebo, and In the substructure (igar)
was a temple consecrated to the god Sin, god of
tne month. This building, mentioned in the East
India House inscription (col. iv. 1. 61), is spoken
of by Herodotus (i. 181, Ac.).
Here follows the Borsippa inscription : " Nabu-
jhodonosor, king of Babylon, shepherd of peoples,
who attests the immutable affection of Herodach,
•be mighty ruler-exalting Nebo; the saviour, the
wise man who lends his ears to the orders of the
highest god ; the lieutenant without reproach, the
repairer of the Pyramid and the Tower, eldest son
of Nabopallassar, king of Babylon.
" We say : Herodach, the great master, has cre-
ated me : he has imposed on me to reconstruct hit
building. Nebo, the guardian over the legions of
the heaven and the earth, has charged my hands
with the sceptre of justice.
" The Pyramid is the temple of the heaven and
the earth, the seat of Merodach, the chief of the
gods; the place of the oracles, the spot of hit rest,
I have adorned in the form of a cupola, with
shining gold.
•' The- Tower, the eternal house, which [ founded
and built, I have completed its magnificence with
silver, gold, other metals, stone, enameled bricks,
fir, and pine.
•' The first, which is the house of the earth's
base, the most ancient monument of Babylon, I
built and finished it; I have highly exalted ita head
with bricks covered with copper. 1
" We say for the other, that is, this edifice, the
house of the Seven Lights of the Earth, the most
ancient monument of Borsippa: A former king
built it (they reckon 42 ages), but he did not com-
plete its head. Since a remote time people knd
abandoned it, without order expressing their words.
Since that time, the earthquake and the thunder
had dispersed its sun-dried clay ; the bricks of the
casing bad been split, and the earth of the interior
had been scattered in heaps. Herodach, the great
lord, excited my mind to repair this building. I
did not change the site, nor did I take away the
foundation-stone. In a fortunate month, an aus-
picious day, I undertook to build porticoes around
the crude brick masses, and the casing of burnt
bricks. I adapted the circuits. I put the inscrip-
tion of my name In the Kitir of the porticoes.
" I set my hand to finish it, and to exalt ita bead.
As it had been in former times, so I founded, I
made it ; as it had been in ancient days, so I exalted
ita summit.
» Nebo, son of himself, ruler who exaltest Hero-
dach, be propitious to my works to maintain my
authority. Grant me a life until the remotest time,
a sevenfold progeny, the stability of my throne, the
victory of my sword, the pacification of foes, the
triumph over the lands I In the columns of thy
eternal table, that fixes the destinies of the heaven
and of the earth, bless the course of my days, in-
scribe the fecundity of my race.
" Imitate, O Merodach, king of heaven and earth,
the lather who begot thee; bless my buildings,
strengthen my authority. Hay Nebuchadnezzar,
the king-repairer, remain before thy face I "
This allusion to the Tower of the Tongues is the
only one that has ss yet been discovered bi tbe-
cunelform inscriptions.'' The story is a Shemltic
and not only a Hebrew one, and we have no reason
whatever to doubt of the existence of the same
story at Babylon.
The ruins of the building elevated on the spot
where the story placed the tower of the dispersion
of tongues, have therefore s more modem origin,
but interest nevertheless by their stupendous ap-
pearance. Orpxarr
• Erpidition en Miwpotamie, I. 208. Compare
alas the trigonometrical survey of the river In the
« KIT SI.DA In syllable characters.
e This manner of bonding Is expressly msnrlneza 1
by Phllostmtus (ApeU. Tgm. L SS) as Babyleeosa.
* Be* Expedition en Mssnyotumit, teas. L p. 2K\
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TONGUES, GIFT OF
TONOUES, OUT OF. — I. Tha history of
* word which baa bean toed to express some spe-
cial, wonderful tut in tha spiritual life of man ii
itself full of interest. It may be a necessary prep-
aration for the study of the fact which that word
ra pw ea n ta.
rXaVrra, or-yAaWa, the word en.pk>yed through-
oat the N. T. for the gift now under consideration,
la used — (1.) for the bodily organ of speech; (2.)
far a foreign word, imported and half naturalized in
Greek (Arist Bhet. iii. 9, J 14), a meaning which
the words ■•gloss" and « glossary " preserve for
■a; (8.) in Hellenistia Greek, after the pattern of
tha corresponding Hebrew word (POT?), for
"•peach "or "language" (Geo, x. 5; Pan. 1.4,
Each of these meanings might be the starting-
point for the application of the word to the gift of
tongues, and each accordingly has found those wbo
ban maintained that it is so. (A.) Eichbom and
Bardili (cited by Bieek, 8twL a. Kril. 1839, p. 8 f.),
and to some extent Bunsen (Hippotytut, 1. 9), start-
ing from tbe first, see in the so-called gift an inar-
ticulate utterance, the cry as of a brute creature, in
which the tongue mores while the lips refuse their
office in making the sounds definite and distinct.
(B.) Blank himself (ttf mpr. p. 33) adopts the sec-
ond meaning, and gives an interesting collection of
passages to prove that it was, in the time of the
N. T., tha received sense. He infers from this that
to apeak in tongues was to use unusual, poetic lan-
guage — that the speakers were in a high-wrought
i nci te m ent which showed itself in mystic, figurative
terms. In this view he had been preceded by Er-
nest! (Oputc. Theahg.; see Morning Watch, iv.
101) and Herder (Die Gate der Spraehe, pp. 47,
70), the latter of whom extends the meaning to
special mystical interpretations of the O. T. (C)
The received traditional view starts from the third
meaning, and sees in the gift of tongues a distinctly
fa have to see which of these views has most to
•ommend it (A.), it is believed, does not meet
'he condition of answering any of the facts of tbe
8. T., and errs in ignoring tbe more prominent
aeaning of the word in later Greek. (B.), though
•roe in some of its conclusions, and able, as for as
hey are concerned, to support itself by the au-
hority of Augustine (comp. De Gen. nd tit xii. 8,
■ Unguam esse cum quia loquatur obscures et mys-
acas significatlones "), appears faulty, as failing
(1) to recognlz* the fact that the sense of the word
hi the N. T. was more likely to be determined by
that which It bora in tha LXX. than by its mean-
ing in Greek historians or rhetoricians, and (2) to
■neat the phenomena of Acta II. (C.) therefore
aommends itself, as in this respect starting at least
from the right point, and likely to lead us to the
troth (comp. Olshauaen, Stud. u. Kril. 1829, p.
•88)."
H. The chief passage* from which we have to
draw our conclusion as to the nature and purpose
of the gift in question, are — (1.) Hark xvi. 17;
(1.) Acts II. 1-18, x. 48, xix. 8; (8.) 1 Cor. ill., xiv.
It d see n u s notice that the chronological sequence of
• Bwreral scholars, we know, do not agree etch as.
We (arc our reasons Its years age, and ou aataco-
aMs have not yet refuted them
tot
TONGUES, GIFT OF 8805
composition, is probably just the opposite of thai
of the periods to which they severally refer. Tha
first group is later than the second, the second
than the third. It will be expedient, however,
whatever modifications this fact may suggest after-
ward, to deal with the passages in their commonly
received order.
III. Tbe promise of a new power coming from
the Divine Spirit, giving not only comfort and in-
sight into truth, but fresh powers of utterance oi
some kind, appears once and again in our Lord's
teaching. The disciples are to take no thought
what they shall speak, for the Spirit of their Father
shall speak in them (Matt. x. 19. 20; Hark xiii. 11).
The lips of Galilean peasants are to speak freely
and boldly before kings. The only condition is that
they are "not to premeditate" — to yield them-
selves altogether to the power that works on them.
Thns they shall hare given to them " a mouth and
wisdom" which no adversary shall be able "to
gainsay or resist." In Hark xvi. 17 we have a
more definite term employed: "They shall speak
with new tongues (muvwt yAaVo-euj)." Starting,
as above, from (C), it can hardly be questioned
that the obvious meaning of the promise is that tha
disciples should speak in new languages which they
had not learned as other men learn them. It must
be remembered, however, that tbe critical questions
connected with Mark xvi. 9-20 (comp. Meyer
Teschendorf, Alfrrd, in foe.) make it doubtful
whether we have here the language of the Evan-
gelist — doubtful therefore whether we have the
tptiuima ttrba of the I^ord himself, or tbe nearest
approximation of some early transcriber to the con-
tents of the section, no longer extant, with which
tbe Gospel bad originally ended, in this cose it be-
comes possible that the later phenomena, or later
thoughts respecting them, may have determined the
language in which the promise is recorded. On
either hypothesis, the promise determines nothing
as to the nature of the gift, or the purpose for which
it was to be employed. It was to be " a sign." It
was not to belong to a chosen few only — to Apos-
tles' and Evangeliste. It was to "follow them that
believed " — to be among the fruit* of the living
intense faith which raised men above the common
level of their lives, and brought them within the
kingdom of God.
IV. The wonder of the day of Pentecost is, in its
broad features, familiar enough to us. Tha day*
since the Ascension had been spent as in a ceaseless
ecstasy of worship (Luke xxiv. 63). The 120 dis-
ciples were gathered together, waiting with eager
expectation for the coming of power from on high
— of the Spirit that was to give them new gifts of
utterance. The day of Pentecost was eome, which
they, like all other Israelites, looked on as the wit-
ness of the revelation of the Divine Will given on
Sinai. Suddenly there swept over them "the
sound a* of a rushing mighty wind," such as
Exekiel had heard In the visions of God by Chebar
(i. 24, xliii. 2) at all times the- recognised symbol
of a spiritual creative power (comp. Ex. xxxvii.
1-14; Gen. I. 9; 1 K. xix. 11; »Chr. v. 14; Pa
civ. 8, 4). With this there waa another sign as-
sociated even more closely with their thoughts of
the day nt Pentecost There appeared unto them
" tongues like as of Are." Of old tbe brightness
bad been seen gleaming through the "thick
cloud " (Ex. xix. 16), or " enfolding " tbe Divln*
glory (Ex. i. 4). Now the tongue*, were distrib-
uted (3«au*eiCe'ium*), Ughting upon ewh it
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8806 TONGUES, GIFT OF
them." The outward symbol mi accompanied by
«n Inward change. Tbey were " filled with the Holy
Spirit," at the Baptist and their Lord had been
(Luke i. 15, iv. 1), though they themselves had as
jet no experience of a like kind. » Tbey began to
•peak with other tongnea aa the Spirit gave them
utterance." The narrative that follows learn
hardly any room for doubt that the writer meant
to corny the impreaaion that the disciples were
heard to apeak in languages of which tbey had no
colloquial knowledge previously. The direct state-
ment, "They heard tbeni speaking, each man in
his own dialect," the long list of nations, the words
put into tbe lips of the hearers — these can scarcely
be reconciled with the theories of Bleek, Herder,
■ and Bunarn, without a willful distortion of the evi-
dence. 6 What view are we to take of a phenom-
enon so marvelous and exceptional? What views
hare men actually taken ? (1.) The prevalent belief
of the Church has been, that in tbe Pentecostal
gift the disciples received a supernstural knowledge
of all such languages as they needed for their work
aa Evangelists. Tbe knowledge was permanent,
and onuld be used at their own will, as though it
had been acquired in tbe common order of things.
With this they went forth to preach to the nations.
Differences of opinion are found as to special points.
Augustine thought that each disciple spoke in all
languages (Dt Vert. Apott. clxxv. 3); Chrysostom
that each had a special language assigned to him,
and that this was the indication of the country
which he was called to evangelize (Horn, in Ad.
U.). Some thought that the number of languages
spoken wss 71) or 76, after the number of the sons
of Noah (Gen. x.) or the sons of Jacob (Gen. zlvi.),
or 190, after that of the disciples (oomp. Baronius,
Armed, i. 197). Most were agreed in seeing in the
Pentecostal gift the antithesis to tbe confusion of
tongues at Babel, the witness of a restored unity.
" Poena linguarum dispersit homines, donum lin-
guarum disperses in unum populum collegit"
(Gretius, in be.).
Widely diffused ss this belief has been. It must
be remembered that it goes beyond the data with
which tbe N. T. supplies us. Each instance of the
gift recorded in tbe Acts connects it, not with the
work of teaching, but with that of praise and
adoration ; not with the normal order of men's
lives, but with exceptional epochs in them. It
came and went as the Spirit gave men the power of
utterance — in this respect analogous to the other
gift of prophecy with which it was so often associ-
ated (Acts ii. II, 17, ax. 6) —and was not pos-
» The sign in toss .esse had ltsttaiihtr-posnt In the
traditional belief of Israelites. There had bean, It wss
said, tongues of lire en ths original Pentecost (Sehneck-
eoburger, Btitragt, p. t), referring to Buxtorf, Dt
Sjmng., and Phllo, Dt Deeal.). The later Babbis
ware not without their legends of a Ilka n baptism of
fire. 11 Ntcodemus ben Qexton and Jochanan ben Zae-
eai, men of great holiness and wisdom, went Into an
upper obamber to expound the Iaw, and the house
began to be full of Ire (Ughttbot, Harm. U. 14 ;
Behoettgen, Har. Htb. in Acts 41.).
a it deserves notice that hem also than are analo-
gies in Jewish belief, Beery wort that went forth
from the mouth of Qod on dluat was said to hare been
divided Into the seventy languages of the sons of meu
(Wetsteln, on Aets II.) ; and the tmth-iol, the echo or
the voice of Qod, was heard or every man In his own
tongue (Sehneekenburger, Sritmgt). So, as regards
b* sower of speaking, there wae a scadraon that the
TONQO BB. OrFX OF
by tbrm aa a thing to be need this way or
that, according as they chose.' The speech of St
Peter which follows, like most other speeches ad-
dressed to a Jerusalem audience, was spoken appar-
ently in Aramaic'' When St. PauL who H spaea
with tongues more than all, ' was at Lystra, there
is no mention made of bis using tbe language of
Lycaonia. It is almost implied that he did not
understand it (Aets xiv. 11). Not one ward la
tbe discussion of spiritual gifts in 1 Cor. sji-xir.
implies that the gift was of this nature, or given
for this purpose. If it had been, tbe Apostle waejM
surely hare told those who pos ses sed it to go ana)
preach to tbe outlying nations of the heathen wnrld,
instead of disturbing tbe church by what, on thas
hypothesis, would have been a needless and aflen-
sive ostentation (oomp. Stanley, Corinthian, p. 361,
2d ed.). Without laying much stress on the tra-
dition that St. Peter was followed in his work by
Hark aa an interpreter (eppinwvrr/i) (Papiae, in
Euseb. B. K. Ui. 30), that even St. Paul waa ar-
companied by Titus in tbe same character — » quia
non potuit dirinorum sensuum majeststetn digno
Gneci doquii sermooo expheare" (Hieroo. quoted
by Estius in 2 Cor. U.) — tbey must at least be
received aa testimonies that tbe age which was
nearest to the phenomena did not take the same
view of them as those have done who lived at a
greater distance. Tbe testimony of Irenaeua (Aam.
Bar. vi. 6), sometimes urged in support of the
common view, in reality decides nothing, and, aa
for as it goes, tends against it (infra). Nor, it
may be added, within the limits assigned by the
providence of God to tbe working of the Apostolic
Church, was such a gift necessary. Aramaic,
Greek, Ijttin, the three languages of the inscription
on the cross, were media of intercourse throughout
the empire. Greek slone sufficed, as the N. T.
shows us, for the Churches of the West, for Mace-
donia and Achaia, for Pontus, Asia, Pbrygia. The
conquests of Alexander and of Home had mad*
men tHykltic to an extent which baa no parallel ha
history. (2.) Some interpreters, influenced in part
by these facta, have seen their way to another nota-
tion of the difficulty by changing the eharaetar of
tbe miracle. It lay not in any new power bestowed
on the speakers, but in the im pr ession produced on
the bearers. Words which the Galilean disciples
uttered in their own tongue were beard by those
who listened as in their native speech. This vie*
we find adopted by Gregory of Nyssa (Dt Spir.
Sand.), discussed, but not accepted, by Gregory of
great Babbis of the Sanhedrim could speak all Has
seventy languages of the world.
t Tbe first discussion whether the gift of tangoes
was bestowed n per modum habitus " with which I are
acquainted la found In Salmaslus, Dt Ling. Urit
(quoted by Thllo, Dt ling. Ignis. In Menthen'B Ths
saaratt. B. 487), whose conclusion Is tn the negative
Bven Calroet admits that It was not pe r ma n ent ( C awtsa,
In loo.). Compare also Wetsteln. at tee. ; and Oiaaew-
sra, Shuf. u. Krit. 1829, p. 646.
* Dr. Stanley suggests Greek, ss addre sse d ts ths
HellantaHe Jews who were present In snob large num-
bers (Bxcurs. on Out or Tongues, OmMisu, p. 299
2d ed.). That St. Peter and the Apostles could speak
a provincial Greek Is probable enongh ; but hi this
Instance tbe s peech la addressed chiefly to tbe perate,
sent dwellers at Jerusalem (Acts II. 22, 88), and was
likely, Use that of St. Paul (Acts xxl. 40), to be e
m their tongue. To most or the Hellenists: "
tb> would be Intelligible i
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TONGUES, GIFT OF
Hazianins (Orat. xllv.), and reproduced by Eres-
mua (in foej. A modification of the same theory
Is presented by Schneckenburger (Beitr&ge), and
In part adopted by Olahanaen (L e.) and Neander
(PJlnnz. n. Lett. i. 15). The phenomena of som-
nambulism, of the so-called mesmeric state, are re-
ferred to as analogous. The speaker was en rapport
with his hearers ; the Utter shared the thoughts of
the former, and so heard them, or seemed to hear
them, in their own tongues.
There are, it is believed, weighty reasons against
•nth the earlier and later forms of this hypothesis.
(1.) It b at variance with the distinct statement
af Act* ii. 4, " They began to speak with other
tongues." (2.) It at once multiplies the miracle,
and degrades its character. Not the 120 disciples,
but the » hole multitude of many thousands, are in
this case the subjects of it The gilt no longer
connects itself with the work of the Divine Spirit,
following on intense faith and earnest prayer, but
is a mere physical prodigy wrought upon men who
are altogether wanting in the conditions of capacity
for such a supernatural power (Mark xvi. 17). (3.)
It involves an element of falsehood. The miracle,
sn this view, was wrought to make men believe
what waa not actually the fact. (4. ) It is altogether
inapplicable to the phenomena of 1 Cor. xtv.
(3.) Critics of a negative school have, as might
be expected, adopted the easier course of rejecting
the narrative either altogether or in part. The
statements do not come from an eye witness, and
may be an exaggerated report of what actually took
place — a legend with or without a historical foun-
dation. Those who recognize such a groundwork
lee in " the rushing mighty wind," the hurricane
of a thunderstorm, the fresh breeze of morning ; in
the " tongues like as of fire," the flashings of the
electric fluid ; in the " speaking with tongues," the
loud screams of men, not all Galileans, but coming
from many lands, overpowered by strong excite-
ment, speaking In mystical, figurative, abrupt ex-
clamations. They see in this " the cry of the new-
born Christendom." (Bunseo, Hippotytm, ii. 12;
Ewald, Getch. /«■. vi. 110; Block, I. e. ; Herder, t. c.)
From the position occupied by these writers, such
a view was perhaps natural enough. It does not
VI within the scope of this article to discuss in
detail a theory which postulates the incredibility
ef any fact beyond the phenomenal laws of nature,
and the falsehood of St. Luke as a narrator.
V. What, then, are the facts actually brought
Before us? What inferences may be legitimately
drawn from them ?
(1.) The utterance of words by the disciples, in
jther languages than their own Galilean Aramaic,
ia, as has been said, distinctly asserted.
(2.) The words spoken appear to have been de-
termined, not by the will of the speakers, but by
os spirit which " gave them utterance." The out-
ward tongue of flame waa the symbol of the " burn-
big fire " within, which, as in the case of the older
prophets, could not be repressed (Jer. xx. 9).
(8.) The word used, 3mo<t)S4yyttr9ai, not merely
\sA«r, has in the LXX. a special though not an
exclusive association with the oracular speech of
true or false prophets, and appears to imply some
peculiar, perhaps musical, solemn intonation (comp.
1 Chr. xxv. 1; Ez. xiii. 0; Trommii Concordant.
a. v.; Grothn and W-tstein, tn toe.; Andrewes,
Wkitiundag Sermons, i. ).
(4.) The " tongues" were used as an instrument,
lot of teaching but of praise. At Unit, indeed, there
TONGUES, GIFl OF 3807
were none present to be taught. The diicipiea wen
by themselves, all sharing equally in the Spirit s J
gifts. When they were heard by others, it was is '
proclaiming the praise, the mighty and great works,
of God (/ityaKtTa). What they uttered was not a
warning, or reproof, or exhortation, but a doxology
(Stanley, L c. ; Uaumgarten, Apo&ttlytich. § 3 ).
When the work of teaching began, it was in the
language of the Jews, and the utterance of tongues
ceased.
(5.) Those who spoke them seemed to others to
be under the influence of some strong excitement,
" full of new wine." They were not as other men,
or as they themselves had been before. Some rec-
ognized, indeed, that they were in a higher state,
but it was one which, in some of its outward
features, had a counterfeit likeness in the lower.
When St. Paul uses — in Eph. r. 18, 19 {nKiipovoit
wveifiarot) — the all but self-same word which St.
Luke uses here to describe the state of the disciples
(tirKtiaiitaar vrti/ucrot iytou), it is to contrast
it with " being drunk with wine," to associate it
with u psalms and hymns, and spiritual songs.' 1
(8.) Questions as to the mode of operation of a
power above the common laws of bodily or mental
life lead us to a region where our words should be
11 wary and few." There is the risk of seeming to
reduce to the known order of nature that which is
by confession above and beyond it. In this and
in other cases, however, it may be possible, with-
out irreverence or doubt — following the guidance
which Scripture itself gives us — to trace in what
way the new power did its work, and brought about
such wonderful results. It must lie remembered,
then, that in all likelihood such words as they then
uttered had been heard by the disciples before. At
every feast which they had ever attended from
their youth up, they must have been brought into
contact with a crowd as varied as that which waa
present on the day of Pentecost, the pilgrims of
each nation uttering their praises and doxobgies.
The difference was, that, before, the Galilean peas-
ants had stood in that crowd, neither heeding, nor
understanding, nor remembering what they heard,
still less able to reproduce it; now they had the
power of speaking it clearly and freely. Tho Divine
work would in this case take the form of a super-
natural exaltation of the memory, not of imparting
a miraculous knowledge of words never heard be-
fore. We have the authority of John xiv. 26 for
seeing in such an exaltation one of the special
works of the Divine Comforter.
(7.) The gift of tongues, the ecstatic burst of
praise, is definitely asserted to be a fulfillment of the
prediction of Joel ii. 28. The twice-repeated burden
of that prediction is, " I will pour out my Spirit,"
and the effect on those who receive it ia that " they
shall prophesy." We may see therefore in this
special gift that which is analogous to one element
st least of the rptxfnrrtla of the O. T. ; but the
element of teaching is, as we have seen, excluded.
In 1 Cor. xiv. the gift of tongues and wpo^irrcfa
(In this, the N. T. sense of the word) are placed in
direct contrast. We are led, therefore, to look for
that which answers to the Gift of Tongues in the
other element of prophecy which is included in
the 0. T. use of the word ; and this is found in the
ecstatic praise, the burst of song, which appears
under that name In the two histories of Saul
(1 Sam. x. 5-13, xix. 20-24), and in the •ervicer
of tti Temple (1 Chr. xxv. 3).
fb 1 The other instances in the Acts offer esser
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3808 TONGUES, GIFT OF
Sally Um aune phenomena. By implication In xlr.
16-19, by ezprau statement In x. 47, si. 16, 17,
ttz. 6, it belongs to special critical epochs, at which
faith is at its highest, and the imposition of the
Apostles' hands brought men into the same state,
imparted to them the same gift, as tbej had them-
selves experienced. In this case, too, the exercise
of the gift is at once connected with and distin-
guished from « prophecy " in its N. T. sense.
VL The First Epistle to the Corinthians supplies
fuller data. The spiritual gift* are classified and
compared, arranged, apparently, according to their
worth, placed under regulation. This fact is in
itself significant. Though recognized as coming
from the one Divine Spirit, they are not therefore
exempted from the control of man's reason and
conscience. The Spirit acts through the calm
judgment of the Apostle or the Church, not less
but more authoritatively than in toe most rapturous
and wonderful utterances. The facts which may
be gathered are briefly these: —
(1.) The phenomena of the gift of tongues were
not oonfined to one church or section of a church.
If we find them at Jerusalem, Ephesus, Corinth, by
implication at Thessalonica also (1 These, t. 19),
we may well believe that they were frequently re-
curring wherever the spirits of men were passing
through the same stages of experience.
(3.) The comparison of gifts, in both the bats
given by St. Paul (1 Cor. xii. 8-10, 28-30), places
that of tongues, and the interpretation of tongues,
lowest in the scale. They are not among the
greater gifts which men are to " oovet earnestly "
(1 Cor. xii. 31, xiv. 6). As signs of a life quick-
ened into expression where before it had been dead
and dumb, the Apostle could wish that " tbey all
■pake with tongues " (1 Cor. xiv. 6), could rejoice
that he himself >' spake with tongues more than
they all " (1 Cor. xiv. 18). It was good to have
known the working of a power raising them above
the oommon level of their consciousness. They be-
longed, however, to the childhood of the Christian
life, not to its maturity (1 Cor. xlr. 90). Tbey
brought with them the risk of disturbance (ibid.
S3). The only safe rule for the Church was not to
" forbid them " (ibid. 39), not to •< quench " them
(1 These, v. 19), lest in so doing the spiritual life
of which this was the first utterance should be
crushed and extinguished too, but not in any way
to covet or excite them. This language, as has
been stated, leaven it hardly possible to look on the
gift as that of a linguistic knowledge bestowed for
the purpose of evangelizing.
(8.) The main characteristic of the " tongue "
(now used, as it were, technically, without the
epithet " new " or " other ") « is that it ia unin-
telligible. The man " speaks mysteries," prays,
•leases, gives thanks, in the tongue (tr rmifmri
as equivalent to ir y\&oirp, 1 Cor. xiv. 16, 16),
but no one understands him (okoosi). He can
hardly be said, indeed, to understand himself. The
rrtifia in him is acting without the cooperation
of the your (1 Cor. xiv. 14). He speaks not to
Ben, but to himself and to God (comp. Chryaost
Horn. 86, m 1 Cot:). In spite of this, however,
Be gift might and did contribute to the building
sp of a man's own life (1 Cor. xiv. 4). This might
be the only way in which some natures could be
out of the apathy of a sensual life, or the
• The reader will hardly need to be reminded that
waaoowa " to an interpolation of the A. V.
TOHGUE8. GIFT OF
dullness of a formal ritual. The ecstasy ot adect,
tion which seemed to men madness, might be a
refreshment unspeakable to one who was weary with
the subtle questionings of the intellect, to whom al
familiar and intelligible words were fraught with
recollections of controversial bitterness or the wan-
derings of doubt (comp. a passage of wonderful
power as to this use of the gift by Edw. Irving
Morning U'ateJi, v. p. 78).
(4.) The peculiar nature of the gift tends the
Apostle into what appears, at first, a eootradiction.
" Tongues are for a sign," not to believers, bat to
those who do not believe; yet the effect on unbe-
lievers is not that of attracting but repelling. A
meeting in which the gift of tongues was exercised
without restraint, would seem to a heathen visitor,
or even to the plain eommon-eenae Christian (the
ItiaVrnt, the man without a jr/d/usr/ia), to be an
assembly of madmen. The history of the day of
Pentecost may help us to explain the paradox
The tongues ore a sign. Tbey witness that the
daily experience of men is not the limit of I heir
spiritual powers. They disturb, startle, awaken,
are given «j r* tarAvVrrfffftu (Chryaost. Horn.
38, in 1 Cor.), but they are not, and cannot be, the
grounds of conviction and belief (so Const. Ape*.
viii.). They Involve of necessity a disturbance of
the equilibrium between the understanding and the
feelings. Therefore it is that, for those who believe
already, prophecy is the greater gift. Five dear
words spoken from the mind of one man to the
mind and conscience of another, are better than
ten thousand of these more startling and wonderful
phenomena.
(6.) There remains the question whether these
also were " tongues " in the sense of being lan-
guages, of which the speakers bad little or no
previous knowledge, or whether we are to admit
here, though not in Acta ii., the theories which see
in them only unusual forms of speech (Bleek), «
inarticulate cries (Bunsen), or sill but inandilJe
whisperings (Wieseler, in Obhausen, m foe). The
question is not one for a dogmatic assert ico, but
it is believed that there is a preponderance of evi-
dence leading us to look on the phenomena of
Pentecost as r epre s en tative. It must have been
from them that the word tongue derived its new
and special meaning. The companion of St. Pant,
and St. Paul himself, were likely to use the same
word in the same sense. In the absence of a dis-
tinct notice to the contrary, it is probable that the
gift would manifest itself in the same form at
Corinth as at Jerusalem. The " divers kinds of
tongues " (1 Cor. xii. 88), the •'tonotm of men "
(1 Cor. ziii. 1), point to differences of some hand,
and it is at least easier to conceive of these an
differences of language than as belonging to utter-
ances all equally wild and inarticulate. The posi-
tion maintained by Mghtfoot (Harm, of Coon, cm
AeU ii.), that the gift of tongues consisted' in the
power of speaking and understanding the trot He-
brew of the 0. T., msy seem somewhat extrav-
agant, but there teems ground for bel i e vin g that
Hebrew and Aramaic words had over the mnada
of Greek converts at Corinth a power which they
failed to exercise when translated, and that then
the iitterenees of the tongues were probably b>
whole, or in part, in that language. Tuna, ths
"Maranatha" of 1 Cor. xvi. 82, compared with
xii. 3, leads to the Inference that that word had
been spoken under a real or counterfeit ins p iration.
It w.is the Spirit that led men to cry Attn, as than
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TONGUES, GIFT OF
'•cognition of the fatherhood of God (Bom. vlll.
It; GaL It. 6). If we an to attach any definite
neaning to the "tongues of angels " in 1 Cor. liii.
1, it must be by connecting it with the word* sur-
riing hnman utterance, which St Paul heard ai
Paradise (9 Cor. zii. t), and these again with
the great Hallelujah hymns of which we read in
the Apocalypse (Rev. xix. 1-8; Stanley, /. e.;
Ewald, Oaieh. /jr. vi. 117). The retention of
ithei word* like Hoeainu and Sabaoth in the wor-
ship of the Church, of the Greek formula of the
Kyrie Eleiaon in that of the nations of the West,
hi an exemplification of the same feeling operat-
ing in other ways after the special power hod
seised
(8.) Hjre, also, as in Acta ii., we hare to think
of some peniliar intonation as frequently charac-
terizing the exercise of the " tongues." The anal-
ogies which suggest themselves to St. Paul's mind
are those of the pipe, the harp, the trumpet (1 Cor.
xIt. 7, 8). In the case of one "singing in thn
spirit" (1 Cor. xiv. 15), but not with the under-
standing also, the strain of ecstatic melody must
have been all that the listeners could perceive.
To " sing and make melody " is specially charac-
teristic of those who are filled with the Spirit
(Eph. r. 19). Other forms of utterance less dis-
tinctly musical, yet uot less mighty to stir the
minds of men, we may trace in the " cry " (Rom.
viii. IS; Gal. It. 6) and the "ineffable growings"
(Rom. viii. 26) which are distinctly ascribed to the
work of the Divine Spirit To those who know
the wonderful power of man's voice, as the organ
of his spirit, the strange, unearthly charm which
belongs to some of its less normal states, the in-
fluence even of individual words thus uttered, es-
pecially of words belonging to a language which is
not that of our common life (comp. Hilar. Disc.
Comm. in 1 Cor. xiv.), it will not seem strange
that, even in the absence of a distinct intellectual
consciousness, the gift should take its place among
the means by which a man "built up" his own
life, and might contribute, if one were present to
expound hit utterances, to "edify" others also."
(7.) Connected with the " tongues," there was,
as the words just used remind us, the correspond-
ing power of interpretation. It might belong to
any listener (1 Cor. xiv. 27). It might belong to
the speaker himself when he returned to the ordi-
■ary level of conscious thought (1 Cor. xiv. IS).
Its function, according to the view that has been
(ere taken, must have been twofold. The inter-
preter had first to catch the foreign words, Ara-
maic or others, which had mingled more or less
largely with what was uttered, and then to find a
meaning and an order in what seemed at first to
be without either, to fellow the loftiest flights and
most intricate windings of the enraptured spirit,
to trass the subtle associations which finked to-
gether words and thoughts that seemed at first to
bare no point of contact Under the action of
toe with this Insight the wild utterances of the
"tongues" might become a treasure-bouts of deep
truths. Sometimes, it would appear, not even this
r*a possible. The power might be simply that of
•rand. As the pipe or harp, played boldly, the
« Heander (P/lmx. u. Lrii. i. IS) nan to the sAVst
vodnced by the preaching of St. Bernard upon hear
M who did not understand one word of the tatln la
•fetch he preached (Opp. 11. 119, ad. Mmblllou, as ac
.■stance of this like phenomena an related of St
TONGUES, GIFT OF 830t
hand struck at random over the strings, but with
no tiooToM), n0 musical interval, wanted the con-
dition of distinguishable melody, so the " tongues,"
in their extremes! form, passed beyond the limits
of Interpretation. There might be a strange awful-
nets, or a strange sweetness as of " the tongues of
angels," but what it meant was known only to
God (1 Cor. xiv. 7-11).
Til. (1.) Traces of the gift are found, as has
been said, in the epistles to the Romans, the Gala-
tians, the Epbesians. From the Pastoral Epistles,
from those of St Peter and St John, they are
altogether absent, and this is in itself significant.
The life of the Apostle and of the Church hat
passed into a calmer, mora normal state. Wide
truths, abiding graces, these are what he himself
lives in and exhorts others to rest on, rather than
exceptional xaplaiurra, however marvelous. The
"tongues " are already "ceasing" (1 Cor. xiii. 8),
as a thing belonging to the past Ix>ve, which
even when "tongues" were mightiest, be bad teen
to be above all gifts, haa become more and more,
all in all, to him.
(2.) It is probable, however, that the disappear-
ance of the " tongues " was gradual. At it would
have been impossible to draw the precise line of
demarcation when the xpcxprrrfta of the Apostolic
age passed into the SiSwricaXfa that remained per-
manently in the Church, so there must have been
a time when " tongues " were still heard, though
lets frequently, and with less striking results, The
testimony of Ireneus {Ado. Rutr. v. 6) that there
were brethren in his time "who had prophetic
gifts, and spoke through the Spirit in all kinds of
tongues," though it does not prove, what it hat
sometimes been alleged to prove, the permanence
of the gift in the individual, or its use in tbe work
of evangelizing (Wordsworth on Adt ii), must I*
admitted as evidence of the existence of phenomena
like those which we have met with in the church
of Corinth. For the most part, however, the part
which they had filled in the worship of the Church
was supplied by the " hymns and spiritual songs "
of the succeeding age. In the earliest of these,
distinct in character from either the Hebrew psalms
or the later hymns of the Church, marked by a
strange mixture of mystic names, and half-coherent
thoughts (such, e. g., at the hymn with whicl
Clement of Alexandria ends hit nmtayayis, and
the earliest Sibylline verses), some have seen tiie
influence of tbe ecstatic utterances in which the
strong feelings of adoration had originrilly shown
themselves (Nitzteh, ChritlL Ltkrt, ii. p. 268).
After this, within the Church we loee nearly all
traces of them. The mention of them by Euse-
biut (Comm. in Pi. xlvi.) is vague and uncertain.
The tone in which Chrytottom speaks of them
(Comm. in 1 Cor. xiv.) is that of one who feels
the whole subject to be obscure, because there are
no phenomena within his own experience at all
answering to it The whole tendency of the Church
was to maintain reverence and order, and to repress
all approaches to the ecstatio state. Those who
yielded to it took refuge, as in the case of Tertul-
lian (infra), in tett outside the Church. Symp-
toms of what wat then looked on at an evil, showed
Antony of Padua and St. Vincent Ferrer (Attn Sour-
tonm, June 21 and April 6), of which this Is prob-
ably the explanation. (Comp. also Wolf, Oiks rail
aiog. in N. T. Acts 11.)
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3810 TONGUES, GIFT OF
sire* in the 4th century at Constantinople —
wild, Inarticulate cries, woriU passionate but of
ittle meaning, almoat convulsive gesture! — and
were met bj Chrysoatom with the sternest possi-
ble leproof (Bom. in It. ri. 3, ed. Migue, ri.
100).
VIII. (1.) A wider question of deep interest
present* itself. Can we find in the religious his-
tor) of maukiud anj facts analogous to the man-
ifestation of the " tongues? " Recognizing, as we
do, the great gap which separates the work of the
Spirit on the day of Pentecost from all others,
both in its origin and its fruits, there is, it is be-
lieved, no reason for rejecting the thought that
there might be like phenomena standing to it in
the relation of foreshadowing*, approximations,
counterfeits. Other gopfe-furra of the Spirit, wis-
dom, prophecy, helps, governments, had or have
analogies, in special states of men's spiritual life,
at other times and under other conditions, and so
may these. The three characteristic phenomena
are, as has been seen, (1) an ecstatic state of par-
tial or entire unconsciousness, the human will
being, as it were, swayed by a power above itself;
(9) the utterance of words in tones startling and
impressive, but often conveying no distinct mean-
ing; (3) tiie use of languages which the speaker at
other times was unable to converse in.
(2.) The history of the 0. T. presents us with
some instances in which the gift of prophecy has
accompaniments of this nature. The word in-
cludes something more than the utterance of a
distinct message of God. Saul and hi* messengers
oome under the power of the Spirit, and he lies on
the ground all uight, stripped of his kingly armor,
and joining in tie wild chant of the company of
prophet*, or pouring out his own utterances to the
sound of their music (1 Sam. zix. 94 ; comp. Stan-
ley, L c).
(8.) We cannot exclude the falsa prophets and
diviners of Israel from the range of our inquiry.
4* they, in their work, dress, pretensions, were
xxinterfeita of those who truly bore the name, so
re may venture to trace in other things that which
resembled, more or less closely, what had aocoin-
,ianied the exercise of tie Divine gift. And here
we have distinct records of strange, mysterious in-
tonations. The ventriloquist wizards (of iyyv
Tftuuiot, et 4k ttj» KotAlat dmrovrw) " peep "
and mutter" (Is. viit. 18). The «' voice of one
who has a familiar spirit," comes low out of the
ground (I*, zxix. 4). The false prophets simulate
with their tongues (UflAWovriu wpodnrrtiar
yA&rmjj, LXX.) the low voice with which the
rue prophets announced that the Lord had spoken
'Jer. xxiii. 81; comp. Qesen. Tha. s. v. Cr*3).
(4.) The quotation by St. Paul (1 Cor. xiv. 91)
from la. xxriii. 11 (" With men of other tongues
(«V irtpayKi&oaus'i and other lips will I speak
onto this people " ), has a significance of which we
ought not to lose sight. The common interpreta-
tion sees in that passage only a declaration that
those who had refused to listen to the prophets
should be taught a sharp lesson by the lips of alien
<• Pzsp. The word, omitted in Its place,
separate notice. It la used In the A. V. of Is. vilL 19,
X. 14, as the equivalent of ^SpS, " to chirp" or
•"cry." The I*tin jnpio, from which it oomes, Is,
ska the Hebrew, onamatopoetlc, and is used to exprasi
Ss* walling cry of young ohlokens or Infrnt children.
TONGUES, GIFT OF
conquerors. Ewald (Prophet, in lot), i
with this, sees in the new teaching tie voice of
thunder striking terror into men's mind*. St.
Paul, with the phenomena of the " tongue* " pres-
ent to his mind, saw in them tho fulfillment of the
prophet's words. Those who turned aside from
the true prophetic message should be left to the
darker, "stammering," more mysterious utterances,
which were in the older, what the " tongue* " were
in the later Eeclesia, A remarkable parallel to
the text thus interpreted is found in Hoe- is. 7.
There also the people are threatened with the with-
drawal of the true prophetic insight, and in it*
stead there ie to be the wild delirium, the erststie
madness of the counterfeit (comp. especially the
LXX., i weoeXrras i SYUMffrnaaW, t u rtp m - ux i
■mviuLToQapat).
(6.) The history of heathen oracles presents, it
need hardly be said, examples of the orgiastic state,
the condition of the uaWir ** distinct from the
wooo>4rws, in which the wisest of Greek thinkers
recognized the lower type of inspiration (Plato,
Timaui, 79 B; Week, L ft). The Pythoness snd
the Sibyl are as if possessed by a power which they
cannot resist. They labor under the afflatus at
the god. The wild, unearthly sounds (" nee mor-
ula eonana"), often hardly coherent, burst from
their lips. It remains for interpreters to collect the
scattered utterances, and to give them shape and
meaning (Virg. ACn. vL 46, 98 ft).
(6.) More distinct parallels are found in the ac-
counts of the wilder, more excited sects which have,
from time to time, appeared in the history of Chris-
tendom Tertullian ( tie Anim. c 9), as a Montaniat,
claims the " rerelationum charismata " as given to
a sister of that sect. They came to her «* inter
dominies solemnia;" she was, "per ecstasin, in
spiritu," conversing with angels, and with the
Lord himself, seeing and hearing mysteries (" ssera-
menta"), reading the heart* of men, prescribing
remedies for those who needed them. The more
ment of the Mendicant orders of the 13th century,
the prophesyiugs of the 16th in England, the early
history of the disciples of George Fox, that of the
Janaenisb) in France, the revivals under Weaky and
Whitefield, those of a later date in Sweden, Amer-
ica, and Ireland have, in like manner, been fruitful
in ecstatic phenomena more or less closely resem-
bling those which we are now considering.
(7.) The history of the French prophets at the
commencement of the 18th century present* i
facta of special interest. The terrible
caused by the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes
were pressing with intolerable severity on the Hu-
guenots of the Cevennes. The persecuted flocks met
together with every feeling of faith and hope strung
to it* highest pitch. The accustomed order of
worship was broken, and laboring men, children,
and female servants, spoke with rapturous eioqueno*
as the messengers of God. Beginning in 1688, then
crushed for a time, bursting forth with fresh vio-
lence in 1700, it soon became a matter of almoat
European celebrity. Refugees arrived in London
in 1706, claiming the character of prophet* (Lacy
Cry from the Daert ; N. Peyrat, Patten m lis
In this ssnas it Is used In the list of toss*
for the low cry of the falsa s ooth sayer*, In the
for that of birds whom the hand of the spoiler
from their oasts. In Is. xxrvitt. 14, when tha
word is used In the Hebrew, the A. V. atrea, « I
crane or a swallow, so did I chatter."
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TONGUES, GIFT OF
WUItmeu). An Englishman, John lacy,
lilt a conrert and then a leader. The eonrulaive
ecstatic utterances of the aect drew down the ridicule
rf Shaftesbury ( On Enthusiasm). Calanir thought
it necessary to enter the lists against their preten-
sions ( Caveat against the Netc Pi-ophett). They
gained a distinguished proselyte in Sir R. Bulkiey,
a pupil of Bishop Fell's, with no inconsiderable
learning, who occupied in their proceedings a position
which reminds us of that of Henry Druiumond
among the followers of Irving (Bulkley's Defense
of the Prophets). Here also there was a strong
sgotagious excitement. Nicholson, the Baxter of
the sect, published a confession that he had found
himself unable to resist it (Falsehood of the Neto
Propheti), though he afterwards came to look upon
Us companions as "enthusiastick impostors." What
is specially noticeable is, that the gift of tougues
was claimed by them. Sir R Bulkiey declares
that he had heard Lacy repeat long sentences in
Latin, and another speak Hebrew, though, when not
in the Spirit, they were quite incapable of it (Nar-
rative, p. 92). The characteristic thought of all
the revelations was, that they were the true chil-
tren of God. Almost every oracle began with
•' My child! " as its characteristic word (l'eyrat, u
136-313). It is remarkable that a strange Revi-
valist movement was spreading, nearly at the same
time, through Silesia, the chief feature of which was
that boys and girls of tender age were almost the
only subjects of it, and that they too spoke and
prayed with a wonderful power (Lacy, Jieiatiun,
etc, p. 31; Bulkiey, Narrative, p. 46).
(8.) The so-called Unknown Tongues, whioh
manifested themselves first in the west of Scotland,
sad afterwards in the Caledonian Church in Regent
Square, present a more striking phenomenon, and
the data for judging of its nature are more copious-
Hera, more than in most other cases, there were
the conditions of long, eager expectation, fixed
brooding over one oentral thought, the mind strained
to a preternatural tension. Suddenly, now from
mm, now from another, chiefly from women, devout
bat illiterate, mysterious sounds were heard.
Voices, which at other times were harsh and uu-
eleasing, became, when "singing in the Spirit,"
jerfectly harmonious (Cardale, Narrative, in
Morning Watch, ii. 871, 872). Those who spoke,
sien of known devotion and acuteness, bore witness
o their inability to control themselves (Baxter,
Narrative, pp. 5, 9, 12), to their being kid, they
knew not how, to speak in a " triumphant chant "
(ibid. pp. 46, 81). The man over whom they
exercised so strange a power, has left on record his
testimony, that to him they seemed to embody a
more than earthly music, leading to the belief that
Ike " tongues " of the Apostolic age had been as the
archetypal melody of which all the Church's chants
and hymns ware but faint, poor echoes (OUphant's
IJtfe of Irving, ii. 208). To those who were
without, on the other hand, they seemed but an
unintelligible gibberish, the yells and groans of
madmen (Newspapers of 1831, passim). Some-
times it was asserted that fragments of known
languages, Spanish, Italian, Greek, Hebrew, ware
ningled together in the utterances of those who
spoke in the power (Baxter, Narrative, pp. 133, 134)
it was but a jargon ot mere soends
• Corns- toe Independent testimony of ArehOeeOB
Wee iii i l . Ee bad Ifettmsd to the " nnknown tongiu,"
sad had ,\ ami '■"» sound such as I never beard bs-
TONGUES, GIFT OF 8311
(ibid.). The speaker was commonly unable to in-
terpret what he uttered. Sometimes the office was
undertaken by another. A clear and interesting
summary of the history of the whole movement is
given in Mrs. OUphant's Life of Irving, vol. ii
Those who wish to trace it through all its stage!
must be referred to the seven volumes of the
Morning Watch, and especially to Irviug's series
of papers on the Gifts of the Spirit, in vols, iii ,
iv., and v. Whatever other explanation may be
given of the facts, there exists no ground fur im-
puting a deliberate imposture to any of the persons
who were most conspicuous in the movement.
(9.) In certain exceptional states of mind and
body the powers of memory are known to receive a
wonderful and abnormal strength. In the delirium
of fever, in the ecstasy of a trance, men speak in
their old age languages which they have never heard
or spoken since their earliest youth. The accent of
their common speech is altered. Women, ignorant
and untaught, repeat long sentences in Greek, Latin,
Hebrew, which they bad once heard, without in
any degree, understanding or intending to remember
them. In all such esses the marvelous power is
the accompaniment of disease, and passes away
when the patient returns to his usual state, to the
healthy equilibrium and interdependence of the life 'i
sensation and of thought (Abercrombie, lnttUectual
Poaert, pp. 140-143 ; Winslow, Obscure Diseases
of the Brain, pp. 337, 360, 374; Watson,
Principles and Practice of Physic, 1. 128). The
mediaeval belief that this power of speaking in
tongues belonged to those who were possessed by
evil spirits rests, obviously, upon like psychological
phenomena (Peter Martyr, Loci Oonmtunes, L e. 10 1
Bayle, Dictum, s. v. " Grandier ").
IX. These phenomena have been brought to-
gether in order that we may see how far they re-
semble, how far they differ from, those which we
have seen reason to believe constituted the outward
signs of the Gift of Tongues. It need not startle or
" offend " us if we find the likeness between the true
and the counterfeit greater, at first sight, than we
expected. So it was at the churches of Corinth and
of Asia. There also the two existed in the closest
approximation ; and it use to no outward sign, to at
speaking with languages, or prediction of the future,
that St. Paul and St John pointed at the crucial
teat by which men were to distinguish between
them, but to the confession on the one side, the
denial on the other, that Jesus was the Lord
(1 Cor. xii. 8; 1 John iv. 2, 8). What may be
legitimately inferred from such facta is the existence,
in the mysterious constitution of man's nature, of
powers which are, for the most part, latent, but
which, under given conditions, may be routed into
activity. Memory, imagination, speech, may all be
intensified, transfigured, as it were, with a new
glory, acting independently of any consckns ot
deliberate volition. The exciting causes may bt
disease, or the fixed concentration of the senses ot
of thought on one object, or the power of sympathy
with those who have already passed into the
abnormal state. The life thus produced is at the
furthest pole from the common life of sensation,
habit forethought. It sees what others do not sea,
hears what they do not hear. If there be a spiritual
power acting upon man, we might expect this phase
fbn, unearthly and unaccountable." He recognised
pnauvlv the same sounds m the Irish isvlvals of 186*
( Work and ComUMtork, p. 11).
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8312 TONGUES, GIFT OF
jf the lift of the human soul to manifest ill opera-
tions moat clearlj. Preciselj became we believe
in the reality of the Divine work on the day of
Pentecost, we may conceive of it ai wring this state
at iU instrument, not as introducing phenomena,
in all respects without parallel, but as carrying to
its highest point, what, if good, had been a fore-
shadowing of it, presenting the reality of what, if
evil, had been the mimicry and counterfeit of good.
And whatever resemblances there may be, the points
of difference are yet greater, lie phenomena
which have been described are, with hardly an ex-
ception, morbid ; the precursors or the consequences
of clearly recognizable disease. The Gift of Tongues
was bestowed on men in full vigor and activity,
preceded by no frenzy, followed by no exhaustion.
The Apostles went on with their daily work of
leaching and organizing the Church. The form
which the new power assumed was determined
partly, it may be, by deep-lying conditions of man's
mental and spiritual being, within which, as self-
imposed limits, the Spirit poured from on high was
pleated to work, partly by the character of the
people for whom this special manifestation was
given as a sign. New powers of knowledge,
memory, utterance, for which education and habit
could not at all account, served to waken men to
the sense of a power which they could not measure,
a Kingdom of God into which they were called to
enter. Lastly, let us remember the old rule holds
good, " By their fruits ye shall know them." Other
phenomena, presenting approximate resemblances,
have ended in a sick man's dreams, in a fevered
frenzy, in the narrowness of a sect. They grew
out of a passionate brooding over a single thought,
often over a single word ; " and the end has shown
that it was not well to seek to turn back God's
order and to revive the long-buried past. The
gift of the day of Pentecost waa the starting-point
of the long history of the Church of Christ, the
witness, in its very form, of a universal family
gathered out of all nations. ,
But it waa the starting-point only. The new-
ness of the truth then presented to the world, the
power of the first experience of a higher life, the
eoging expectation in meals minds of the Divine
Kingdom, may have made this special manifestation,
at the time, at once inevitable and fitting. It
belonged, however, to a critical epoch, not to the
continuous life of the Church. It implied a dis-
turbance of the equilibrium of man's normal state.
The high-wrought ecstasy could not continue, might
be glorious and blessed for him who had it, a tion,
as has beeu said, for those who had it not; but it
waa not the instrument for building up the church,
"hat was the work of another gift, the prophecy
jrhich came from God, yet was addressed from the
Bind and heart of one man to the minds and hearts
of hi* brethren. When the overflowing fullness of
jft had passed away, when " tongues " had " ceased,"
and prophecy itself, in its irresistible power, had
« failed," they left behind them the lesson they
were meant to teach. They had borne their wit-
ness, and had done their work. They had taught
men to believe in one Divine Spirit, the giver of all
jtood gifts, " dividing to every man severally as He
will; " to recognize his inspiration, not only in the
•aarvel of the " tongues," or in the burning words
af prophets, but in all good thoughts, In the right
• I( otn hardly be doubted that the interpolated
»«fi " unknown," in the A. V. of 1 Oor tJv., was the
TOPAZ
Judgment in ail things, in the exeeDetit gift at
Charity. E. H. P.
TOPABCHY (Tcnroox/*)- A * enu applied U
one passage of the Septuagint (1 Mace. zi. 38) tc
indicate three districts to which elsewhere (x. 80
zi. 34) the name ro/uif is given. In all tbea*
passages the English Version employs the tent
governments." The three " toparchies " in ques-
tion were Apherema ('AaWof/ia), Lydda, and
Ramath. They had been detached from Sunaria,
Peraea, and Galilee respectively, some time before
the war between Demetrius Soter and Alexander
Bala. Each of the two belligerents endeavored to
win over Jonathan, the Jewish High-Priest, to their
side, by allowing him, among other privileges, the
sovereign power over these districts without any
payment of land-tax. The situation of Lydda is
doubtful; for the toparchy Lydda, of which Pliny
speaks (v. 14), is situated not in l'enea, but on tbt
western side of the Jordan. Apherema is en-
sidered by Grotius to denote the region abc.it
Bethel, captured by Abgah from Jeroboam (3 Chr
xiii. 19). Ramath is probably the famous strong-
hold, the desire of obtaining which led to the un-
fortunate expedition of the allied sovereigns, Ahab
and Jehoshaphat (1 K. xxii.).
The "toparchies" seem to have been of the
nature of agalikt, and the passages in which the
word Towipxv* occurs, all harmonize with the
view of that functionary ss the ngu, whose duty
would be to collect the taxes and administer justice
in all cases affecting the revenue, and who, for the
purpose of enforcing payment, would have the com-
mand of a small military force. He would thus be
the lowest in the hierarchy of a despotic administra-
tion to whom troops would be entrusted ; and hence
the taunt in 2 K. xviii. 84, and la. xxxvi. 9 : watt
awoorpfir-fis to rpiffuwov Tordpxov tv6s, raw*
Zoi\»y tov tcvplov fiov tv* iKax^OTvy'. "How
wilt thou resist a single toparch, one of the very
least of my lord's slaves V " But the essential charac-
ter of the toparch is that of a fiscal officer, and his
military character is altogether subordinate to his
civil. Hence the word is employed in Gen. xli. 34,
for the *' officers over the land," who were instructed
to buy up the fifth part of the produce of the soil
during the seven years of abundance. In Dan. iii.
3, Theodotion uses the word in a much mora exten-
sive sense, nuking it equivalent to ■' satraps," and
the Etig. Version renders the original by " princes ;"
but the original word here is not the same as in Dan.
iii. 9, 37, and vi. 7, in every one of which cases a
subordinate functionary is contemplated.
j. w. a
TOPAZ (rnipB, pitdAk : rowi(u>r : fepanws).
The topaz of the ancient Greeks and Romans is
generally allowed to be our chrysolite, while their
chrysolite is our topaz. [Chbtsoutk.] BeUer
mann, however, (Die (Trim und Tkummim, p. 89;.
contends that the topaz and the chrysolite of the
ancients are identical with the stones denoted by
these terms at the present day. The account which
Pliny (//. N. xxxvii. 8) gives of the topazot evi
dently leads to the conclusion that that stone is oit
chrysolite; " the topazes," be says, " is still held ii
high estimation for its green tint*." Aeoordic; 'e
the authority of Jnba, cited by Pliny, the topaz a
derived from an island in the Red Sea ealM
starting-point of the peculiarly uninM
of most of the Irvingite utterances.
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TOPHBL
' it n aid that thii island, when then
areeions atones wen procured, m surrounded by
Sags, and m, in consequence, often •ought for bj
navigators, and that hence it received Its name, the
tana '• topaain " signifying, in the Troglodyte
tongue, "to seek" (?). The pitdih, which, aa
has a lre ady been atated, probably denotea the mod-
am chrysolite, waa the aecoud atone in toe first
row of the high-priest's breast-plate (Ex. uvlii. 17,
mix. 10); it waa one of the jewels that adorned
the apparel of the king of Tyre (lis. xxviii. 13); it
waa the bright atom that garnished the ninth
foundation of the heavenly Jerusalem (Her. xxi.
JO): in Job xxriii. 19, where wisdom b contrasted
with precious articles, it is said that " the pit-
as* of Ethiopia shall not equal it." Chrysolite,
which U also known by the name of olivine and
peridot, ia a silicate of magnesia and iron ; it is so
•aft aa to lose its polish unless worn with care
{l timt r n ktgm and Crystallography, by Mitchell and
Teanant, p. 619). The identity of the ro*i{iM>
with the rnpB of the Heb. Bible is sufficiently
astshfiahed by the combined authorities of the
LXX., the Yulg., and Joaephus, while that of the
rerwiCtor with our chrysolite is, It appears to us,
proved beyond a doubt by those writers who have
paid most attention to this question. See Braun,
D* Fast. Sac Btb. p. 641, ed. 1680. W. H.
TOTHEL (boh [fisw]: ToaXjA: Thopkel).
k phaos mentioned Dent i. 1, which has been prob-
ably identified with Tifileh on a wady of the same
same running north of Basra towards the N. W.
Into the Ghor and S. E. corner of the Dead Sea
(Bobinson, ii. 570). This latter is a moat fertile
region, having many springs and rivulets flowing
into the Ghdr, and large plantations of fruit-trees,
whence figs are exported. The bird kntta, a kind
ef partridge, is found there in great numbers, and
lbs Steinbeck pastures in herds of iorty or fifty
together (Barckhardt, Boly Laud, 406, 408).
H.H.
TOTHETH, and ones TOTHET (Dph
[pern, abomination, a plaet abhorrtd, Dtetr.]).
Generally with the article (3 K. xxiil. IP; Jer. vii.
11, S3, six. 6, 13, 14). Three times without It
(Jer. ril. 19, xix. 11, 13). Once not only without
it, bat with an affix, nfjIWJI, Taphtth (Is. xxx.
33). In Greek, [Rom. and Vat. 8 K. and Jer.
rii.1 To*)**, [Comp. in Jer. xix. 11] TwaWff, and
[Alex, h 9K.] Os<p6> (Steph. ^uc. Voo. Ptrt-
ana.; Bill, Thet.); [for the LXX. in Is. xxx. 83
sad Jer. xix. see below.] In the Vulgate, [ Topket,)
Topketk. In Jerome, Tophet. It ia not mentioned
oy Joaephus.
It by somewhere east or southeast of Jerusalem,
for Jeremiah went out by the Sun Gate, or East
Gate, to go to it (Jer. xix. 9). It waa in " the
Valley of the Son of Hinnom " (vii. 81), which b
« by the entry of the east gate " (xix. 2). Thus it
was not identical with Hinnom, aa some have writ-
ran, except in tht sense in which Paradise b iden-
tieelwith Eden.-ibe one being part of the other. It
was as Hinnom, and was perhaps one of its chief
■raves or gardens. It seems also to have been part
■■"the king's gardens, and watered by Siloam, per-
wfs a Bttle to the south of the present Birket d-
TOPHBTH
3318
/rostra. The name Tophet occurs only in the Old
Testament (3 K. xxiii. 10; Is. xxx. 33; Jer. vii.
31, S3, xix. 6, 11, 13, 13, 14). The Mew does not
refer to it, nor the Apocrypha. Jerome is the first
who notices it; but we can see that by his time tht
name had disappeared, for he discusses it very much
aa a modern eoinmeutator would do, only mention-
ing a green and fruitful spot in Hinnom, watered
by Siloam, where be assumes it waa : " Delubrum
Baal, nemus as lucue, Silos fontibus irrigatus " (/a
Jer. vii.). If thu be the case, we must conclude
that the valley or gorge south of Jerusalem, which
usually goes by the name of Hinnom, is not the G'e
Ben-Binmom of the Bible. Indeed, until compara-
tively modern times, that southern ravine was never
so named. Hinnom by old writers, western and
eastern, b always placed eatt of the city, and cor-
responds to what we call the " Mouth of the Ty-
ropoeon," along the southern bed and banks of the
Kedron (Jerome, De Loot Btbr. and Comm. in
MatLx. 38; IbnBatutah, Ti-atiU ; JakU Addin't
Bittory of the Temple ; Felix r'abri), and was
reckoned to be somewhere between the Potter's
Field and the Fuller's Pool.
Tophet has been variously translated. Jerome
says tatitudo ; others garden ; others drum ; others
place of burning or burying ; others abomination
(Jerome, Noldiua, Geaenius, Bochart, Simonia,
Onom.). The most natural seems that suggested
by the occurrence of the word in two consecutive
verses, in the one of which it ia a tabrH, and in the
other Tophet (la. xxx. 83, 33). The Hebrew words
are nearly identical ; and Tophet was probably the
king's " mosio grove " or garden, denoting origi-
nally nothing evil or hateful. Certainly there ia
no proof that it took its name from the drums
beaten to drown the cries of the burning victims
that pasted through the. fire to Moloch. As Chin-
neroth b the harp-tea, so Tophet b the tabret-grom
or valley. Thu might be at first part of the royal
garden, a spot of special beauty, with a royal villa
in the midst, like the Pasha's palace at Shubra,
near Cairo. Afterwards it wss defiled by idols,
and polluted by the sacrifices of Baal and the first
of Moloch. Then it became the place of abomina-
tion, the very gate or pit of bell. The pious kings
defiled it, and threw down its altars and high
places, pouring Into It all the filth of the city, till
It became the " abhorrence " of Jerusalem ; for to
it primarily, though not exhaustively, the prophet
• W the Banal Tophet H Is said, « They shall bury
i 1 <§***, WtOwv ton* man" (Jer. riles} Oftbs
They shall go forth and gaas
On eu carcases of the transgressors against me:
for their worm shall not die,
And the* nrs shall not be quenched,
And they shall be aa abhorrence to all hash.
(Is.lxvi.34.)
In Kings and Jeremiah the name is " tht To-
phet," but in Isaiah (xxx. 33) it b Tophtth; yet
the places are probably the same so far, only ia
Isaiah's time the grove might be changing its name
somewhat, and with that change taking on the
symbolic meaning which it manifestly poetesses in
the prophet's prediction : —
Bet In order la days past baa been Topbteh |
Sorely for the king It has besn made ready.
He hath deepened, he hath widened It; •
Tht pile thereof, nrs and wood, he hath mulaJptwA
symbolical Tophet K la said above, •
H,n
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SEL4
Urn
ii .*~ -L. 2L ra. f W a ax nc
■■Ml aaa it at aiiec * ^at «,»4j^«* j[ mii^inrr
icu* n at sue «ns
a»n«»fcj»" ami
I* tat
; or a* =c~- ]rw*ui* r la ^at
- *•
M «fl. nig ncm . it hi Messjamtf ars*. u.««c
Ms %*kl -?-*» it cam .- raam. j<ira* aw.
smonsL au*t ii**=t ai a* aaa.**. am. jc it**
■* ^2jk DnEvnou. "ait nums-i £ir*u=» am. tkt-
^e» iuss i« jus mr ua ar.ca a =&e air- i«c
Am aoua oat ouc a buulji*. — i4axaua. ;<fmo&v
riinaa. _ ^ —» t , .nama^s> llinwna * etc 31cm
BBfi hmc #•*»£» Mr" :r-jne a iuc iir a n * •
1 3e jriouis t «ra a** n.c -»ss rctaimon.
CMt nffVOOL 7 QCjrt * JTSfi am 4tiC
3 sat at.waf zr*i«^ a «*gtawTi * siiHaat *a.-
Sao. -i* j*»» 11 a^uentieac am. r»*v~i aiw
: sua iza * -^Ja^ a ■ckiicia* ' vouat «i«
& Tiiuar-C^i^t van >uciduv * wnpfrv a*d
i flat 3f * 'sua. ^ut vmntu a ?*■*• "^w iari
■c a' jii.»f«caL nkiauouc tci 3k ctss *r laxra-
■ jejju .* sua, a ftiixi u* iiacx wm a
jbbc » tnc at ma j na sfeicax ru*at saa
aaxi sa a^iiiex. siL £ we. aaa sat an a*-
a tr * iae auxir " ai h« anmc a warn* aj
asu n* ir» •» amarr Iju %xxl. li . ant a*
n«i Lun aaaaa nax *2m.'~inu m T/c !«(
cm 3%g - rrnum as* 2x01 »-—— 'n* ait zat ia
af int. Tas» aaBa assx st ar«e aaas iww a'
K^Aat 1 a.n«c mr ^ir*a •xxns r^er «X13X fi*r-
as^ at *9-s n 4 a 1 cur mi uw tuL" a-^tu
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vt.% v «. ;» aouH
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V..j» t<smM* rf rwraaioa >- :»- Sa»«h*
.•merruaa x *I .. air aavcaaa it. ax aasaaaa
u« X-Mca ^&-«na\ awhr At a^» «f 1
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TOW
• TOW. [Lunar; Flax.]
TOWER.* For towers as parts of city-walls,
sr u strongholds of refuge for villages, tee Fehckd
Cities, Jkhcsalbm, ii. 1319-1332, and Haka-
■bxl. Watch-towers or fortified posts in frontier
or exposed situation, are mentioned in Scripture,
as the tower of Euar, etc. (Gen. xxxv. 91; Mie.
It. 8; Is. mi. 5, 8, 11: Hab. ii. lj Jer. vi. 27;
Cant. vii. 4); the tower of Lebanon, perhaps Jne
of David's "garrisons," MtUb (2 Sam. viii 8;
Raatner, PaL p. 29). Such towers or outposts for
the defense of wells, and the protection of flocks
and of commerce, were built by Ozxiah in the
pasture-ground. (Midbar) [Dksert], and by his
son Jotham in the forests (Chorahiin) of Judah
(2 Chr. xxri. 10, xxvii. 4). Remains of such forti-
fications may still be seen, which, though not
perhaps themselves of remote antiquity, yet very
probably have succeeded to more ancient structures
built in the same places for like purposes (Robinson,
ii 81, 85, 180; Roberts, Sketchtt, pi. 93). Besides
these military structures, we read in Scripture of
towers built in vineyards as an almost necessary
appendage to them (Is. v. 2; Matt. xxi. 33; Mark
xii. 1). Such towers are still in use in Palestine
in vineyards, especially near Hebron, and are used
as lodges for the keepers of the vineyards.* During
the vintage they are filled with the persons em-
ployed in the work of gathering the grapes (Robin-
son, i. 213, ii. 81; Martineau, £att. Life, p. 434;
De Sauley, Trm. i. 546). H. W. P.
• TOWER OF BABEL. [Tongues, Co*.
rcsion of.]
TOWN-CLERK (ypanfurrtfo: teriba). The
title ascribed in our Version to the magistrate at
Epbesus who appeased the mob in the theatre at
the time of the tumult excited by Demetrius and
his feilow-crafUmen (Acts xiz. 86). The other
primary English versions translate in the same
way, ezeept those from the Vulgate (Wyolifre, the
Rhemish), which render "scribe." A digest of
Boackh's views, in his Stnattkauthaltuag, respecting
the functions of this officer at Athens (there were
three grades of the order there), will be found ii
Diet, of Ant. p. 469 ft". The ypafifuntit or « town-
elerk " at Epbesus was no doubt a more important
person in that city than any of the public officers
designated by that term in Greece (see GreaweU'a
Diuertatioiu, iv. 182). The title is preserved on
various ancient coins (Wetstein, JVor. TttU ii. 686;
Vkermann'a Numiimatic JIUulratmu, p. 63),
•hieh illustrate fully the rank and dignity of the
office. It would appear that what may hare been
the original service of this class of men, namely,
lo record the laws and decrees of the state, and to
"sad them in public, embraced at length, especially
• *■ 7D3» 7^n^, and TVTJ : ftraAfit: from
tCTB, "search," "explore," a searcher or watcher;
tad hence the notion of a watch-tower. In Is. nodi.
14, the tower of Opae! is probably meant (Nsh. UL 28;
9*0.198).
«■ V$}D, and \h%Q or VrT}B: *v>r<»: «->-
*; from blij, "become rrsat" (Owl t*6), used
isoapropsvnaine [Unroot.]
TRAOHONITI3
8315
8. "1120: wfraa. wunurto; only one* "tower'
lab. 0.1.
under too ascendency of the Romans in Asia Minor,
a much wider sphere of duty, so ss to make them,
in some instances, in effect the heads or chiefs of
the municipal government (Winer, Realw. i. 649).
They were authorized to preside over the popular
assemblies and submit votes to tbem, and are men-
tioned on marbles as acting in that capacity. In
cases where they were associated with a superior
magistrate, they succeeded to his place and dis-
charged his functions when the latter was absent
or had died. « On the subjugation of Asia by the
Romans," says Baumatark (Pauly's Encyclopddie,
iil. 949), " ypa/i/iarttt were appointed there in the
character of governors of single cities and districts,
who even placed their names on the coins of their
cities, caused the year to be named from them, and
sometimes were allowed to assume the dignity, or
at least the name, of 'Apx"/""*" This writer
refers as his authorities to Schwartz, Diuertntio as
ypcutpartviri, Mayislrntu Cicitatum Alia Procom-
tularu (Altorf, 1735); Van Dale, Dimtrlai. v. 425)
Spanheini, Del/wet Pratt. Numm. i. 704. A
good note on this topic will be found in tin Neu
Englander (U. S. A.), x. 144.
It is evident, therefore, from Luke's account, as
illustrated by ancient records, that the Epheaian
town-clerk acted a part entirely appropriate to the
character in which he appears. The speech deliv-
ered by him, it may be remarked, is the model of
a popular harangue. lie argues that such excite-
ment as the Kphesians evinced was undignified,
inasmuch as they stood above all suspicion in re-
ligious matters (Acts xiz. 35, 86) ; that it was
unjustifiable, since they could establish nothing
against the men whom they accused (ver. 87); thai
it was unnecessary, since other means of redress
were open to them (w. 88, 39); and, finally, if
neither pride nor a sense of justice availed any-
thing, fear of the Roman power should restnisj
them from such illegal proceedings {ver. 40).
H. B. H.
TRACHONITIS (Toojmmwij : Trachom-
tu). This place is mentioned only once in the
Bible. In Luke iii. 1 we read that Philip •' was
tetrarch of Itunea, ml Tpa X <»ytr,Sos x*f"<"
and it appears that this •' Tracboiiite region," in
addition to the little province of Trachonitis, in-
cluded parts of Auranitis, Gaulanitis, and Batansea
(Joseph. Ant. xvii. 8, { 1, and 11, § 4).
Trachonilit is, in all probability, the Greek equiv-
alent for the Aramaic Argob. The Targumiats ren-
der the word aSlTH, in Deut ill 14, by Wl3"ltt,
According to Gesenius, 33"1H signifies « a heap
of stones," from the root 331, •• to pile up stones."
So Tpaxcyirtt or TpaxAr Is a '• rugged or stony
4. TjpV: otrat: dmmu; only m 2 K. v. tt
[Omu]
6. rtjB, usually "eomer," twice only "tower,-
Zsph. 1. 16, til. 6: yaWa: oazvhu.
6. n$?D: wawnd: tptcula; "watch-Sowar.'
[Mspam.]
7. 2|i{rO: exSpqia: robm, only la poetry
PBSOAt.]'
» » Bosh towers are numarous also at Brthlsbasa
and form a striking feature of the landscape (Haozstt'i
Mutratioiu of Bcriptmre, p. 171 I). II
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3316
TRACHONITIS
tract.' ' William of Tyro gives m curious etymology
of the word Trachonitis: " Videtur auteni nobii a
Iraeonilnu dicta. Traconea eiiim dicuntur occniti
at aubterranei meatus, quiboa ista ragio abundat "
(GetL Dei per Franco*, p. 896). Be this u it
may, then can be no doubt that the whole region
abounds in caverns, some of which are of rast ex-
tent Strabo refers to the eaves in the mountains
beyond Trachon (Geog. xvi.), and he affirms that
one of them is so large that it would contain 4000
men. The writer has visited some spacious caves
in Jebel Hnurim, and in the interior of the Lrjah.
The situation and boundaries of Trachonitis can
be denned with tolerable accuracy from the notices
In Josephus, Strabo, and other writers. From
Josephus we gather that it lay south of Damascus,
and east of UaukuirUs, and that it bordered on
Auranitis and Batanasa (B. J. iv. 1, § 1, 1. 30, § 4,
Hi. 10, $ 7). Strabo says there were Juo Toaxvm
(Geog. xvi.). From Ptolemy we learn that it bor-
dered on Batatuea, near the town of Saccasa (Geog.
zv.). In the Jerusalem Gemara it is made to ex-
tend as tar south as Bostra (Lightfoot, Opp. ti.
473). Euseblus and Jerome, though they err in
confounding it with Huron, yet the latter rightly
defines its position, as lying between Bostra and
Damascus (Oram. s. v.). Jerome also states that
Kenath was one of its chief towns ((Mom. s. v.
"Canath").
From these data we have no difficulty in Axing
the position of Trachonitis. It Included the whole
of the modern provinoe called ei-Lejili (sLsxAJl),
with a section of the plain southward, and aha a
part of the we ste r n declivities of Jebel HaurAn.
This may explain Strabo'a two Trochons. The
identity of the Lejah and Trachonitis does not rest
merely on presumptive evidence. On the northern
border of the province are the extensive ruins of
Mutmtih, where, on the door of a beautiful temple,
Burckhardt discovered an inscription, from which
It appears that this is the old city of Phocus, and
he capital of Trachonitis (unrpomiitla TpaxM'or,
fWio. in Syr. 117). The LejJh is bounded on the
cast by the mountains of Batanasa (now Jebel
Haur&n), on whose slopes are the ruins of Saccasa
and Kenath ; on the south by Auranitis (now
Haur&n), in which are the extensive rains of Bostra;
on the west by Qaulanitia (now JavlAn); and on
the north by Itunea (now Jedur) and Damascus.
If all other proofs were wanting, a comparison of
the features of the Lejah with the graphic de-
miption Josephus gives of Trachonitis would be
sufficient to establish the Identity. The inhabitants,
he says, u had neither towns nor fields, but dwelt
to eaves that served as a refuge both for themselves
and their flocks. They bad, besides, cisterns of
water and well-stored granaries, and were thus able
to remain long in obscurity and to defy their
fannies. The doors of their eaves are so narrow
that but one man can enter at a time, while within
th*y are incredibly large. The ground above is
almost a plain, but it is covered with rugged rocks,
and is difficult of access, except where a guide
paints oat Uu paths. These paths do not run in
a straight course, but have many windings and
tarns" (Ant xv. 10, J 1). A description of the
Leiah has been given above [Aboob], with which
this may be compared.
The notices of Trachonitis in history are few and
■net Josephus affirms that it was colonized by
Da the son of Aram (Ant. I 6, f 4). His next
TRADITION
reference to it is when it was held by Zenedona
the bandit-chief. Then its inhabitants made fro
quent raids, as their successors do still, upon the
territories of Damascus (AnL xv. 10, § 1 )■ Augustus
took it from Zenodorua, and gave it to Herod the
Great, on condition that he should repress the rob-
bers (Ant. xvi 9, § 1). Herod bequeathed it to
bis son Philip, and his will was confirmed by Cesar
(B. J. ii. 6, § 3). This is the Philip referred to
in Luke iii. 1. At a later period it passed into the
bands of Herod Agrippa (B. J. iii. 3, § 6). After
the conquest of this part of Syria by Cornelius
Palma, in the beginning of the second century, ws
hear no more of Trachonitis (Burckhardt, Trav. »
Syr. 110 fF. ; Porter, Damataa, ii. 2-40-275; Jam.
Geog. Soc xxriii. 250-252). [Also, Porter, Giant
Cities of Bathan, pp. 18, 98; and J. G. Wetsstein,
Reiuberickt flo. Bauran «. die Traehonen, p.
36 ff. -H.] J.L.F.
• TRADITION (wspdeWur, rendered one*,
in 1 Cor. xL 8, " ordinances "). Primarily it de-
notes the act of delivering or transmitting, then tat
thing delivered ; in the N. T. it has only the latter
sense. It refers generally, if not always, to pre-
ceptive rather than to historical matters. Tradi-
tions may be either written or oral (2 Tbess. ii. 16)|
and the term is perhaps used in Gal. i. 14, so as tc
include even precepts of the canonical Scriptures.
But the traditions alluded to by Christ in Matt. xv.
and Hark vii. were probably for the most part oral;
Josephus (Ant. xiii. 10, § 6) seems to imply this,
and he furthermore distinguishes them from the
Scriptures as being additions to, or explanations of
them, handed down from the fathers. These were
afterwards written in the Talmud. On the char-
acter of them, cf. Wetatein, Lightfoot and Schottgeu
on Matt, vi 2, 5, xv. 2. [Washimo the Hahds
akd Feet; Pharisees; Sckibes.]
The authoritativeness of traditions, according to
the N. T., depends on their source. If they orig-
inated strictly with uninspired men, they were not
authoritative, and might even be directly opposed
to Divine commandments (Matt. xv. 6, CoL ii. 8).
On the other hand rapatio-tu which were derived
from Christ or his apostles, were authoritative
(1 Cor. xi. 2; 2 loess, ii. 15). Here we may note
also the frequent use of rapaSitx/u, said of injunc-
tions or important communications delivered to the
Christians (1 Cor. xi. S3, xv. 8; Acts xvi. 4; Son.
vi. 17; S Pet. ii. SI). In some of these cases tin
whole substance of the Gospel is spoken of as thus
delivered. And oral transmission is probably meant
in most eases.
This suggests the inquiry, what traditional ele-
ments there are in the Bible itself. As regards the
O. T., since the names of the authors of the his-
torical books are not given and many of the histories
cover a long period of time, there is room for un-
bounded license in conjecturing how far the nar-
ratives are traditions reduced to writing a greater
or less time after the occurrence of the events re-
corded. But the mention of histories now lost,
made as early as Num. xxi. 14 ("the book of the
wars of the Lord"); and especially in the books
of Kings and Chronicles [Kinob] of annals of the
several reigns, diminishes very much the probability
of extensive resort to old traditions in the compila-
tion of the histe'es. Where reference is made in
one part of the O. T. to former events in the his-
tory of the people, we can generally find the events
recorded in the earlier books. Cf. e. g. Jephthah'i
message to the Ammonites (Judg. id.) with toe
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TRADITION
sanative In Num. zx. and zxi., or Pi. lxxviii. with
the history of tha Exodus. It U mora than doubt-
nil whether we are to understand Hie. vi. 6-8 ai
containing a dialogue between Balak and Balaam,
preserved by tradition. This view, though advanced
by Bishop Butler ((Sermon on Balaam), and adopted
in the article on Moab and by Stanley (Jewish
Church, L 919), U not generally accepted, and
hardly aeemi to be suggested by tha passage in
TRANCE
8317
The time embraced in the N. T. historic! does
not allow much scope to tradition in the ordinary
sense of the term. But if we take x-opdiWif in
th> narrower sense in which the N. T. uses it, then
it may be mid that a considerable part of '.he his-
torical books of the N. T. may be composed of tra-
ditions. The Gospel was at first preached, not
written. What the apostles thus handed down
was afterwards recorded by them or others. See
GoariLS ; Westcott, Introduction, p. 219 ; and
especially Luke i. 1 ff. Accordingly, the familiar
passage Acts xx. 85, where Paul quotes a saying of
Christ not elsewhere recorded, is strictly speaking
no more a tradition than the other sayings of Christ
which are found in the Gospels; for at the time
when Paul used this language perhaps none, or not
more than one, of the Gospels was written. See
Hsekett, Act; p. 343, and Introduction to Acts,
p. 99. The same may be said of John viii. 1-11.
This narrative, though belonging originally to none
of the Gospels, was probably preserved in the recol-
lection of the disciples and early incorporated into
the text of John. See Meyer on this passage.
Somewhat different is the case with the interpola-
tion in Johu v. 3 o, 4, which seems to be a tradition
reflecting a popular belief, but for which John can-
not be regarded as vouching. Still different is the
tradition (John xxi. 23). respecting John's death,
which is mentioned, only to be pronounced false.
There an however a few instances of what seem
to be traditions of longer standing. On 2 Tim.
iii. 8 see Jamxks ajid Jambrxs, and Wetstein
h fee. The phrase " sawn asunder" in Heb. xi.
37 is doubtless founded on the tradition that Isaiah
was thus put to death. On the dispute between
Michael and the DeviL Jude 8, see Mich am.; also
De Wetta and Huther in foe. Of a similar charac-
ter la the quotation, in Jnde H, 15, from •• Enoch,
the seventh from Adam." On this see Ehoch,
Book or. The allusion In Jude 6 to the angels
who kept not their first estate may also have been
derived from the book of Enoch (xii. 4), though
khu again is probably derived from Gen. vi. 1—1
(on which see, besides the commentaries, especially
Kurtz, Die Eh en der Sdhnt Gotta, etc., in his
Gachichtt da AlU* Bmda). 2 Pet. il. 4 prob-
lly refers to the same thing. According to some,
fas expression in 1 Cor. x. 4 is derived from a
Jewish tradition that the rock from which water
sprang forth did actually follow the Israelites in
their wanderings. But this, though a real Jewish
radition, cannot be proved to have existed before
he time of Paul; and If it did, Paul does not in-
dorse it, — st the most he only alludes to it Cf.
Meander and Meyer m foe. A more important in-
stance of tradition is that respecting the mediation
af angels in the giving of the Law. This is
Ooned as something generally understood, in Acts
vU. 58, GaL iii. 19, and Heb. ii. 2. The repre-
sentation cannot be derived directly from the 0. T. ;
but the LXX. in its translation of Deut. xxxili. 2
suggests it, and Josephus indorses it {Ant xv. 6,
§3).
On the subject of tradition in the ecclesiastical
sense, see especially Holtsmann, Kamm und Tra-
dition, and Jaoobi, Kirchliche Lehre sen der Tra-
dition. CM. M.
* TRAFFICKERS. [Cosuikjiob ; Ma*.
Kerr.]
TRANCE (iWroo-u: ttceuus). (1.) In tha
only passage (Num. xxir. 4, IS) in which this wont
occurs in the English of the 0. T. there is, as the
italics show, no corresponding word in Hebrew,
simply vQ3, >> falling," for which the LXX. gives
«V Save), and the Vulg. more literally qui cadU.
Tha Greek twmau is, however, used as the equiv-
alent for many Hebrew words, signifying dread,
fear, astonishment (Trominii Concordant.). In the
N. T. we meet with the word three times (Acts x.
10, xi. 6, xxii. 17), the Vulgate giving "excessns"
in the two former, " stupor mentis " in the latter.
Luther uses " entzilckt " in all three cases. Tha
meaning of the Greek and Latin words is obvious
enough. The turn-oats ie the state in which •
man has passed out of the usual order of hia life,
beyond the usual limits of consciousness and voli-
tion. " Excessus," in like manner, though in elas
sical Latin chiefly used as an euphemism for death,
became, in ecclesiastical writers, a synonym for
the condition of seeming death to the outer world,
which we speak of as a trance. " Hauc vim ffstaain
diclmua, excessum sensus, et amentias instar"
(Tertull. de An. c. 45). The history of the Eng-
lish word presents an interesting parallel. The
Latin " tranaitus " took its place also among the
euphemisms for death. In early Italian " essere In
tranaito," was to be as at the point of death, the
passage to another world. Passing into French, It
also, abbreviated into " tranee," was applied, not
to death itself, but to that which more or leas
resembled it (Dies, Roman. Wortn-buch, a. v.
"transito").
(9.) Used as the word is by Lake,' <• the physi-
cian," and, in this special sense, by him only, in
the N. T., it would be interesting to inquire what
precise meaning it had in the medical terminology
of the time. From the time of Hippocrates, who
uses it to describe the loss of conscious perception,*
it had probably borne the connotation which it has
had, with shades of meaning for good or evil, ever
since. Thus, Hesjchius gives as the account of a
man in an ecstasy, that he Is o sit sowar uii err.
Apuleius (Apologia) speaks of it as "a change from
the earthly mind (aa-o rov yntvou e^poriifutTos) to
a divine and spiritual condition both of character
and life." Tertulh'an (i e.) compares it to the dream-
state in which the soul acts, but not through its
usual instruments. Augustine (Con/em. ix. 11)
describes his mother in this state as " abstracta a
pnesentibus," and gives a description of like phe-
nomena in the case of a certain Restitutus (da CSe
Dei, xtr. 94).
(8.) We may compare with these statements tha
SBtossaomeot mingled with* awe, not tor the trance
seals.
• lbs dstbwUon drawn by Hippocrates and Qalei.
a I» Mark v. 42 and xvj. 8 It Is used simply for between tVerawnt myawtu and ittrr. fMA«yxa\aw
answers obviously to that of later writers between pars
and ecstatic catalepsy (oomp. Foetus. CKYoaom. Hi»
patrat. a. V. JkotootcI.
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8318
TRANCE
Bnore precise definitions of modern medial acienee-
Th«re the ecstatic state appeara » one form of cat-
alepsy. In catalepsy pure and ample, there U " a
Midden suspension of thought, of sensibility, of vol-
untary motion." " The body continue* in any
attitude in which it may be placed ; " there are no
signs of any prooen of thought; the patient con-
tinue* silent. In the ecstatic form of catalepsy, on
the other hand, " the patient is lost to all external
impressions, but wrapped and absorbed in some
object of the imagination." The man is "as if
out of the body." " Nervous and auaceptible per-
sona are apt to be thrown into these trances under
the influence of what ia called meaiueriam. There
la, for the most part, a high degree of mental ex-
eiteroent. The patient utters the moat enthusiastic
and fervid expressions or the most earnest warn-
ings. The character of the whole frame ia that of
intense contemplative excitement. He believes
that be has seen wonderful visions and beard ain-
gular revelations " (Watson, Principles and Prac-
tice, \jeci. mil. ; Copland, Diet, of Medicine, t.
v. >' Catalepsy " ). The causes of tbie state are to
be traced commonly to strong religious impressions;
but some, though, for the moat part, not the ec-
static, phenomena of catalepsy are producible by the
concentration of thought on one object, or of the
vision upon one fixed point ( Qunti. Rev. xciii. pp.
610-622, by Dr. W. B. Carpenter; oomp. Uhim
AMD Thokmim), and, in some more exceptional
eases, like that mentioned by Augustine (there,
however, under the influence of sound, " ad imita-
taa qussi lamentantis cujuslibet hominis voces "),
and that of Jerome Cardan ( Vm: Her. viii. 43),
men have been able to throw themselves into a cat-
aleptic etate at wiU. [See Dr. W. A. Hammond
on the Phytic* and Phjrioloay nf Spiritualism,
in the N. A. Rev. for April 1870; ex. 233-260.—
A.]
(4.) Whatever explanation may be given of it, it
ia true of many, if not of most, of those who have
left the stamp of their own character on the relig-
ious history of mankind, that they have been lia-
ble to pass at times into this abnormal state. The
union of intense feeling, strong volition, long-con-
tinued thought (the conditions of all wide and last-
ing influence), aided in many cases by the with-
drawal from the lower life of the support which ia
needed to maintain a healthy equilibrium, appears
o have been more than the " earthen vessel " will
ear. The words which speak of " an ecstasy of
idoration " are often literally true. The many
•iafooa, the journey through the heavens, the to-
adied epilepsy of Mohammed, were phenomena of
this nature. Of three great mediaeval teachers, St.
Francis of Aaeiai, St. Thomas Aquinas, and Joan-
nes Saotus, it is recorded that they would fall into
the ecstatic state, remain motionless, seem ss if
dead, sometimes for a whole day, and then, return-
ing to consciousness, speak as if they had drunk
deep of divine mysteries (Gualtperiua, Crit. Sac. on
Acta x. 10). The old traditions of Aristeas and
Epimenidea, the conflicts of Dunatan and Luther
with the powers of darkness, the visions of Savona-
rola, and George Fox, and Swedenborg. and Boh-
tnen, are generically analogous. Where there has
been no extraordinary power to influence others,
• Analogous to this Is ah* statement of ArMotl*
fiV»J. e. 80) that to* iuA<ryx<>AW speak often In wild
i of poatrj, and as to* Sibyls and others who an
KtVfcotJ
TBANOH
other conditions remaining the asms, the pbenon
ena have appeared among whole classes of men and
women in proportion as the circumstances of then
lives tended to produce an excessive susceptibility
to religious or imaginative emotion. The history
of monastic orders, of American and Irish revivals,
gives countless examples. Still more noticeable it
the fact that many of the improvuatori of Italy
are u only able to exercise their gift whan they are
in a state of ecstatic trance, and apeak of the gift
itself as something morbid " * (Copland, I. c);
while in atrange contrast with their earlier history,
and pointing perhaps to a national character that
has become harder and less emotional, there ia the
testimony of a German physician (Frank), who had
made catalepsy a special study, that he had never
met with a single case of it among the Jews (Cop-
land, I &).»
(5.) We are now able to take a true estimate of
the trances of Biblical history. Aa in other things,
so also here, the phenomena an common to higher
and lower, to true and false system*. The nature
of man continuing the same, it could hardly be
that the awfulness of the Divine presence, the ter-
rors of Divine judgment, should leave it in the
calm equilibrium of its normal state. Whatever
made the impress of a truth more indelible, what-
ever gave him to whom it was revealed more power
over the hearts of others, might well take it* place
in the Divine education of nations and individual
men. We may not point to trances and ecstasies
as proofs of a true Revelation, but still leas may we
think of them as at all inconsistent with it Thus,
though we have not the word, we have the thing
in the '• deep sleep " (iWrsuru, LXX.), the « hor-
ror of great darkness," that fell on Abraham (Gen.
xv. 12). Balaam, as if overcome by the constrain-
ing power of a Spirit mightier than his own, " sees
the vision of God, falling, but with opened eyes "
(Sum. xxiv. 4). Saul, in like manner, when the
wild chant of the prophets stirred the old depths
of feeling, himself also " prophesied " and " fell
down " (most, if not all, of his kingly clothing be-
ing thrown off in the ecstasy of the moment), " all
that day and all that night " (1 Sam. xlx. 94).
Something there was in Jeremiah that made men
say of him that he was as one that " is mad and
maketh himself a prophet " (Jer. xxix. 26). In
Ecekiel the phenomena appear in more wonderful
and awful forms. He sits motionless for serai
days in the stupor of astonishment, till the word
of the Lord comes to him (Es. iii. It). The " hand
of the Lord " falls on him, and he too sees the
" visions of God," and hears the voice of the Al-
mighty, is " lifted up between the earth and heaven,"
and passes from the river of Chebar to the Lord's
house in Jerusalem (Ex. viii. 8).
(6.) As other elements and forms of the pro-
phetic work were revived In "the Apostles and
Prophets " of the N. T., so also was this. More
distinctly even than in the O. T. it becomes the
medium through which men rise to see clearly
what before was dim and doubtful. In whieh the
mingled hope* and fears and perplexities of t'c
waking state are dissipated at once. Though dif-
ferent in form, it belongs to the same class of phe-
nomena as the Gut of Tononxa, and is c
• A fuller treatment of the whole sutusct than s
be entered on hen may be found In to* chastsr
La MjiHiquu In Usury, La Marie el FAttnlagie
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TRANSFIGUKATIOK
with " visions and revelation* of the Lord." In
mne eases, indeed, it ia the chosen channel for such
revelations. To the " trance " of Peter in the city,
where all outward circumstances tended to bring
the thought of an eipansion of the Divine kingdom
more distinctly before him than it bad ever been
brought before, we owe toe indelible truth stamped
upon the heart of Christendom, that God " is no
respecter of persons," that we may not call any
man " common or unclean " (Acta x., xi.). To the
•' trance " cf Paul, when his work for his own peo-
ple seemed utterly fruitless, we owe the mission
which was the starting-point of the history of the
Universal Church, the command which bade him
"depart .... far hence unto the Gentiles"
(Acts xxii. 17-91). Wisely for the most part did
that Apostle draw a veil over these more mysteri-
ous experiences. He would not sacrifice to them,
as others have often sacrificed, the higher life of
activity, love, prudence. He could not explain
them to himself. « In the body or out of the
body" he could not tell, but the outer world of
perception had passed away, and he bad passed
in spirit into -' paradise," into " the third heaven,"
and had heard " unspeakable words " (2 Cor. xii.
1-4). Those trances too, we may believe, were
not without their share in fashioning his character
and life, though no special truth came distinctly
out of thera. United as they then were, but as
they have seldom been since, with clear perceptions
of the truth of God, with love wonderful in its
depth and tenderness, with energy unresting, and
subtle tact almost passing into "guile," they
made him what he was, the leader of the Apostolic
band, emphatically the " master builder "of the
Church of God (comp. Jowett, Fragment on tke
Character of 8L Paul). E. H. P.
• TBAJJSFIGTJBATION. The event in
die earthly life of Christ which marks the culmi-
nating point in his public ministry, and stands mid-
way between the temptation in the wilderness and
the agony in Gethsemane. It is recorded, with very
sUgbt variations, by the Synoptists (Matt. xvii. 1-
13; Hark ix. 3-13; Luke ix. 28-38), but it omitted
by John, like many other events and miracles, as
oeing already known from the gospel tradition.
1. The place mentioned by the Evangelists is
an high mountain," probably in Galilee, where
the synoptical Gospels mainly move, and where the
events immediately preceding and succeeding oo-
eorrdd. The Lord was wont to withdraw to a
mountain for prayer (Matt. xiv. 93; Luke xxi. 37;
John vi. IS), and several of the greatest events in
the history of revelation, from the legislation on
Mount Sinai to the ascension from Mount Olivet,
took place on mountains. An ancient tradition,
first mentioned by Cyril of Jerusalem ( Calteh. xil.
16) about the middle of the fourth century, locates
the Transfiguration on Mount Tabor, tbe highest
in Galilee, which rises, like a truncated cone, 1310
Paris feet from the plain of Esdraelon, two hours
and a quarter south of Nazareth, with an unbroken
view to the surrounding country, and is often men-
tioned in the Old Testament (Judges iv. 6, 14, via
18; Ps. lxxxix. 19; Jer. xlvi. 18), though nowhere
In tbe New. This tradition gained soon almost
aniversal acceptance, while an earlier tradition,
which places the event on the Mount of Olives near
Jerusalem, stands isolated. It gave rise to the
building of enurches and monasteries on tbe sum-
nit of Tabor (" to correspond to the three taberna-
rBAHSFIOUBATIOir 831U
ales which Peter was not permitted to build"),
and to tbe designation of the festival of tbe Trans-
figuration in the Greek Church, as To Bafiiptoy-
There is no evidence in favor of this tradition, but
strong and decisive evidence against it ; for the
summit of Tabor was employed without intermis-
sion between the times of Autioclios tbe Great, 918
B. c, to the destruction of Jerusalem, A. D. 70, as
a fortification, and hence unfit for quiet seclusion
and meditation (Polybius v. 70, 6 ; Josephus, Ant,
xiv. 6, 3; B. J. i. 8, 7, ii. 90, 6, It. 18; oomp.
Hitter, Comparative Geography of Palestine, U.
313, Kng. trans.; Robinson, BibL Ret. Hi. 220-
225; Herzog, Encykl. art. Thnbor; Trench, S(wA
let in flit Gospels, p. 192). Modern commentators
and critics favor Mount Hermon, the highest
mountain-top in Gaulonitis, or one of the spurs of
the Anti-Libanus. Hermon is the highest of all tbe
Lebanon mountains, and is called Jebel ts-Sheikk,
or the Sheikh's mountain.
2. As to the time, the Transfiguration probably
took place in the night, because it could be seea
to better advantage than in daylight, and Jesus
usually went to mountains to spend there tbe night
in prayer (Luke vi. 12, xxi. 37, xxii. 39; Matt
xiv. 23, 24). The apostles were asleep, and are
described as hating kept themselves awake through
the act of Transfiguration (tuirtprtyop4io-arr*t,
Luke ix. 32), and they did not descend till the
next day (Luke ix. 37).
3. The actors and witnesses. Christ was the
central figure, the subject of the Transfiguration
Moses and Elijah appeared from the heavenly
world, as the representatives of the Old Testament,
the one of the Law, the other of Prophecy, to do
homage to Him who was the fulfillment of both.
They were the fittest persons to witness this an-
ticipation of the heavenly glory, not only on account
of their representative character, but also on ac-
count of their mysterious departure from this world ;
Moses having died on the mountain, as the rabbin-
ical tradition has it, " of tbe kisses of Jehovah," in
sight of the Holy Land, and out of sight of tbe
world; Ettjah having been translated alive from
earth to heaven on chariots of fire. Both had en-
dured, like Christ, a forty days' fast, both had been
on the holy mount in the visions of God, and now
they reappeared on earth with glorified bodies
" solemnly to consign Into his hands, once and for
all, in a symbolical and glorious representation,
their delegated and expiring power " (Alford).
The recognition of the heavenly visitors by tbe dis-
ciples was probably by immediate intuition, and
not by subsequent information.
Among the apostles, tbe three favorite disciples,
Peter, James, and Joh<- were the sole witnesses oi
the scene, as they were also of the raising of Jairns'
daughter and of tbe agony in Gethsemane. Peter
alludes to tbe event, in his second epistle (i. 16-18),
where he speaks of having been an eye-witness oi
the majesty of the Lord Jesus when be was with
Him on the holy mount and heard the heavenly
voice of the Father declaring Him to be his beloved
Son. John, the bosom friend of Jesus, probably
had in view this among other manifestations of his
glory when he testified : " We beheld his glory, the
glory as of the only begotten of tbe Father full of
grace and truth" (John I. 14). And his brother
James, as the protomartyr among the aposties, was
the first to follow Him into that glory, of which the
Transfiguration was a foretaste and a sure pledge.
4. The eve-it itself. The Transfiguration ec
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38:20 TRANSFIGURATION
trmntformation, or, as the German divines call it,
the glorification ( VtrklSnmg) consisted in a risi-
ble manifestation and effulgence of the inner glory
of Christ's person, accompanied bj an audible voice
from heaven declaring Him to be the Son of God
?n wtimn the rather is well pleased. The exprea-
jion used by Matthew and Mark, is that the Lord
was mettimoiphoud (/itreitopcptidn). Luke, who
wrote for Gentile readers, avoids this expression,
perhaps (at Trench suggests), on account of the
possible associations of the heathen mythology
which would so easily attach themselves to it in
the imagination of the Greeks, and he simply tells
■s " that the fashion of his countenance was altered
as He prayed " (ry<Vrro re eftoi rov wooraWov
mirrtv trepan)- But it was not only his counte-
nance which shone in supernatural splendor, even
"his raiment was whits and glistering," or as
Mark, with his characteristic fondness for pictur-
esque details, and borrowing one image from na-
ture, and another from man's art, says, it " became
shining, exceeding white as snow, such as no fuller
on earth can whiten them." We have analogies
in Scripture which may be used as illustrations.
When Moses returned from the presence of Jeho-
vah on Mount Sinai, the skin of his face shone (Ex.
xxxiv. 89-35), which circumstance Hilary calls a
figure of the Transfiguration. Stephen's face in
view of his martyrdom shone like the face of an
angel (Acts vL 15). The human countenance is
often lit up by joy, and the peace and blessedness
of the soul, in moments of festive elevation, shine
through it as through a mirror. In the case of
Christ, the Transfiguration was the revelation and
anticipation of his future state of glory which was
concealed under the veil of his humanity in the
state of humiliation. The cloud which overshad-
owed them was bright, or light-like, luminous (<w-
Tf u^j), of the same kind as the cloud at the ascen-
sion, or the clouds of heareu at the second advent
of Christ (Matt xxiv. 30; Mark xiil. 26; Luke
xxi. 27), and symbolised the pretense of God (Ex.
liv. 18, xix. 16; Is. xix. 1; Dan. vil. 13).
6. Different Explanation*. — The event is de-
scribed as a vision (Spapa, Matt. xrii. 9). Bat this
does not exclude its objective reality. It only
places it above the sphere of sense and ordinary
consciousness. It was partly an objective appear-
ance, partly a spiritual vision. The apostles saw
the scone "in spirit" (comp. Acts x. 10; 1 Cor.
xiv. 10; Rev. 1. 10). They were in an ecstatic
•'state of supernatural clairvoyance," so to speak,
"heavy with sleep," yet "keeping themselves
awake throughout;" and Peter did "not know
what he said," being only half conscious, overawed
with fear and wonder, delighted so as to desire to
hold fust this goodly state, yet •' sore afraid." (<i.)
The older orthodox writers describe it as a visible
manifestation ; some suppose that Moses and Elgin
appeared in their own bodies; others that Moses,
not yet having risen, assumed a foreign body re-
sembling his former body (so Thomas Aquinas).
(6.) The rationalists resolve the transfiguration into
a dream, or a meeting of Jesus with two secret dis-
■iples. (c.) Strauss represents it as a pure myth,
4 poetic imitation of the transfiguration of Moses,
Ex. xxiv. 1, xxxiv. 29 ff. (Retian, in his VU dt
lam, ignores the Transfiguration.) (d.) Ewald
: Gregory I. {Moral, nrll. 6): "In tranaflg-ata-
-•one quid blind ouam pasonecoools ultima gloria
kweuvtax "■
TRANSFIGURATION
regards it as a ran occurrence, but with mythical
embellishments. But the circumstantial agree-
ment of the three Evangelists who narrate the
event, its definite chronological date, its attraction
with what follows, and the reference to it by Peter,
one of its witnesses (2 Pet i. 16-18), as well as
the many peculiar traits to which no parallel caa
be found in the transfiguration of Moses, refute too
mythical hypothesis, and confirm the '•jitfrifflil
character of the scene.
6. The tiynificanrt of the Transfhruivtion. It
was, as already remarked, a visible revelation of the
hidden gbry of the person of Christ in anticinatioa
of his future state of exaltation, and at the asms
time a prophecy of the future glory of his people
after the resurrection, when our mortal bodies shall
be conformed to his glorious body (Phil. ill. 21).«
It served as a solemn inauguration of the history of
the passion and final consummation of his work on
earth. For, according to Luke's account, the ({«-
Sot, the exceum of Christ, i. e. especially his death,
the great mystery of the atonement for the sins of
the world, and the following resurrection sod re-
turn to the Father, was the topic of conversation
between the two visitors from the other world sod
Jesus. The event bears a relation to the history
of Christ's suffering, like that of bis baptism in
the river Jordan to his active ministry. On both
occasions he was brought into contact with repre-
sentatives of the Old Testament, and strengthened
for his course by the solemn approval of the voice
from heaven declaring him to be the well-beloved
Son of the. Father. The Transfiguration no doubt
confirmed the faith of the three favorite ditniples,
and prepared them for the great trial which was ap-
proaching. It took away from them, as Leo the
Great says (Sertn. xciv.), the scandal of the cross.
It furnishes also, to us all, a striking proof for
the unity of the Old and New Testaments, for per-
sonal immortality, and the mysterious intercom-
munion of the visible and invisible worlds. Doth
meet in Jesus Christ; he is the connecting link be-
tween the 0. and N T., between heaven and earth,
between the kingdom of grace and the kingdom of
gbry. It is very significant that, at the end of the
scene, the disciples saw no man save Jesus alone-
Moses and Ehjah, the law and the promise, types
and shadows pass away ; the gospel, the fulfillment,
the substance, Christ remains, tie only one who
can relieve the misery of earth and glorify our na-
ture, Christ all in all.
The Transfiguration hat given rise to one of the
greatest works of art ever concerted by the genius
of man, which is the best comment on this super-
natural event The picture under that name was
the last work of Raphael, and was carried to his
grave at his burial. He died of the Transfiguration
in his early manhood. The original is in St. Pe-
ter's at Rome, and has been multiplied in innumer-
able copies. It represents Christ soaring above tht
earth and swimming in glory, Moses with the tables
of the Law on one hand, Elijah on the other, the
three disciples with their characteristic features at
their feet, gazing in a half-dreamy state at tht
dazzling light; and beneath this scene of celestial
peace, the painter represents in startling contrast
the scene of the lunatic whose healing follows in
the gospel narrative. So in our Christian experi-
ence we mutt ever descend from the heights of fes-
tive joy, and the foretaste of heaven which is granted
as from time to time, to the hard work and misery
of daily life, until we attain to final rest sud to that
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TRAP
glory of the resurrection of which the Transfigura- 1
Hon it a nin pledge.
/.iterators. — Cooip the Commentaries on Matt,
xvii. 1-18, and the parallel parages, especially
Lang*, and an article on the Transfiguration in
Anhhlabop Trench's Stadia in Me Gotpelt, 1867.
The Transfiguration ia the subject of three of Biahop
UaVa Contemplations, bk. iv. 13, IS, 14. P. S.
• TRAP. [Htnrrmo.]
• TREASURE-CITIES. [Stobjb-citum,
Amer. ed.]
• TREASURY. In Hark xii. 41 (oomp.
Lake xxi. 1) it ia related that, ai Jesus " cat over
against the treasury" (careVorri too yaC<xpvXa-
rnlov) be our a certain poor widow who came and
threw in two mites; and in John viii. SO we read,
« These words spake Jesus in the treasuiy (if rat
ya(o<pv\a*i*>) as be taught in the Temple." Ac-
cording to the Hishna (SieiaUm, vi. 1 § 6) there
were hi the Temple 13 treasure-chaste for the re-
ception of gifts of money to be devoted to so many
special purposes, designated by the inscriptions
upon them. These were called "trumpets"
(rmCltP) either from their shape or from the
shape of the opening into which the contributions
were dropped. They are generally identified with
the ya{<xpvk4*M mentioned by Josephus (B. J. v.
5, $ 8), who speaks of the cloisters which sur-
rounded the Court of the Women [Temple, p.
8206 6], on the inside of its wall, as placed be-
fore them (of eras) If uerafb rmr wvKir iarh rov
rsfxevr freer eVrToafUtsW woo tw> ■yafxpuAa-
tcttf), and they may perhaps have been collectively
called " the treasury " in the passages of Mark
and Luke above referred to. In John viii. 20 it
would seem probable that the Court of the Women
is itself called "the treasury " because it contained
these repositories. Some, however (as Meyer,
Ewald, Holtxoiaiin, Grimm, Lex.), understand if
in this passage to mean simply at, near, .lose-
phus uses -yafoatuXdJcior in the singular, in refer-
ence to a treasury in the Temple, Ant. xix. 6, § 1.
The whole subject presents various questions which
we cannot here discuss. See especially Lightfoot,
Prospect of the Temple, ch. xix., and Chung.
Deead, ch. Ul. §} 1-4 ( Works, Pitman's ed., ix.
818 if, x. 208 ff.); Reland, Antiq. i. 8, §§ 14-16;
Winer, Reahoorterb. art. Tempei, ii. 583; Ebrard,
Wise. KriUd.ev. Gesch. p. 600 f. (3* Aufl., 1868);
with the notes of De Wette on Luke xxi. 1, and
Liloke and Godet on John vlil. 20. A.
* TREE, like treae in Anglo-Saxon, was often
tied in esily English in the sense of " wood " in
general, as •' veaseUs of Ire " (Chaucer), •• cupps of
N|" sod also specifically to denote something
made of wood, particularly a bar or beam, a mean-
bag still preserved in the compounds axle-tree,
t^Ms-tree, whipple-tree. It has the latter meaning,
vlth a special application, in several passages of the
A. V., e. g. Acta v. 80, " whom ye slew and hanged
on a tree," rather, " whom ye slew by banging him
an a cross," literally," on a beam of wood " (M t6-
aov); so Acts x. 89, xHL 29; Gal. Hi. 13. (See Dr.
Noyes's uote on Acts v. 80 in his TraneUxtion of
the If. T.) In like manner the Genevan version
reads, In reference to the pr oposed banging of Mor-
deoai, •• Let them make a tree of fifty cubits high "
(Bath. r. 14, eomp. vi. 4, vii. 9, 10); and th» ones
■ early RngUsh poetry is often called "Cristes
tas " (Chaucer), « Godrs Ire," " the holy rode tre,"
209
TRIAL
8821
or simply •' the tree," as in the A. V., 1 Pea. H.
24. Noah's ark is called in WycUfle s version of
Wisd. x, 4, "a dispisable tree," when the A. V.
reads " a piece of icood of small value" (LXX. «•>
rtXit tiKor)- A
TRESPASS-OFFERING. [Sw-orrxsv
iiro.]
TRIAL. Information on the subject of Mas
under the Jewish law will be found In the artksas
on Jddoes sod Sakhbdkih, and also in jBaoa
Christ. A few remarks, however, may ben ha
added on judicial proceedings mentioned in Scrip-
ture, especially suoh as were conducted before for
signers.
1. The trial of our Lord before Pilate was, in a
legal sense, a trial for the offense lasa majtst'itis;
one which, under the Julian Law, following out
that of the Twelve Tables, would be punishable
with death (Luke xxiiL 2, 88; John xix. 19, 16;
Dig. iv. 1, 8).
9. The trials of the Apostles, of St. Stephen,
and of St. Paul before the high-priest, wen eon-
ducted according to Jewish rules (Acts iv., v. 97,
vi. 12, xxU. 30, xxiii. 1).
A The trial, if it may be so called, of St. Pan!
and Silas at Philippi, was held before the duumviri,
or, as they are called, arparnyai, prestors, on the
charge of innovation in religion — a crime punish-
able with banishment or death (Acta xri. 19, 29;
Diet of Antiq. " Colonia," p. 318; Conybean and
Howson, i. 346, 365, 356).
4. The interrupted trial of St. Paul before the
proconsul Gallio, was an attempt made by the Jews
to establish a charge of the same kind (Acta xviii.
12-17; Conybeare and Howson, i. 492-496).
6. The trials of St Paul at (Jassarea (Acta xxiv.,
xxv., xrvi.) wen conducted according to Roman
rules of judicature, of which the procurators Fehx
and Festus were the recognized administrators.
(A.) In the first of these, before Felix, we observe
the employment, by the plaintiffs, of a Roman
advocate to plead in Latin. [Orator.] (a.) The
postponement (amplintio) of the trisl after St
Haul's reply (Diet, of Antiq. "Judex," p. 647,
(e.) The free custody in which the accused was
kept, pending the decision of the judge (Acta xxiv.
23-26). The second formal trial, before Festus,
was, probably, conducted hi the same manner as the
former one before Felix (Acts xxv. 7, 8), but it pre-
sents two new features: (a.) the appeal, appeUatio
or provoontio, to Cesser, by St. Paul as a Roman
citizen. The right of appeal nd popular), or to the
tribunes, became, under the Empire, transferred
to the emperor, and, as a citizen, St. Paul availed
himself of the right to which be was entitled, even
in the case of a provincial governor. The effect
of the appeal was to remove the case at once to the
jurisdiction of the emperor (Conybeare and How-
son, ii. 860; Diet, of Antiq. " Appellatio," p. 107;
Dig. xlix- 1, 4). (4.) The conference of the proc-
urator with " the council " (Acta xxv. 12). This
council ia usually explained to have consisted of the
sasessors, who sat on the bench with the pnetor as
conslliarii (Suet Tib. 33; Diet of Antiq. "Asses-
sor," p. 148 ; Grottos, On Acts xxv. ; Conybears
and Howson, ii. 868, 361). But besides the ab-
sence of any previous mention of any assessors (sea
below), the mode of expression rvA\eAf/cra< vers)
rov avfifiovXlov seems to admit the explanation of
conference with the deputies from the Sanhedrim
(r« oupfi. St Paul's appeal would probata? b»
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TRIBUTE
b the Latin language, and would require explana-
tion no the pari of the judge to the deputation of
accusers, before he carried into effect the inevitable
remit of the appeal, namely, the diamiual of the
eate to tar at they were concerned. [Appeal,
Amer. ed.]
6. We hare, lastly, the mention (Acts ziz. 88)
of a judicial assembly which held its session at Eph-
esus, in which occur the terms Inopaioi (»• «- tifii-
pat) tyorrai, and IwSAmrroi. The former denotes
the assembly, then sitting, of provincial citizens
forming the conventus, out of which the proconsul,
•XeVaror, selected " judical " to sit as his asses-
tars. The IwBirarroi would thus bo the judicial
tribunal composed of the proconsul and his asses-
sors. In the former case, at Cseaarea, it is difficult
to imagine that there could be any conventus and
any provincial assessors. There the only class of
men qualified for such a function would be the
Roman officials attached to the procurator; but in
Proconsular Asia such assemblies are well known to
hare existed (Diet, of Aniig. ■• ProrincJa," PP- 865,
966, 967).
Early Christian practice discouraged resort to
heathen tribunals in civil matters (1 Cor. vi. 1).
H. W. P.
TRIBUTE ( T a SfSpayjia: didraehma, Matt
aril. 94; irqtwor: census, ibtaL 35).
1. The chief Biblical facts connected with the
payment of tribute have been already given under
Taxes. A few remain to be added in connection
with the word which in the above passage is thus
rendered, inaccurately enough, in the A. V. The
payment of the half-shekel (— half-<tofer= two
drachma;) was (as has been said) [Taxes], though
resting on an ancient precedent (Ex. xxx. 13), yet,
in its character as a fixed annual rate, of late ori-
gin. It was proclaimed according to Rabbinic
rules on the first of Adar, began to be collected on
the 15th, and was due, at latest, on the first of Ni-
san (Mishna, Skekalim, i. f. 7; Surenhusius, pp.
960, 961). It was applied to defray the general
expenses of the Temple, the morning and evening
sacrifice, the incense, wood, shew-bread, the red
heifers, the scape-goat, etc. (SheknL I c. in Light-
foot, Hot. Htb. on Matt. xvii. 34). After the de-
struction of the Temple it was sequestrated by
Vespasian and his successors, and transferred to
he Temple of the Capitoline Jupiter (Joseph. B.
J. vil 8, § 6).
9. The explanation thus given of the "tribute"
ef Matt. xvii. 34, is beyond all doubt the true one.
To suppose with Cbrysostom, Augustine, Haldo-
natut, and others, that it was the same as the
tribute drijwrov) paid to the Roman emperor (Matt.
rodl. 17), is at variance with the distinct statements
of ilosephus and the Mishna, and takes away the
win ile significance of our Lord's words. It may be
questioned, however, whether the full significance
of those words is adequately brought out in the
popular interpretation of them. As explained by
roost commentators, they are simply an assertion
by our Lord of his Divine Sonahip, an implied
rebuke of Peter for forgetting the truth which he
bad so recently confessed (com p. Wordsworth, Al-
ford, and others) : " Then are the children (uio()
tree; " Thou hast owned me as the Son of the
Living God, the Son of the Great King, of the
Lord of the Temple, in whose honor men pay the
Temple-tribute; why, forgetting this, dost thou so
hastily make answer as if I were an alien and a
r ? True as this exegesis is in part, it fails
TRIBUTE
to account for some striking beta. (1., foe plural
not the singular is used — "then are tae children
free." The words imply a class of "sons" as
contrasted with a class of aliens. (3.) The words
of our Lord hers must be interpreted by his lan-
guage elsewhere. The "eons of the kingdom "
are, as in the Hebrew speech of the 0. T., those
who belong to it, in the apostolic language " heirs
of the kingdom " (Matt. viii. 12, xiii. 88; Jam. ii-
6; Rom. viii. 17), "sons of God," "children of
their Father in heaven." (8.) The words that
follow, " Give unto them for me and tie*," place
the disciple as standing, at least in tome degree, on
the same ground as his Master. The principle in-
volved in the words " then are the children free "
extends to him also. Payment is made for both,
not on different, but on the same grounds.
3. A fuller knowledge of the facts of the eats
may help us to escape out of the trite routine of
commentators, and to rise to the higher and broader
truth implied in our Lord's teaching. The Tem-
ple-rate, as above stated, was of comparatively lata
origin. The question whether the costs of toe
morning and evening sacrifice ought to be defrayed
by such a fixed compulsory payment, or left to the
free-will offerings of the people, had been a eon-
tested point between the Pharisees and Sadducees,
and the former hud carried the day after a long
struggle and debate, lasting from the 1st to the
8th day of Nisan. So great was the triumph in
the eyes of the wbole party, that they kept the an-
niversary as a kind of half festival. The Temple-
rate question was to them what the Church-rate
question has been to later Conservatives (.lost, Ge-
ichichte da Judentliumt, i. 918). We have to
remember this when we come to the narrative of
St. Matthew. In a hundred different ways, on the
questions of the Sabbath, of fasting, of unwashed
hands and the like, the teaching of our Lord bad
been in direct antagonism to that of the Pharisees.
The collectors of the rate, probably, from the nature
of their functions, adherents of the Pharisee party,
now come, half-expecting opposition on this point
also. Their words imply that he had not as yet
paid the rate for tbe current year. His life of con-
stant wandering, without a home, might seem like
an evasion of it They ask tauntingly, " Will he
aide, on this point with their Saddueee opponents
and refuse to pay it altogether? " The answer of
Peter is that of a man who looks on tbe payment
as most other Jews looked on it With no thought
of any higher principle, of any deeper truth, be
answers at once, " His Master will of course pay
what no other religious Israelite would refuse."
The words of bis Lord led him to the truth of
which the Pharisees were losing sight The offer-
ings of the children of the kingdom should be free,
and not compulsory. The Sanhedrim, by making
the Temple-offering a fixed annual tax, collecting
it at men collected tribute to Cesar, were lowering,
not raising the religious condition and chancier
of the people. They were placing every Israelita
on tbe footing of a *' stranger," not on that of a
'• son." The true principle for all such offerings
was that which St Paul afterwards asserted, fol-
lowing in his Master's footsteps, " not grudgingly
or of necessity, for God loveth a cheerful giver.*
In proportion to the degree in whieh any man
could claim the title of a Son of God, in that
proportion was be "free" from this forced exac-
tion. Peter, therefore, ought to have remembers!
that here at least, was one who, by his own oat*
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TKIBUTK-MONKY
as the Son of the Living God, waa iptt
facto exempted.
4. The Interpretation which hu now been given
jeadi ui to ue, in time worde, ■ precept a» wide
and far-reaching at the yet more memorable one,
" Render unto Caeaar the things that be Cesar's,
and onto God the things that be God's." The;
aondemn, instead of sanctioning, the compulsory
payment* which human policy has so often substi-
tuted for the "cheerful gifts" which alone God
lores. But the words which follow condemn also
the perversity which leads men to a spurious mar-
tyrdom in resisting such payments. " Lest we
should offend them .... give unto them for me
end thee.'* It is better to comply with the pay-
ment than to startle the weak brethren, or run
counter to feelings that deserve respect, or lay an
undue stress on a matter of little moment. In
such quarrels, paradoxical as it may seem, both
parties are equally in the wrong. If the quarrel
is to find a solution, it must be by a mutual ac-
knowledgment that both have been mistaken.
6. It is satisfactory to find that some interpret-
ers at least, have drawn near to the true meaning
of one of the most characteristic and pregnant
sayings in the whole cycle of our Lord's teaching.
Augustine ( Qpnttiontt EvangtL lxxr.), though
missing the main point, saw that what was true of
the Lord and of Peter was true of all (" Salrator
autem, cum pro se et Petro dari jubet, pro omnibus
exsolviase videtur"). Jerome (ad loc.) sees in the
words a principle extending in some form or other
to all believers (" Nos pro illius honors tribute non
reddimus, et yuan JUii Regit a vectigalibus im-
munee sumus"), though his words claim an ex-
emption which, if true at times of the Christian
clergy, has never been extended to the body of
Christian laity. Calvin, though adhering to the
common explanation, is apparently determined
chiefly by his dislike of the inferences drawn from
the other explanation by Papists on the one side,
and Anabaptists on the other, as claiming an ex-
emption from obedience in matters of taxation to
the civil magistrate. Luther (Aimot. in UaU. xvii.)
more boldly, while dwelling chiefly on the friendly
pleasantry which the story represents as passing
between the Master and the disciple," seizes, with
his usual acuteness, the true point. " Qui fit (this
is his paraphrase of the words of Christ) mi Petre,
at a te petant, cum sis Regis Alius. .... Vade
et seito nos tut in alio regno reget et JUiot regit.
Siuito illis suum regnum, in quo sumus hospitee.
.... Fitd rtgm tumut, sed non hujus regni
muiidani." Tindal (Afarg. Nate on Matt xvii.
W) in like manner, extends the principle, " So is a
Christian man free in all things .... yet payeth
he tribute, and submitteth himself to all men for
U* brother's sake." E. H. P.
TBIBTJTB-MONEY. [Taxis; Tbibut*.]
TBIP'OLIS (A. TofwoXu). The Greek name
sf a city of great commercial importance, which
•erred at one time as a point of federal union for
Vradus. Sidon, and Tyre. What its Phoenician
asm was is unknown ; but it seems not impossible
mat it was Kadytls, and that this wss really the
place captured by Neeo of which Herodotus speaks
fh. 159, iii. 6). Kadytis is the Greek form of the
Syrian Keduiha, "the holy," a name of which a
■ « aTs muss Ja sin Ms, frrandueh Uablich Oeaall-
ejkalt ssb aawest inttr Oritum a dixipulot mot."
TKIPOLIS
8828
relic still seems to survive in the KaMr-Katiuli, ■
river which runs through Tnrabluut, the inoderi
representative of Tripoiis. All ancient federations
had for their place of meeting some spot conse-
crated to a common deity, and just to the south
of Tripoiis wss a promontory which went by
the name of Btov rtpistntw. [Pbsiel, lii.
2407 6.]
It mi at Tripoiis that, in the year 351 B. c,
the plan was concocted for the simultaneous revolt
of the Phoenician cities and the Persian depend
enciee in Cyprus sgainst the Persian king Ochus.
Although aided by a league with Nectanebus king
of Egypt, this attempt failed, and in the sequel
great part of Sidon was burnt and the chief citi-
zens destroyed. Perhaps the importance of Trip-
oiis was increased by this misfortune of its neigh-
bor, for soon after, when Alexander invaded Asia,
it appears as a port of the first order. After the
battle of Issue some of the Greek officers in Da-
rius's service retreated thither, and not only found
ships enough to carry themselves and 8,000 soldiers
away, but a number over and above, which they
burnt in order to preclude the victor from an im-
mediate pursuit of them (Arrian, ii. 13). The
destruction of Tyre by Alexander, like that of
Sidon by Oobus, would naturally tend rather to
increase than diminish the importance of Tripoiis
as a commercial port- When Demetrius Soter, the
son of Sdeucus, succeeded in wresting Syria from
the young son of Autiochus (b. c. 161), he landed
there, and made the place the base of his opera-
tions. It is this circumstance to which allusion is
made in the oidy passage in which Tripoiis is men-
tioned in the Bible (2 Mace. xiv. 1). The pros-
perity of the city, so far as appears, continued
down to the middle of the 8th century of the
Christian era. Dionysius Periegetes applies to it
the epithet AijropV >n the 3d century. In the
Peutinger Table (which probably was compiled in
the reign of the Emperor Tbeodosius) it appears on
the great road along the ooast of Phoenicia; and at
Orthosia (the next station to it northwards) the
roads which led respectively into Mesopotamia and
Cilicia branched off from one another. The pos-
session of a good harbor in so important a point
for land-traffic, doubtless combined with the rich-
ness of the neighboring mountains in determining
the original choice of the site, which seems to hare
been a factory for the purposes of trade established
by the three great Phoenician cities. Each of these
held a portion of Tripoiis surrounded by a fortified
wall, like the western nations at the Chinese porta
But in A. D. 548 it wss laid in ruins by the ter-
rible earthquake which happened in the month
of July of that year, and overthrew Tyre, Sidon,
Berytus, and Byblus as well. On this occasion the
appearance of the coast was much altered. A hug*
portion of the promontory Theuprosopon (which in
the Christian times had its name, from motives of
piety, changed to Iithoproeopon) fell into the sea,
and, by the natural breakwater it uonstituted,
created a new port, able to contain a considerable)
number of large vessels. The ancient Tripoiis was
finally destroyed by the Sultan El Mansour in the
year 1389 A. D.; and the modern Tarahlau is
situated a couple of miles distant to the east, and
is no longer a port. El-Mt/na, which is perhaps
on the site of the ancient Tripoiis, is a small fish-
ing village. Tsrablous contains a population of
15,000 or 16,000 inhabitants, and is the centre of
on* of the four pashalica of Syria. It exports silk.
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TBOA8
I nl a w, gals, and oil, grown fa the fever parti
of the moimUin at the foot of which it stands;
and p e rib t m a, on a smaller scale, the part which
was formerly taken by Tripoli* at the entrepot for
the productions of a moat fertile region (Diod. Sic.
svi. 41; Strabo, xvi. e. 9; Voarina ad Mebun, L
19; Theophanea, Ckrm-grapUa, tub amu 6048).
J. W. &
TRO'AS (Tpmis). The ehy from which St.
Paul firat tailed, In eonaeqaenee of a Divine inti-
mation, to cany the Gospel from A«i» to Europe
(Acta xvi. 8, 11) — where be raited for a abort time
on the northward road from Epbema (daring the
next missionary journey), in the expectation of
meeting Titus (8 Cor. ii. 19, 13) — where on the
return southwards (during the same missionary
journey) he met those who had preceded him from
Philippi (Acts xx. 5, 6), and remained a week, the
done of which (before the journey to Assoa) was
marked by the raising of Eutychus from the dead
during the protracted midnight discourse — and
where, sfter an intern! of many years, the Apostle
left (during a journey the details of which are
unknown) a cloak and some books and parchments
fa the bouse of Carpus (9 Tim. iv. 13) — deserves
the careful attention of the student of the New
Testament.
The roll name of the city was Alexandre!* Trees
(lit. xxxT. 12), and sometimes it was called simply
Alexandre!*, as by Pliny (B. If. r. 38) aud Strabo
(xiii. p. 693), sometimes simply Troas (as in the
N. T. and the Ant. Jtm. See Wesseling, p. 834).
The former part of the name indicates the period
at which it was founded. It was. first built by
Antigonue, under the name of Antigoneia Troas,
and peopled with the inhabitants of some neigh-
boring cities. Afterwards it was embellished by
Lyaunachus, and named Alexandra* Troas. Its
situation was on the coast of Mtsia, opposite the
8. E. extremity of the island of Tenedos.
Under the Romans it was one of the most im-
portant towns of the province of Asia. It was the
chief point of arriral and departure for those who
went by sea between Macedonia and the western
Asiatic districts; and it was connected by good
roads with other places on the coast and in the in-
terior. For the latter see the map in Leake's Asia
Minor. The former cannot be better illustrated
than by St Paul's two royages between Troas and
Philippi (Acts xrL 11, 12, xx. 8), one of which
was accomplished in two days, the other in fire.
At this time Alexandreia Troas was a cuionia with
the Jut llalieum. This strong Roman connection
can be read on ita coins. The Romans had a pe-
culiar feeling connected with the place, in cooaa-
raence of the legend of their origin from Troy.
Suetonius tells us that Julius Cesar had a plan of
staking Troas the seat of empire (CVas. 79). It
■ay perhaps be inferred from the words of Horace
(Cam. iii. 3, 57) that Augustus had some such
dreams. And even the modern name EtU-Stambtml
(or " Old Constantinople ") seems to commemorate
the thought which was once in Constantino's mind
(Zbsim. ii. 30; Zonar. xiii. 3), who, to use Gibbon's
words, "before he gave a just preference to the
situation of Byrantinm, had concerted the design
• • An island called TrogvUlum lay off the coast
<f DM promontory of that name (Strabo, xtv. p. 696),
sad soma think thai to ba meant In Acts xx. 8. (See
*■ team's Hands, in alum OtogmpMr, IL 170.) The
aeas u a exeat laws bean a s a rs r so ■pbasos at Treajl-
TEOPHIMUB
of erecting the seat of empire on this celebratrV
spot, from which the Romans derived their fabulous
origin."
The rnfas at EtH-Stirmbtmt are considerable,
The most conspicuous, however, especially the ta-
mable of the aqueduct of Herodes Alliens, did not
exist when St. Paul was there. The walk, which
may repre s en t the extent of the city in the Apostle's
time, inclose a rectangular space, extending above
a mile from east to west, and nearly a mile from
north to south. That which possesses most interest
for na is the harbor, which la still distinctly trace-
able in a basin about 400 feet long and 900 broad
Descriptions in greater or less detail are guest by
Pococke, Chandler, Hunt (fa Wahwle'a Jfeamrs),
Clarke, Prokeseh, and Fellows. i. 8. H.
TROGYI/LIUM. Samoa [which see] is ex-
actly opposite the rocky extremity of the ridge of
Hycale, which is called TpmyiKktor in the N. T.
(Acts xx. 15) and by Ptolemy (v. 8), and Tesr-
ylXutr by Strabo (xir. p. 636). The channel is
extremely narrow. Strabo (I c) makes it about a
mile broad, and this is confirmed by our Admiralty
Charts (1530 and 1555). St. Paul sailed through
this channel on his way to Jerusalem at the close of
his third missionary journey (Acta, /. c). The
navigation of this coast is intricate; and it can be
gathered from Acts xx. 6, with subsequent notices
of the days spent on the voyage, that it was the
time of dark moon. Thus the night was spent at
Trogjllium." It is interesting to observe that a
little to the east of the extreme point there is an
anchorage, which is still called St. Pmft Port
J. S. H.
TROOP.BAND. These words have a pecufiat
signification in many passages of the O. T., which
is apt to be overlooked, and the knowledge of which
throws a brighter light upon them. They are em-
ployed to represent the Hebrew word "WTJ, attest,
which has invariably the force of an irregular body
of people, large or small, united not for the purpose
of defense or regular aggression, like an army, but
with the object of marauding and plunder. (See
Moab, vol. iii. p. 1983, note, where the term osuW it
examined.) In addition to the instances of ita oat
there named, it may be observed that our transla-
tors have in a few eaaes tried to bring ont its mean-
ing more strongly; as in 1 Chr. xii- 91, "band-of-
tbe-rovers; " Hoe. vi. 9, and vii. 1, •• troop-of-rob-
bsrs." G-
TROPH1MUS (Tpi+mn {fmttr~eMd]%
Of the three passages where thai companion of St
Paul is mentioned, the first associates him very
closely with Tremens (Acts xx. 4), and the hat
seems in some degree to renew the association, and
in reference to the same geographical district (I
Tim. iv. 90; see ver. 19), while the intermediate
one separates him entirely bum this eoraaKaoa
(Acts xxi. 29).
From the firat of these passages we lean that
Tvchicua, like Trophimus, was a native of AatA
(Ao-weO, and that the two were among those
companions who travelled with the Apostle in the
coarse of the third missionary journey, and during
part of the route which he took in returning Iron
limn oa the mainland than ha waa at Musts*, t
better harbor, however, or greater fadUty of Intra
coarse may have led him to prefer the man dtetae
place for his Interview with the Kpoorian elders.
B
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TROUGHS
Macedonia toward Syria Prom what we know
wncerniug the collection which was going on at
this time for the poor Christians in Judssa, we are
disposed to connect than two men with the business
of that contribution. This, as we shall see, sag'
goats a probable connection of Trophisms with an-
other circumstance.
Both ha and Tychlcus aoeompanied St. Paul
Aran Macedonia as far ss Asia &xpt rqt 'Aoiar
'. c), but Tychicus seems to have remained there
while Trophimus proceeded with the Apostle to
Jerusalem. There he was the innocent cause of the
tumult in which St. Paul was apprehended, and
worn which the voyage to Romp ultimate!; resulted
Certain Jews from the district of Asia saw the two
ChriaHsn missionaries together, snd mppottd that
Paul had taken Trophimus into the Temple (Acts
ni. 87-39). From this passage we learn two new
Casta, name!;, that Trophimus was a Gentile, and
that he was a native, not simply of Asia, but of
ErRKSOa.
A considerable interval now elapses, during
which we have no trace of either Tychicus or
Trophimus; but in the last letter written by St.
Paul, shortly before his martyrdom, from Rome,
he mentions them both (Tvx'Kor iWirrsiAa tit
"stysavr, 3 Tim. iv. 13; Tp&piftov iriKiwor iv
MtAffrei ao-Ssrovrra, ibid. 80). From the last of
the phrases we gather simply that the Apostle had
no long time before been iu the Levant, that
Trophimus had been with him, and that he had
been left in infirm health at Miletus. Of the
feather details we are ignorant; but this we may
say here, that while there would be considerable
difficulty in accommodating this passage to any
part of the recorded narrative previous to the voy-
age to Rome, all difficulty vanishes on the sup-
position of two imprisonments, and a journey in
the Levant between them.
What was alluded to above as probable, is that
Trophimus was one of the two brethren who, with
Titus, conveyed the second epistle to the Corin-
thians (3 Cor. viii. 16-21). The argument is so
well stated by Professor Stanley, that we give it in
his words: "Trophimus was, like Titus, one of
the few Gentiles who accompanied the Apostle; an
Kphfian, and therefore likely to have been sent
by the Apostle from Epbesus with the first epistle,
or to have accompanied him from Ephesus now; he
was, as ia implied of ' this brother,' • whose praise
was in all the churches,' well known; so well
known that the Jews of Asia Minor at Jeru-
salem immediately recognised him; be was also
•specially connected with the Apostle on this very
Mission of the collection for the poor in Judas.
lima far would appear from the description of him
in Aats zzL 39. From Acts xx. 4 it also appears
that he was with St Paul on his return from this
vary visit to Corinth" (Stanley's Corinthian; 3d
edit. p. «93).
The story in the Greek Henokgy that Trophimus
was) one of the seventy disciples is evidently wrong:
Isa legend that ha was beheaded by Nero's orders
h possibly true. J. 8. H.
•TROUGHS. [Foustaih; Welu]
•TROW (Luke zviL 9) belongs to the period of
a Trophimus was no doubt at Miletus on the xo»
(on recorded In Acts xx. 16-88, but It k most certain
■hat be was not left then. The theory also that lie
eas left there on the voyage to Borne is preposterous ;
xx the wind forced St. Paul's vessel to run direst from
TRUMPETS, FEaST 07 8325
our English version, ss synonymous with » think,"
" believe." It is from the A.-S. Ireiwian, to trust,
altered of course to (rotten in German. II. •
•TRUCE -BREAKERS. The Greek so
rendered (SoTrorooi) both in 3 Tim. Hi. 8 and Rom.
1. 81, means literally " without libations," and as
libations accompanied truces or treaties, •'with-
out truces," i. t. making no truces, and hence im~
pktcabi*. K. U. C. B
TRUMPET. [Corket.]
TRUMPETS, FEAST OF (TTyrtf-l OT\
Num. xxix. Is iyitpa ai/uurlaf. oVes dangorii et
(uonrtm; fl^W) )'TI?T, Lev. xxiii. 84: unyU-
ovm raKwIyyttp: tnbbatuM memorial* dtmt,m
tttnu tubit; in the Mishits TOtTn WVTi, "the
beginning of the year " ), the feast of the new moon,
which fell on the first of Tlsri. It differed from
the ordinary festivals of the new mot n in several
important particulars. It was one of the veven
days of Holy Convocation. [Feasts.] Instead of
the mere blowing of the trumpets of the Temple at
the time of the offering of the sacrifices, it was " s
day of blowing of trumpets." In addition to the
daily sacrifices and the eleven victims offered on the
first of every month [New Moox], there were
ottered a young bullock, a ram, and seven lambs of
the first year, with the accustomed meat-ofierings,
and a kid for a sin-ottering (Num. xxix. 1-6). The
regular monthly offering was thus repeated, with
the exception of one young bullock.
It is said that both kinds of trumpet were blown
in the Temple on this day, the straight trumpet
(!Tn?fcrj)and the cornet ("lplBJand TnjJ), and
that elsewhere any one, even a child, might blow a
cornet (Keland, iv. 7, 3; Carpzov, p. 436; Bath
Hath. i. 3; Jubilee, vol. ii. p. 1488, note c; Cob-
hkt). When the festival fell upon a Sabbath, the
trumpets were blown in the Temple, but not out of
it (Roth Hoik. iv. 1).
It has been conjectured that Ps. Ixxxi., one of
the songs of Asaph, was composed expressly for the
Feast of Trumpets. Tbe Psalm is used in the ser-
vice for the day by the modem Jews. As the third
verse is rendered in the LXX., the Vulgate r and the
A. V., this would seem highly probable, " Blow
up the trumpet in the new moon, tbe time ap-
pointed, on our solemn feast day." But tbe best
authorities understand the word translated neie
moon (npjD) to mean full moon. Hence the
psalm would more properly belong to the service
for one of tie festivals which take place at the full
moon, the Passover, or the Feast of Tabernacles
(Gesen. The*, s. v.; RosenmuUer and Hengsten-
berg on Ps. Ixxxi.).
Various meanings have been assigned to the
Feast of Trumpets. Maimonides considered that
its purpose was to awaken the people from their
spiritual slumber to prepare for the solemn humili
ation of the Day of Atonement, which followed it
within ten days. This may receive some counte-
nance from Joel ii. 16, '• Blow she trumpet ("lpSijfl
in Zion, sanctify a fast, caU a soleeaa assembly.''
the 8. W. corner of Asia Minos to- tbe * end of Crate
(Ants xxvU. 7). Ws mar add that when Trophimus
was left In atckaeas at Jauetas, whenever that might
be, he was within easy reach, of his hotDS-ttawta a
nmbmltku.il.
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4826
TRYPHENA
Bona here enpposed that it was intended to intro-
duce the seventh or Sabbatical month of the year,
which m especially holy because it waa the seventh,
and beeaoae it contained the Day of Atonement
and the Feast of Tabernacles (Fagins tn Let. xxiii.
34; Buxt Syn. JwL t. xxiv.). Phik and some
early Christian writers regarded it as a memorial
of the giving of the Law on Sinai (Philo, toL v. p.
46,ed.Tanch.i Basil, mPs. lxxxi.; Theod. Qua*,
xxxii in Lev.). Bnt there seems to be no sufficient
reason to rail in question the common opinion of
Jews and Christians, that it was the festival of the
New Year's Day of the civil year, the First of Tisri,
the month which commenced the Sabbatical year
and the year of Jubilee. [Jubilee, il. 1488 *.] If
the New Moon Festiral was taken as the consecra-
tion of a natural division of time, the month in
which the earth yielded the last ripe produce of
the season, and began again to foster seed for the
supply of the future, might well be regarded as the
first month of the year. The fact that Tisri was
the great month for sowing might thus easily have
suggested the thought of commemorating on this
day the finished work of Creation, when the sons
of God shouted for joy (Job xxxriii. 7). The Feast
of Trumpets thus came to be regarded as the anni-
versary of the birthday of the world (Mishna, Both
Bath. i. 1; Hupfeld, Dt FuL Utb. ii. 18; Bust.
Syn. JwL c xxiv.).
It was an odd fancy of the Rabbis that on this
day, every year, God judges all men, and that tbey
pass before Him as a flock of sheep pass before a
shepherd (Roth Bulk. i. 2). S. C.
TKYPHF/NA and TRYPHC/SA(T0ft>au»a
nal Tpvf)*Va [luxuriout: Vulg. Tn/piama and
Tryphotn] ). Two Christian women at Rome, who,
among those that are enumerated in the conclusion
of St. Paul's letter to that city, receive a special
salutation, and on the special ground that tbey are
engaged there in " laboring in the Lord " (Rom.
xvL IS). They may have been sisters, but it is
more likely that they were fellow-deaconesses, and
among the predecessors of that large number of
official women who ministered in the Church of
Rome at a later period (Euseb. Bitt. £ecL vi. 43);
for it is to be observed that they are spoken of as
at that time occupied in Christian service (t4j
Kowtieat), while tbe salutation to Penis, in the
same verse, is connected with past service (*jt<»
iitowlao-ty).
We know nothing more of these two sister-
workers of the apostolic time; but the name of
one of them occurs curiously, with other names
nuniliir to us in St. Paul's Epistles, in the apoc-
ryphal AcU of Paul and Thecla, There Try-
phena appears as a rich Christian widow of Anti-
och, who gives Thecla a refuge in her house, and
sends money to Paul for the relief of tbe poor. (See
Jones, On the Canon, ii. 371, 380.) It is impos-
sible to discern any trase of probability in this part
of tbe legend.
It is an interesting fact that tbe columbaria of
••Caesar's household" in the Vigna Codini, near
Porta 8. Sebnttiano, contain the name Tryphena,
M well as other names mentioned in this chapter,
Pbilologns and Julia (ver. 16), and also Ampliaa
var. 8). Wordsworth's Tour in Italy (1869), ii.
•78. J. S. H
TRYTHON (TpesWr r«ss*rfosis] ). A usurper
jf the Syrian throne. His proper name was Diod-
jsas (Strib. xvU 3, 10; Ape. Byr. «■•»), end the
T8EBAOTH, LOED OF
surname Tryphon was given to him, or, according
to Appian, adopted by him, after his accession u
power. He was a native of Cariana, a fortified
place in the district of Apamea, where he was
brought up (Sbrab. L c). In the time of Alex-
ander Basis he was attached to tbe court (App.
L c oovKos roV £<uriA«'o»r: Diod. Jr. xxl. ep.
HB11. But Gr. /room, ii. 17, <rrpanry6s, 1 Mace
xi. 30, ratr wops 'AA<{.); but towards the dose
of his reign he seems to hare joined in the con-
spiracy which was set on foot to transfer tbe crown
of Syria to PtoL Philometor (1 Mace. xi. 13; Diod.
L c). After the death of Alexander Baku be took
advantage of the unpopularity of Demetrius IL
to put forward the claims of Antkwhus VI., the
young son of Alexander (1 Mace. xi. 39; u. c.
146). After a time he obtained the supprrt of
Jonathan, who had been alienated from Demetrius
by his ingratitude, and the young king was crowned
(b. c. 144). Tryphon, however, soon revealed his
real designs on the kingdom, and, fearing the oppo-
sition of Jonathan, he gained possession of his per-
son by treachery (1 Mace. xii. 39-60), and after a
short time put him to death (1 Mace. xiii. S3).
As the way seemed now clear, he murdered AdU-
ochus and seized the supreme power (1 Mace. xiii.
31, 33), which he exercised, as far as he was able,
with violence and rapacity (1 Mace. xiii. 84). Hie
tyranny again encouraged the hopes of Demetrius,
who was engaged in preparing an expedition against
him (B. c 141), when he was taken prisoner (1
Mace. xiv. 1-8), and Tryphon retained tbe throne
(Just, xii vi. 1; Diod. Leg. xxxi.) till Antiochua
VII., tbe brother of Demetrius, drove him to Don,
from which he escaped to Orthosis in Phmnieia
(1 Mace. xv. 10-14, 87-39; b. c 139). Not long
afterwards, being hard pressed by Antiochua, he
committed suicide, or, according to other accounts,
was put to death by Antiochua (Strab. xiv. 6, S;
App. Syr. c. 68, 'Arrfoxot — «t«(V«i .... •*»
worst iroAAy). Josephus (Ant. xiii. 7, § 3) adds
that be was killed at Apamea, the place which he
made his headquarters (Strab. xvi. 3, 10). The
authority of Tryphon waa evidently very partial,
as appears from the growth of Jewish independence
under Simon Maccabeus; and Strabo describes him
as one of the chief authors of Cilician piracy (xiv.
3, 3). His name occurs on the coins of Akti-
OCH08 VI. [vol. i. p. 118], and he also struck onina
in his own name. [Aktiochus; Dkmkthius.J
B. F. W.
Com of Tr ypan s,
TRYPHCSA. |TBTPHKIIAandl'»TI>HOsU.]
• TSEITAOTH, LORD OF, it s> mens
exact orthography than Sabaotr, adopted in Boat.
ix. 29 and Jas. v. 4 from the Greek (<ra$a£»h
the form under which this title of Jehovah has
been already noticed In this Dictionary. We re-
call the subject here for the purpose of qualifying
the explanation given under the other head. It hi
said there to be applied to Jehovah simply ss " tot
leader and commander of the armies of the nation
who ' went forth with them ' (Ps. xliv. 9), anrt^ lee
i them to certain victory over the worshippers " el
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TUBAL
eke goai. It b unaa.iable that Uttaotk
Jenotea the national armies of Israel, and may aome-
(imes in connection with Jehovah (Lord of hosts)
designate thia army as God's host, which He leads
prth to victory against the enemies of his people
(see 1 Sam. xrii. 4ft). But such an application by
os meana exhauata Uw meaning of the term. It is
mad also of the sun, and moon, and stars, which
ire called Jehovah's "host," because they, too,
execute his will, and r ep resent so impressively his
aaajesty and power. Thus in Gen. ii. 1 it is said :
"The heavens and (he earth were finished, and all
the Atari of them." In Deut iv. 19 the Israelites
are warned against idolatry: " Lest thou lift up
thine eyes unto heaven, and when thou seest the
tun, and the moon, and the stars, all the host
of heaven," thou "shouldest be driven to serve
them," etc (see also xvii. 8). In various other
passages (2 K. xvii. lb, xxi. 3 ; 9 Chr. xxxiii. 8, 5 ;
Jer. xix. 13) the Chaldaaan worship of the stars is
described as that of bowing down or ottering in-
oaue to "the kott of heaven." It is not sur-
prising, therefore, that we should find the same
term applied to the heavenly inhabitants, angels,
seraphim, and other superhuman orders that sur-
round the throne of God, and are sent forth to do
his pleasure in heaven and on earth. Thus in 1
K. xxtt. 19 the prophet Micaiab says: " Hear thou
therefore the word of the Lord: I saw the Lord
(Jehovah) sitting on his throne, and all the host
of heaven standing by him; " and ver. ill: "And
there came forth a spirit (one of the host), and
stood before the 1-ord and said," etc That Jeho-
vah is styled " the Lord of hosts " with reference
to his supremacy as the sovereign of myriads of
angels as well as of men, is evident from the paral-
SEUsm of various passages. Thus in Vs. ciii. 20,
11 : '• Hess Jehovah, ye his angtU, that excel in
strength. Bless Jehovah, all ye bis hosts; ye min-
isters of his, that do his pleasure." Assuredly the
armies of Israel cannot be intended here, or the
stars which appear on the Dace of the heavens.
So in Pa. cxlviii. 9: " Praise ye him, all his angcU;
praise ye him, all his hotls." As to the existence
of such orders of superhuman beings, the angd-
ology of the O. T. agrees precisely with that of the
K. T. (see Luke ii. 13; Matt. xxvi. 63; Rev. xix.
14). [Ajkjklb.]
It is said under Sabaoth that the name is
found in the English Bible only in Rom. ix. 29 and
James T. 4. It is found in those passages because
the Greek Is Kupioj lafruit. It may be added
that in the Sept. translation of 1 Samuel and
Isaiah the expression is generally, " The Lord of
*«baoth;" while always in 2 Samuel, frequently
. i Jeremiah and throughout the Minor Prophets,
k Is Pomtolerator, " the Almighty "or "all-ruling."
b the Latin Vulgate "Sabaoth" appears in the
0. T. only in Jer. xi 20, while in the prophets the
asaal equivalent is Domimu txerciUmm and Dom-
ssaw or Dtta ti itmi m m in the Psalms. In Rom. ix.
» and James v. 4, the Vulgate follows the Greek
text. (On this topio see Prof. Plumptre in o'an-
sae Magazine, Deo. 1868; and (Ehler in Hereog's
BaU-EHCfk. viii. 400-404.) H.
TUBAL (bjrOT [set below]; b?^) In Gen.
c. 2; Ea. xxxiL 28, xxxix. 1: 9ofU\, except in
as, xxxix. 1, when Alex. *>o0sp [and xxviL 18,
TUBAL
3827
where Rom. 4, srostwaew, Alex, ra avurar-a]:
TlmbnL, bat in Is. lxvi. 19, lln&i). In the an-
cient ethnological tables of Genesis and 1 Chr.
Tubal is reckoned with Jaran and Meahech
among the sons of Japheth (Gen. x. 2; 1 Chr.
1. 6). The three are again associated in the enu-
meration of the sources of the wealth of Tyre;
Javan, Tubal, and Meshech, brought slaves and
copper vessels to the Phoenician markets (Ex. xxvii.
13). Tubal and Javan (Is. lxvi. 19), Meshech and
Tubal (Ea. xxxii. 98, xxxviii. 9, 3, xxxix. 1), are
nations of the north (Ea. xxxviii. 1ft, xxxix. 9)
Joeephos (Art. i. 6, § 1 ) identifies the descendants
of Tubal with the Iberians, that is — not, as Je-
rome would understand it, Spaniards, but — the
inhabitants of a tract of country, between the Cas-
pian and Eniine Sean, which nearly corresponded
to the modem Georgia. 1 This approximates to
the view of Bochart (Pkakg, iii. 19), who makes
the Moschi and Tibareni represent Meshech and
Tubal. These two Colchian tribes are mentioned
together in Herodotus on two occasions; first, ss
forming part of the 19th satrapy of the Persian
empire (iii. 94), and again as being in the army
of Xerxes under the command of Ariomardus the
son of Darius (vii. 78). The Moschi and Tibareni,
moreover, are "constantly associated, under the
names of Mutkai and Tu/idii, in the Assyrian in-
scriptions " (Sir H. Rawlinson in Rawlinson s Her.
L 636). The Tibareni are said by the Scholiast
on Apollonius Khodius (ii. 1010) to have been a
Scythian tribe, and they as well as the Moschi are
probably to be referred to that Turanian people,
who in very early times spread themselves over the
entire region between the Mediterranean and India,
the Persian Gulf and the Caucasus (Rawlinson,
Her. i. 686). In the time of Sargon, according
to the Inscriptions, Ambris, the sou of Khuliya,
was hereditary chief of Tubal (the southern slopes
of Taurus). He "had cultivated relations with
the kings of Musak and Vararat (Meahech and
Ararat, or the Moschi and Armenia) who were in
revolt against Assyria, and thus drew upon himself
the hostility of the great king" (ibid. i. 169,
note 3). In former times the Tibareni were prob-
ably more important, and the Moschi and Tibareni,
Meahech and Tubal, may have been names by
which powerful hordes of Scythians were known to
the Hebrews. But in history we only hear of
them as pushed to the furthest limits of their an-
cient settlements, and occupying merely a strip of
coast along the Euxlnc Their neighbors the
Chaldeans were in the same condition. In the
time of Herodotus the Moschi and Tibareni were
even more closely connected than at a Liter period,
for in Xenophon we find them separated by the
Macrones and Moesynoeci (Anab. v. 6, § 1; Pliu. ri.
4, Ac). The limits of the territory of the Tibareni
are extremely difficult to determine with any degree
of accuracy. After a part of the 10,000 Greeks
on their retreat with Xenophon had embarked at
Census (perhaps near the modem Kerammn Dert
Si), tbe rest marched along the coast, and sons
came to tbe boundaries of the Moesynoeci (Annb.
v. 4, § 9). They traversed the country occupied
by thia people in eight days, and then came to the
Chalybes, and after them to tbe Tibareni. The
eastern limit of the Tibareni was therefore about
80 or 90 miles along the coast W. of Ca
insets these Iberlaa* -f the east and
las libelant te haw bam a branch
at* this widely-spread Torantaa Dually. «no«ii »•
Hebrews as T*-ii < W*» j/W i. Gen. % 18).
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8828
TUBAJ^-UAIN
TWo days' march through Tlbarene brought the
Greek* to Cotyora (AnaO. v. 6, J 3), and they wen
altogether three day* in peering through the coun-
try (Diod- Sic. xiv. 30). Nov from C. Jasonium
to Boon, according to Arrian (Ptripl 16), the
distance M 90 stadia, 90 more to Cotyora, and 60
from Cotyora to the river Melanthius, making in
all a cout line of 2-10 atadia, or three days' march.
Professor Rawlinaon (Her. It. 181) conjecture! that
the Tibareni occupied the cout between Cape Yn-
soua (Jaaonium) and the River Melantbius (Melet
Irvuik), but if we follow Xenopbon, we must place
Boon as their western boundary, one day's march
from Cotyora, and their eastern limit must be
suught somj 10 miles east of the MtUt Irmnk,
perhaps not far from the modem Aptar, which it
H hours from that river. The anonymous author
of the Periplus of the Euiine says (33) that the
Tlbareni formerly dwelt west of Cotyora as far as
Polemonium, at the mouth of the J'vultman etas,
lj miles east of Fattih.
In the time of Xenopbon the Tibarmi were an
independent tribe (Anab. vii. 8, § 25). Long be-
fore Una they were subject to a number of petty
chiefs, which was a principal element of their weak-
nets, and rendered their subjugation by Assyria
more easy. Dr. Hindu (quoted by Kawlinson,
Bend. I. 380, note 1 ) has found as many at twenty-
four kings of the Tuplai mentioned in the inscrip-
tions. They are said by ApoUonitia Rbodius to
have been rich in flocks (Arg. ii. 377). The traffic
In slaves and vessels of copper with which toe peo-
ple of Tubal supplied the market* of Tyre (Ex,
xxvii. 13) still further connects them with the
Tlbareni. It ia well known that the regions bor-
dering on the Pontut Euxinus furnished the most
oeautiful slaves, and that the slave traffic wat an
extensive branch of trade among the Cappadooiant
(Porjrb. iv. 38, § 4; Hot. £p. L 6, 39; Pen. Sat
vi. 77; Hart Kp. vi. 77, x. 76, ia.). The copper
ef the Hoasynoeci, the neighbors of the Tibareni,
was celebrated as being extremely bright, and with-
out any admixture of tin (Arist Dt Mir. Autcuk.
p. 63); and the Chalybes, who lived between these
tribes, were long famous for their craft as metal
smiths. We mutt not forget, too, the copper-mines
ef Chalvar in Armenia (Hamilton, At. Mm. i. 178).
The Arabic Version of Gen. x. 9 gives Choraaan
and China for Meaheeh and Tubal; in Ensebius
(ate Boehart) they are IUyria and Tbessaly. The
sahnudisti ( Yoma, fbl. 10, S), according to Bo-
ahart, define Tubal at " the home of the Urnnd
OP^STM)," whom he it inclined to identify with
the Bunt (Phakg, Hi. 19). They may perhaps
take tbeir name from Oenoe, the modern Umelt, a
town on the south coast of the Black Sea, not far
from Cape Tasonn (Jasonium), and so in the im-
mediate neighborhood of the Tibareni. In the
Targnm of R. Joseph on 1 Chr. (ed. Wilkins)
SfWPl It given at the equivalent of Tubal, and
Wilkins renders it by Bithynia. But the reading
In this passage, as well at in the Targums of Jeru-
salem and of Jonathan on Gen. x., is too doubtful
o be followed at even a traditional authority.
W. A. W.
TU-BAIz-OATN fl$ bjW [sea below]:
i 9i0*X: y*tW-enta). The ton of Lameeh the
flalmte by his wife Zillah (Gen. Iv. 99). Ho is
taBed " a furbiaher of every cutting instrument of
topper and Iron." The Jewiah legend of later tiroes
TURPENTINE-TREE
him with his father's song. '• ' a
was blind," says the story as told by Raabi, <• and
Tubal-Cain was leading him; and be saw Can.,
and he appeared to him like a wild beast, to ha
told his father to draw his bow, and he slew him.
And when he knew that it waa Cain hit ancestor
be smote his hands together and struck hit tea
between them. So he slew him, and his wives
withdraw from him, and be conciliates them."
In this story Tubal-Cain ia the " young man " of
the song. Raahi apparently considers the name
of Tubal-Cain as an appellative, for he makes him
director of the works of Cain for makkg weapon
of war, and connects •• Tubal" with bsj^, tabbtt,
to season, and so to prepare skillfully. He appears
moreover to have pointed it ?3VI ( Mil, which
teems to have been the reading of the LXX. and
Josephus. According to the writer last mentioned
(Ant. i. 9, § 9), Tubal-Cain was distinguished fot
his prodigious strength and his success in war.
The derivation of the name is extremely obscure
Hasae (EnUleckmgeH, ii. 37, quoted by Knobet on
Gen. iv. 99) identifies Tubal-Cain with Vulcan;
and Buttmann (MftkaL i. 164) not only compares
these names, but adds to the comparison the TsA-
X'r«t of Rhodes, the first workers in copper and
iron (Strabo, xiv. 654), and Dwslinn, the demon
smith of the Scandinavian mythology. Gesenius
proposed to consider it a hybrid word, compounded
of the Pert. Jo*3, ttpal, iron slag, or scoria,
and the Arab. i^wtS, tnia, a smith; but this
etymology is more than doubtful. The Scythian
race Tubal, who were coppersmiths (Ee. xxvii. 18).
naturally suggest themselves in connection wits
Tubal-Cain. W. A. W.
TUBIE'NI (tovBtriPof, Alex. Tov/Jtuw: JV
Wanna). The " Jew* called Tubieni " lived about
Charax, 760 stadia from a stronciy-fortined eitj
called Caspis (9 Mace. xil. 17). They were donbt
Ires the tame who are elsewhere mentioned at firing
in the towns of Toubion (A. V. Tome), which
again it probably the asms with the Tob of the
Old Testament G.
* TUMULT, Hark v. 88. pWoujurmu.]
• TURBANS. fBoxxm.]
TURPENTINE-TREE (resistor, rsjMr
/3iv4oi: itrtbinlhut) occurs only once, namely, fat
the Apocrypha (Kcelus. xxir. 16), where wisdom is
compared with the '• turpentine-tree that stretchetb
forth her branches." The rtp4fin9ot or rtpiuveei
of the Greeks is the Pittncm ttrtbinthw, terebinth-
tree, common in Palestine and the East, supposed
by some writers to represent the iUk (rTvH) of
the Hebrew Bible. [Oak.] The terebinth, though
not generally so conspicuous a tree in Palestine as
some of the oaks, occasionally grows to a hurgs
size. See Robinson (B. H. ii. 892, 998), who tins
speaks of it ■• The Butm " (the Arabic name of
the terebinth) "ia not an evergreen, at often repre-
sented, but its small lancet- shaped leaves fall is
the autumn, and are renewed in the spring. The
flowers are small, and followed by small oral berries
hanging in dusters from two to fire Inches long
resembling much those of the vine when the traps*
are just set From incisions in the trunk there a
said to flow a sort of transparent balsam, eonati
toting a >*ry pure and fine specie* of lu.isntins
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TURTLE
with at, agreeable odor like citron or jessamit.e,
and a mild taste, and hardening gradually into a
transparent gum. In Palestine nothing seems to
be known or this product of the butm!" The
terebinth belcngs to the Nat. Order Jnacardiacea,
the plants of which order generally contain resinous
- W. H.
TURTLE
b820
PiUaaa UrebixUuu.
TURTLE, TURTLE-DOVE (~>VI, Or:
rpvy&v : (inter : generally in oonnectiou with
iTJV, ytnih, "dove"). [Dove.] The name is
phonetic, evidently derived from the plaintive cooing
of the bird. The turtle-dove occurs first in Scrip-
ture in Gen. xv. 9, where Abrain it commanded to
offer it along with other sacrifices, and with a young
pigeon (?J^3, g&tdl). In the Levities! law a pair
of turtle-doves, or of young pigeons, are constantly
prescribed as a substitute for those who were too
poor to provide a lamb or a kid, and these birds
were admissible either as trespass, sin, or bumt-
oflering. In one instance, the case of a Nazarite
having been accidentally defiled by a dead body, %
pair of turtle-doves or young pigeons were specially
enjoined (Num. vi. 10). It was in accordance with
the provision in f^ev. xii. 6 that the mother of our
Lord made the offering for her purification (Luke
if. 44). During the early period of Jewish history,
there is no evidence of any other bird except the
pigeon having been domesticated, and up to the
time of Solomon, who may, with the peacock, have
introduced other gallinaceous birds from India, it
fas probably the only poultry known to the Israel-
,.es. To this day enormous quantities of pigeons
Bra kept in dove cots in ail the towns and villages
•f Palestine, and several of the fancy races so famil-
iar in this country bare been traced to be of Syriar
yigin. The offering of two young pigeons must
tare been one easily within the reach of the poorest,
sad the offerer was accepted according to that he
bad, and not according to that he had not The
admission of a pair of turtle-doves was perhaps
s yet further concession to extreme poverty, for,
milks the pigeon, the turtle, from its migratory
tararr and timid diaper Ition, has never yet been
kept in a state of free domestication; but being
extremely numerous, and resorting especially to
gardens for nidification, its young might easily be
found and captured by those who did not even pos-
sess pigeons.
It is not improbable that the palm-dove (Turtur
jEyyptiacut, Temm.) may in some measure have
supplied the sacrifices in the wilderness, for it ii
found in amazing numbers wherever the palm-tree
occurs, whether wild or cultivated. In most of
the oases of North Africa and Arabia every tree is
the home of two or three pairs of these tame and
elegant birds. In the crown of many of the date-
trees five or six nests are placed together; and the
writer has frequently, in a palm-grove, brought
down ten brace or more without moving from his
post- In such camps as Elim a considerable supply
of these doves may hare been obtained.
From its habit of pairing for life, and its fidelity
for its mate, it was a symbol of purity and an ap-
propriate offering (corap. Plin. NuL flitL x. 52)
The regular migration of the turtle-dove and its
return in spring are alluded to in Jer. viii. 7, "Tha
turtle and the crane and the swallow observe the
time of their coming; " and Cant. U. 11, 12, " The
winter is past . . . and the voice of the turtle is
heard in our land." So Pliny, " Hyenie mutis,
a vera vocalibus;" and Arist Hut. An. ix. 8,
" Turtle-doves spend the summer in cold countries,
the winter in warm ones." Although elsewhere
(viii. 6) he makes it hibernate (<fm\ti). There is,
indeed, no more grateful proof of the return of
spring in Mediterranean countries than the voice
of the turtle. One of the first birds to migrate
northwards, the turtle, while other songsters are
heard chiefly in the morning, or only at intervals,
immediately on its arrival pours forth from every
garden, grove, and wooded hill its melancholy yet
soothing ditty, unceasingly from early dawn till
sunset. It is from its plaintive note doubtless that
David in Ps. lxxir. 19, pouring forth his lament to
God, compares himself to a turtle-dove.
From the abundance of the dove tribe and their
importance as an article of food, the ancients dis-
criminated the species of Columbida more accu-
rately than of many others. Aristotle enumerates
five species, which are not all easy of identification,
as but four species are now known commonly to
inhabit Greece. In Palestine the number of species
is probably greater. Besides the rock-dove (Co-
lumbt livin, L.), very common on all the rocky
parts of the coast and in the inland ravines, where
it remains throughout the year, and from which
all the varieties of the domestic pigeon are derived,
the ring-dove (Columba palumbtu, L.) frequents all
the wooded district* of the country. The stock-
dove ( Columba anas, L.) is as generally, but mora
sparingly distributed. Another species, allied either
to this or to Columba Uvia, has been observed In
the valley of the Jordan, perhaps Col. kuconota,
Vig. See Ibit, vol. i. p. 35. The turtle-dove ( Turtur
auritut, L.) is, as has been stated, most abundant,
and in the valley of the Jordan an allied species,
the palm-dove, or Egyptian turtle ( Turtitr JEgyp-
tiacut, Temm.), is by no means uncommon. This
bird, most abundant among the palm-trees in Egypt
and North Africa, is distinguished from the com-
mon turtle-dove by its ruddy chestnut color, its long
tail, smaller size, and the absence of the collar en
the neck. It does not migrate, but from the sim-
ilarity of its note and habits, it is not probable that
it was distinguished by the ancients. The large
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TUTORS
Indian turtle (Turtur gelatta, lemm.) ha* also
Men stated, though without authority, to occur in
Palestine. Other species, u the well known col-
awed dove (Turtur ritoria, L.) have been incor-
rectly included as native* of Syria. H.B.T.
Turtur Mfyptiaau.
• TUTORS, only in Gal. iv. 2, the translation
rf twhpoxot, more properly rendered "guardians."
It denote* those to whom a charge ii committed,
in this instance that of guardian or overseer of
children who are the heirs of property, while the
associated term oucori/iot (ingles out those among
the overseers who regulate the pecuniary affairs of
the estate. The better sense of the latter term is
•stewards" and not •'governors" (A. V.). 8ee
especially Wieseler, Uibtr den Br. <m die O'alnUr,
p. 326. The A. V. follows the antecedent English
rersiou*, except Wycliffes. See Remark* on Reu-
itringt, ete., BiU. Snero, xxii. 139. H.
TYCHICUS (Ti X uni [fortuitou*]). A com-
panion of St. l'aul on some of his journeys, and one
of his fellow-laborers in tlie work of the Gospel.
Je is mentioned in five separate books of the New
Testament, and in four cases explicitly, in the fifth
rery probably, be is connected with the district of
Asia. (1.) In Acts xx. 4, he appears as one of those
arbo aooompanied the Apostle through a longer or
•Sorter portion of his return-journey from the third
missionary circuit. Here be is expressly called
(wit! Trophimus) 'Ao-uvof ; but while Trophimu*
went with S P-uil to Jerusalem (Acts xxi. 29),
INcheus wu k£ behind in Asia, probably at
Miletus (Acts xx. 15, 38). (2.) How Tychicus was
•iployed in the interval before St. l'aul's first im-
resonmentwe cannot tdl: but in that imprison-
ment he was with the Apostle again, as we see from
Col. iv. 7, 8. Here he is spoken of, not only as
" a beloved brother," but as "a faithful minister
UKi fellow servant in the Lord ; " and be is to make
known to the Coloasians the present circumstances
3f the Apostle ( T « a-arWu* rirra ymplm), and
U> hring coiufort to the Coloasians themselves (JVu
vapoicaAfVp t4i Kapttat u/xwr)- From this we
piker that diligent service and warm Christian
TYRANHTTS
sympathy were two features of tx life and char-
acter of Tychicus. Coloaue was in Asia; but from
the fact that of Onesimus, who is mec timed im-
mediately afterwards, it is said, f t imv if vpmr
whereas Tychicus is not so styled, we naturally in-
fer that tie latter was not a native of that city.
These two men were doubtless the bearers both of
this letter and the following, as well ss that tc
Philemon. (3.) The language concerning Tychicus
in Eph. t. 21, 22, is very similar, though not ex-
actly in the same words. And it is the more im-
portant to notice this passage carefully, because it
is the only personal allusion in the epistle, and is
of some considerable value as a subsidiary argument
for its authenticity. If this wu a circular letter,
Tychicus, who bore a commission to Coloem, and
who was probably well known in various parts of
the province of Asia, would be a very proper person
to see the letter duly delivered and read. (4.) The
next references are in the Pastoral Epistles, the first
in chronological order being Tit. iii. 12. Here St.
Paul (writing possibly from Epbeaua) says that it
is probable he may send Tychicus to Crete, about
the time when he himself goes to Nicopolis. (S. ) In
2 Tim. iv. 12 (written at Rome during the second
imprisonment) he says, " I am herewith sending
Tychicus to Ephesus." At least it seem* natural,
with Dr. Wordsworth, so to render as-tTrrsiAo,
though Bp. Ellicott's suggestion is also worth con-
sidering, that this mission may have been connected
with the carrying of the jirtt epistle. (See their
notes ou the passage.) However this may be, we
see this disciple at the end, as we saw him at the
beginning, connected locally with Asia, while also
cooperating with St Paul. We have no authentic
information concerning Tychicus in any period
previous to or subsequent to these fire Scriptural
notices. The tradition which places him afterward*
as bishop of Chalcedon in Bithynia is apparently
of no value. But there is much probability in the
conjecture (Stanley's Corinthian*, 2d ed. p. 493)
that Tychicus wsa one of the two "brethren"
(Trophimus being the other) who were associated
with Titus (2 Cor. viii. 16-24) in conducting the
business of the collection for the poor Christian* in
Judges. As argument* for this view we may men-
tion the association with Trophimus, the probability
that both were Epbeaians, the occurrence of both
names in the Second Epistle to Timothy (see 2 Tim.
iv. 20), the chronological and geographical agree-
ment with the circumstance* of the third missionary
journey, and the general language used concerning
Tychicus in Coloasians and Epbesians. [Asia;
Ephesus; Trophimus.] J. 8. H.
TYRAN-NUS (Tipurwt [detpot, tmnmt)).
The name of a man in whose school or place of
audience Paul taught the Gospel for two years,
during his sojourn at Epbesus (see Acts xjx. 9).
The halls or rooms of the philosophers were called
irxeAai among the later Greeks (Uddel) and Scott.
s. v.); and a* Luke applies that term to tbe a—
ditarium in this instance, the presumption is that
Tyrannus himself wsa a Greek, and a pubUe teacher
of philosophy or rhetoric He and Paal must have
occupied the room at different boon; but whetbt*
be hired it out to the Christian* or gave to then
the use of it (ui either case he must hare bees
friendly to them) is left uncertain. Meyer is dis-
posed to consider that Tyrannus was a Jewish rabbi
and the owner of a private aynagogw or house fat
teaching (tt??1? rfg). But, In the iW pavM
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TTRK
lb Greek nunc, and the fact thai he n not men- 1
Honed aa a Jew or proselyte, disagree with that
supposition ; and, In the aeoond place, aa Paul re- !
paired to this man's school after baring been com-
pelled to leave the Jewish synagogue (Acts xix. 9),
k is evident that he took this coarse as a means :
of gaining access to the heathen ; an object which
he would naturally seek through the cooperation of
one of their own number, and not by associating
himself with a Jew or a Gentile adherent of the
Jewish faith. In speaking of hiin merely as a cer- !
tain Tyrannua (Tupayyou rty6t), Luke indicates
certainly that he was not a believer at first ; though
it is natural enough to think that he may have
become such as the result of his acquaintance with
the Apostle. Hemsen (Der Apotiti Pauhu, p. S18)
throws out the idea that the hall may have be-
longed to the authorities of the city, and have
derived its name from the original proprietor.
H. a H.
TTBE ("ITS, "iS, I e. Tttrs Tipos- Tgnu:
Josh. xix. 29 [01 Topioi] ; 2 Sam. zxiv 7 ; Is. xxiii. 1 ;
Ez. xxvl. 15,xxvii. 2, Ac.)- A celebrated commercial
city of antiquity, situated in Phoenicia, on the east-
ern coast of the Mediterranean Sea, in latitude 330
17' N. (Admiral Smythe's Mediterranean, p. 469).
Its Hebrew name " Tzor " signifies a rock ; which
well agrees with the site of Sir, the modern town,
on a rocky peninsula, formerly an island. From
the word " Tzor " were derived two names of the
city, in which the first letters differed from each
other, though both bad a feature of their common
parent: 1st, the Aramaic word Turn, whence the
Greek word Turos, probably pronounced Tyros,
which finally prevailed in Ijitin, and with slight
changes, in the modem languages of the West;
and, Sdly, Sara, or Sam, which occurs in Plautus
(7Yuc. 11. 6, 58, " purpuram ex Sari tibl attuli"),
and which is familiar to scholars through the well-
known line of Virgil, " Ut gemma bibat, et Sarrano
dormiat ostro" (Georg. ii. 506; comp. Aul. Gell.
xiv. 6; Silius Italicus, xv. 203; Juvenal, x. 80).
According to a passage of Probua (ad Virg. Georg.
ii. 115), as quoted by Mr. Grote (ffittorg of Greece,
863), the form "Sara" would seem to have
recurred in one of the Greek epics now lost, which
-assed under the name of Homer. Certainly, this
form accords best with the modem Arabic name
of Sir.
Palxttbvs, or Old Tyre. There is no doubt
that, previous to the siege of the city by Alexander
the Great, Tyre was situated on an island ; but,
according to the tradition of the inhabitants, if we
may believe Justin (xi. 10), there was a city on the
mainland before there was a city on the island ;
and the tradition receives some color from the name
of Palsstyrus, or Old Tyre, which was home in
Greek times by a city on the continent, 30 stadia
to the south (Strabo, xil. 11, 24). But a difficulty
arises in supposing that Pahetyrus was built before
Tyre, aa the word Tyre evidently means " a rock,"
and few persons who have visited the site of
Pahetyrus can seriously suppose that any rock on
the surface there can have given rise to the name.
To escape this difficulty, Hengstenberg makes the
TTBB
8331
suggestion that Pahetyrus meant Tyre that formerly
existed; "qua? quondam fuit; " and that the name
was introduced after the destruction of the greater
part of it by Nebuchadnezzar, to distinguish it from
that part of Tyre which continued to be in exist
ence (De rebut Tyrionun, p. 26). Movers, justly
deeming this explanation unlikely, suggests that the
original inhabitant* of the city en the mainland
possessed the island as part of their territory, and
named their city from the characteristic features of
the island, though the island Iteelf was not then
inhabited (Dni PhSnixitcke AUerlhum, vol. U. pt.
i. p. 173). This explanation is possible; but other
explanations are equally possible. Fur example, the
Phoenician name of it may have been the Old City)
and this may have been translated " Pahetyrus "
in Greek. Or, if the inhabitants of the mainland
migrated to the island, they may afterwards, at
some time or other, have given to the city which
they left the name of Old Tyre, without its being
necessarily implied that the city had ever borne
simply the name of Tyre. Or some accidental cir-
cumstance, now beyond the reach of conjecture,
may have led to the name; just as for some unac-
countable reason Roma Vecchia, or Old Rome, is
the name given in the Roman Campagna (as is
stated on the high authority of Mr. II. E. Bun-
bury) to ruins of the age of Caracalla situated be-
tween the roads leading to Frascati and Albano,
although there are no traces there of any Old Town,
and there is not the slightest reason to suppose
that there is any historical foundation whatever for
the name. And this again would tally with Mr.
Grote'a remark, who observes (/. c. ) that perhaps
the Phoenician name which the city on the main-
land bore may hare been something resembling
Pahe-Tyrus in sound but not coincident in mean-
ing. It is important, however, to bear in mind
that this question regarding Pahetyrus is merely
archaeological, and that nothing in Biblical history
is affected by it Nebuchadnezzar necessarily be-
sieged the portion of the city on the mainland, as
he had no vessels with which to attack the island ;
but it is reasonably certain that, in the time of
Isaiah and Ezekiel, the heart or core of the city was
on the island. The city of Tyre was consecrated
to Hercules (Melkarth) who was the principal object
of worship to the inhabitants (Quintus Curtius, iv.
2; Strabo, xvt. p. 757); and Arrian in his History
says that the temple on the island was the most
ancient of all temples within the memory of man-
kind (it 16). It cannot be doubted, therefore, that
the island had long been inhabited. And with this
agree the expressions as to Tyre being " in the
midst of the seas " (Ez. xxvii. 25, 26); and even
the threat against it that it should be made like
the top of a rock to spread nets upon (see Dee
Vignolee' Ckronologie de tfftttoire Sninte, Berlin,
1738, vol. ii. p. 25). As, however, the space on
the island was limited, it is very possible that the
population on the mainland may have exceeded the
population on the island (see Movers, /. c. p. 81).
Whether built before or later than Palsstyrus,
the renowned city of Tyre, though it laid claims to
a very high antiquity' (la. xxiii. 7; Herodot. ii.
14; Quintus Curtius, iv. 4), is not mentioned either
■ According to Herodotus, the priests at Tyre told' founded on Menandar's history, that It was founded
aim that their city had been founded 2,800 yearn be- 230 years before the oommeneement of the building
l his visit. Supposing he was at Tyre Id 460 B. c,
sols would make the date of Its foundation 2,750 s. c.
ft ssphns makes the more sober statement, probably
of Solomon's temple. Under any circumstances, Jo-
MDhus could not, with his Ideas and chronology, have
accepted the data of the Tyrian priests ; for then Tyn
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8882 TYBE
In the Iliad or in the Odyssey; but no Inference
can be legitimately drawn from this fact si to the
existence or non-existence of the city at the time
when tboae poems were oompoaed. The tribe of
Cansanrtes which inhabited the amall tract of coun-
try which may be called Phoenicia Proper [Pro-
xicia] was known by the generic name of Sidonians
(Judg. zriil. 7; It. xxiii. 3, 4, IS; Josh. xiii. 6;
Ea. xxziL 30); and this name undoubtedly included
Tyrians, the inhabitant* being of the same race,
and the two cities being less than 30 English miles
distant from each other. Hence when Solomon
sent to Hiram king of Tyre for cedar-trees out of
Lebanon to be hewn by Hiram's subjects, he re-
ctads Hiram that " there is not among us any
that can skill to hew timber like the Sidonians "
(1 K. v. 6). Hence Virgil, who, in his very first
mention of Carthage, expressly states that it was
founded by colonists from Tyre (ASn. 1. 12), after-
wards, with perfect propriety and consistency, calls
It the Sidonian city (JSn. i. 677, 678, ir. 645. See
Drs Vignolea, I c. p. 26). And in like manner,
when Sidonians ire spoken of in the Homeric
Poems (IL ri. 290, xxiil. 743; (U. W. 84, xvli. 424),
this might comprehend Tyrians; end the mention
of the city Sidon, while there is no similar mention
of Tyre, would be fully accounted for — if it were
necessary to account for such a circumstance at all
in a poem — by Sidon's having been in early times
more flourishing than Tyre. It is worthy, likewise,
of being noted, that Tyre is not mentioned in the
Pentateuch; but here, again, though an inference
may be drawn against the importance, no inference
■an be legitimately drawn against the existence, of
Tyre in the times to which the Pentateuch refers.
Id the Bible, Tyre is named for the first time in
the book of Joshua (xix. 29), where it is adverted
to as a fortified city (in the A. V. " the strong
city''), in reference to the boundaries of the tribe
of Asher. Nothing historical, however, turns upon
this mention of Tyre; for it is indisputable that the
tribe of Asher never possessed the Tyrian territory.
According to the injunctions of the Pentateuch,
indeed, all the Canaanitisb nations ought to have
been exterminated ; but, instead of this, the Israel-
ites dwelt among the Sidonians or Phoenicians, who
were inhabitants of the land (Judg. i. 31, 82), and
never seem to have had any war with that intel-
ligent race. Subsequently, in a passage of Samuel
(3 Sam. xxiv. 7), it is stated that the enumerators
of the census in the reign of David went in pur-
suance of their mission to Tyre, amongst other
cities, which must be understood as implying, not
that Tyre was subject to David's authority, but
merely that a census was thus taken of the Jews
resident there. But the first passages in the He-
brew historical writings, or in ancient history gen-
arally, which afford glimpses of the actual condition
of Tyre, are in the book of Samuel (2 Sam. r. 11),
hi connection with Hiram king of Tyre sending
aedar-wood and workmen to David, for building
Sim a palace; and subsequently in the book cf
tings, in connection with the building of Solomoi.'B
temple. One point at this period U particularly
would bars been founded before the era of the Deluge.
Bee an instructive passage ss to the chronology of
losephna In Ant. Till. 8, $ 1.
« It may be IntenetlDg to compare the distance
from which the limestone wsa brought with which St.
Paul's Oathedial waa built. It wsa hewn from quar-
ries In the Isle of Portland, and was sent to J ^n^n
TYRE
worthy of attention. In contradistinction from ai
the other most celebrated independent cotnmerciai
cities out of Phoenicia in the ancient and modem
world, Tyre was a monarchy and not a republic ,
and, notwithstanding its merchant princes, who
might have been deemed likely to favor the estab-
lishment of an aristoeratical commonwealth, it con-
tinued to preserve the monarchical form of govern-
ment until its final loss of independence. Another
point Is the skill in the mechanical arts which seem*
to have been already attained by the Tyrians.
Under this head, allusion is not specially made to
the excellence of the Tyrians in felling trees ; for,
through vicinity to the forests of Lebanon, they
would as naturally have become skilled in that art
as the backwoodsmen of America. But what is
peculiarly noteworthy is that Tyrians had become
workers in brass or copper to an extent which
implies considerable advancement in art. In the
enumeration of the various works in brass executed
by the Tyrian artists whom Solomon sent for, then
are lilies, palm-trees, oxen, lions, and cherubim
(1 K. vii. 18-45). The manner in which the cedar-
wood and fir-wood waa conveyed to Jerusalem is
likewise interesting, partly from the similarity of
the sea voyage to what may commonly be teen on
the Rhine at the present day, and partly as giving
a vivid idea of the really short distance between
Tyre and Jerusalem. The wood was taken in floats
to Joppa (3 Cbr. ii. 16; 1 K. v. 9), a distance of
less than 74 geographical miles. In the Mediter-
ranean during summer there sre times when this
voyage along the coast would have been perfectly
safe, and when the Tyrians might have reckoned
confidently, especially at night, on light winds t*
fill the sails which were probably used on such
occasions. From Joppa to Jerusalem the distance
was about 33 miles ; and it is certain that by this
route the whole distance between the two celebrated
cities of Jerusalem and Tyre was not mora than
106" geographical, or about 122 English miles.
Witbiu such a comparatively short distance (which
by land, in a straight line, wsa about 20 miles
shorter) it would be easy for two sovereigns to
establish personal relations with each other; more
especially as the northern boundary of Solomon's
kingdom, in one direction, was the southern bound-
ary of Phoenicia. Solomon and Hiram may fre-
quently have met, and thus laid the foundations of
a political alliance in personal friendship. If by
messengers they sent riddles and problems for each
other to solve (Joseph. Ant viii. 5, § 3; c Apia*.
i. 17), they may previously have had, on several
occasions, a keen encounter of wits in convivial in-
tercourse. In this way, likewise. Solomon may have
become acquainted with the Sidonian women who,
with those of other nations, seduced him to Poly-
theism and the worship of Astarte in his old age.
Similar remarks apply to the circumstances which
may have occasioned previously the strong afieetnu
of Hiram for David (1 K. v. 1).
However this mar be, it is evident that under
Solomon there was a close alliance between toe He-
brews and the Tyrians. Hiram supplied Solomon
round the North Foreland up the river Thames. The
distance to London tn a strairht line from the Norte
Foreland alone is of itself about twelve miles greets!
than from Tyre to Joppa ; while the distance from to*
Isle of Portland to the North Foreland Is aetuaU*
three tunes as great
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TYBB
■rith «edir wood, precious metals, and workman,
ud gate him sailors for the voyage to Ophir and
India, while on the other hand Solomon gave Hiram
luppliea of corn and oil, ceded to him »me cities,
and permitted dim to make me of aome havens on
the Red Sea (1 K. ix. 11-14, 28-28, z. 22). These
friendly relation! survived for a time the disastrous
secession of the Ten Tribes, and a century later
Ahab married a daughter of Ethbaal, king of the
Sidooians (1 K. zvi. 31), who, according to Menan-
der (Jossphna, Ant. viii. 13, j 2), was daughter of
Ithobal, king of Tyre. As she was zealous for her
national religion, she seems to have been regarded
as an abomination by the pious worshippers of
Jehovah ; but this led to no special prophetical
denunciations against Tyre. The case became dif-
ferent, however, when mercantile cupidity induced
toe Tyriana and the neighboring Phoenicians to buy
Hebrew captives from their enemies and to sell
them as slaves to the Greeks [Phcrxicians, ili.
2518 6] and Edomite*. From this time commenced
denunciations, and, at first, threats of retaliation
(Joel iii. 4-8; Amos I. 9, 10); and indeed, though
there might be peace, there could not be sincere
friendship between the two nations. But the like-
lihood of the denunciations being fulfilled first arose
from the progressive conquests of the Assyrian
monarch*. It was not probable that a powerful,
victorious, and ambitious neighbor could resist the
temptation of endeavoring to subjugate the small
strip of land between the Lebanon and the sea, so
insignificant in extent, but overflowing with so much
wealth, which by the Greeks was called Phoenicia.
eoutlClA.] Accordingly, when Shalmaneser,
of Assyria, had taken the city of Samaria,
bad conquered the kingdom of Israel and carried
its inhabitants into captivity, he turned his arms
against the Phoenician cities. At this time, Tyre
had reached a high point of prosperity. Since the
reign of Hiram, it bad planted the splendid colony
of Carthage (143 years and eight months, Josephua
says, after the building of Solomon's Temple, c.
Apkm. 1. 18); it possessed the island of Cyprus,
with the valuable mines of the metal '• copper " (so
named from the island); and, apparently, the city
af Sidon was subject to its sway. But Shalmaneser
teems to have token advantage of a revolt of the
Cyprians ; and what ensued is thus related by
Venander, who translated the archives of Tyre into
foe Greek language (see Josephua, Ant. ix. 14, § 2):
. Eralssus reigned 38 years (over Tyre). This king,
upon the revolt of the Kittaeans (Cyprians), sailed
with a fleet against them, and reduced them to
submission. On the other hand, the king of the
Assyrians attacked in war the whole of Phoenicia,
jut soon made peace with all, and turned back.
On this, Sidon and Ace (t. e. Akkfi or Acre) and
Paletyrus revolted from the Tyriana, with many
fther cities which delivered themselves up to the
|ng of Assyria. Accordingly, when the Tyrians
would not submit to him, the king returned and
fell upon them again, the Phoenicians having fur-
nished him with 60 ships and 800 rowers. Against
these the Tyrians sailed with 12 ships, and, dis-
persing the fleet opposed, to them, they took five
hundred men prisoners. The reputation of all the
4ikums in Tyre was hence increased. Upon this
the king of the Assyrians, moving off his army,
e la ce d guards at their river and aqueducts to pre-
vent the Tyrians from drawing water. This eon-
Vnned for five years, and still the Tyriana held out,
supplying themselves with water from wells." It to
TYRE
5388
in reference to this siege that the prophecy Against
Tyre in the writings entitled Isaiah, chap, xxiii.
was uttered, if it proceeded from the Prophet Isaiah
himself: but this point will be again noticed.
After the siege of Tyre by Shalmaneser (whiet
must have taken place not long after 721 B. 0.),
Tyre remained a powerful state with its own kings
(Jer. xxr. 22, xxvii. 3 ; Ez. xxviii. 2-12), remark-
able for its wealth, with territory on the mainland,
and protected by strong fortifications (Ea. xxviii. ft,
xxvi. 4, 6, 8, 10, 12, xxvii. 11; Zech. ix. 3). Our
knowledge of its condition thenceforward until the
siege by Nebuchadnezzar depends entirely on va-
rious notices of it by the Hebrew prophets; bat
some of those notices are singularly full, and, espe-
cially, the twenty-seventh chapter of Ezekiel fnr>
niabes us, on aome points, with details such as ban
scarcely come down to us respecting any one city of
antiquity, excepting Some and Athena. One point
especially arrests the attention, that Tyre, like its
splendid daughter Carthage, employed mercenary
soldiers (Ea. xxvii. 10, 11). This has been the
general tendency in commercial cities on account of
the high wages which may be obtained by artisan*
in a thriving community, compared with the ordi-
nary pay of a soldier; and Tyre had been unable to
resist the demoralizing temptation. In its service
there were Phoenicians from Arvad, .(Ethiopian*
obtained through the commerce of Egypt, and
hardy mountaineers from Persia. This is the first
time that the name of Persia occurs in the remain*
of ancient literature, before its sons founded a great
monarchy on the ruins of the Chaldean empire.
We may conceive them like the Swiss, who, poor,
faithful, and brave, have during many centuries,
until the last few years, deemed enlistment in
foreign service a legitimate source of gain. Inde-
pendently, however, of this fact respecting Tyrian
mercenary soldiers, Ezekiel gives interesting details
respecting the trade of Tyre. On this head, with-
out attempting- to exhaust the subject, a few lead
ing points may be noticed. The first question is
as to the countries from which Tyre obtained the
precious metals ; and it appears that its gold came
from Arabia by the Persian Gulf (v. 22), just as in
the time of Solomon It came from Arabia by the
Red Sea [Ophir]. Whether the Arabian mar-
chants, whose wealth was proverbial in Roman
classical times (Horace, Od. i. 29, 1), obtained then-
gold by traffic with Africa or India, or whether it
was the product of their own country, is uncer-
tain; but as for as the latter alternative is con-
cerned, the point will probably be cleared up In the
p r ogr e s s of geological knowledge. On the other
hand, the silver, iron, lead, and tin of Tyre earns
from a very different quarter of the world, namely,
from the south of Spain, where the Phoenicians
had established their settlement of Tarahlsh, or Tar-
teesus. As to copper, we should have presumed
that it was obtained from the valuable mines fat
Cyprus; but it is mentioned here In conjunction
with Javan, Tubal, and Meshech, which points to
the districts on the south of the Black Sea, in the
neighborhood of Armenia, in the southern line of
the Caucasus, between the Black Sea and the Cas-
pian. The country whence Tyre was supplied with
wheat was Palestine. This point has been already
noticed elsewhere [Prccmciahs, ill. 2019] as help-
ing to explain why there is no instance on record
of war between Tyre and the Israelites. It may
be added thai the value of Palestine as a wheat-
jountry to Tyre was fliestii enhanced by its nrstv
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unity, as then wu scarcely a put of the kingdom
of land on the rat of the river Jordan which was
distant more than a hundred miles from that great
commercial city. The extreme point* in the king-
dom of Jonah would be somewhat more distant;
but the wheat probably came from the northern
part of Palestine. Tyre likewise obtained from
Palestine oil, honey, and balm, but not wine appar-
ently, notwithstanding the abundance of grapes aud
wine in Judah (Gen. xlix. 11). The wine was im-
ported from Damascus, and was called wine of Hel-
ton, which was probably not the product of the
enmity adjoining the celebrated city of that name,
hot came from the neighborhood of Damascus it-
self (see Porter's Handbook for Spin, rol. ii. p. 496;
compare Athensnu, i. SI). The Bedawln Arabs
■applied Tyre with lambs and rams and goats, for
the rearing of which their mode of life was so well
adapted. Egypt furnished linen for sails, and doubt-
less for otber purposes, and the dyes from sbeU-Ash,
which afterwards became such a source of profit to
the Tynans, were imported from the Peloponnesus
(compare the " Laconic** purpuras " of Horace, (ML
ii. 18, 7,and Pliny.ix. 40). Lastly from Dedan in
the Persian Quit, an island occupied possibly by a
Phoenician colony, horns of irory and ebony were
Imparted, which must originally hate been obtained
from India (Es. xxvii. 10, 11, SB, 12, 13, IT, 18, 91,
7,18).
In the midst of great prosperity and wealth,
which was the natural result of such an extensive
trade (Es. xxriii. 4), Nebuchadnezzar, at the head
of an army of the Chaldees, inraded Judaea, and
captured Jerusalem. As Tyre was so near to Jeru-
salem, and as the conquerors were a fierce and for-
midable race (Hab. L 6), led by a general of un-
doubted capacity, who had not long before humbled
the power of the Egyptians, it would naturally be
supposed that this event would hare excited alarm
and terror amongst the Tynans. Instead of this
we may infer from Esekiel's statement (xxvi. 9)
that their predominant feeling was one of exulta-
tion. At first sight this appears strange and al-
most inconceivable; but it b rendered intelligible
by some previous events in Jewish history. Only
84 years before the destruction of Jerusalem, com-
menced the celebrated Reformation of Josiah, B. c
699. This momentous religious revolution, of
which a detailed account is given in two chapters
if the book of Kings (2 K. xxii., xxiii.), and which
cannot be too closely studied by any one who wishes
to understand the Jewish Annals, fully explains the
exultation and malevolence of the Tynans. In
that Reformation, Josiah had heaped insults on the
gods who were this objects of Tynan veneration and
love, he had consumed with fire the sacred vessels
sand in their worship, he had burnt their images
and defiled their high places — not excepting even
the high pbee near Jerusalem, which Solomon the
friend of Hiram had built to Asbtorrth the Queen
of Heaven, and which for more than 860 years had
been a striking memorial of the reciprocal good-will
which once united the two monarchs and the two
onttone. Indeed, he seemed to have endeavored to
exterminate their religion, for in Samaria (9 K.
xxiii. 90) he had slain upon the altars of the high
places all their priests. These acta, although in
Ifaeir ultimate results they may have contributed
• It was owtnf to tall Bsfbrmetloo of JosUh that
aba Jews wan canted Into captivity by Nebo-
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powerfully to the ■ dimarioo of the Jew jh retttjsosk
most have been regarded by the Tynans as a eerie*
of sacrilegious and abominable outrages; sod we
can scarcely doubt that the death in battle of
Josiah at Megiddo, and the subsequent destruction
of the city and Temple of Jerusalem were hailed by
them with triumphant joy, aa instanoss of Divine
retribution in human attain.
This joy, however, must soon have given way
to other feelings, when Nebuchadnesaar invaded
Phoenicia, and laid siege to Tyre. That siege
lasted thirteen years (Joseph, c. Apitm. 1. 91 ), and
it is still a disputed point, which will be noticed
separately in this article, whether Tyre was actually
taken by Nebuchadnesaar on this occasion. How-
ever this may be, it is probable that, on some terms
or other, Tyre submitted to the Chaldees. This
would explain, amongst other points, an expedition
of Apnea, the Phsraob-Hophra of Scripture, against
Tyre, which probably happened not long after, and
which may have been dictated by obvious motives
of self-defense in order to prevent the naval power
of Tyre becoming a powerful instrument of attack-
ing Egypt in the hands of the Chaldees. In thai
expedition Apnea besieged Sidon, fought a naval
battle with Tyre, and reduced the whole of the
coast of Phoenicia, though this could not bare had
lasting efiects (Herod, ii. 161; Diod.i.68; Movers,
Da* PitmmnAt Altcrtkum, vol. ii. p. 451). The
rule of Nebuchadneaxar over Tyre, though real,
may have been light, and in the nature of an alli-
ance; and it may have been in this sense that Her-
bal, a subsequent Tyrian king, was sent for to
Babylon (Joseph, c Aptvn. i. 91). During the
Persian domination the Tyriana were subject la
name to the Persian king, and may have given him
tribute. With the rest of Phoenicia, they had sub-
mitted to the Persians, without striking a blow;
perhaps, through hatred of the Chaldees; perhaps,
solely from prudential motives. But their connec-
tion with the Persian king was not slavish. Thus,
when Cambyses ordered them to join in an expe-
dition against Carthage, they refused compliance,
on account of their solemn engagements and pa-
rental relation to that colony: and Cambyses did
not deem it right to use force toward them (Herod.
ill- 19). Afterwards tbey fought with Persia
sgsinst Greece, and furnished vessels of war in the
expedition of Xerxes against Greece (Herod, vii.
98); and Mapen, the son of Sironi the Tyrian, is
mentioned amongst those who, next to the com-
manders, were the most renowned in the fleet. It
is worthy of notice that at tins time Tyre seems to
have been inferior in power to Sidon. These two
cities were less than twenty English miles distant
from each other; and it is easy to conceive that in
the course of centuries their relative importance
might fluctuate, as would be very possible in out
own country with two neighboring cities, such for
example, as Liverpool and Manchester. It is possi-
ble also that Tyre may have been seriously weakened
by its long struggle against Nebuchadnessar. Un-
der the Persian dominion, Tyre and Sidon sup-
plied cedar wood again to the Jews for the build-
ing of the second Temple; snd this wood was sent
by sea to Joppa, and thence to Jerusalem, as had
been the esse with the materials for the first Tem-
ple in the time of Solomon (Ears iii. 7). Un-
try, snd yet many of than probably fras from the
tsnaa seropnlonanaaa In H s r iiii nal al oaservaac
uwvsllsd aabaasjssaitly.
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TYRB
tar the Persians likewise Tyre ni visited by an
historian, from whom we night hare derived Tal-
nable information respecting its condition (Hood.
U. 44). Bat the Information actually (applied by
him ii scanty, u the motive of his voyage ieema to
hare been solely to Tint the celebrated temple of
Helkarth (the Phoenician Hercules), which was sit-
uated in the island, and was highly venerated. He
gives no details as to the city, and merely specifies
two eotamne which be observed in the temple, one
of gold, and the other of emerald ; or rather, as is
reasonably conjectured by Sir Gardiner Wilkinson,
of green glass (Rawlinson's Berodotiu, ii. 81, 82).
Towards the close of the following century, B. c
888, Tyre was assailed for the third time by a great
conqueror: and if some uncertainty hangs over the
siege by Nebuchadnezzar, the results of the siege
by Alexander were clear and undeniable. It was
essential to the s ucces s of his military plans that
the Phoenician fleet should be at his command, and
that he should not be liable through their hostility
to have his communications by sea with Greece and
Macedonia suddenly cut oft*; and he accordingly
summoned all the Phoenician cities to submit to
his rule. All the rest of them, including Aradus,
Byblns, and Sidon, complied with his demands, and
the seamen of those cities in the Persian fleet
brought away their ships to join him. Tyre alone,
calculating probably at first on the support of those
seamen, refused to admit him within its walls —
and then ensued a memorable siege which lasted
seven months, and the success of which was the
greatest of all the achievements which Alexander
up to that time had attempted. It is not necessary
to give here the details of that siege, which may be
found in Arrian and Quintns Curtins, and in all
good Grecian histories, such as those of Bishop
Thirlwall and Mr. Grote. It may be sufficient to
say, that at that time Tyre was situated on an
island nearly bah* a mile from the mainland — that
u it was completely surrounded by prodigious walls,
the loftiest portion of which on the side fronting
the mainland reached a height not less than 150
feet; " and that notwithstanding his persevering
efforts, be could not have succeeded In his attempt,
b* the harbor of Tyre to the north had not been
stockaded by the Cyprians, and that to the south
by the Phoenicians, thus affording an opportunity
to Alexander for uniting the island to the mainland
by an enormous artificial " mole. Moreover, owing
to internal disturbances, Carthage was unable to
aflbrd any assistance to its parent state.
The immediate results of the capture by Alex-
ander were most disastrous to it, as its brave de-
fenders were put to death; and, in accordance with
the barbarous policy of ancient times, 80,000 of its
inhabitants, including slaves, free females and free
children were sold as slaves (Arrian, Iv. 94. f 9;
Uiodorus, xvii. 40). It gradually, however, recov-
ered its prosperity through the immigration of fresh
TYEB
8835
a That Tyre was on an Island, p ierlu u e to its stag*
!ry Alexander, Is one of the most certain facts of his-
tory ; bat on examining the locality at the present da;
bw parsons would suspect from exiions: appearances
that there was anything artificial in the formation of
ttw pre s en t peninsula.
» Pliny tbe elder gives an account of the Phonu-
eian shaU-osh (Ix. 00, 61), and states that from tbe
larger onas the dye was extracted after taking off the
•bell: bat that the small flan wen crashed alive
Mtetbr- with thi shells. Mr. Wilde, an intelligent
awanrn traveller observed at Tyre numerous round
settlers, though Its trade is said (o hare suffered by
the vicinity and rivalry of Alexandria. Under the
Macedonian successors of Alexander, It shared the
fortunes of the Sdeucidee, who bestowed on it many
privileges ; and there are still in exiatence coina ol
that epoch with a Phoenician and Greek inscrip-
tion (Kckhel, Doctr. Aummorum Vet. vol. Hi. p.
379, Ac.; Geserius, Monumenta Phameia, pp.
383-264, and Tab. 34). Under tbe Roroaiu, at
first it continued to enjoy a kind of freedom ; for
r'osephus mentions that when Cleopatra pressed
Antony to include Tyre and Sldon in a gift of
Phoenician and Jewish territory which he mat's to
her, he steadily refused, knowing them to have
been " free cities from their ancestors " (Art. xv.
4, § 1). Subsequently, however, on the arrival of
Augustus In the East, he is said to have deprived
the two cities of their liberties for seditious oonduct
(eoovAaVoro, Dion Cassiua, Ixiv. 7). Still tba
prosperity of Tyre In the time of Augustus was
undeniably great, Strabo gives an account of it
at that period (xvi. 3, 33), and speaks of the great
wealth which it derived from the dyes of tbe cele-
brated Tyrian purple,- which, as is well known,
were extracted from shell-fish found on tbe coast,
belonging to a species of the genus Murex. In the
days of Kzeklel, the Tyriana had imported purple
from the Peloponnesus; but they hod sines learned
to extract the dye for themselves; and they bad the
advantage of having shell-fish on their coast better
adapted for this purpose even than those on the
Lacedemonian coast (Pausanias.iii. 31, 1 8). Strabo
adds, that the great number of dyeing works ren-
dered the city unpleasant as a place of residence *
He further speaks of the bouses as consisting of
many stories, even of more than In the houses at
Borne — which is precisely what might be expected
in a prosperous fortified city of limited area, in
which ground-rent would be high. Pliny the Elder
gives additional information respecting the city, for
in describing it he says that the circumference of
the city proper («. c. the city on the peninsula) was
23 stadia, while that of the whole city, including
Pauetyrua, was 19 Roman miles [If at. Hi*, v. 17).
The accounts of Strabo and Pliny have a peculiar
interest in this respect, that they tend to convey
an idea of what tbe city must bjive been, when
visited by Christ (Matt. xv. 31; Mark rli. 24).
It was perhaps more populous than Jerusalem
[Jerusalem, ii. 1330], and if so, it was undoubt-
edly the largest city which he is known to have
visited. It was not much more than thirty miles
distant from Nazareth, where Christ mainly lived
as a carpenter's son during the greater part of his
Ufa (Matt. ii. 23, iv. 12, 13, 18; Mark vL 1). Vs
may readily conceive that He may iften have gou
to Tyre, while yet unknown to the world; and
whatever uncertainty there may be as to the extant
to which the Greek language was likely to ha
spoken at Nazareth, at Tyre, and in its neighbor-
boles cut In the soHd sandstone rock, In which sheik
stem to have been crashed. They were parfhetly
smooth on the Inside ; and many of them were shaped
exactly like a modern Iron pot, broad and flat at the
bottom, and narrowing toward tbe top. Many of
these were filled with a breccia of shells ; In other
places this breccia lay In heaps in the neighborhood.
All the shells were of one species, and were undoubt-
edly the Jlfiirrx Trunculu*. See Narrative of a Voyage
to Madeira, Ttneriffe, and along the Boon* vf lot
Mediterranean. Dublin, 1844.
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TYRE
hood, there must hare been excellent opportunities
for conversation in that language, with which He
seems to hare been acquainted (Mark rii. 26!.
From the time of Christ to the beginning of the
5th century, there is no reason to doubt that, as
far as was compatible with the irreparable loss of
Independence, Tyre continued in uninterrupted
prosperity; and about that period Jerome has on
record very striking testimony on the subject,
which has been often quoted, and is a landmark in
Tyrian history (see Gesenius's Juaia, vol. 1. p.
714). Jerome, in his Commentaries on Ezekiel,
comes to the passage in which the prophet threatens
Tyre with the approach of Nebuchadnezzar, king
if Babylon (Ez. xxvi. 7) ; and he then, amongst
other points, refers to the verse in which the
orophet predicts of Tyre, " Thou shall be built no
•nore," saying that this raises a question as to how
» city can be said not to be built any more, which
we see at the present da; the most noble and the
most beautiful city of Phoenicia. " Quodque se-
qui*ur: nee esdincaberis ultra, ridetur facere quaes-
tionem quomodo non sit ndiflcata, quam hodie
cernimus Phanicu nobilimmam et pulcherriiaam
civitatem." He afterwards, in his remarks on the
-Id verse of the 27th chapter, in which Tyre is
called "a merchant of the people for many isles,"
says that this continues down to his time, so that
commercial dealings of almost all nations are car-
ried on in that city — " quod quidem utque hodie
peruterat, ut omnium propemodo gentium in ilia
txerceantw commercia." Jerome's Commentaries
on Ezekiel are supposed to have been written about
the years 411-414 a. d. (see Smith's IHctionnry
of Greek and Roman Biography, vol. ii. p. 465),
so that his testimony respecting the prosperity of
Tyre bears date almost precisely a thousand years
after the capture of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar,
B. c. 588. As to the passage In which Ezekiel
states that Tyre shall lie built no more, Jerome
says the meaning is, that '■ Tyre will be no more
the Queen of Nations, having its own king, as was
the case under Hiram and other kings, but that it
was destined to be always subject, either to the
Chaldeans, or to the Macedonians, or to the Ptole-
JBiea, or at last to the Romans." At the same
time Jerome notices a meaning given to the pas-
sage by some interpreters, that Tyre would not be
built in the last dayt; but he asks of such inter-
preters, " How they will be able to preserve the
part attributed to Nebuchadnezzar, especially as we
read in what follows, that Nebuchadnezzar besieged
Tyre, but had no reward of his labor (xxlx. 18),
and that Egypt was given over to him because in
besieging Tyre he had served the purpose of God."
When Jerome spoke of Tyre's subjection to the
Somans, which had then lasted more than four
hundred years, he could scarcely have anticipated
that another subjugation of the country was re-
served for it from a new conquering power, coming
.ot from the north, but from the south. In the
i'Ui century A. D. took place the extraordinary
Arabian revolution under Mohammed, which has
riven a new religion to so many millions of man-
kind. In the years 633-688 A. d. all Syria and
Palestine from the Dead Sea to Antlooh, was con-
quered by the Khalif Omar. This conquest was
so complete, that in both those countries the lan-
guage of Mohammed has almost totally supplanted
the language of Christ la Syria, there are only
three villages where Syrlac (or Aramaic) is the
vernaeular language. In Palestine, it is not the
TYRE
language of a single native; and In Jerusalem, tot
stranger who understands what is involved in this
momentous revolution, it is one of the most sug-
gestive of all sounds to hear the Muezzin daily call
Mohammedans to prayers in the Arabic language of
Mohammed, within the sacred precincts where once
stood the Temple, in which Christ worshipped ia
Hebrew, or in Aramaic. (As to the Syriae lan-
guage, see Porter's Handbook for Syria and Pal.
ettine, vol. 11. p. 551.) But even this conquest did
not cause the overthrow of Tyre. The most essen-
tial conditions on which peace was granted to Tyre,
as to other Syrian cities, were the payment of a
poll-tax, the obligation to give board and lodging
for three days to every Muslem traveller, the wear-
ing a peculiar dress, the admission of Muslems into
the churches, the doing away with all crosses and
all sounds of bells, the avoiding of all insulting
expressions towards the Mohammedan religion, and
the prohibition to ride on horseback or to build
new churches. (See Weil's Cetchichle der ChaU
iftr, bd. i. 81, 82.) Some of these conditions wen
humiliating, and nearly heart-breaking; but if sub-
mitted to, the lives and private property of the
inhabitants remained untouched. Accordingly, at
the time of the Crusades Tyre was still a flourish-
ing city, when it surrendered to the Christians on
the 27th of June, 1124. It had early been the
seat of a Christian bishopric, and Cossius, bishop
of Tyre, is named as having been present at the
Council of Cesarea towards the ckee of the 2d
century (Reland, Palestine, 1054); and now, in
the year after its capture by the Crusaders, Wil-
liam, a Frenchman, was made its archbishop.
This archbishop has left on record an account of
the city, which gives a high idea of its wealth and
great military strength. (See WWiehrd TyrensU
flittarin, lib. xiii. cap. 5.) And his statements
are confirmed by Benjamin of Tudela, who visited
it in the same century. (See Purchaa's Pilgrim*,
ii. 1443.) The latter writer, who died in 1173,
says: " Nor do I think any haven in the world to
be like unto this. The city itself, as I have said,
is goodly, and in It there are about four hundred
Jews, among whom some are very skillful in disci-
plinary readings, and especially Ephraim the Egyp-
tian judge, and Mair, and Carchesona, and Abra-
ham, the head of the university. Some of the
Jews there have ships at sea for the cause of gain.
There are artificial workmen in glass there, who
make glass, called Tyrian glass, the most excellent,
and of the greatest estimation in all countries.
The best and most approved sugar is also found
there." In fact, at this period, and down to the
dose of the 13th century, there was perhaps no
city in the known world which bad stronger claims
than Tyre to the title of the " Eternal City," if
experience bad not shown that cities as well as in-
dividuals were subject to decay and dissolution.
Tyre had been the parent of colonies, which at a
distant period had enjoyed a long life and had
died; and it had survived more than fifteen bun.
dred years its greatest colony, Carthage, It had
outlived ./Egyptian Thebes, and Babylon, and an-
cient Jerusalem. It had seen Grecian cities rise
and fall; and although older than them all, it was
in a state of great prosperity when an illustrious
Roman, who had been sailing from J£gina to
Megara, told Cicero, in imperishable words, of th»
corpses or carcases of cities, the nppidorum coda*
era, by whieh in that voyage he had been is
every direction sneompasaed (Kp. ad Familiar, h
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t>) Rome, It ii true, was (till in existence ic the
19th century ; but, iu comparison with Tyre, Rome
itself ww of recent date, its now twice consecrated
•oil having been merely the haunt of shepherds or
robbers for some hundred years after Tyre was
wealthy and strong. At length, however, the evil
day of Tyre undoubtedly arrived. It had been
more than a century and a half in the hands of
Christians, when in March, A. D. 1291, the Sul-
tan of Egypt and Damascus invested Acre, then
known to Europe by the name of Ptoleniais, and
took it by storm after a siege of two months. The
result was told in the beginning of the next cen-
tury by Marinus Sanutus, a Venetian, in the fol-
lowing words : " On the same day on which Ptole-
mais was taken, the Tyrians, at vespers, leaving
the city empty, without the stroke of a sword,
without the tumult of war, embarked on board
their vessels, and abandoned the city to be occu-
pied freely by their conquerors. On the morrow
the Saneeus entered, do one attempting to prevent
TYBB 3887
them, and they did what they pleased/' (Libtr
Secretorum juklium Crucii, lib. iii. cap. 22.")
This was the turning point in the history of Tyre,
1879 years after the capture of Jerusalem by Neb-
uchadneezar: and Tyre has not yet recovered from
the blow. In the first half of the 14th century it
was visited by Sir John Maundeville, who says,
speaking of " Tyre, which is now called Stir, here
was once a great aud goodly city of the Christians :
but the Saracens hare destroyed it in great part ;
and they guard that haven carefully for fear of the
Christians" (Wright's Knrly Travels in Palatini,
p. 141). About A. D. 1610-11 it was visited by
Sundys, who said of it: "But this once famous
Tyre is now no other than a heap of ruins ; yet
have they a reverent aspect, and do instruct the
pensive beholder with their exemplary frailty. It
hath two harbors, that on the north side the fairest
ami best throughout all the Levant (which the cur-
sours enter at their pleasure) ; the other choked with
the deeayes of the city." (Purchas's Pilgrim*, ii
Ruins of Tyse.
IMS.) Towards the close of the same century, in
1097 A. D., Maurdrell says of it, " On the north
side it has an old Turkish castle, besides which
there is nothing here but a mere Babel of broken
walls, pillars, vaults, etc., there being not so much
as an entire house left. Its present inhabitants are
only a few poor wretches that harbor in vaults and
subsist upon fishing." (See Harris, Voyage and
Travels, ii. 846.) Lastly, without quoting at
length Dr. Richard Pococke, who in 1737-40 A. D.
stated (see vol. x. of Piukerton's Voyage* and
Travel*, p. 470) that, except some janizaries, there
were few other inhabitants in the city than two or
three Christian families, the words of Hasselquist,
the Swedish naturalist, may be recorded, as they
mark the lowest point of depression which Tyre
■soma to have reached. He was there in Hay,
1761 A. D., and be thus speaks of his visit: " We
followed the sea-shore .... and came to Tyre,
warn called Zur, where we lay all night Nona of
• A copy of this work Is In OtUa Dti per Franco t,
HaoovlSB, 1611.
* at. Braest Benan says there has barn no nbtid-
sues of the land, owing to earthquakes or other causss ;
awl that the west of the Island hat the asms level ss
la a— h o t times. Mr. Wilde had spoken with treat
810
these cities, which formerly were famous, are so
totally ruined as this, except Troy. Zur now
scarcely can be called a miserable village, though it
was formerly Tyre, the queen of the sea. Hen
art about ten inhabitants, Turk* and C'hrittiam,
who Hoe by fishing." (See Hasselquist, Voyage*
and Travel* in the Levant, London, 1766.) A
slight change for the better began soon after. Vol-
ney states that in 1766 A. D. the Met&wileh took
possession of the place, and built a wall round it
twenty feet high, which existed when he visited
Tyre nearly twenty years afterward. At that time
Volney estimated the population at fifty or sixty
poor families. Since the beginning of the present
century there has been a partial revival of prosper-
ity. But it has been visited at different times dur-
ing the last thirty years by Biblical scholars, such
as Professor Robinson (Bibl Re*, ii. 463-471),
Canon Stanley (Sinai and Palestine, p. 270), and
M. Ernest Kenan * (Letter in the MoniUur, July
eauttoo on this point, pp. 883-886. It Is still very aw-
sumble that the psokwaui sad the adjoining coast should
be minutely aismlnsd by an experienced pxaeueal ge-
ologist. There seems to be no doubt that the cisy has
suSsred from earthquakes Bee Pofer, ( c. j sad
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8888
TYKH
11, 1881), who all concur in the account of its gen-
eral aspect of dentation. Hr. Porter, who resided
several years at Damascus, and had means of ob-
taining correct information, states in 1868 that
" the modern town, or rather village, contains from
8,000 to 4,000 inhabitants, about one half being
MetAwileb, and the other Christians " (Handbook
for Traveller! in Syria and Palestine, p. 391).
Its great inferiority to Beyront for receiving vessels
suited to the requirements of modern navigation
will always prevent Tyre from becoming again the
most important commercial city on the Syrian coast.
It is reserved to the future to determine whether
with a good government, and with peace in the
Lebanon, it may not increase in population, and
become again comparatively wealthy.
In conclusion, it is proper to consider two ques-
tions of much interest to the Biblical student, which
have been already noticed in this article, but which
could not then be conveniently discussed fully. (1)
The date and authorship of the prophecy against
Tyre in Isaiah, chap, xxiii.; and (2), the question
of whether Nebuchadnezzar, after his long siege
of Tyre, may be supposed to have actually taken
it
On the first point it Is to be observed, that, as
toere wen two sieges of Tyre contemporaneous
with events mentioned in the Old Testament,
namely, that by Shalmaneser, king of Assyria, in
the reign of Hezekiah, and the siege by Nebuchad-
nezzar, king of the Chaldees, after the capture of
Jerusalem in 688 B. c, and as Isaiah was living
during the former siege, but must hare been dead
considerably more than a hundred years at the time
of the latter siege, it is probable, without denying
predictive prophecy, that the prophecy relates to
the first siege, if it was written by Isaiah. As the
prophecy is in the collection of writings entitled
u Isaiah," there would formerly not have been any
doubt that it was written by that prophet Bat it
has been maintained by eminent Biblical critics
that many of the writings under the title of his
name were written at the time of the Babylonian
Captivity. This seems to be the least open to dis-
pute in reference to the prophecies commencing
with u Comfort ye, comfort ye my people," in the
1st verse of the 40th chapter, concerning which the
following acts seem to the writer of the present
article to lie well established." (1.) These prophe-
cies are different in style from the undisputed writ-
ings of Isaiah. (2.) They do not predict that the
Jews will be carried away into captivity at Babylon,
but they pretuppoK that the Jews are already in
captivity there at the time when the prophecies are
ottered; that Jerusalem is desolate, and that the
Temple is burnt (Is. lxiv. 10, 11, zliv. 98, 98, xlv.
18, xlvii. 6, 6, lii. 2, «, U. 8, 11, 17-33). (8.) The
name of Cyrus, who oonquered Babylon probably
at least a hundred ard fifty years after the death of
compare Seneca, JVbji. Quasi, vi. 1-11, Btrabo, zv. p.
T67, sad Justin, zl. 2, L
• Doubts ss to the authorship of then chapters
wen first suggested by DSoerMn In 1781, in a review
ef Koppe't translation of Lowth's Isaiah. Since 1781
their later date has been accepted 4>y Behhorn.Romn-
ssfUler, De Wette, Oetsnras, Winer. Kwald, Hltatg,
Koobei, Hersfcld, Bleak, Oelfee, and Davidson, and
ay nwserous other Hebrew s c ho l ars. The evidence
has beta nowhere stated more dearly than by Qeeo-
seas In his Jaaia (part it. pp. 18-K, Leipzig, 1821).
(Bo thr other hand, the writer «f the article Isaiah
TYRK
uw^h is mentioned in them twice (xflv. 98, zh
1): and (4), there is no external ounteinporary evi-
dence between the time of Isaiah and the time o.
Cyrus to prove that these prophecies were then in
existence. But, although in this way the evidence
of a later date is peculiarly cogent in reference to
the 40th and following chapters, there is also reason-
able evidence of the later date of several other chap-
ters, such, for example, as the 13th and 14th (on
which observe particularly the first four verses of
the 14th chapter) and chapters xxir.-xxvii. Hence
there is no a priori difficulty in admitting that the
23d chapter, respecting Tyre, may likewise hare
been written at the time of the ChsJdiean invasion
Vet this is not to be assumed without something
in the nature of probable proof, and the real poii.t
is whether any such proof can be adduced on tliia
subject Now although Uitzig (Der Prophet
Jemj", Heidelberg, 1833, p. 272) undertakes to
show that there is a difference of language between
Isaiah's genuine prophecies and the 23d chapter,
and although Ewald (Die Propheten del Alien
Bundet, vol. i. p. 338), who refers it to the siege of
Tyre by Shalmaneser, believes the 33d chapter, on
the grounds of style and language, to bare been
written by a younger contemporary and scholar of
Isaiah, not by Isaiah himself, it is probable that
the majority of scholars will be mainly influenced
in their opinions a. to the date of that chapter by
their view of the meaning of the 13th verse. In
the A. V. the beginning of the verse is translated
thus: "Behold the land of the Chaldeans, this
people was not till the Assyrian founded it for them
that dwell in the wilderness " — and this has been
supposed by some able commentators, such as Ro-
senmuller and Hitzig (ad loc.), to imply that the
enemies with which the Tyrians were threatened
were the Chaldees under Nebuchadnezzar, and not
the Assyrians under Shalmaneser. If this is the
meaning, very few critics would now doubt that the
prophecy was composed in the time of Nebuchad-
nezzar ; and there is certainly something remarka-
ble in a supposed mention of the Chaldees by such
an early writer as Isaiah, inasmuch as, with the
possible exceptions in the mention of Abraham and
Abraham's family as having belonged to " Ur of
the Chaldees" (Gen. xi. 28, 31, xv. 7), the men-
tion of the Chaldees by Isaiah would be the earliest
in the Bible. The only other passage respecting
which a doubt might be raised is in the book ci
Job (i. 17) — a work, however, which seems to the
author of this article to hare been probably written
later than Isaiah.* But the 13th verse of the
chapter attributed to Isaiah by no means Decease
rily implies that the Chaldees under Nebuchidnez
ear were attacking Tyre, or were about to attack
it Accepting the ordinary version, it would be
amply sufficient that Chaldees should be formidable
mercenaries in the Assyrian army. This is the in-
to the present work maintains the unity of the bosk.
-K».)
& In the total absence of external evidence nothing
In fever of an earlier date can be adduced to outweigh
one circumstance long since noticed among numerous
others by (taeniae ( Qaehieku der Hetrdiu'un Spradn
und Sduijl), that the Aramaic plural ^yp ocouil
twelve times In the book (Iv. 2; xli. 11; zv. 18
xvill. 2 ; xxvt. 4 ; xaxtt. 11, 14 ; zxxili. 8, 82 ; xrxtv
8 ; xxxv. 16 ; xuriil. 2). [But then are strong lax-
sons for assigning an earlier data to the bosk i ass
Jos. U. p. MOSS. — Kb.)
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TTBB
fcrpretation of Geeenius ( Commtntar Sbtr den Je-
saiVi, ad loo.), wh< goes stilt farther. Founding hia
Itaaoniug on the frequei.t mention by Xenophon of
Chaldeea, as a bold, warlike, and predatory tribe in
the neighborhood of Armenia, and collecting nat-
tered notioea round this fundamental fact, he con-
jecture! that bands of tbem, having served either as
mercenaries or as volunteers in the Assyrian army,
had received lands for their permanent settlement
on the banks of the Euphrates not long before the
Invasion of Shahnaneser (me Xenophon, Cyropad.
Hi. 8, §§ 7, 12; Anab. ir .1, § 4, v. 6, § 9, vii. 8,
(j 14). So great is our ignorance of the Chaldeea
previoui to their mention in the Bible, that this
»mjecture of Uesenius cannot be disproved. There
fa not iudeed sufficient positive evidence for it to
ustify its adoption by an historian of the Chaldeea;
but the possibility of its being true should make us
hesitate to assume that the 13th verse is incompat-
ible with the date ordinarily assigned to the proph-
ecy in which it occurs. But, independently of
these considerations, the beginning of the 13th
verse is capable of a totally different translation
from that in the A. V. It may be translated thus :
" Behold the land of the Chaldeea, the people is no
more, Assyria has given it [the land] to the dwell-
ers in the wilderness." This is partly in accord-
ance with Kwald's translation, not following him
in the substitution of " Canaanites " (which he
deems the correct reading) for "Chaldeea " — and
then the passage might refer to an unsuccessful re-
bellion of the Chaldeea again* Assyria, and to a
consequent desolation of the land of the Chaldeea
by their victorious rulers. One point may be men-
tioned in favor of this view, that the Tyriaua are
not warned to look at the Chaldeea in the way that
Habakkuk threatens bis contemporaries with the
hostility of that <• terrible and dreadful nation,"
but the Tyriana are warned to look at the bind of
the Chaldeea. Here, again, we know so little of
the history of the Chaldeea, that this interpretation,
likewise, cannot be disproved. And, on the whole,
as the burden of proof rests with any one who de-
nies Isaiah to hare been the author of the 33d chap-
ter, as the 13th verse is a very obscure passage, and
a* it cannot be proved incompatible with Isaiah's
authorship, it is permissible to acquiesce in the Jew-
ish tradition on the subject.
Sdly. The question of whether Tjn was actually
taken by Nebuchadnezzar after his thirteen years'
siege, has been keenly discussed. Gesenins, Winer,
and Uitzig decide it in the negative, while Heng-
stenberg has argued most fully on the other side.
Without attempting to exhaust the subject, and
assuming, in accordance with Movers, that Tyre, as
Tell as the rest of Phoenicia, submitted at last to
■febuchaduezzar, the following points may be ob-
served respecting the supposed capture: (1.) The
svideuee of Ezekiel, a contemporary, seams to be
satinet It. He says (xxix. 18) that " Nebuchad-
Dtossr king of Babylon caused his army to serve a
great service against Tyre ; " that "every head was
made bald, and every shoulder was peeled, yet had
a* no wages, nor hia army for Tyrue, for the service
that he served against it; " and the obvious infer-
ence is that, however great the exertions of the
amy may have been in digging intrenchmento or
a Heugstenberg (A Re»uj lyrt'onuri, p. 76) says
that this silence of the Greek and Pbmulelan histo-
rians proves too much, as ehere ta no doubt that the
attr was suiarW "ly Hebuehsdnasaar. To this lliuug
TYKE 3389
in easting up earthworks, the seige was uutoeoess-
ful. This is confirmed by the following verses (IK,
SO), in which it is stated that tbe laud of Egypt
will be given to Nebuchadnezzar as a compensation,
or wagea, to him and his army for their having
served against Tyre. Movers, indeed, asserts the*
tbe only meaning of the expression that Nebuchad-
nezzar and his army had no wages for theii service
against Tyre is, that they did not plunder tbe city.
But to a virtuous commander the best reward of
besieging a city ia to capture it: and it is a strange
sentiment to attribute to the Supreme Being, or to
a prophet, that a general and his army received no
wages for capturing a city, because they did not
plunder it. (3.) Joseph us, who had access to his-
torical writings on this subject which have not
reached our times, although he quote* Phoenician
writers who show that Nebuchadnezzar besieged
Tyre (Ant. x. 11, § 1; e. Apian. 33), neither states
on his own authority, nor quotes any one else as
stating that Nebuchadnezzar took it. (3.) Tbe
capture of Tyre on this occasion is not mentioned
by any Greek or Roman author whose writings an
now in existence. (4.) In the time of Jerome it
was distinctly stated by some of hia contemporaries
that they had read, amongst other histories on this
point, histories of Greeks and Phoenicians, and es-
pecially of Nicolaua Damascenus, in which nothing
was said of the siege of Tyre by the Chaldeea ;" aud
Jerome, in noticing this fact, does not quote any
authority of any kind for a counter-statement, but
contents himself with a general allegation that many
facts are related in the Scriptures which are not
found in Greek works, and that " we ought not to
acquiesce in the authority of those whose perfidy
and falsehood we detest " (see Comment, ad A'ze-
chielem, xxvi. 7). On this view of the question
there would seem to be small reason for believing
that tbe city was actually captured, were it not for
another passage of Jerome in his Commentaries on
the passage of Ezekiel already quoted (xxix. 18), in
which he explains that tbe meaning of Nebuchad-
nezzar's having received no wages for his warfare
against Tyre is, not that be failed to take the city,
but that the Tyrians had previously removed every-
thing precious from it in ships, so that when Neb-
uchadnezzar entered the city he found nothing
there. This interpretation has been admitted by
one of the most distinguished critics of our own day
(Ewald, Die Prophtlen dee Alien Bmdet, ad loc.),
who, deeming it probable that Jerome bad obtained
the information from some historian whose name is
not given, accepts as historical this account of the)
termination of the siege. This account, therefore,
as far as inquirers of the present day are concerned,
rests solely on the authority of Jerome; and it that
becomes important to ascertain the principles and
method which Jerome adopted In writing his Com-
mentaries. It is peculiarly fortunate that Jerome
himself has left on record some valuable informa-
tion on this point in a letter to Augustine, for tbe
understanding of which the following brief prelim-
inary explanation will be sufficient: in Jerome's
Commentaries on the second chapter of the Epistle
to the Galatians, when adverting to the passage
(w. 11-14) In which St. Paul states that he had
withstood Peter to tbe face, " because ha was to bt
replies, that the historians could only have omitted M
mention tbe stage, because the siege bad net been M
lowet by tbe capture of the olty (Dcr Profitl Jetmtm
p. J78>
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8840 TYKE
blamed " for requiring Christians to oomply with
the observances of the Jewish ritual law, Jerome
denies that there was any real difference of opinion
between the two Apostles, asserts that the; had
merely made a preconcerted arrangement of appar-
ent difference, in order that those who approved of
circumcision might plead the example of Peter, and
that those who were unwilling to be circumcised
might extol the religious lilierty of Paul. Jerome
then goes on to say that " the fact of simulation
being useful, and occasionally penuinsible, is taught
by the example of Jehu king of Israel, who never
would have been able to put the priests of Baal to
death unless he had feigned willingness to worship
an idol, saying, ' Ahab served liaal a little, but
Jehu shall serve him much.' " On this Augustine
strongly remonstrated with Jerome in two letters
which are marked 66 and 87 iu Jerome's Corre-
spondence. To these Jerome returned an answer
in a letter marked 112, in which he repudiates the
idea that he is (o be held responsible for all that is
contained in his Commentaries, and then frankly
confesses bow he composed them. Beginning with
Origen, be enumerates several writers whose Com-
mentaries he had read, specifying amongst others,
Laodicenus, who had lately left the Church, and
Alexander, an old heretic. He then avows that
having read them all he sent for an amanuensis, to
whom he dictated sometimes his own remarks,
sometimes those of others, without paying strict at-
tention either to the order or the words, and some-
times not even to the meaning. " Itaque ut sim-
pliciter fatear, legi hiec omnia, et in mente mea
plurima coacervaus, accito notario, vel mea, vel
aliena dictavi, nee onlinis, nee verborum, interdum
nee sensuum memor " (see Migne's Edition of Je-
rome, vol. i. p. 918). Now if the bearing of the
remarks concerning simulation for a pious purpose,
and of the method which Jerome followed in the
composition of his Commentaries is seriously con-
sidered, it cannot but throw doubt on his uncorrob-
orated statements in any case wherein a religious or
theological interest may have appeared to him to
be at stake.
Jerome was a very learned man, perhaps the
most learned of all the Fathers. He was also one
of the very few among them who made themselves
acquainted with the Hebrew language, and in this,
as well as in other points, he deserves gratitude for
the services which be has rendered to Biblical liter-
ature. He is, moreover, a valuable witness to facts,
when he can be suspected of no bias concerning
them, and especially when they seem contrary to
his religious prepossessions. But it is evident, from
the passages in his writings above quoted, that be
dad not a critical mind, and that he can scarcely
M regarded as one of those noble spirits who prefer
truth to supposed pious ends which may be attained
by its violation. Hence, contrary to the most nat-
ural meaning of tbe prophet Ezekiel's words (xxix.
18), It would be unsafe to rely on Jerome's sole
authority for the statement that Nebnchadnenar
and his army eventually captured Tyre.
Literature. — For information on this head, see
PHamicuHS, vol. iii. p. 2622. In addition to the
corks there mentioned, see Kobinson's ffibL Ra.
Ii. 461-471; Stanley's Sinai and Palatine, 864-
•98; Porter's Handbook for Syi-ia and Palatine,
TYRE
pp. 390-496; Hengstenberg, IM Jtetmt Tgriormm,
Berlin, 1832; and Hitters Erdhmde, vd. xvii. 1st
part, 3d book, pp. 820-379. Professor Robinson,
in addition to his instructive history of Tyre, hat
published, in the Appendix to his third volume,
detailed list, which is useful for the knowledge of
Tyre, of works by authors who had themselves
travelled or resided in Palestine. See likewise an
excellent account of Tyre by (jesenius in hit J fain,
i. 707-719, and by Winer, «. »., in tut BM. •itat-
wirt [Ttbiam; Tram.] B T.
Com ef Tyre.
• In 9 Sam. v. 11, and 1 Chr. dr. 1, we are
told that Hiram king of Tyre sent cedar wood, ami
carpenters, and masons to David, to build him a
palace; and, subsequently, that he sent materialt
and workmen to Solomon to build the Temple
(1 K. v. 10; 2 Chr. ii. 14, 16). A striking con-
firmation of this amity between Hiram and the
Hebrew kings hat lately been brought to light.
Certain writings or uarks have been found on the
bottom rows of the wall at the southeast angle of
the Harem area, near where the ancient Temple
must hare stood, at the depth of about 90 feet,
where the foundations lie on the limerock itself.
Mr. E. Deutech, of the British Museum, who has
examined these stones on the ground, decides (1 )
that these signs were cut or painted on the stones
when they were laid in their present placet; (2) that
they do not represent any inscription; and (8) that
that they are certainly Phoenician. That they are
Phoenician marks is beyond question, because they
agree with those found on primitive substructions
in the harbor of Sidon. It is certainly remarkable
that Phoenician letters or etchings should be found
on these stones at Jerusalem, thus suddenly brought
to light; and the best explanation of tbe foot fat
that they were placed there by tbe Tyrian archi-
tects whom Hiram sent to Jerusalem to assist in
the erection of the Temple." The precise value of
tbe characters is not yet determined, but no doubt
they were designed to guide tbe workmen in placing
tbe stones in their proper position, or in cutting
and shaping them to as to have them properly ad-
Jutted to each other (See Quart. StaUm. of Pat.
Explor. Fund, No. ii. 1869).
The N. T. references to Tyre tre few, hot Inter-
esting. The Saviour performed tome of hit mira-
cles in the vicinity (Matt. St. 21 ; Hark vii. 24).
The Saviour's apostrophe to Cbonuin and Beth-
saida represents the inhabitants of these cities it
more wicked than those of Tyre tnd Sidon, on ac-
count of the misuse of opportunities which the
Utter did not enjoy (Mat*, xi. 20; Luke x. 13).
Tbe disciples who went to Pbeenice titer the death
of Stephen undoubtedly made known the Gospel
there (Act* xi. 19). Paul, on hit hat Journey u
•> « We state tht point In this manner bacaum
man it room for the quanttoD, whether tht Hebreni
lata t distinct written ehaneter that early tad taa>
net have and at that period
tsrves and tbe Fhonktaas as
to twee
kxodird tribal
%
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H;
TYBIANS
leresakem, went on •hart it Tyre and (ought out
iirt if omrms) the disciples in that city. The proph-
«U then attempted, in Tain, to dissuade him from
rame; «p to> Jerusalem. The touching seene of
the farewell on the beach (AcU xxi. 6) forms a
mrmorabla passage in Paul't history. Luke de-
nibae the occurrence with autoptic praeieiou. Hla
■ord miytmXis (a smooth shore, — of. AcU xxvii.
K aa distinguished rrom one rocky, precipitous, —
-u which they kneeled down), is the proper one for
the level, sandy beach on both the northern and
mrthern tides of Tyre. Paul's company reem-
tarked at this point, and sailed thenoe to Ptolemaii
■Data they finished the voyage (Acta xxi. 7). H.
* TTR1AJTS (To>to>: Tgrii), inhabitants of
lyre, Eoekri xlvt 18. The Heb. *»TS, D^,
LXX. Tamos, To>m<, Tariouly rendered " of Tyre,"
» men of Tyre," and " they of Tyre " or " Tyros,"
U.riL H; 1 Chr. xxU. 4; 9 Chr. tt.
sr. iii. 7; Neh. xiil. It; 1 Esdr. t. 55; 2
It. 49. [Ttbb.] A.
• TTROPCaVON, THE (4. r&r Tvptwoiir
fiifyq>C — tfw VaUtu of the Chttttmongtrt). This
•alley was an important feature in the ancient to-
pography of Jerusalem, running from the plateau
on the north to the fountain of Siloani, dividing
the southern part of the city into two high and
steep ridges, making it a double promontory. Al-
though immense quantities of rubbish had accumu-
lated in it, almost filling its upper part, Professor
Bobinson was able to point out its general course.
His theory, demanded by the specifications of Jose-
phua, that it curved around the northern brow of
the southwest hill, was warmly disputed by some
writers; bat subsequent investigations have estab-
lished it* correctness. It has long been known
that the most interesting part of Jerusalem was
subterranean, and some of dipt. Warren's most
valuable recent explorations hare been in this valley
He has sunk shafts in it to depths of between 60
and 80 feet, going down to its rocky bed, in which
be found drains and reservoirs cut, and tracing the
foundations of the west Haram wall for several
hundred feet. Opposite Robinson's Arch, on the
ether aide of the valley, he found the other pier of
the massive bridge which onoe spanned it, leading
from the Temple to the upper city ; and sixty feet
below the present surfaos he found some of the
ruins of the bridge itself. Further north he dis-
covered the ruins of another similar bridge, built
bter, at he thinks, and, also, an ancient gateway
In the western Haram wall — all now covered with
tba oVerts of thousands of years." S. W.
Trims hlS, *"& : ripos, en. Es. xxvt,
sxviu, 2o>, S Usee. It. 49, Tvoioi: Tyrut, Tyrii].
This form it employed in the A. V. of the books
tf Jeremiah, ExekieL Hosea (Joel hat "Tyre"),
Amos, Zeehariah, a Esdras, Judith, and the Macca-
bees, at follows: Jer. xxv. 99, xxvil. 8, xlrii. 4;
Is. xxtL 9, 8, 4, 7, 16, xxvii. 9, 8, 8, 89, xxvih. 9,
It, nta. 18} Hot. is. 18; Am. i. 9, 10; Zeeh. ix.
1,8; 9 Esdr. 1. 11; Jud. li. 98; I Mace v. 15; 9
Vase. rr. 18, 89, 44, 49.
• TY'BTJS, THE LADDER OF (*. m\lual
ttfovi Joseph, «Afuo{ iWwr: ttrmiai Tyii^l
waos. xi. 59, is described by Josepbus (B. J. il.
10, 1 9) at a high mountain on the coast of Pales
COAL
8341
10, f a) at a nigh mountain on the coast or Pales- ■ in •, •• to o
a • Stanley suggssts (& f P. p. 888 note) that Gaps, an oom,
Mat this pramoatorv and the Bit M-ibym-'. or "/nils rum.
tine, 100 stadia north of Ptolemais (Aocho, Asia,
Akkn). It it the modern Sit tn-N&kurah, t
bluff promontory, about half-way between Ptole-
mais and Tyre, forming the northern limit of the
Plain of Acre, as Carmel is the southern, but, as
Dean Stanley remarks (S. o* P. p. 964, 3d ed.), tt
" differs from Carmel in that it leaves no beach be-
tween itself and the tea, and thus, by cutting off all
communication round its base, acts at the natural
barrier between the bay of Acre and the maritime
plain to the north — in other words, between Pal-
estine and Phoenicia." « See also Hitter, Erdk.
xvi. 809, 813,815; Rob. Phut. Ueog. p. 21; Nea-
bauer, G4og. du Talmud, p. 89. A.
• TZADDI, one of the Hebrew letters.
[Wmrno.] H.
u.
TJ'CAL (b^ and in tome copies b|M [set
below] ). According to the received text of Prov.
xxx. 1, Itbiel and Ucal must be regarded as proper
names, and if so, they must be the names of disci-
pies or sons of Agur the son of Jakeh, an unknown
sage among the Hebrews. But there it great ob-
scurity about the passage. The LXX. translate
rots wiorsvoiwt •«•; koI wcuieuot: the Vulgate,
cum quo tit Dent, tt qui Dto tecum murante cim-
fortatu*. The Arabic follows the LXX. to some
extent; the Targum reproduces Itbiel and Ucal as
proper names, and the Syriac is corrupt, Ucal be-
ing omitted altogether. Luther represents the
names is Leithiet and UcknL De YYette regards
them as proper names, ss do most translators and
commentators. Junius explains both as referring
to Christ The LXX. probably read NSIO^b.
b^HI b». The Veneto-Greek has ko1 <rwt\vo-
um = ) > 2^1. Cooceius must have pointed the
words thus, SjMJ bj* \"THb, » I have labored
for God and hare obtained," and this, with regard
to the first two words must have been the reading
of J. D. Miohselis, who renders. " I have wearied
myself for God, and have given up the inveatiga
Won," applying the words to a man who had be
wildered himself with philosophical speculations
about the Deity, and bad been compelled to give
up the search. Bertbeau also (Die SprBeht Sal
hlnL xvii.) sees in the words, " I have wearied my-
self for God, I have wearied myself for God, and
have fainted " ( vJMT), an appropriate commence-
ment to the series of proverbs which follow. Htt-
aig's view is substantially the same, except that he
points the last word bjjjl and renders, ■' and I
became dull;" applying it to the dimness which
the investigation produced upon the eye of the
mind (Die Spr. SaL p. 816). Bunsen (Bibthetrk,
1. p. dxxx.) follows Bertbeau's punctuation, but
regards ?H NTH;? on its first occurrence at a
symbolical name of the speaker. " The saying el
the man ' I-have-wearied-fnyself-for-God; ' I has*
wearied myself for God, and have fainted away."
There is, however, one fatal objection to this view,
if there were no others, and that is, that the verb
TWh, •• to be wearied," nowhere tales after it the
nprtssd under tba am of " Scale t>fk>
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3342
UBL
accusative of the object of weariness. On this w-
jount alone, therefore, we must reject ell the above
explanation*. If Bertheau's pointing be adopted,
the only legitimate tnuialation of the word* U that
given by Dr. Davidson (Introd. ii. 838), "I am
weary, O God, I am weary, God, and am become
weak." Ewald eonaider* both Ithiel and Ucal ae
symbolical name*, employed by the poet to desig-
nate two classes of thinkers to whom be addresses
himself, or rather he combines both names in one,
"God-withnie-and-I-ani-strong," and bestows it
upon an imaginary character, whom he introduce*
to take part in the dialogue. The name ' God-with-
me,' says Keil (Hitvernick, £inL iii. 413), " de-
notes such as gloried in a more intimate communion
with God, and a higher insight and wisdom ob-
tained thereby," while " I-am-strong " indicate*
"the so-called strong spirits who boast of their
wisdom and might, and deny the holy God, so
that both names most probably represent a class of
freethinkers, who thought themselves superior to
the revealed law, and in practical atheism indulged
the lust* of the flesh." It is to be wished that in
this case, a* in many others, commentators had
observed the precept of the Talmud, " Teach thy
tongue to say, • I do not know.' " W. A. W.
Ullli (^S*» [mU of God, Ges.] i ot*>; [Vat
Bunk, and so FA., joined with preceding word:]
Uti). One of the family of Bani, who during the
Captivity had married a foreign wife (Ear. at. 84).
Called Jckl in 1 Esdr. iz. 84.
TTKNAZ (T3|7I [prob. chate, kmting] : K«Wf :
Cma). In the margin of 1 Ohr. iv. 15 the words
« even Kenai " in the text are rendered " Uknas,"
as a proper name. Apparently some name has
been omitted before Kenaz, for the clause begins
•t and the tons of Elah," and then only Kkmaz is
given. Both the LXX. and Vulg. omit the con-
junction. In the Peshito-Syriac, which is evidently
corrupt, Sena* is the third son of Caleb the son of
Jephunneh. [He may have been at least a de-
scendant of Caleb's, according to 1 Chr. iv. 15.]
TJ'LAI [3 *yl.] (^3&S [Pehhri, pure water,
Filret]: [Theodot.] ob&ik; [UCZ-OiXof:] Ulai)
Is mention«d by Daniel (viii. 2, 16) as a river near
to Sua, wnere be saw bis vision of the ram and
the he-goat. It has been generally identified with
the Eukeus of the Greek and Boman geographers
(Han. Heracl. p. 18; Arr. Exp.Al vii 7; Strab.
xr. 8, § 32; Ptol. ri. 8; Pliny, B. N. vi. 81), a
arge stream in the immediate neighborhood of
hat city. This identification may be safely allowed,
netting as it does on the doable ground of close
»erbal resemblance in the two names, and complete
agreement as to the situation.
Can we, then, identify the Eukeus with any
existing stream ? Not without opening a contro-
versy, since there is no point more disputed among
comparative geographers. The Eulajus ha* been
by many identified with the Choaspes, which is
undoubtedly the modern Kerkhah, an affluent of
the Tigris, flowing into it a little below Kurnak.
By others it baa been regarded a* the Kuran, a
large river, considerably further to the eastward,
which enter* the Kkor Bamuhir near Mohammt-
rak. Some have even suggested that it may have
oeen the ShOf.nr or Sha'ur, a small stream which
dees a few miles N. W. of Susa, and flows by the
ran into the DUfui stream, «u affluent of the
Kuran.
ULAI
The general ground* on which the Eitkutu) has
been identified with the Choaspes, and so with the
Kerkhah (Salmasius, RosenniuUer, WahJ, Kitto
etc.) are, the mention of each separately byancisnt
writers as " the river of Sua*," and (man espe-
cially) the statement* madu by some (Strabo, Pun.)
that the water of the Eukeus, by other* (Herod.,
Athen., PluL, Q, Ourtius) that that of the Cho-
upes was the only water tasted by the Persian
kings. Against the identification it muat be no-
ticed that Strabo, Pliny, Solinus, and Polyditua
(ap. Strab. xv. 3, § 4) regard the river* a* distinct,
and that the lower course of the Ealena, a* da-
scribed by Arrian (Exp. AL vii. 7) and Pliny (47.
if. vi. 36), i* such as cannot possibly be reconciled
with that of the Kerkhah river.
The grounds for regarding the Eukeus a* the
Kuran are decidedly stronger than those for iden-
tifying it with the Kerkhah or Choaspes. No on*
can compare the voyage of Nearchus ia Arrian'*
Jndica with Arrian's own account of Alexander a
descent of the Euueus (vii. 7) without seeing that
the Euheus of the one narrative is the Pasitigri*
of the other; and that the Paaitigris is the Kuiitn
fa almost universally admitted. Indeed, it may be
said that all accounts of the lower Euueus — those
of Arrian, Pliny, Polyclitus, and Ptolemy — iden-
tify it, beyond tbe possibility of mistake, with the
lower Kuran, and that so far there ought to be no
controversy. The difficulty is with respect to the
upper Euheus. The Euueus, according to Pliny,
surrounded the citadel of Susa (vi. 27), whereas
even the Ditfvl branch of the Kuran does not
come within six miles of the ruin*. It by to the
west, not only of the Paaitigris (Kuran), but also
of the Coprates (river of Dixful), according t«
Diodorus (xix. 18, 19). So far, it might be the
Shnpur, but for two objection*. The Shapur i*
too small a stream to have attracted the general
notice of geographers, and it* water is of so bad a
character that it can never have been chosen for the
royal table (Geogrnph. Journ. ix. 70). There ia
also an important notice in Pliny entirely incom-
patible with the notion that the short stream of the
Shapur, which rises iu the plain about five miles
to tbe N. N. W. of Suss, can be the true Euneua.
Pliny says (vi. 31) the Euheus rose in Media, and
flowed through Mesobatene. Now this is exactly
true of the upper Kerkhah, which rises near Bam-
adm (Ecbatana), and flows down tbe district of
Mahtabadan (Mesobatene).
Tbe result is that the various notice* of ancient
writers appear to identify the upper Euueus with
the upper Kerkhah, and the lower Eukeur (quit*
unmistakably) with the lower Km an. Does tola
apparent confusion and contradiction admit oi ex
planation and reconcilement?
A recent surrey of tbe ground ha* suggested a
satisfactory explanation. It appears that the Ker-
khah once bifurcated at Pai Pul, about 30 rails*
N. W. of Susa, sending out a branch which passed
east of the ruins, absorbing into it the Shapur, and
flowing on across tbe plain in a S. S. E. direction
till it Ml into tbe Kuran at Ahmu (Loftua, ChaU
dna and Suriana, pp. 434, 425). Thus, the upper
Kerkhah and the lower Kuran were in ok) tune*
united, and might be viewed as forming a single
stream. The name Euueus ( Ulai) seems to ban
applied most properly to the eastern branch stream
from Pai Pul to Ah wot ; the stream above Pat
Pul was sometimes called the Eulasua, but was
more properly tbe Choaspes, which was also the
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T7LAM
nla name of the western brunch (or present course)
jf the Kerkhtik froic Pen Fti to the Tigris. The
name Pasitigris was proper to the upper Kuram
Ironi it* source to ita junction with the Eulsxis,
after whioh the two names were equally applied to
the lower river. The Oit/ut stream, which wu
not verr generally known, was ailed the Coprates.
It is believed that this view of the river names will
raooneile and make intelligible all the notices of
them contained in the ancient writers.
It follows from this that the water which the
Persian kings drank, both at the court, and when
they travelled abroad, was that of the Kertkah,
taken probably from the eastern branch, or proper
Battens, which washed the walls of Suae, and (ac-
cording to Pliny) waa used to strengthen Its do-
tones. This water was, and still is, believed to
po s ses s peculiar Ugktntu (Strab. zv. S, § S3; 6'eo-
graph. Jonrn. iz. TO), and is thought to be at
ones mora wholesome and more pleasant to the
taste than almost any other. (On the controversy
concerning this stream the reader may consult Kin-
ndr, Persian Empire, pp. 100-106; Sir H. Raw-
Bnaon, in Gcograpti. Joam. Iz. 84-83; Layard,
In the same, zvi. 91-94; and Loftus, Chaldan and
Burimia, pp. 424-431.) G. E.
UXAM (Ob**, [porch, tettilml*]: 0*Xd>:
Ulam). Tl A descendant of Gilead the grandson
sf Manaaseh, and father of Bedan (1 Chr. rii. 17).
»• (Al\d>; [Vat. in ver. 40, AiAsi^s] Alex.
OuXcys. ) The first-born of Eshek, the brother of
Axel, a descendant of the home of SauL His sons
were among the famous archers of Benjamin, and
with their aons and grandsons made up the goodly
family of 160 (1 Chr. viii. 39, 40).
ULXA (rA^ [yokt]t 'ox**; Alex. n*«:
Otta). An Ashente, head of a family in his tribe,
a mighty man of valor, but how descended does
not appear (1 Chr. vii. 39). Perhaps, as Junius
suggests, he may be a son of Ithran or Jether; and
UNCLEAN MEATS
S34S
a This looks at flnt sight like a mUplacemsnt of
the nam* Beehob from Its proper position further on
in the rerm. Reohob, however, Is usually *Pai0.
* Lev. zl. 29-80 forbids eating the weasel, the
motae, the tortoise, the ferret, the chameleon, the
Haatd, the snail, and the mols. The LXX. has. In
place of the tortoise, the xpucoeViAoc 6 jrspswisi, and
Instead of the snail (put baton the Heard, misa)> the
tli Ibt LXX. of Lav. xi. 14, two buds only an
mentioned, rer yvsu ui tot ucrurw, and In the pax-
sllsl pssssge of Dent. zlv. 18 the asms two ; but In
the Hob. of the latter passage only our present text
has Sens birds' names. It is thsnfbn probable that
one of these, HrTl, rendered " glede " by the A. T.,
b a mars corruption of HK7, found both In Deut
sad In Lev., for which the LXX. gives yiis), and the
Tulgass Milvtiu. 8o Malmon. took it (Bochart,
Own. H. 88, 863). Thus we have twenty birds
named as nnelaaa, silks In the Heb. and in the LXX.
af Lev. xi. 18-19, and of many of these the identifies
ttoa la very doutxfei. Boohart says (p. 864), " noes
na avium Immundarum isescass Haimon., intarpn-
atrl ns sonatas quldem esc. In the Hob. of Dent,
zlv. we have, allowing for the probable oorrup&n of
ane name, the same twenty, bat in Uh UCX. only
Jtnetsea ; " vrery raven after his kind " {warn siSpaxa
•u t4 Satota, avry ), of Lev. being omitted, and the
ether names, althuugh the same as those of Lev., yet
having s different order aod grouping after the first
we may further conjecture that his name may be t
corruption of Are.
UM'MAH (n\p^ [gathering]: [Kom. "As-
xi$i Vat.] Aox-$i* [Alex.] Appa: Amma).
One of the cities of the allotment of Asher (Josh,
ziz. 80 only). It occurs in company with Aphek
and RehOb; but as neither of these have been iden-
tified, no dew to the situation of Umumh is gained
thereby. Or. Thomson (BibL Saan, 1855, p.
833, quoted by Van de Velde) was shown a place
called 'Alma in the highlands on the coast, about
Sve miles N. N. E. of Hat en-Nnkh&ra, which la
not dissimilar in name, and which he conjectures
may be identical with Ummah. But it is quite)
uncertain. 'Alma is described in Land and Book,
chap. zz. (jr.
• UNCIRCUMCISION. [Concisio* ;
CIBCUKCI8IOV.]
UNCLEAN MEATS. Then were things
strangled, or dead of themselves, or through beasts
or birds of pray; whatever beast did not both part
the hoof and chew the cud; and certain other
smaller animals rated as " creeping things " •
(\f"3B?); certain classes of birds c mentioned In
Lev. xi. sod Deut. ziv. twenty or twenty-one in
all ; whatever In the waters had not both fins and
scales ; whatever winged insect had not besides four
legs the two hind-legs for leaping; d besides things
offered in sacrifice to idols ; and all blood or what-
ever contained it (save perhaps the blood of fish, si
would appear from that only of beast and bird being
forbidden, Lav. vii. 36), and therefore flesh cut
from the live animal ; as also all fat, at any rata
that disposed in masses among the Intestines, and
probably wherever discernible and separable among
the flesh (Lev. iii. 14-17, vii. 23). The eating of
blood was prohibited even to " the stranger that
sojourneth among you " (Lev. xvii. 10, 13, 18, 14),
sn extension which we do not trace in other dietary
precepts; e. g. the thing which died of itself waa
eight. Thus Lsv. zl. 17, consists of the three. ««1
rvKrucopaxa, sat saTapaxTTfv, Kal Ifhy ; whereas Deut.
zlv. 16, which should correspond, contains x«l
4attSiby,Kaljcvja*ov 1 *<ili0ii'. Also the *Vo^, "hoopoe,"
sod the vopvvpW, " coot," Sgura in both the LXX.
lists.
d In Lav. xL in the KtH has ""lVltJJH, against
the rVJ""18$J} ol the Ctthib. It is best to adopt the
former and view the last part of the vane as 01 nsti
tutlng a class that may be eaten from among a larger
doubtful class of " flying creeping-things," the diffa -
enlia consisting In their having four feet, and a pair
of hind-legs to spring with. The A. V. Is here ob
senre. R AH fowls that creep," and " every flying
creeping thing," standing In Lev zl. 90, 21 for pre-
cisely the same Heb. phrase, rendered by the LXX
ra sowers w wmumv ; and K legs above their feet
to leap," not showing that the ditiinei larger spring-
ing lags of the locust or cicada an meant ; when the
Heb. vJJSD, and LXX. snmsw seem to express
the upward projection of then legs above the crea-
ture's back. So Bochart takes It (p. 462), who alas
praters ^"? In the reading above given ; " lta saint
Hebrri ounce; " sou so, ha. adds, the Sarnv. Pens.
Ue states that locusts an salted for food In Egypt
(Iv. 7, 491, 492 ; comp. Hasselquist, 281-288'. The
edible class Is enumerated in fliur species No precept
Is found In Beat, relating to mass.
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I
3844 ' UNCLEAN MEATS
to be given "unto the stranger that h in thy
gates •• (Dent. xix. 81). As regard* blood, the pro-
hibition indeed dates from the declaration to Noah
•gainst " flesh with the Hie thereof which la the
blood thereof," in Gen. ix. 4, which was perhaps
regarded by Hoses ss still binding upon all Noah's
descendants. The grounds, however, on which the
similar precept of the Apostolic Council, in Acta
zt. 90, 81, appears based, relate not to any obliga-
tion resting still unbroken on the Gentile world,
but to the risk of promiscuous offense to the Jews
and Jewish Christiana, "for Moses of old time
hath in every city them that preach him." Hence
this abstinence is reckoned amongst " necessary
things " (tA iwdrayittt), and •> things offered to
idols," although not solely, it may be presumed, on
the same grounds, are placed in the same class with
" blood and things strangled " (a.a-«xtr«\u c ISaXo-
fvrtw Kal aljpavrot Kal TpirroO, vv. 28, 29). Be-
sides these, we find the prohibition twice recurring
against "seething a kid in its mother's milk." It
is added, as a final injunction to the code of dietary
precepts in Dent, ziv., after the crowning declara-
tion of ver. 21, "far thou art an holy people unto
the Lord thy God; " but in Ex. xziii. 19, xxxir.
96, the context relates to the bringing first-fruits to
the altar, and to the " Angel " who was to " go
before " the people. To this precept we shall have
occasion further to return.
The general distinction of clean and unclean is
rightly observed by Michaelis (Smith's Translation,
Art. ccii. etc) to have its parallel amongst all
nations, there being universally certain creatures
regarded as clean, i. e. fit for food, and the rest as
the opposite (conip. Lev. xi. 47). With the greater
number of uations, however, this is only a tradi-
tional usage based merely perhaps either on an in-
stinct relating to health, or on a repugnance which
is to be regarded as an ultimate fact in itself, and
of which no further account is to be given. Thus
Michaelis (as above) remarks that in a certain part
of Germany rabbits are viewed as unclean, i, t. are
advisedly excluded from diet Our feelings as re-
gards the frog and the snail, contrasted with those
of continentals, supply another close parallel. Now,
it is not unlikely that nothing more than this is
intended in the distinction between " clean " and
" unclean " in the directions given to Noah. The
intention seems to have been that creatures recog-
nised, on whatever ground, as unfit for human food,
should not be preserved in so large a proportion as
those whose number might be diminished by that
consumption. The dietary code of the Egyptians,
and the traditions which have descended amongst
the Arabs, unfortified, certainly down to the time of
Mohammed, and in some cases later, by any legis-
Istion whatever, so far as we know, may illustrate
the probable state of the Israelites. If the Law
seized upon such habits as were current among the
people, perhaps enlarging their scope and range, the
whole scheme of tradition, instinct, and usage so
iilarged might become a ceremonial barrier, having
relation at once to the theocratic idea, to the
general health of the people, and to their separate-
Mai at a nation.
The same personal interest taken by Jehovah in
his subjects, which is expressed by the demand for
I ceremonially pure state on the part of every
Israelite as in covenant with Him, regarded also
a The eaaaal, it may be observed, la the creature
sns near the line of separation, for the foot la aar-
tTNCLEAN MEAT*
this particular detail of that purity, namely, itisst,
Thus the prophet (Is. lxvi. 17), spe iking in Hit
name, denounces those that u sanctify themaetves
(consecrate themselves to Idolatry), eating swine's
flesh, and the abomination, and the mouse," and
those " which remain among the graves and lodge
in the monuments, which eat swine's flesh, and
broth of abominable things is in their vessels''
(Ixt. 4). It remained for a higher Lawgiver to
announce that '• there is nothing from without a
man that entering into him can defile him " (Mark
vii. 15). The fat was claimed as a burnt- orkring
and the blood enjoyed the highest sacrificial esteem.
In the two combined the entire victim was by rep-
resentation offered, aud to transfer either to human
use was to deal presumptuously with the most holy
things. But, besides this, the blood was esteemed
as " the life " of the creature, and a mysterious
sanctity beyond the sacrificial relation thereby
attached to it Hence we read, " whatsoever soul
it be that eateth any manner of blood, even that
soul shall be cut off from bis people " (Lev. vii. 97,
romp. xvii. 10, 14). Whereas the offender in other
dietary respects wss merely " unclean until even "
(xi. 40, xvii. 16).
Blood was certainly drunk in certain heathsa>
rituals, especially those which related to the solean-
nizatkn of a covenant, but also as a pledge of idol-
atrous worship (Pa. xvi. 4; Ex. xxxiii. 96). Still
there is no reason to think that blood has ever been
a common article of food, and any lawgiver might
probably reckon on a natural aversion effectually
fortifying his prohibition in this respect, unless
under some bewildering influence of superstition.
Whether animal qualities, grosser appetites, and
inhuman tendencies might be supposed by the He-
brews transmitted into the partaker of the blood
of animals, we have nothing to show: see, however,
Josephus, Ant. iii. 11, § 9.
It is noteworthy that the practical effect of the
rule laid down is to exclude all the enrmenra
among quadrupeds, and, so far as we can interpret
the nomenclature, the raptorts among birds. This
suggests the question whether they were excluded
as being not averse to human carcases, and in moat
eastern countries acting as the servitors of the
battle-field and the gibbet Even swine have been
known so to feed ; and, further, by their constant
runcation among whatever lies on the ground, sug-
gest impurity, even if they were not generally foul
feeders. Amongst fish those which were allowed
contain unquestionably the most wholesome varie-
ties, save that they exclude the oyster. Probably,
however, sea-fishing wss little practiced by the
Israelites; aud the Levities! rules must be under-
stood as referring backwards to their experience of
the produce of the Nile, and forwards to tbeit
enjoyment of the Jordan and its upper lakes
The exclusion of the camel and the hare from
allowable meats is less easy to account for, ears
that the former never was in common use, and is
generally spoken of in reference to the semi-bar-
barous desert tribes on the eastern or southern
border land, some of whom certainly had no In-
superable repugnance to his flesh ; " although it la
so Impossible to substitute any other creature fct
the camel as the " ship of the desert," that to sal
him, especially where so many other creatures gin
meat so much preferable, would be the worst eonr>
■ally cloven but Inranpletsty ao. and ha ta sdaa>
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UNCLEAN MEATS
«oy possible in an eastern commissariat — that of
destroying the beat, or rather the only conveyance,
in order to obtain the moat indifferent food. The
hare a wai long supposed, eren by eminent natural-
ists,* to ruminate, and certainly was eaten by tbe
Egyptians. Tbe horse and ass would be generally
spared, from similar reasons to those which ex-
empted the cameL As regards other cattle, the
young males would be those universally preferred
far food, no more of that sex reaching maturity
than were needful for breeding, whilst the supply
of milk suggested the copious preservation of the
female. The duties of draught would require
another rule in rearing neat-cattle. The laboring
steer, man's fellow in the field, had a life somewhat
ennobled and, sanctified by that comradeship. Thus
it seems to have been quite unusual to slay for
sacrifice or food, as in 1 K. xjx. 31, the ox accus-
tomed to tbe yoke. And perhaps in this case, as
being tougher, the flesh was not roasted but boiled.
Tbe ease of Araunah's oxen is not similar, as cat-
tle of all ages were useful in tbe threshing-floor
(8 Sam. xxiv. 22). Many of these restrictions must
be esteemed as merely based on usage, or arbitrary.
Practically the law left among the allowed meats
an ample variety, and no inconvenience was likely
to arise from a prohibition to eat camels, horses,
and asses. Swine, hares, etc, would probably as
nearly as possible be exterminated in proportion as
the law was observed, and their economic room
filled by other creatures. Wunderbar (Bibluck-
Talm. Median, part ii. p. 60) refers to a notion
that " the animal element might only with great
circumspection and discretion be taken up into the
life of man, in order to avoid debasing that human
life by assimilation to a brutal level, so that thereby
the soul might become degraded, profaned, filled
with animal affections, and disqualified for drawing
Dear to God." He thinks also that we may notice
a meaning in "the distinction between creatures
if a higher, nobler, and less intensely animal or-
ganization as clean, and those of a lower and in-
complete organization as unclean," and that the
insects provided with four legs and two others for
leaping are of a higher or more complete type than
there, and relatively nearer to man. This seems
Bwciful, but may nevertheless have been a view
current among Rabbinical authorities. As regards
birds, tbe raptora have oommonly tough and in-
digestible flesh, and some of them are in all warm
countries tbe natural scavengers of all sorts of
carrion and ofiaL This alone begets an instinctive
repugnance towards them, and associates tbem
with what was beforehand a defilement Thus to
kill them 'or food would tend to multiply various
of uucleanness." Porphyry (A&aftn. iv,
UNCLEAN MEATiS
8845
a The ISC', "coney," A. V., Lsv. zt S; Dent.
dr. 7; l's. civ. 18; Pror. zxx. 26, Is probably the
lorboe.
• See a correspondence on the question in 7*»
gundant and most otbsx London newspapers, April
M, 1888.
• Boohart (Hum. II. 88, 866, L 48) mentions vari-
es* symbolical meanings as conveyed by the precepts
retarding birds : " Avea rapaoas prohibult ut a raptns
av e rt s ret , nocturnes, at ahjleenbc opera tenebrarum
St se proderent luras Alios, lacufres at riparian, qua-
rtan vlctus est tmpurunlmus, ut ab omnl lnunnnditls
•jm arceret. Struthiooem denlque, qui a terra non
ittcllltur, ut terrenia nllcUs a? aa tandcrent qua) sur-
SJSB sent Qua) lntsrpntatlo non nostra est sed vet*
ejse," lis refers to Barnabas, Bpiti. z.j
7, quoted by Winer) says that the Egyptian priests
abstained from all fish, from all quadrupeds with
solid hoofs, or having claws, or which were not
homed, and from all carnivorous birds. Other
curious parallels have been found amongst more
distant nations.''
But as Orientals have minds sensitive to teach
ing by types, there can be little doubt that suck
ceremonial distinctions not only tended to keep
Jew and Gentile apart, but were a perpetual re-
minder to the former that he and tbe latter were
not on one level before God. Hence, when that
economy was changed, we find that this was the
very symbol selected to instruct St. Peter in the
truth that God was not a "respecter of persons."
The vessel filled with •' fourfooted beasts of the
earth, and wild beasts, and creeping things, and
fowls of the air," was expressive of the Gentile
world, to be put now on a level with the Israelite,
through God's "purifying their hearts by faith."
A sense of this their prerogative, however dimly
held, may have fortified the members of the priv-
ileged nation in their struggle with the persecu-
tions of the Gentiles on this very point. It was
no mere question of which among several means
of supporting life a man cbose to adopt, when tbe
persecutor dictated the alternative of swine's flesh
or the loss of life itself, but whether he should
surrender the badge and type of that privilege by
which Israel stood as the favored nation before
God (1 Mace I. 63, 64; 2 Mace vi. 18, vil. 1).
The same feeling led to the exaggeration of the
Mosaic regulations, until it was "unlawful for a
man that was a Jew to keep company with or come
unto one of another nation" (Acts x. 28); and
with such intensity were badges of distinction
cherished, that tbe wine, bread, oil, cheese, or any-
thing cooked by a heathen,* were declared unlaw-
ful for a Jew to eat. Nor was this strictness, how-
ever it might st times be pushed to an absurdity,
without foundation in the nature of the case. The
Jews, as, during and after the return from. Cap-
tivity, they found the avenues of the world opening
around tbem, would find their intercourse with
Gentiles unavoidably increased, and their only way
to avoid an utter relaxation of their code would ha
in somewhat overstraining the precepts of prohibi-
tion. Nor should we omit the tendency of those
who have no scruples to "despise" those who have,
and to parade their liberty at the expense of these
latter, and give piquancy to the contrast by wanton
tricks, designed to beguile the Jew from his strict-
ness of observance, and make him unguardedly
partake of what he abhorred, in order to heighten
his confusion by derision. One or two instances
of such amusement at the Jew's expense would
Alex. Strom, v. ; Origan, Homil. in hnit • Novaaea
Dt QKi Judaic, cap. 1H. ; Cyril, antra Julian, lib. Is.
& Winer relets to Too Bohlen (Omoii, p. 88) «•
finding the origin of the olean and unclean aolmaU
in the Zendavetta, in that the latter are the creation
of Ahrtman, whereas man Is ascribed to that of Or-
mud. He rejects, however, and quite rightly, the
notion that Persian Institutions exercised any Influ-
ence over Hebrew ones at the earliest period of the
latter, and connects It with the efforts of some " den
Pentateuch reoht Jung una> die Ideen des SfeodaTasta
reek' alt su machen." See Uscmiratu for other se>
semblances between Persian and Hebrew ritual.
• Winer alK refers to Moan Zara, It 2-6, v. »
awtOngar, Leg. Athn., pp. US, 141.
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UNCLEAN MEATS
drive the latter within the entrenchment! of an
universal repugnance and avoidance, and make him
teek the safe aide at the coat of being counted a
churl and a bigot Thus we mar account for the
refusal of the " king's meat " by the religious
captives (Dan. 1. 8), and for the similar conduct
recorded of Judith (xii. 2) and Tobit (Tob. L 11);
and in a similar spirit Shakespeare makes Shyfock
say, " I will not eat with you, drink with you, nor
pray with you " (Merchant of Venice, Act i. 8c.
iii.). As regards things offered to idols, all who
own one God meet on common ground; but the
Jew viewed the precept as demanding a literal ob-
■active obedienoe, and had a holy horror of even
an unconscious infraction of the Law: hence, as
be could never know what had received idolatrous
consecration, his only safety lay in total abstinence;
whereas St. Paul admonishes the Christian to ab-
stain, " for his sake that showed it and for con-
science' sake," from a thing said to have been
consecrated to a false god, but not to parade his
conscientious scruples by interrogating the butcher
at his stall or the boat in his guest-chamber (1 Cor.
x. 96-29), and to give opposite injunctions would
doubtless in his view have been " compelling the
Gentiles to live as did the Jews" (loxitatCtir, Gal.
11. H).
The prohibition to " seethe a kid in his mother's
milk" has caused considerable difference of opin-
ion amongst commentators. Michaelis (Art. ccx.)
thought it wss meant merely to encourage the use
of olive oil instead of the milk or butter of an
animal, which we commonly use in cookery, where
the Orientals use the former. This will not sat-
isfy any mind by which the clew of symbolism, so
Mindly held by the eastern devotee, and so deeply
interwoven in Jewish ritual, has been once duly
seized. Mercy to the beasts is one of the under-
currents which permeate that Law. To soften the
feelings and humanize the character was the higher
aad more general aim. When St Paul, comment-
ing on a somewhat similar precept, says, " Doth
God care for oxen, or saith He it altogether for our
sakes? " he does not mean to deny God's care for
oxen, but to insist the rather on the more elevated
and more human lesson. The milk was the des-
tined support of the young creature: viewed in
reference to it, the milk was its " life," and bad a
relative sanctity resembling that of the forbidden
blood (corns). Juv. xi. 68, " qui plus lactis habet
quam sanguinis," speaking of a kid destined for
the knife). No doubt the abstinence from the
forbidden action, in the case of a young creature
already dead, and a dam unconscious probably of
Its loss, or whose consciousness such an use of her
milk could In nowise quicken, was based on a senti-
ment merely. Bat the practical consequence, that
milk must be foregone or elsewhere obtained, would
prevent the sympathy from being an empty one.
U would not be the passive emotion which becomes
weaker by repetition, for want of an active habit
with which to ally Hash*. And thus its operation
would lie in Indirectly quickening sympathies for
the brute creation at all other times. The Tal-
mudists took an extteme view of the precept, as
forbidding generally the -cooking of flesh in milk
(Mishna, CAofim, viii.; Hottinger, Leg. Hebr. pp.
117, HI, quoted by Winer).
It remains to mention the sanitary aspect of the
MM. Swine are said to be peculiarly liable to dis-
MM In their own bodies. This probably means
Jbat the) *re mow -essay W than -other creatures
UNCLEAN MEATS
to the foul feeding which produces it ; and when
the average heat is great, decomposition rapid, and
malaria easily excited, this tendency in the anima.
is more mischievous than elsewhere. A metael «
mad, from whence we have •• measled pork," is
the old English word for a '• leper," and it hi as-
serted that eating swine's flesh in Syria and Egypt
tends to produce that disorder (BartboHni, he
Morbu Bibl viii.; Wunderbar, p. 61). But there
is an indefiniteness about these assertions which
prevents our dealing with them scientifically. Man-
tel or metel may well indeed represent "leper,"
but which of all the morbid symptoms rlsssrrt
under that head it is to stand for, and whether it
means the same, or at least a parallel disorder, in
man and in pig, are indeterminate questions.
[Leper.] Toe prohibition on eating fat was salu-
brious in a region where akin diseases are frequent
and virulent, and that on blood had, no doubt, a
similar tendency. The ease of animals dying of
themselves needs no remark: the mere wish to
insure avoiding disease, in esse they had died in
such a state, would dictate the rule. Yet lot
beneficial tendency is veiled under a ceremonial
difference, for the "stranger" dwelling by the
Israelite was allowed it, although the Utter was
forbidden. Thus is their distinctness before Ged,
as a nation, ever put prominently forward, even
where more common motives appear to have their
turn. As regards the animals allowed for food,
comparing them with those forbidden, there can
be no doubt on which side the balance of wbole-
someness lies. Nor would any dietetic economist
fail to pronounce in favor of the Levitical dietary
code as a whole, as insuring the maximum of pub-
lic health, and yet of national distinctness, pro-
cured, however, by a minimum of the ineonvenienee
arising from restriction.
Bochart's Hierceoicm ; Forskal's Detcriptumct
Animatium, etc., qua m It'mere Orientali oimervn-
vii, with his Jamet Rerum Naluralium, and Kosen-
m tiller's Handbwh der Bibl. Alterthumtkunde,to\.
iv., Nnturnl History, may be consulted on some
of the questions connected with this subject; also
more generally, Moses Maimonides, De CUrie VetUi ;
Reinhard, De Cibit Hebraorum Prohibitis.
H. H.
* The distinction between elean and unclear,
animals was divinely recognized, apparently as si-
ready familiar among men, before the Flood (Gen.
vB. 8). Animal food, on the other hand, was first
permitted to man after the Flood (Gen. ix. 3, ef. i.
29 and vi. 21); and that permission was couched
in the most general terms without reference to clean
or unclean. It is plain, therefore, that the basis of
the distinction must be sought elsewhere than in
the fitness or unfitness of the various animals to be
used for food. Indeed some more satisfactory way
of accounting for human customs in regard to thai
use itself seems desirable than merely tradition, or
sanitary instinct, or sentiment. Such a basis both
for the original distinction, and also for the dif-
ference in regard to the use of animals for food
seems to be furnished by the fact that immediately
after the Flood Noah offered in sacrifice " of every
clean beast and of every clean fowl " ((Sen. viii. 90)
There must then have already existed a recognized
distinction among animals of clean and unclean act
cording to their fitness or unfitness to be offeree! is
sacrifice, — a point probably determined by Divias
direction in the earliest ages. This seems alas Is
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UNCLEANNESS
tie the fundamental 1dm In the word "l 1 ""^ vmi
to designate the clean animal. The distinction
having once been established for purposes of sacri-
fice, would naturally have passed on to food, since
the eating of animal food was everywhere so closely
connected with the previous offering of a part of
the animal in sacrifice. When it became necessary
or expedient to extend the oUsses allowable for food
beyond the very small number used for sacrifice,
It was readily done by following the principle of
similarity, and recognizing as suitable for food those
animals possessing the same general characteristics
as were required in victims for sacrifice.
When by the Great Sacrifice on Calvary animal
sacrifices were done sway, the basis for the distinc-
tion in animals for food at once ceased, and man
recurred again to the broad permission of Gen. Ix.
3, " Every moving thing that liveth shall be meat
for you; even as the green herb have I given you
all things." F. G.
UNCLEANNESS. The distinctive idea at-
tached to ceremonial uncleanness among the He-
brews was, that it cut a person off for the time from
social privileges, and left his citizenship among
God's people for the while in abeyance. It did not
merely require by law a certain ritual of purifica-
tion, in order to enhance the importance of the
priesthood, hut it placed him who had contracted
an uncleanness in a position of disadvantage, from
which certain ritualistic acts alone could free him.
These ritualistic acts were primarily the means of
recalling the people to a sense of the personality
of (tad, and of the reality of the bond in whieh the
Covenant had placed them with Him. As regards
the nature of the acts themselves, they were in part
purely ceremonial, and in part had a sanitary ten-
dency ; as also had the personal isolation in which
the unclean were placed, acting to some extent as
a quarantine, under circumstances where infection
was possible or supposable. It is remarkable that,
although many acts having no connection specially
with cleaning entered into the ritual, the most
frequently enjoined method of removing ceremonial
pollution was that same washing which produces
physical cleanliness. Nor can we adequately com-
prehend the purport and spirit of the lawgiver,
unless we recognize on either side of tin merely
ceremonial acts, often apparently enjoined for the
sake of solemnity alone, the spiritual and moral
benefits on the one side, of which they spake in
shadow only, and the physical correctives or pre-
ventives on the other, which they often In substance
•jnveyed. MaimonHes and some other expositors,
whilst they apparently forbid, in reality practice the
rationalizing of many ceremonial precepts (Wunder-
bar, BiMuch-TalmuthKht Medicin, 3m Heft, 4).
There is an intense reality in the fact of the
Divine law taking hold of a man by the ordinary
infirmities of flesh, and setting its stamp, as it were,
in the lowest clay of which he is moulded. And
indeed, things which would be unsuited to the
spiritual dispensation of the New Testament, and
which might even sink into the ridiculous by too
dose a contact with its sublimity, have their proper
shoe in a law of temporal sanctions, directly affect-
ing man's life in this world chiefly or solely The
saeredncss attached to the humai, body Is parallel
UNCLEANNESS
8347
to that which invested the Ark of the Covenant
itaeht It is as though Jehovah thereby would back
them that the " very hairs of their bead were all
numbered " before Him, and that " in bis book
were all their members written." Thus was ttwil
eated, an to speak, a bodily holiness." And it is
remarkable indeed, that the solemn precept, '• Ye
shall be holy; for I am holy," is used not only
where moral duties are enjoined, as in l-ev. xix. 3,
but equally so where purely ceremonial precepts are
Wivered, as in xi. 44, 4o. So the emphatic and
recurring period, " I am the Lord your God." is
found added to the clauses of positive observance
as well as to those relating to the grandest ethical
barriers of duty. The same weight of veto or in-
junction seems laid on all alike : e. g. " Ye shall
not make any cuttings in your flesh for the dead,
nor print any marks upon you : I am the Lord,"
and " Thou shalt rise up before the hoary bead,
and honor the face of the old man, and fear thy
God: I am the Lord" (six. 38, 83). They had
his mark set in their flesh, end all flesh on whicli
that had passed had received, as it were, the broad
arrow of the king, and was really owned by him.
They were preoccupied by that mark of ownership
in all the leading relations of life, so ss to exclude
the admission of any rival badge.
Nor were they to he only " separated from other
people," bat they were to be " holy unto Cat " (xx.
24, 26), " a kingdom of priests, and a holy nation."
Hence a number of such ordinances regarding out-
ward purity, which in Egypt they had seen used
only by the priests, were made publicly obligatory
on the Hebrew nation.
The importance to physical well-being of the in
junctions which required frequent ablution, under
whatever special pretexts, can be but feebly appre-
ciated in our cooler and damper climate, where
there seems to he a lees rapid action of the atmos-
phere, as well as a state of the frame less disposed
towards the generation of contagion, and towards
morbid action generally. Hence the obvious utility
of reinforcing, by the sanction of religion, obser-
vances tending in the main to that healthy state
which is the only solid basis of comfort, even tiiougb
In certain points of detail they were burdensonue.
The custom of using the bath also on occasions of
ceremonious introduction to persons of rank or im-
portance (Ruth iii. 8; Judith, x. 8), well explains
the special use of it on occasions of religious minis-
tration, viewed as a personal appearing before God;
whence we understand the office of the lavers among
the arrangements of the sanctuary (Ex. xxx. IS
21; 1 K. vii. 38, 39; comp. Ex. xix. 10, 14; 18am.
xvi. 5; Josh. iii. 6; 3 Chr. xxx. 17). The example*
of parallel observances among the nations of an-
tiquity, will suggest themselves easily to the classical
student without special references. The closest ap-
proximation, however, to the Mosaic ritual in this
respect, Is said to be found in the code of Mens
(Winer, " Beinigkeit," 818, note).
To the priests was ordinarily referred the exposi-
tion of the law of uncleanness, as may be gathered
from Hag. ii. 11. Uncleanness, as referred to man,
may be arranged in three degrees; (1) that which
defiled merely " until even," and was removed by
bathing and washing the slothes at the end of it—
such were all ooutaets with dead animals; (S) thai
i the view or tin modern Persians In this
Onardln's Voyaew, vol. II. p. 8*4. chap rv.
la eons as sit u ate dsvant Msu cqdivi I'law I U
taut dona qutl salt pur, tent pour parier 4 Men, <
pour sntrsr dans Is lava noi— iw< e son emits."
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3848
UNCLEANNESS
graver sort which defiled for wren days, and m
removed by the uw of the " water of separation " —
inch were all defilements connected with the human
sorpae; (3) uncleanness from the morbid, puerperal,
or menstrual state, lasting as lone; as that morbid
state lasted — but see further below; and in the
ease of leprosy lasting often for life.
It suffices barely to notice the spiritual signif-
icance which the law of carnal ordinances veiled.
This seems sometimes apparent, as in Deut xxi. 8-8
(comp. Pi. xxvi S, lixiii. 13), yet calling for a
spiritual discernment in. the student; and this is
the point of relation between these " divers wash-
ings" and Christian Baptism (1 I'et iii. 81). Those
who lacked that gift were likely to confound the
Inward with the outward purification, or to fix their
legarda exclusively on the latter.
As the human person was itself the seat of a
sovenant-token, so male and female bad each their
ceremonial obligations in proportion to their sexual
differences, further than this the increase of the
nation was a special point of the promise to Abraham
and Jacob, and therefore their fecundity as parents
was under the Divine tutelage, beyond the general
notion of a curse, or at least of God's disfavor, as
Implied in barrenness. The ■• blessings of the breasts
and of the womb " were his (Gen. xlix. 25), and
the law takes accordingly grave and at it were
paternal cognizance of the organic functions con-
nected with propagation. Thus David could feel
" Thou has possessed my reins; thou hast covered
me in my mother's womb " (l's. exxxix. 13); and
8t. Paul found a spiritual analogy in the fact that
"God had tempered the body together, baring
given more abundant honor to that part which
Sicked" (1 Cor. xii. 24). The changes of habit in-
cident to the female, and certain abnormal states of
either sex in regard to auch functions, are touched
on reverently, and with none of the JSaculapian
coldness of science— for the point of view is through-
out from the sanctuary (I<ev. xv. 31) ; and the
ourity of the individual, both moral and physical,
at well as the preservation sf the race, seems in-
cluded In it. There is an emphatic reminder of
Human weakness in the fact of birth and death —
man's passage alike into and out of his mortal state
— being marked with a stated pollution. Thus the
birth of the infant brought defilement on its mother,
which she, except so far as necessarily isolated by
the nature of the circumstances, propagated around
her. Nay, the conjugal act itaelf" or any act re-
sembling it, though done Involuntarily (w. 16-18),
entailed uncleanness for a day. The corpse, on the
■(her hand, bequeathed a defilement of seven days
• Oomp. Hand. H. 64, when It appears that after
Hash Intercourse an Egyptian could not enter a aanc-
taary without first bathing.
a Ancient Greek physicians assert that, In southern
countries, the symptom* of the puerperal state eon-
Unas longer when a woman has borne a daughter than
when a son. Hlohaells (ftnfiA'j THuulatiom), Art.
m.
e Winer Cjuotea a remarkable passage from Pliny,
N. R. TH. 18, apadf/hig the mysteriously mischievous
asupcilks ascribed in popular superstition to the men-
strual flax ; >. g. hods and fruits being blighted, ateel
Una ted, dogs driven mad by It, and the like. But
Way has evidently raked together all aorta of " old
etna' Bibles," without any attempt at testing their
truth, and la therefore utterly untrustworthy. Mora
•« the purpose Is hla quotation of Hallar, Sim.
■ajneV. vB. 148, to the effect that this opinion of the
UNCLEANNKeS
to all who handled it, to the " tent " or ehambn
■it death, and to sundry things within it. Nay
contact with one slain in the field of battle, or wit*
even a human bone or grave, was no leas effeetna»
to pollute, than that with a corpse dead by the
course of nature (Num. xix- 11-18). This shows
that the sonrce of pollution lay in the mere fact of
death, and seems to mark an anxiety to fix a sense
of the connection of death, even as of birth, with
sin, deep in the heart of the nation, by a wide
pathology, if we may so call It, of defilement It re
as though the pool of human corruption was atirred
anew by whatever passed Into or out of it. For the
special cases of male, female, and intersexnal delile
ment, see Lev. xii., xr. Wunderbar, BtbBtek-TaU
mwKtche Median, pt lii. 19-20, refers tc Miehnm,
Zabim, ii. 8, JVmnr. is, 4, aa understanding by the
symptoms mentioned in I-ev. xv. 8-8 Ike gonorrkaa
btnignn. The same authority thinks that the plague
" for Poor's sake " (Num. xxv. 1, 8, 9; Drat iv. 3;
Josh. xxli. 17) was possibly a syphilitic affection
derived from the Moabitea- [Issue; Mkdicuc.]
The duration of defilement caused by the birth
of a female infant, being double that due to a male,
extending respectively to eighty' and forty days
in all (Lev. xii. 8-0), may perhaps represent the
woman's heavier share in the first sin and bat
curse (Gen. iii. 16; 1 Tim. ii. 14). For a man's
" issue," besides the uncleanness while it lasted, a
probation of seven days, including a washing on
the third day, is prescribed. Similar waa the period
in the case of the woman, and in that of int ercour se
with a woman ao affected (l>ev. xv. 13, 84, 88).
Such an act during her menstrual separation ' was
regarded as incurring, beyond uncleanness, the
penalty of both the persons being cut off from
among their people (xx. 18). We may gather from
Gen. xxxi. 36, that such injunctions were a gree able
to established traditional notions. The propaga-
tion of uncleanness from the person to the bed,
saddle, clothes, etc., and through them to other
persons, is apt to impress the imagination with an
idea of the loathsomeness of such a stats or the
heinousness of such acta, more forcibly by far than
if the defilement clove to the first person merely
(Lev. xv. 5, 6, 9, 12, 17, 20, 22-84, 26, 87). II
threw a broad margin around them, and warned
all off by amply denned boundaries. One expres-
sion in ver. 8, seems to have misled Winer into
supposing that an Issue of rheum (Sekleim/kaf
was perhaps intended. That "apitting," in some
cases where there was no disease in question, con-
veyed defilement, seems implied in Num. xii. 14,
and much more might such an act so operate, from
virulent and baneful effects of this secretion uiuw e J e d
from Asia, and waa Imported Into Kuropa by the
Arablana ; which, however, lacks due foundation, and
which Pliny's language ao far contradicts. The laws
of Menu are aald to be mora stringent on this head
than the Mosaic. The menstrual affection begins at
an earlier age, and has periods of longer dotation with
Oriental women than with those of our own climate.
That Greek religion recognised some of the Leritical
pollutions la plain from Kurip. Iphig. Taut. (80 foil.,
where we read of a goddess, — frit, fotrrmr iUr $» to
tyirru eSerov, < ul Aoj^fm, 4 rncpoi Srr« xtpov,
Swfiwv ervipyfi, ftvevpc* wv ^yovpfae. A fragment
of the same poet, adduced by Mr. Paley ad. lot. eft
la even more closely In point It Is, vaAAawra f t^m
flpara favy yiwi» n fi parmm eel vvapeMfeee er
XptpTTOVcra, rln> t* «Vdwjp»' fi f m r Ihnw meW
ftsyvvu. Oomp. also Tneophx. Char. IT.
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TJN0LEANNB88
me whom malady made him a mite of pollution
m to the touch.
As regard! the propagation of uncleanness the
Law of Hotel U not quite dear. We read (Num.
six. ag), u Whatsoever the unclean person tonehetb
■hall be unclean s " but there uneleanneas from con-
tact with the corpse, grave, etc., is the subject of
the chapter which the injunction closes ; and this is
confirmed bj Hag. 1L 13, where " one that is un-
clean b$ a dead body " is similarly expressly men-
tioned. Also from the command (Num. t. 8-4) to
"put the unclean out of the camp; " where the
•' leper," the one " that hath an issue," and the
one '• defiled by the dead,'* are particular-bed, we
may assume that the minor pollution for one day
only was not communicable, and so needed not to
be •* put forth." It is obserrabie also that the
major pollution of the " issue " communicated by
contact the minor pollution only (Lev. zv. 6-11).
Hence may perhaps be deduced a tendency in the
contagiousness to exhaust itself ; the minor pollu-
tion, whether engendered by the major or arising
directly, being non-communicable. Thus the major
itself would expire after one remove from its
original subject. To this pertains the distinction
mentioned by Ughtfoot (Bor. Htbr. on Matt. xv.
9), namely, that between NTitS, " unclean," and
blDS, " profane " or " polluted," in that the latter
does not pollute another beside itself nor propagate
pollution. In the ancient commentary on Num.
known at " Siphri " ■ (ap. Ugol. The*, xv. 846), a
greater transmiasibility of polluting power seems
assumed, the defilement being there traced through
three removes from the original subject of it; but
this is no doubt a Rabbinical extension of the
original Levities! view.
Michselis notices a medical tendency in the re-
striction laid on coition, whereby both parties were
unclean until even ; he thinks, and with some rea-
son, that the law would operate to discourage polyg-
amy, and, in monogamy, would tend to preserve
the health of the parents and to provide for the
healthiness of the offspring. The uncieanneee sim-
ilarly imposed upon self-pollution (Lev. xv. 16;
Deut. xxiii. 10), even if involuntary, would equally
exercise a restraint both moral and salutary to
health, and suggest to parents the duty of vigilance
over their male children (Michaelis, Art. ooxiv.-
eexvii.).
With regard to uneleanneas arising from the
lower animals, Ughtfoot (Bor. Bebr. on Lev. xL-
xv.) remarks, that all which were unclean to touch
when dead were unclean to eat, but not conversely ;
and that all which wen unclean to eat were un-
"ean to sacrifice, but not conversely ; since " multa
i lere licet qua non sacrificari, et multa tangere
licet qua non edere." For uncleanness in matters
of food, see Uhclkah Heats. All animals, bow-
ever, if dying of themselves, or eaten with the
blood, were undean to eat. [Blood.] The carcase
also of any animal unclean as regards diet, however
dying, defiled whatever person it, or any part of it
touched. By the same touch any garment, sack,
skin, or vessel, together with its contents, became
tndean, and was to be purified by washing or scour-
tig; or if an earthen vessel, was to be broken, just
• The passage In the Latin •entou It, 81 vasa
■sjs tangunt hominem qui tangs, vast, qua, tangant
tt u t tuuu i.iuiit ImmuDda," ste.
* Blahip ( M e m o appears to have minmppued tail.
UNCLEAN NESS 834$
sa the Brahmins break a vessel out of which a
Christian has drunk. Further, the water in which
such things had been purified communicated their
uncleanness; and even seed for sowing, if wettec
with water, became unclean by touch of any carrion
or unclean animal when dead. All these defile-
ments were " until eveu " only, save the eating
" with the blood," the offender in which respect
was to "be cut off" (Lev. xi., xvii. 14).
It should further be added, that the same sen-
tence " of cutting off," was denounced against all
who should " do presumptuously " in respect even
of minor defilements; by which we may understood
all contempt of the legal provisions regarding thee:
The comprehensive term " defilement " also in
eludes the contraction of the unlawful marriages
and the indulgence of unlawful lusts, at denounced
in Lev. xviil. Even the sowing heterogeneous
seeds in the tame plot, the mixture of materials in
one garment, the sexual admixture of cattle with
a diverse kind, the ploughing with diverse ani-
mals in one team, although not formally so classed,
yet seem to fall under the same general notion,
save in so far as no specified term of defilement or
mode of purification is prescribed (Lev. xix. 19;
Deut. xxii. 9-11; coiup. Michadis, as above, ocu.)
In the first of these cases the fruit is pronounced
" defiled," which Michaelis iuterpets as a consecra-
tion, t. e. confiscation of the crop for the uses of the
priests.
The fruit of trees was to be counted " as uneir-
cumcised," i. e. unclean for the first three years; in
the fourth it was to he set apart as " holy to praise
the I^ord withal," and eaten commonly not till the
fifth. Michaelis traces an economic effect in this
regulation, it being best to pluck off the blossom in
the early years, and not allow the tree to bear fruit
till it had attained to tome maturity (ibid, cexxii. ).
The directions in Deut- xxiii. 10-13, relate to
the avoidance of impurities in the case of a host en-
camped,' as shown in ver. 9, end from the mention
of "enemies " in ver. 14. The health of the anuy
would of course suffer from the neglect of such
rules; but they are based on no such ground of ex-
pediency, but on the scrupulous ceremonial purity
demanded by the God whose pretence was in the
midst of them. We must suppose that the rule
which expelled soldiers under certain circumstance*
of pollution from the camp for a whole day, wax
relaxed in the presence of an enemy, as otherwise
it would have placed them beyond the protection
of their comrades, and at the mercy of tbe hostile
host. As regards the other regulation, it is part
of tbe teaching of nature herself that an assembled
community should reject whatever the human body
itself expels. And on this ground the Levities)
Law teems content to let such a matter rest, for it
annexes no stated defilement, nor prescribes any
purification.
Amongst causes of defilement should be noticed
tbe met that the ashes of the red heifer, burnt
whole, which were mixed with water and became
the standing resource for purifying uncleanness in
the second degree, themselves became a source of
defilement to all who were dean, even as of purifi-
cation to tbe unclean, and to the water. Thus the
priest and Levite, who administered this puriflca-
as though it were required of the host of Israel, i°. «•
ths whole body of uw people, throughout tbe whoa
of their wandering in the wUdemsas. 2)U P mlauu tk.
ess., eh «t. 89.
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2860
UKCLEANNBSS
Dan in their respective degrees, were themselves
made nucleoli thereby, but in the first or lightest
degree only (Num. xix. 7, foil.). Somewhat simi-
larly the scape-goat, who bore away the una of the
people, defiled him who led him into the wilderness,
and the bringing forth and burning the sacrifice
on the Great Day of Atonement bad a similar
power. This lightest form of uncleanneas was ex-
piated by bathing the body and washing the clothes.
Besides the water of purification made as aforesaid,
men and women in their " issues," were, after seven
days, reckoned from the cessation of tbe disorder,
to bring two turtle-doves or young pigeons to be
Wiled by the priests. The purification after child-
bed k well known from tbe N. T.; the Law, how-
ever, primarily required a lamb aud a bird, and al-
lowed the poor to commute for a pair of birds as
before. That for the leper declared clean consisted
of two states: the first, not properly sacrificial,
though involving the shedding of blood, consisted
in bringing two such birds, the one of which tbe
priest killed over spring-water with which its blood
was mingled, and the mixture sprinkled seven times
on the late leper, with an instrument made of cedar-
wood, scarlet wool, and hyssop ; the living bird was
then dipped in it, and let fly away, symbolizing «
probably the liberty to which the leper would be
entitled when his probation and sacrifice were com-
plete, even as the slaughtered bird signified tbe
discharge of the impurities which his blood had
contained during the diseased state. The leper
might now bathe, shave himself, and wash his
clothes, and come within the town or camp, nor
was every place which he entered any longer pol-
luted by him (IHishna, Ntyaim, xiii. 11; Celim, i.
4), he was, however, relegated to his own house or
tent for seven days. At the end of that time he
was scrupulously to shave his whole body, even to
his eyebrows, and wash and bathe as before. The
final sacrifice consisted of two lambs, and an ewe
sheep of the first year with flour and oil, the poor
being allowed to bring one lamb and two birds as
before, with smaller quantities of flour aud oil. For
the detail of the ceremonial, some of the features
of which are rather singular, see Lev. xiv. Lepers
were allowed to attend the synagogue worship,
where separate seats were assigned them {Ntyaim,
xiii. 12).
All these kind of uncleanneas disqualified for
holy functions : as the layman so affected might not
approach tbe congregation and the sanctuary, so any
priest who incurred defilement must abstain from
the holy things (Lev. xxii. 2-8). The high-priest
was forbidden the customary signs of mourning
for rather w mother, " for the crown of the anoint-
ing iil of his God is upon him " (Lev. xxi. 10-12),
and beside his case the same prohibition seems to
have been extended to the ordinary priests. At
least we have an example of it in tbe charge given
to Ehasar and Ithatnar on their brethren's death
(Lev. x. 6). From the specification of " father or
mother," we may infer that he was permitted to
■worn for his wife, and so Maimonides (de Luctu,
sen. ii., iv., v.) explains the text. Further, from
« 1. 1. convey lug m symbol only a release from tbe
tBMs *» which the leper, whilst such, was sentenced.
*t to probable, however, that tbe duality of tbe symbol
arose from the natural Impossibility of representing life
end death In the same creature, and that both tbe
lards Involve a « mplste representation of the Death,
Insurrection, and Ascension which procure tbe Chris-
TJNCLEANKEM
the special prohibition of EnUsa, who was a print
to mourn for his wife (Ks. xxiv. 15, fell.), we kjo»
that to mourn for a wife was generally permittee,
to the priests. Among ordinary Israelites, the man
or woman who had an issue, or the latter while in
the menstrual or puerperal state, might not, ac-
cording to the rtabbins, enter even the mount on
which the Temple stood ; nor migbt the uitra-mure*
space be entered by any Israelite in mourning. In
Jerusalem itself, according to the same authorities,
a dead body might not be allowed to pass the night,
nor even the bones of one be carried through its
streets ; neither was any cultivation allowed there,
for fear of tbe dung, etc, to which it might give
rise (Maimonides Contlil. de Temp. cap. vii. xiv.-
xvi.). No bodies were to be interred within towns,
unless seven chief men, or the public voice, bade
the interment there; and every tomb within a town
was to be carefully walled in [ibid. xiii.). If a man
in a state of pollution presumed to enter the sanc-
tuary, he was obliged to offer a sacrifice as well aa
suffer punishment. The sacrifice was due under
the notion that the pollution of the sanctuary
needed expiation, and the punishment was either
whipping, the " rebel's beating," which meant leav-
ing the offender to the mercies of the mob, " cutting
off from the congregation," or death " by the hand
of heaven" (Ughtfoot, Her. Htbr. on Lev. xv.;
Ugolini, Thti. xvi. lag).
As regards the special ease of the leper, sea
Lephosy. To the re/narks there nisde, it may be
added that the priests, in their contact with the
leper to be adjudged, were exempted from the law
of defilement; that the garb and treatment of the
leper seems to be that of one dead in the eye of the
Law, or rather a perpetual mourner for his own
estate of death with " clothes rent and head bare,"
the latter beiug a token of profound affliction and
prostration of spirit among au oriental people,
which no conventional token among ourselves can
adequately parallel. The fatal cry KQfp, HOf£,
" Unclean, unclean ! " was uttered not only by the
leper, but by sll for whose uncleanneas no remedy
could be found (Peeiclitka, § 9; CgoL Tkn. xvi.
40). When we consider the aversion to leprone
contact which prevailed in Jewish society, and that
whatever the leper touched was, as if touched by at
corpse, defiled seven days, we see tbe happy signifi-
cance of oar Lord's selecting the touch as his meant
of healing the leper (Ughtfoot, Hvr. Htbr. on
Matt. viii. 2) ; as we also appreciate better tbe bold
faith of the woman, and bow daringly she over-
stepped conventional usage based on the letter of
the Law, who having the " issue of blood," hitherto
incurable, " came behind him and touched tbe hero
of his garment," confident that not pollution to Him
but cleansing to herself would be the result of that
touch (Luke viii. 43, foil.).
As regards the analogies which the ceremonial
of other oriental nations oners, it may be men-
tioned that amongst the Arabs the touching a corps*
still defiles (Burekhardt, p. 80). Beyond thia, M.
Chardin in bia account of the reHgion of the Per-
sians ( Voyiyei en Ptrtt, vol. i». 848, foil) enters
nan Atonement This would of t
cape the nonce of the worshipper. Christ, with hat
own blood, " entered the holy places not made wit*
hands,'' aa the living bird soared up to tbe visible
firmament with the blood of its Jellow. Tfe may com
pare the two goats completing apparently one ahullar
Jointeymbol on the day 1 Atonement.
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UNCTION
ato particulars whieh ihow a singularly ekes cor-
respondence with the Levities! code. This will be
■sen by quoting merely the headings of some of hit
shapters and section!. Thui we find under " chap,
iv. X"* partie, Dee purifications qui as font avec
d'ean ; 2*« partie, De I'immondiciuS ; 1«» aection,
De l'impurete qui as contraete tenint coital ,- 2*«
section, l)e l'impureU qui arrive aux femmes par
lea partes de sang, De l'impurete' dee partes de sang
ordinaires, De l'impurete dee pertes de sang extraor-
dineires, De l'impurete! des pertes de sang dee
xuohss. 4*"* partie, De la purification des corps
moils." We may compare also with certain Lerit-
idel precepts the following: "Si un chien boit
dans un tsss ou Mobs quelqne plat, il but Nearer
le rase avee de la terra uette, et puis le laver deux
fbis d'eau nette, et il sera net," It is remarkable
also that these prvoepU apply to the people not qui
they are Mohammedans, but qua they are Fenians,
ss they are said to shun even Mohammedans who are
not of the seme ritual in regard to these observances.
For certain branches of this subject the reader
may be referred to the treatises in the Hishna
named Niddult (menUruata), Parah (vacea rufa),
Tehoroth (PuritaUt), Zabbim ( jluxu laboranUt),
Cecil* (oata), Mitaith Arlak (arborwn praputia) ;
also to Maimon. lib. t. Inure Biih (prokibita
eoitionee), NiddaX (ut tup.), Maooabtk Auurotk
(dbi prohibit). H. H.
•UNCTION. [A>orjrr;SnBrr,TRBHoLT.]
TJNDEBGIBDING.ActsxxTii.17. [Shit
(*), p. 3006.]
• UNDERSBTTERS, 1 K. vU. 30, 34, are
preps, supports. H.
• UNGRACIOUS, i. e. « graceless," "wicked,"
the tranaUUon (A. V.) in 2 Mace iv. 18, viii. 84,
xt. 3 of iuapit and TpiaaXir^ptot, epithets applied
to Jason and Nicanor. A.
UNICORN (QO,r«m; D^Kl, rliym; or
Q^» rigm: panxtftn, itpif. rhinocerot, uni-
oomu), the unhappy rendering by the A. V., fol-
lowing the LXX., of the Hebrew BUm, a word
which occurs seven times in the 0. T. as the name
of some large wild animal. More, perhaps, has
been written on the subject of the unicorn of the
ancients than on any other animal, and various are
the opinions which have been given as to the crea-
ture intended. The ritm of the Hebrew Bible,
however, has nothing at all to do with the one-
horned animal mentioned by Ctesias (IncKca, iv.
95-97), jfilian {IfaL Anus. xvi. 90), Aristotle
(Hi*. Anim. ii. 2, § 8), Pliny (//. tf. viii. 91), and
other Greek and Roman writers, ss is evident bom
Deut xxxiii. 17, where, in the blessing of Joseph,
It is said, « His glory is like the firstling of his
bullock, and his horns are like the horns of a uni-
sons " (OH"] V)-]J2), not, as the text of the A. V.
renders it, >• the 'horns of unicorns." The two
hams of the BUm are " the ten thousands of
Bphraim and the thousands of Manasseh " _ the
tav tribes whieh sprang from one, i s. Jossph, ss
two horns from one head. This text, most appro-
ariatsiy referred to by Sohultsns (Ommeni. in Job.
tuts 9), puts a one-bomed animal entirely out of
the question, and in consequence disposes of the
•pinion held by Bruce (Trnv. v. he, and others,
that some species of rhinoceros is denoted, or that
Maintained by some writers, that the riem is Men-
tal with some one-homed animal taid to have
UNICORN
8851
been seen by travellers In South Africa and in Thi-
bet (see Barrow's Travels m 8. Africa, I 319-
318, and Asiatic Journal, xi. 154), and identical
with the veritable unloom of Greek and Latin
writers 1 Bochart (Bierow. il. 835) contends thai
the Hebrew ritm is identical with the Arabie rim
(*-}}) whieh is usually referred to the Orys
leuouryx, the white antelope of North Africa, and
at one time perhaps an inhabitant of Palestine.
Bochart has been followed by Rosenmiilkr, Winer,
and others. Arnold Boot (Aniwad. 8aer. til. 8,
Lond. 1844 J, with much better reason, conjectures
that some species of «ru> or wild ox is the Biin
of the Hebrew Scriptures. He has been followed
by Schulteus ( Comment, in Jobum xxxix. 9, who
translates the term by Boe lyhettru : this learned
writer has a long and most valuable note jn this
question), by Parkhurst (Set. lex. s. v. DK~I),
Maurer (Comment, in Job. I c), Dr. Harris (Jr*iC
Hi*, of the Bibk), and by Gary (Jvofes on Jui:
I c). Robinson (Bibl. Be*, ii. 419) and Gesenius
(Thau s. T.) have little doubt that the bufialo
(Bubahu bufnltu) is the rlim of the Bible. Be-
fore we proceed to discuss these several claimants
to represent toe rUm, it will be well to note the
Scriptural allusions in the passages where the term
occurs. The great strength of the ritm is men-
tioned in Num. xxiil. 92, Job xxxix. 11; his hav-
ing two horns in Deut. xxxiii. 17 ; his fierce nature
in Pa. xxii. 91 ; his indomitable disposition in Job
xxxix. 9-11; the active aud playful habits of the
young animal are alluded to in Ps. xxix. 6; while
in Is. xxxiv. 8, 7, where Jehovah is said to be pre-
paring "a sacrifice in Basrah," it is added, " the
riembn shall come down, and the bullocks with
the bulls."
The dslm of any animal pnssssssd of a single
bom to be the ritm has already been settled, for
it is manifestly too mueh to assume, as some
writers hare done, that the Hebrew term doss not
always denote the same animal. Little can be
urged in favor of the rhinoceros, for even allowing
that the two-homed species of Abyssinia (B. tncor-
ntt) may have been an inhabitant of the woody
districts near the Jordan in Biblical times, this
pachyderm must be out of the question, as one
which would have been forbidden to be sacrificed
by the Law of Moses, whereas the rlem is men-
tioned by Inuah as coming down with bullocks
and rams tc the Lord's sacrifice. >' Omnia ani-
malie," says Rossnmuller (SehoL in ft. I e.), "ad
sacrificia idonea in unum congregantur." Again,
the skipping of the yourg ritm (Ps. xxix. 8) is
scarcely compatible with the habits of a rhinoceros.
Moreover this animal, when unmolested, is not gen-
erally an object of mueh dread, nor can we believe
that it ever existed so plentifully in the Bible lands,
or even would have allowed itself to have been
sufficiently often seen so ss to be the subject of fre-
quent attention, the rhinoceros being an animal of
retired habits.
With regard to the dain-a of the Orgx leueoryx,
it must be observed that this antelope, like the rest
of the family, is harmless unieaa wounded or bard
pressed by the hunter, nor is it remarkable for the
possession of any extraordinary strength. Figures
of the oryx occur frequently on the Egyptian
sculptures, "being among the animals tamed by
the Egyptians and kept in great numbers in thai]
preserves " (Wilkinson's Ane. Egypt. L 997, set
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8852 UNKNOWN GOD
ISM). Certainty this antelope ceo i arar be the
Scree indomitable rUm mentioned in the book
of Job.
Considering, therefore, that the Htm is spoken
of as a two-homed animal of great strength and
ferocity, that it was evidently well known and often
seen bj the Jews, that it is mentioned as an animal
fit for sacrificial purposes, and that it is frequently
assoeiated with bulls and oxen, we think there can
be no doubt that some species of wild ox is intended.
The allusion in Pa. xcii. 10, " But thou shalt lift
up, as a rieym, my horn," seems to point to the
mode in which the Buvida use their horns, lower-
ing the head and then tossing it np. But it is
impossible to determine what particular species of
wild ox is signified. At present there is no exist-
ing example of any wild bovine animal found in
Palestine; but negative evidence in this respect
must not be interpreted as affording testimony
against the supposition that wild cattle formerly
existed in the Bible lands. The lion, for instance,
was once not unfrequently met with in Palestine,
as is evident from Biblical allusions, but no traces
of living specimens exist now. Dr. Roth found
lions' bones in a gravel bed of the Jordan some few
years ago, and it is not improbable that some future
explorer may succeed in discovering bones and
skulls of some huge extinot Urut, allied perhaps to
that gigantic ox of the Hercynian forests which
Cesar (BelL Gall. vi. 30) describes as being of a
stature scarcely below that of an elephant, and so
fierce as to spare neither man nor beast should it
meet with either. " Notwithstanding assertions
to the contrary," says Col. Hamilton Smith (Kitto's
CycL art. "Beem"), "the urus and the bison
were spread anciently from the Rhine to China,
and existed in Thrace and Asia Minor; while they,
or allied species, are still found in Siberia and the
forest* both of Northern and Southern Persia.
Finally, though the buffalo was not found anciently
further west than Aracoria, the gigantic Gaur
(Biboe gaurut) and several congeners are spread
over all the mountain wildernesses of India and
the Sheriff-ill- Wady ; and a further colossal species
roams with ether wild bull* in the; valleys of
Atlas."
Some have conjectured that the rUm denotes
be wild buffalo. Although the chainta, or tame
buffalo, was not introduced into Western Asia
until the Arabian conquest of Persia, it is possi-
ble that some wild species, Bubahu arnee, or B.
Waehyeerui, may have existed formerly in Pales-
tine. We are, however, more in favor of some
gigantic Urw."
Numerous references as to the luanutipat of the
ancients will be found in Bochart (ifieros. iii.
eap. 27), Winer (BibL Reabe. "Einhorn";) but
no further notice of this point is taken here except
to observe that the more we study it the more con-
vinced we are that the animal is fabulous. The
supposed unicorns of which some modern travellers
speak have never been seen by trustworthy wit-
W. H.
ed.«
•UNKNOWN GOD. [iwu,
llABs'HlU.]
i appeal* to be no doubt that the ancient
■■•-Inhabitants of Swltnrlsnd toward* the close or
the stone period succeeded In taming the urus. « In
( tame state," says Sir 0. Lyell (Antiquity of Mm, p.
Ml. ''Its bone> were somewhat Ims massive and
UK
• UNLEAVENED. [Bbjus; ljtA-K» ;
Pamovkb.]
UNTOI. 1. 0?y [depressed]: "ZKu^K, 'n.i
[Vat FA. in ver. 90, with part of preceding word,
HAttrsi; FA. in ver. 18, IarnA", Alex. Art, Ararf]
Anu) One of the Levite doorkeepers (A. V
'•porters") appointed to play the psaltery "on
alamoth " in the service of the sacred Tent, a*
settled by David (1 Chr. XT. 18, 90).
2. (139, but in Ktri ^ : [Rom.] Vat, and
Alex, omit; FA. a lamt- Humi.) A second Le-
vite (unless the family of the foregoing be intended )
concerned in the sacred office after too Return frost
Babylon (Neb. xii. 9).
• UNTOWARD, Acta ii. 40, in the sense cf
"perverse," "intractable." "Toward" in pari*
of England at present is applied to animals a*
meaning " tame," " tractable." Bacon {Etsayvx.)
use* "towardneas" for docility. (Eastwood and
Wright's Bible Ward Book, p. 508.) H.
• UPHARSIN. [Mj»k, etc]
UTHAZ (•;•***: M-dxff, -a*4f: Opkat.
obryeum), Jet. x. 9; Dan. x. 6. [Onus, iii.
9358 0.]
•UPPER-CHAMBER. (.House, ii. 1105.]
• UPPER COASTS or properly Parts (Are-
Tfouca, fiipi)), Act* xix. 1, are the intermediate
regions through which Paul passed (SicKBAy), on
hi* way from Antioch to Kpheaua, at the beginning
of his third missionary tour. The lands more
especially meant are Ualatia and Phrygia (sat
xix. 23). The term iinrrtpuei, as illustrated by
Kypke ( Ootermt. Sncra, ii. 95), implies a twofold
geographical relation ; first, elevated, as compared
with the sea-coast where Kphesus was; and, sec-
ondly, inland or eastern, with reference to the rela-
tive position of the places. Xeuophon's familiar
use of avoBaint and utifiearts is another example
of a similar application of kindred words. H.
UR ("W [see below]: Xipa: Vr) occurs in
Genesis only, and is then mentioned as the land
of Haran's nativity (Gen. xi. 98), the place from
which Terah and Abraham started " to go into the
land of Canaan " (xi. 81). It i* catted in Genesis
"Uro/Ue Chaldmaru" (O^'Vp'S 1W), whils
in the Acts St- Stephen places it, by implication,
in Mesopotamia (vii. 9, 4). These are all the indi-
cations which Scripture furnishes as to its locality.
As they are clearly insufficient to fix its site, the
chief traditions and opinions on the subject will be
first considered, and then an attempt will be
made to decide, by the help of the Scriptural
notices, between them.
One tradition identifies TJr with the modern
Orfah. There is some ground for believing Hut
this city, called by the Greeks Edessa, had also ths
name of Orrha as early as the time of Isidore (ab.
b. o. 160); and the tradition connecting it with
Abraham is perhaps not later than St. Enures**
(A. D. 830-370), who make* Nimrod king of
Edessa, among other places ( Comment, m Gen. Op.
vol i. p. 68, B.). According to Poooek {Oeterip-
heavy, and Its horns were somewhat smaller than la
wild Individuals."
& The reader will find a rail dtacuselon of the
" Unicorn of the Ancients " In the writer's artiokf Is
the Am out Mag. of Nat. Hi*. November, ISO*
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UB
Him of At Batt, vol. i. p. 159), that Ur ii Edam
or Or&h it " the mavtnal opinion of the Jewi; "
and it is alao the local belief, aa it indicated by the
title, " Moeque of Abraham," borne by the chief
religious edifice of the place, and the designation,
' Lake of Abraham the Beloved," attached to the
pond in which are kept the sacred flih (Ains-
worth, Travels in Ike TVaei, etc., p. 64; eorap.
Poeook, i. 169, and Niebuhr, Voyage en Arable,
p. 880).
A teeond tradition, which appears in the Tal-
mud, and in some of the early Arabian writers,
finds Ur in Warka, the 'Opx&V of the Greeks, and
probably the Erech of Holy Scripture (called 'Op4x
by the LXX.). This place bears the name of
ffuruk in the native inscriptions, and was in the
country known to the Jews as " the land of the
Chaldsjens."
A third tradition, less distinct than either of
these, but entitled to at least equal attention, dis-
tinguishes Ur from Warka, white still placing it in
the same region (see Journal of Asiatic Society,
vol xii. p. 481, note 2). There can be little doubt
that the city whereto this tradition points is that
which appears by its bricks to have been called
ffur by the natives, and which is now represented
by the ruins at Afugheir, or Umghdr, on the
right bank of the Euphrates, nearly opposite to its
junction with the Skal-tl-Bie. The oldest Jewish
tradition which we possess, that quoted by Euse-
bius from Eupoleniuso (Prop. Ev. ix. 17), who
lived about n. c. 160, may be fairly said to intend
this place; for by identifying Ur (Una) with the
Babylonian city, known abo as Camarilla and
Chaldawpolis, it points to a city of the Moon,
ffhieh Bur was — Kamar being " the Moon " In
Arable, and Kk/tldi the same luminary in the Old
Armenian.
An opinion, unsupported by any tradition, re-
mains to be noticed. Bocbart, Calmet, Bunsen,
and others, identify >• Ur of the Chaldees " with
a place of the name, mentioned by a single late
writer — Ammianus MarceUinus — as "a castle"
existing in his day in Eastern Mesopotamia, be-
tween Hatra (et-Oadkr) and Nisibis (Amm. Marc
ixv. 8). The chief arguments in favor of this site
teem to be the identity of name and the position of
the place between Arrapachitia, which ia thought to
have been the dwelling-place of Abraham's ances-
tors in the time of Arphaxad, and Haran (Harran),
whither he went from Ur.
It will be seen, that of the four localities thought
to have a claim to be regarded as Abraham's city,
two are situated in Upper Mesopotamia, between
the Mons Masius and the Sinjar range, while the
other two are in the alluvial tract near the sea, at
.east 400 miles further south. Let us endeavor
first to dwide in which of these two regions Ur is
sktb probably to be sought
Tawt Chaldaea was, properly speaking, the south-
am part of Babylonia, the region bordering upon
the gulf, will be admitted by all. Those who main-
tain the northern emplacement of Ur argue, that
with the extension of Cbaldsean power the name
travelled northward, and became ooextensive with
Mesopotamia; but, in the first place, there is no
UB
8358
■ The words of BumMus are: Aotarp ■ywtf w***»
[BewAAejioc], tV w6Xtt njc Ba0vAwruit Koftapipp, Jfr
nm Mymr w6\w Ovpnp, ibw M (u*ippT|m>o<Winp
~ ~ a4\tr, sV robfw ecicarp yntf ywfaew
ill
proof that the name Chakuea was ever extended to
the region above the Sinjar; and secondly, If it
was, the Jews at any rate mean by Chaktaa ex-
clusively the lower country, and call the upper
Mesopotamia or Padan-Aram (see Job L 17 j Is.
xiii. 19, xliii. 14, Ac. ). Again, there is no reason
to believe that Babylonian power was established
beyond the Sinjar in these early times. On the
oontrary, it seems to have been ot nfined to Baby-
lonia proper, or the alluvial tract below Hit and
Tekrit, until the expedition of Chedorkomer, which
was later than the migration of Abraham. The
conjectures of Epbraem Syrus and Jerome, who
identify the cities of Nimrod with places in the
upper Meaopotaniian country, deserve no credit.
The names all really belong to Chakuea proper.
Moreover, the bast and earliest Jewish authorities
place Ur in the low region. Eupolemus has been
already quoted to this effect. Josephus, though
less distinct upon the point, seems to have held
the same view (Ant. i. 6). The Talmudists also
are on this side of the question; and local tra-
ditions, which may be traced back nearly to the
Hegira, make the lower country the place of Abra-
ham's birth and early life. If Or/ah has a Mosque
and a Lake of Abraham, Cutha near Babylon goes
by Abraham's name, as the traditional scene of all
his legendary miracles.
Again, it is really in the lower country only
that a name closely corresponding to the Hebrew
"TW is found. The cuneiform Bur represents
*^aS letter for letter, and only differs from it in
the greater strength of the aspirate. Isidore's
Orrha COfta) differs from 'Ur considerably, and
the supposed Ur of Ammianus is probably not Ur,
but Adur.o
The argument that Ur should be sought in the
neighborhood of Arrapachitia and Seruj, because
the names Arphaxad and Serug occur in the gene-
alogy of Abraham (Bunsen, Egypt* Place, etc,
iii. 366, 367), has no weight till it is snowu that
the human names in question are really connected
with the places, which is at present assumed some-
what boldly. Arrapachitia comes probably from
Arapkha, an old Assyrian town of no great conse-
quence on the left bank of the Tigris, above Nine-
veh, which has only three letters in common with
Arphaxad ("T?J?STtf)i •nd Seruj is a name whioh
does not appear in Mesopotamia till long after the
Christian era. It is rarely, if ever, that we can
extract geographical information from the names in
a historical genealogy; and certaiuly in the pres-
ent case nothing seems to have been gained by the
attempt to do so.
On the whole, therefore, we may regard it as
tolerably certain that "Ur of the Chaldees" was a
place situated in the real Chaldssa — the low coun-
try near the Persian Gulf. The only question that
remains in any degree doubtful ia, whether Warka
or Mugheir ia the true locality. These places are
not far apart; and either of them ia sufficiently
suitable. Both are ancient cities, probably long
anterior to Abraham. Traditions attach to both,
but perhaps more distinctly to Warka. On the
a The MS. reading Is "Adnrvenere;" "ad Or" is
an emendation of the commentators. The former Is
to be p-ifcrrvd, tinea Ammianus dose not ass "M*
after * v*nlo."
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i
J
8854 tra
other hand, it mu certain that Warlca, the native
name of which mi Huruk, repreaenta the Erech
ef Geneaia, which cannot possibly be the Ur of the
amine book. Mvgktir, therefore, which bore the
exact name of 'Ur or Hwr, remain* with the beat
■bum, and ia entitled to be (at least provisionally)
regarded a* the city of Abraham.
If it be objected to this theory that Abraham,
having to go from Mugheir to Palestine, would not
be likely to take Haran (Uarran) on his way, more
particularly aa he must then have crossed the Eu-
phrates twice, the answer would seem to be, that
the movement was not that of an individual but
of a tribe, travelling with large flocks and herds,
whose line of migration would have to be deter-
mined by necessities of pasturage, and by the
friendly or hostile disposition, the weakness or
strength of the tribes already in possession of the
regions which had to be traversed. Fear of Arab
TJK
plunderers (Job 1. IS) may very probably has*
caused the emigrants to cross the Euphrates let m
quitting Babylonia, and having done so, they might
naturally follow the left bank of the stream to the
Belik, up which they might then proceed, 'Itnrtfd
by its excellent pastures, till they reached Harrao.
As a pastoral tribe proceeding from Lower Baby-
lonia to Palestine must ascend the Euphrates a*
high aa the latitude of Aleppo, and perhaps would
find it best to ascend nearly to Bit; Harran was
but a little out of the proper route. Besides, the
whole tribe which accompanied Abraham waa net
going to Palestine. Half the tribe were bent on ■
leas distant journey ; and with them the questic n
must have been, where could they, on or near the
line of route, obtain an unoccupied territory.
If upon the grounds above indicated Mugieir
may be regarded as the true " Cr of the Chaideea,"
from which Abraham and his family set oat, seme
at Mngtuir (Loft**).
I of its) situation and history would seem to
be appropriate in this place. Its remains have
been very carefully examined, both by Mr. Loftus
and Mr. Taylor, while its inscriptions have been
deciphered and translated by Sir Henry Bawlinson.
'Cr or Hur, now Afughdr, or Um-Mugheir,
"the bitumened," or "the mother of bitumen,"
is one of the most ancient, if not the most ancient,
of the ChakUean sites hitherto discovered. It lies
on the right bank of the Euphrates, at the distance
of about six miles from the present course of the
stream, nearly opposite the point where the Eu-
fhrates receives the Bhat-tl-Bie from the Tigris,
t Is now not less than 185 miles from the sea;
but there are grounds for believing that it was an-
ciently a maritime town, and tnat its present inland
position has been caused by the rapid growth of
the alluvium. The remains of buildings are gen-
erally of the most archaic character. They cover
an oval space, 1,000 yards long by 800 broad, and
enwLrt principally of a number ot low mounds
Inclosed within an enceinte, which on most sides
is nearly perfect. The most remarkable building
ia near the northern end of the rains. It ia a
temple of the true Ch»Id«»n type, built in stages,
of which two remain, and composed of brick, partly
sun-burnt and partly baked, laid chiefly in a cement
of bitumen. The bricks of this building bear the
name of a certain Uruth, who ia regarded as the
earliest of the Chaldsean monumental kings, and
the name may possibly be the same as that of
Orchamus of Ovid (Metaph. Iv. 318). His sup-
posed date is B. c. 8000, or a little earlier. 'Ur
was the capital of this monarch, who bad a domin-
ion extending at least as far north at Nifler, and
who, by the grandeur of his construction!, is proved
to have been a wealthy and powerful prince. The
great temple appears to hare been founded by this
king, who dedicated it to the Moon-god, Rwrti,
from whom the town itself seems to have derived
its name. Itgi, son of Urukh, completed the tem-
ple, aa well as certain other of his father's buildV
inga, and the kings who followed upon these com
tinued for several generations to adorn and beaitify
the city. 'Ur retained its metropolitan
] for above two centuries, and even after it I
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second to Babylon, m a great city, with an espe-
elslly sacred character. The notions entertained
sf it* superior sanctity led to it* being used as a
cemetery city, not only during the time of the
awry Chaldean supremacy, but throughout the
Assyriau and era the later Babylonian period.
It is in the main a city of tombs. By far the
greater portion of the space within the enceinte is
occupied by graves of one kind or another, while
outside the inckaure, the whole space for a dis-
tance of several hundred yards is a thickly-occu-
pied burial-grouud. it is believed that 'Ur was
tor 1,800 years a sit* to which the dead were
brought from rust distances, thus resembling such
places as Ktrbtla and tftdjif, at Methtd Alt, at
the present day. The latest mention that we find
of 'Ur as an existing place is in tbe passage of
Eupoletuus already quoted, where we team that it
had changed iU name, and was called Camarina.
It probably fell into decay under the Persians, and
was a mere ruin at the time of Alexander's con-
quests. Perhaps it was the place to which Alex-
ander's informants alluded when they told him
that the tombs of the old Assyrian kings were
chiefly In the great marshes of the lower country
;Arrian, Exp. Alex. vii. 83). O. R.
• UR (TIN, Uykli Rom., with next word,
Soewoxip; Vat Sfiuftxfxip; Alex, flpo; FA. ioup:
Ur), father of Eliphai or Eliphelet, one of David's
valiant men (1 Chr. xi. 35). A.
URTJANE [3 syl.] (OvpPavit [Ut urbamu,
i. e. '• urbane," " refined "] : Urbamo). It would
have been better if tbe word had been written
Urkax in the Authorized Version. For unlearned
readers sometimes mistake the sex of this Christian
disciple, who is in the long list of those whom St.
Paul salutes in writing to Rome (Rom. xvi. 8).
We have no means, however, of knowing more
about Urbanus, except, indeed, that we may rea-
sonably conjecture from the words that follow (ror
awt/rytr tin** eV Xpwra» that he had been at
some time in active religious cooperation with the
Apostle. Each of those who are saluted just be-
fore and just after is simply called re* a/yamrroV
uov. The name is Latin. J. 3. H.
trill 07M {Jttry, tmrmng]: Obf»la,, Kx.
xxxL 3, [xxxviii. 33;] Oiptas [Vat. -pet-], Ex.
xxxv. 30; 3 Chr. i. 5; Ovpi [Vat. -hi], 1 Chr. ii.
30; Alex. Ovpi, except in 3 Chr.: UH). X. The
lather of Bezakel one of the architects of the
Tabernacle (Ex. xxxi. 2, xxxv. 80, xxxviii. 83; 1
3a. it 30; 3 Chr. i. 5). He was of the tribe
of Judah, and grandson of Caleb ben-Hezron, his
father being Hur, who, aooording to tradition, was
the husband of Miriam.
8. CAJat) The father of Geber, 8olomon's
mnmissariat officer in Gilead (1 K. ir. 19).
3- CflSowS; Alex. OSoim.) One of the gate-
keepers of the Temple, who had married a foreign
rife in the time of Ezra (Ezr. x. 34).
TJRIAH (nj-PW, Ugkt of Jthovnh: Oiplas
IVat. -p«ii in 1 Chr. xi. 41, Ovpla, Alex. Oupior,
Ys*. FA. OismiO Urint). L One of the thirty
commanders of the thirty bands into which the
Israelite army of David was divided (1 Chr. xl. 41;
I Sam. xxiii. 39). Like others of David's officers
ffttai of Gath; Iahbosheth tbe Cenaanite, 3 Sam
nttl. 8, LXX. ; Zelek the Ammonite, i Sam. xxiii
IT) he was a foreigner — a Hittlte His name,
r, and his manner of speech (3 Sam. xi. 11)
URIAH $355
indicate that he had adopted the Jewish religion.
He married Bathaheba, a woman of extraordinary
beauty, the daughter of FJiam — possibly the same
as the son of Ahithopbel, and one of his brother
officers (3 Sam. xxiii. 34); and hence, perhaps, as
Professor Blunt conjectures (Cvincitltnctt, it. x.),
Uriah's first acquaintance with Bathsheba. It may
be inferred from Nathan's parable (3 Sam. xii. 3)
that he was passionately devoted to bis wife, and
that their union was celebrated in Jerusalem ss one
of peculiar tenderness. He had a house at Jeru-
salem underneath the palace (3 Sam. xi. 2). In
the first war with Ammon he followed Joab to the
siege, and with him remained encamped in the
open field (ibid. 11). He returned to Jerusalem,
at an order from tbe king, on the pretext of asking
news of the war, — really in the hope that his re-
turn to his wife might cover the shame of his own
crime. Tbe king met with an unexpected obstacle
in the austere, soldier-like spirit which guided all
Uriah's conduct, and whioh gives us a high notion
of the character and discipline of David's officers.
He steadily refused to go home, or partake of any
of the Indulgences of domestic life, whilst the Ark
and the host were in booths and his oomnides lying
in the open air. He partook of the royal hospitality,
but slept always at the gate of the palace till the
last night, when the king at a feast vainly en-
deavored to entrap him by intoxication. The sol-
dier was overcome by tbe debauch, but still retained
his sense of duty sufficiently to insist on sleeping
at the palace. On the morning of the third day,
David sent him back to the camp with a letter (as
in the story of Bellerophon), containing the com-
mand to Joab to cause his destruction in the battle.
Josephus {Ant vii. 7, § 1) adds, that he gave as a
reason an imaginary offense of Uriah. None suoh
appears in the actual letter. Probably to an un-
scrupulous soldier like Joab the absolute will of the
king was sufficient.
The device of Joab was, to observe the part of
the wall of Rabbath-Ammon, where tbe greatest
force of the besieged was oongregated, and thither,
as a kind of forlorn hope, to send Uriah. A sally
took place. Uriah and the officers with him ad-
vanced as far as the gate of the city, and were there
shot down by the archers on the wall. It seems
as if it had been an established maxim of Israelitiah
warfare not to approach tbe wall of a besieged oity;
and one instance of the fatal result was always
quoted, as if proverbially, against it — the sudden
and ignominious death of Abimdech at Thebes,
whioh out short the hopes of tbe then rising mon-
archy. This appears from the fact (as given in the
LXX.) that Joab exactly anticipates what the king
will say when he hears of tbe disaster.
Just as Joab had forewarned the messenger, tbe
king broke Into a furious passion on hearing of the
loss, and cited, almost in the very words which
Joab bad predicted, the case of Abimdech. (The
only variation is the omission of the name of the
grandfather of Ablmeleoh, whioh, in the LXX., is
Ner instead of Joaah.) The messenger, as instructed
by Joab, calmly continued, and ended tbe story with
the words: « Thy servant also, Uriah the Hittite,
is dead." In a moment David's anger is appeased.
He sends an encouraging message to Joab on the
unavoidable chances of war, and urges him to con-
tinue the siege. It is one of the touching parts of
the story that Uriah falls unconscious of his wife's
dishonor. She hears of her husband's death. Th»
narrative gives no hint as to her shame ar remorse.
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8856
URIAS
She •* mourned ■' with the twtnl signs of grb-f ee a
widow; end then became the wife of David (9 Sam.
it. 27).
Uriah remain* to ns, preserved bj thii tragical
Incident, an example of the cbivnlroue and devoted
character! that were to be found amongst the Ca-
naanites serving in the Hebrew army. A. P. S.
2. [Oupias; Vat. Ovpttat.] Higb-priest in the
reign of Abas (Is. vUi. 8; 2 K. xvi. 10-18). We
first hear of him as a witness to Isaiah's prophecy
concerning Maher-ehalal-haah-baz, with Zechariah,
the son of Jeberecbiah. He is probably the same
an Urtfah the priest, who built the altar for Ahaz
(2 K. xvi. 10). If this be so, the prophet sum-
moned him as a witness probably on account of his
position as high-priest, not on account of his per-
sonal qualities; though, as the incident occurred
at the beginning of the reign of Abac, Uriah's
Irreligious subserviency may not yet have manifested
itself. When Ansa, after his deliverance from
Resin and Pekah by Tiglath-Pileser, went to wait
upon his new master at Damascus, he saw there an
altar which pleased him, and sent the pattern of it
to Uriah at Jerusalem, with orders to have one
made like it against the king's return. Uriah zeal-
ously executed the idolatrous command, and when
Ahas returned, not only allowed him to offer sacri-
fices upon it, but basely complied with all his im-
pious directions. The new altar was accordingly
set in the court of the Temple, to the east of where
the brazen altar used to stand ; and the daily sacri-
fice*, and the burnt-offerings of the king and people,
were offered upon it; while the brazen altar, having
been removed from Its place, and set to the north
of the Syrian altar, was reserved as a private altar
for the king to inquire by. It is likely, too, that
Uriah's compliances did not end here, but that be
was a consenting party to the other idolatrous and
sacrilegious acts of Ahaz (2 K. xvi. 17, 18, xxiii. 5,
11, 12; 2 Chr. xxviii. 23-26).
Of the parentage of Uriah we know nothing. He
probably succeeded Azariah, who was high-priest in
the reign of Uzziah, and was succeeded by that
Azariah who was high-priest in the reign of Heze-
kiah. Hence it is probable that he was son of the
former and father of the latter, it being by no means
ancommon among the Hebrews, as among the
Greeks, for the grandchild to hare the grandfather's
name. Probably, too, he may have been descended
from that Azariah who must have been high-priest
'ji the reign of Asa. But he has no place in the
sacerdotal genealogy (1 Chr. vi. 4-16), in which
there is a great gap between Amariah In ver. 11,
and Shallum the father of Hilkiah in ver. 13.
[HlOH-PHIEST, ii. 1071 *.] It is perhaps a legiti-
mate inference that Uriah's line terminated In his
saajessor, Azariah, and that Hilkiah was descended
through another branch from Amariah, who was
irijst in Jeboshaphat's reign.
3. [Obpia, gat-] A priest of the family of Hak-
ims (in A. V. wrongly Koz), the head of the seventh
eourse of priests. (See 1 Chr. xxiv. 10.) It does
not appear when this Urijah lived, as he is only
earned as the father or ancestor of Meremoth in
the days of Ezra and Nebemiah (Ezr. viii. 83;
Nan. iii. 4, 21). In Neh. his name is Uhuau.
A C. H.
UKI'AS (Obplat: Uriat). L Uriah, the
husband of Bathahebe (Matt i. 8).
2. [Vat Oiwuu.] Urmah, 3 (lEsdr. lx.43;
. Neh. vil. 4).
UMM AND THUMMIM
tntlEL, fire of God, an angel named only at
2 Esdr. iv. 1, 36, v. 20, x. 28. In the second of
these passages he is called " the archangel."
• In the book of Enoch, Uriel is described at
" the angel of thunder and trembling " (c 90), ana
the angel " placed over all the lights of heaven "
(e. 76, § 3). Hilton makes him " regent of the
son." A.
UIUEI, (^"PK [firt of God]: oif^X ;
[VHt OpnjA:] Uriel). L A Kohsthite Levite, son
of Tahath (1 Chr. vi. 24 [9]). If the genealogies
were reckoned In this chapter from father to eon,
Uriel would be the same as Zephaniah in ver. 88 ;
but there is no reason to suppose that thii is the
case.
2. [In ver. 11, Vat FA. Aen>A.] Chief of the
Kohathites in the reign of David (1 Chr. xv. 6, 11).
In this capacity he assisted, together with 120 of
his brethren, in bringing up toe ark from the house
of Obed-edom.
3. Uriel of Gibeah was the father of Maachah,
or Hichaiah, the favorite wife of Sehoboam, and
mother of Abyah (2 Chr. xiiL 2). In 2 Chr. xL 90
she is called " Maachah the daughter of Absalom ; "
and Joeephus (Ant. viii. 10, J 1) explains this by
saying that her mother was Tamar, Absalom's
daughter. Raahi gives a long note to the effect
that Michaiah was called Maachah after the name
of her daughter-in-law the mother of Asa, who was
a woman of renown, and that her father's name
was Uriel Abishalom. There is no indication, how-
ever, that Absalom, like Solomon, had another
name, although in the Targum of B. Joseph on
Chronicles it is said that the father of Maachah
was called Uriel that the name of Absalom might
not be mentioned.
TJM'JAH (nj-W [fiamt of Jehovah] :
O bplas [V*t -p«-] : Uriat). i. Urijah the priest
in the reign of Ahaz (2 K. xvi. 10), probably the
same as Uriah, 2.
3. (oMa. ) A priest of the family of Koz, or
hak-Kos [Neh. Iii. 4, 21], the same as Uriah, 8.
3. (OM«; [Vat Ovptia:] tfrwi.) One of the
priests who stood at Ezra's right-hand when he
read the Law to the people (Neb. viii. 4).
4. (VTJ-W: [Obelus; Vat - p » r :] Print.)
The son of Shemaiah of Klrjath-jearim. He proph-
esied in the days of Jehoialdm concerning the hind
and the city, just as Jeremiah had done, and the
king sought to put him to death; but be escaped,
and fled into Egypt His retreat was soon dis-
covered; Klnathan and his men brought him up
out of Egypt, and Jehoialdm slew him with the
sword, and cast his body forth among the graves
of the oommon people (Jer. xxvi. 20-23). The
story of Shemaiah appears to be quoted by the
enemies of Jeremiah as a reason for putting him
to death ; and, a* a reply to the instance of Micah
the Morastbite, which Jeremiah's friend gave as a
reason why his words should be listened to and his
life spared. Such, at least, fc the view adopted by
Raahi. W. A. W.
UTRIM AND THUM/MIM (D'H**.
D N ffifn: oViAawrit «tol aKifieimS doetrma at
Veritas).
I. (1.) When the Jewish exiles were mat oa
their return from Babylon by a question which they
had no data for answering, tliey agreed to postpoM
the settlement of the difficulty till there about: rial
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TJMM AND THTJMMIM
jp « a priest with Urim and Thunimim " (Ear. U.
33; Neb. vii. 66). The Inquiry, what those Urim
and Thummim themselves were, seems likely to
wait m long for a final and satisfying answer. On
every aide wa meet with confessions of ignorance —
"Non constat" (Kimchi), "Neecinras" (Aben-
Eara), " Difficile eat inrenire " (Augustine) — ra-
ried only by wild and conflicting conjectures. It
would be eomparatiTely an easy task to give a cata-
logue of these hypotheses, and transcribe to any ex-
tent the learning which has gathered round them.
To attempt to follow a true historical method, and
so to construct a theory which shall, at least, in-
alude all the phenomena, is a more arduous, but
nay be a more profitable task.
(9.) The starting-point of such an inquiry must
be from the words which the A. V. has left un-
translated. It will be well to deal with each sep-
arately.
(A.) In Urim, Hebrew scholars, with hardly an
exception, hare seen the plural of TflM ( = light,
or fire). The LXX. translators, however, appear to
hare had reasons which led them to another ren-
dering than that of (pis, or its cognates. They
give jj tVjAao-is (Ex. xxviii. 80; Ecclus. xlv. 10),
and 8>jAoi (Num. xxrii. 31 ; Deut. xxxiii. 8 ; 1 Sam.
xxrii]. 6), while in Est. li. 68, and Neh. vii. 65, we
have respectively plural and singular participles of
ttorffw. In Aquila and Tbeodotion we find the
more literal Aaruruol. The Vulg., following the
lead of the LXX., but going further astray, gives
doctrina in Ex. xxviii. 80 and Deut xxxiii. 8, omits
the word in Num. xxvii. 31, paraphrases it by " per
mcerdaUt " in 1 Sam. xxviii. 6, and gives "judi-
cium" In Ecclus. xlv. 10, as the rendering of
HKmmt. Luther gives Licit. The literal English
equivalent would of course be "lights;" but the
renderings in the LXX. and Vulg. indicate, at least,
a traditional belief among the Jews that the plural
form, as in Elohim and other like words, did not
involve numerical plurality.
(B.) Thummim. Here also then is almost a
consensu « as to the derivation from OF\ ( = per-
fection, completeness); but the LXX., as before,
uses the closer Greek equivalent riAttos but onee
(Ear. 11. 68), and adheres elsewhere to oA^fcta; *nd
the Vulg., giving "perfectuM " there, in like man-
ner gives " veritat " in all other passages. Aquila
more accurately chooses rcAfioVcu. Luther, in
his first edition, gave VHSgktU, but afterwards
rested in Recht. What has been said as to the
pmral of Urim applies here also. •■ Light and Per-
fection " would probably be the best English equiv-
alent. The assumption of a hendiadyt, so that the
two words=" perfect Illumination " (Carpsov, App.
Crii. I. 6; Bohr, Sgmbolii, ii. 185), is unneces-
sary and, it is believed, unsound. The mere phrase,
as soeh, leaves it therefore uncertain whether each
word by itself denoted many things of a given kind,
• The excepttone to the otiow an Just worth
aotlcuig. (1.) BeUarmine wishing to defend the Vulg.
taanslatkm, auggteted the derivation of Urim tram
TTT m " to teach ; " and Thummhn fron? ^IjJN, " to
is true." (Bnxtoif, Din. d4 Or. u Th.) (3.) Thum-
ssaa has bean derived from DNF) eontr. DH."»
iwht," on the theory that the two croups of gems, six
V each side the breast-plate, wen what constituted
the Urhn and Thammlm. (B. Asarlas, In Buxtorf,
URIM AND THTJMMIM 8357
or whether the two token together might I* re-
ferred to two distinct objects, or to one and the
same object. The presence of the article It, and
yet more of the demonstrative ffl£ before each, is
rather in favor of distinctness. In Deut. xxxiii. 8,
we have separately, " Thy Thummim and thy
Urim," the first order being inverted. Urim is
found alone In Num. xxrii. 21; 1 Sam. xxviii. 6;
Thummim never by itself, unless with Ziillig we
find it in Ps. xvi, 5.
II. (1.) Scriptural Statemcnii. — The mysteri-
ous words meet us for the first time, ss if they
needed no explanation, in the desciiption of the
high-priest's appareL Over the Efhod there is to
be a ''breastplate of judgment" (ttQpftan ){Trj,
\vyw>P itpiaw-" mtionaU judicit)', of gold, scar-
let, purple, and fine linen, folded square and doub-
led, a "span" in length and width. In it are to
be set four rows of precious stones, each stone with
the name of a tribe of Israel engraved on it, that
Aaron may " bear them upon his heart" Tbim
comes a further order. Inside the breastplate, as
the tables of the Covenant were placed inside the
Ark (the preposition vfct is used In both cases, Ex.
xxv. 16, xxviii. 30), are to be placed " the Urim
and the Thummim," the Light and the Perfection ;
and they, too, are to be on Aaron's heart, when he
goes in before the Lord (Ex. xxviii. 16-30). Not
a word describes them. They are mentioned as
things already familiar both to Moses and the
people, connected naturally with the functions of
the high-priest, as mediating between Jehovah and
his people. The command is fulfilled (Lev. viii. 8).
They past from Aaron to Eleazar with the sacred
ephod, and other pontificalia (Num. xx. 88).
When Joshua is solemnly appointed to succeed the
great hero lawgiver, he is bidden to stand before
Eleazar the priest, " who shall ask counsel for him
after the judgment of Urim," and this counsel is to
determine the movements of the host of Israel
(Num. xxrii. 31). In the blessings of Moses, they
appear as the crowning glory of the tribe of Levi
(" Thy Thummim and thy Urim are with thy Holy
One "), the reward of the seal which led them to
close their eyes to everything but " the Law and
the Covenant" (Deut xxxiii. 8, 9). Once, and
once only, are they mentioned by name in the his-
tory of the Judges and the monarchy. Saul, left
to his self-chosen darkness, Is answered "neithei
by dreams, nor by Urim, nor by prophet " (1 Sam.
xxviii. 6). There la no longer s priest with Urim
and Thummim (roll (ptrrlCova irol toii rsAtfou,
Ear. 1L 63; i ptrrimtr, Neh. vii. 66) to answer
hard questions. When will one appear again?
The Son of Sirach copies the Greek names (SijAoi,
h\i,9»ia) in his description of Aaron's garments,
but throws no light upon their meaning or their
use (Ecclus. xlv. 10).«
' The LXX rendering, so dlflsnnt from the literal
meaning, must hare originated either (1) from a blIm
etymology, as If the word was derived from Cpj
— "to divine" (Oen. xllv. 16); or (3) from the one-
ular nee mads of ths breastplate ; or (8) from other
associations connected with the former (tw^n). The
Vulg. simply follows the LXX. Seb. Schmidt gives the
mon literal " ptctoralt." " Bnaatfrfnn " Is, perhaps,
somewhat misleading,
j The A. V., singularly enough, letraasMsa the
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3358 XTBIU AND THUMMIM
(*.) Besides these direct statements, there ire
(then In which we may, without violence, trace a
reference, if not to both, at least to the Urim.
When question* precisely of the nature of those
described in Num. xxvii. SI are aaked by the
.eader of the people, and answered by Jehovah
(Judg. i. 1, xx. 18)— when like questions are
asked by Saul of the high-priest Ahiah, •' wearing
an epbod " (1 Sam. xiv. 3, 18) — by David, as soon
as be has with him the presence of a high-priest
with his epbod (1 Sam. xxiii. 3, IS, xxx. 7, 8) —
we may legitimately infer that the treasures which
the ephod contained were the conditions and media
of his answer. The questions are in almost all
eases strategical,* " Who shall go up for us against
the Caiiaanites first?" (Judg. i. 1, so xx. 18),
" Will the mm of Krilah deliver me and my men
into the hand of Saul?" (1 Sam. xxiii. 18), or, at
least, national (S Sam. xxi. 1). The answer Is, in
all cases, very brief, but more in form than a sim-
ple Yes or No. One question only is answered at
a time.
(8.) It deserves notice before we pass beyond the
range of Scriptural data, that in some cases of de-
flection from the established religious order, we And
the ephod oonnected not with the Urim but with
the Teraphim, which, in the days of Laban, if not
earlier, had been conspicuous in Aramaic worship.
Hlcah, first consecrating one of his own sons, and
then getting a Levite as his priest, makes for him
"an ephod and teraphim " (Judg. xvii. 6, xviii. 14,
10). Throughout the history of the northern
kingdom their presence at Dan made it a sacred
place (Judg. xviii. 30), and apparently determined
Jeroboam's cboioe of it as a sanctuary. When the
prophet Hosea foretells the entire sweeping away of
the system which the Ten Tribes had cherished, the
point of extremest destitution is, that "they shall
be many days .... without an eph«d, and with-
out teraphim " (Hot, iii. 4), deprived of all coun-
terfeit oracles, In order that they may in the end
" return and seek the Lord." * It seems natural
to Infer that the teraphim were, in these instances,
the unauthorized substitutes for the Urim. The
inference is strengthened by the fact that the LXX.
uses here, instead of teraphim, the same word (8rr
K»r) which it usually gives for Urim. That the
teraphim were thus used through the whole history
of Israel may be inferred from their frequent occur-
rence in conjunction with other forms of divination.
Thus we have in 1 Sam. xv. S3, " witchcraft " and
« teraphim " (A. V. " idolatry "), in 2 K. xxiii. 34,
« familiar spirits," '• wizards, and teraphim " (A.
V. "images"). The king of Babylon, when he
lass divination, consults them (Ee. xxi. 21). They
speak vanity (Zech. x. S).
III. Tktoria. — (1. ) For the most part we have
to deal with independent conjectures rather than
with inferences from these data. Among the latter,
however, may be noticed the notion that, as Hoses
is not directed to makt the Urim and Thummim,
tbey must have had a supernatural origin, specially
TJBIM AND THUMMIM
created, unlike anything upon earth (R. ben Nach
man and Ilottinger in Buxtorf, Din. dt V. tt T
in Ugotini, xii.). It would be profitless to discuss
so arbitrary an hypothesis.
(2.) A favorite view of Jewish and of some
Christian writers has been, that the Urim and
Thummim were identical with the twelve stones
on which the names of the tribes of Israel wen
engraved, and the mode in which an oracle was
given was by the illumination, simultaneous or suc-
cessive, of the letters which were to make np the
answer (Jalkut Sifre, Zohar in Exod. f. 10S; Ifai-
monides, R. ben Nachman, in Buxtorf, / c. ; Drusius,
in CriL Sac on Ex. xxviii. ; Chrrsositm, Grcilus.
ttal). Josephus (AM. iii. 7, § 6) adopts anotav
form of the same story, and, apparently identifying
the Urim and Thummim with the sardonyxea on
the shoulders of the epbod, says that they were
bright before a victory, or when the sacrifice «tm
acceptable, dark when any disaster was impending;
Epiphaniua (dt xii. gemm.), and the writer quoU-d
by Strides (». v. 'Eipoii), present the same thought
in yet another form. A single diamond (iSetpaur)
placed in the centre of the breastplate prognosti-
cated peace when it was bright, war when it was
red, death when it was dusky. It is conclusive
against such views (1 ) that, without any evidence,
without even an analogy, they make unauthorized
additions to the miracles of Scripture; (2) that
the former identify two things which, in Ex.
xxviii., are clearly distinguished; (3) that the
latter makes no distinction between the Urim and
the Thummim, such as the repeated article leads
us to infer.
(3.) A theory, involving fewer gratuitous as-
sumptions, is that In the middle of the epbod, or
within its folds, there was a stone or plate of gold
on which was engraved the sacred name of Jehovah,
the 8liem-kammtpkoraih of Jewish cabbalists, 1 and
that by virtue of this, fixing his gaze on it, or
reading an invocation which was also engraved with
the name, or standing in his ephod before the
mercy-seat, or at least before tbe veil of the sanc-
tuary, he became capable of prophesying, bearing
the Divine voice within, or listening to it ss it pro-
ceeded, in articulate sounds, from the glory of the
Shechinah (Buxtorf, L c 7; -Lightfoot, vi. 278;
Braunius, dt VetHtu Btbr. ii.; Saalschiita, Atchi-
otog. ii. 383). Another form of the same thought
is found in the statement of Jewish writers, that
the Holy Spirit spake sometimes by Urim, some-
times by prophecy, sometimes by the Bath-Kid
(Seder Olam, c xiv. in Braunius, I. a), or that the
whole purpose of the unknown symbols wsa " ad
excitandam propbetiam " (R. Levi ben Gersbon, in
Buxtorf, L c. ; Kimchi, in Spencer, tt). A mors
eccentric form of the " writing" theory was pro-
pounded by tbe elder Oarpaov, who maintained that
the Urim and Thummim were two confessions of
feith in the Messiah and the Holy Spirit (Carpacnr,
App. Crit. 1. 5).
(4.) Spencer (dt Ur. tt 7a.) presents a singular
9raek words back Into the Hebrew, and gives " TJnm
and Thummim " as If they were proper names.
■ On this account, probably, the high-priest was to
•a out to battle (Num. xzzJ. 6), as, in bis absence,
there was to be a Baardot Outnntit. [Pamirs.]
ft The writer cannot bring himself, with Pussy
Gemm. In lcc.), to refer the things named by the
prophet, partly to the true, partly to the nUss ritual ;
tali less, with Spencer (Dim. it Dr. el IV), to sea In
sal «f them thing* whtah the prophet recognises as
right and good. It Is simpler to take them as o»
scribing the actual polity and ritual in which tbi
northern kingdom had gloried, and of which It was tt
c A wilder form of this better Is (bund In the ees>
benstlc book Zohar. There the Urim Is sail to have
had the Divine name in 42, the Thummim in 72 tot
tors. The notion wss probably derived from the Jew
Ish invocations of books like the Caseins* Smitmtmt
[BOMKWJ.]
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VBHS. AND TlfUMMIM
anion of acuteness and extravagance. He tightly
recognises the distinctness of the two tbinga which
ethers had confounded. Whatever toe "Jrlm and
Thummim were, they were not the twelve (toon,
ud thej were distinguishable one from the other.
The; were placed inside the folds of the doubled
Chothm. Resting on the facts referred to, be in-
ferred the identity of the Urim and the Teraphim.
This was an instance in which the Divine wisdom
accommodated itself to nun's weakness, and al-
lowed the debased superstitious Israelites to retain
a fragment of the idolatrous system of their fathers,
in order to wean them gradually from the system
as a whole. The obnoxious name of Teraphim was
dropped. The thing itself was retained. The very
name Urim was, he argued, identioal in meaning
with Teraphim. 6 It was, therefore, a small image
probably in human form. So far the hypothesis
has, at least, the merit of being inductive and his-
torical; but when he comes to the question how it
was instrumental oracularly, he passes Into the most
extravagant of all assumptions. The image, when
the high-priest questioned it, spoke by the media-
tion of an angel, with an articulate human voice,
just as the Teraphim spoke, in like manner, by the
intervention of a demon 1 In dealing with the
Thummim, which he excludes altogether from the
oracular functions of the Urim, Spencer adopts
the notion of an Egyptian archetype, which will be
noticed further on.
(SO Miehaelis (bw 0/ Afoses, v. f 58) gives
his own opinion that the Urim and Thummim were
three stones, on one of which was written Yes, on
another No, while the third was left blsnk or neu-
tral. The three were used ss lots, end the high-
priest decided according as the one or the other
was drawn out. He does not think it worth while
to give one iota of evidence; and the notion does
not appear to have been more than a passing ca-
price. It obviously fails to meet the phenomena.
Lots were familiar enough among the Israelites
(Num. xxvi. 56; Josh. xiii. 8, el aU ; 1 Sea. xiv.
41; Prov. xvi. 33), but the Urim was something
solemn and peculiar. In the eases where the Urim
was consulted, the answers were always more than
a mere negative or affirmative.
(6.) The conjecture of Zuttig ( Comm. m Apoc
Exc il.), though adopted by Winer (Riabak.), can
hardly be looked on as more satisfying. With him
the Urim are bright, ». e. cut and polished, dia-
monds, in form like dice; the Thummim perfect,
i. e. whole, rough, unout ones, each class with in-
scriptions of some kind engraved on it. He sup-
poses a handful of these to have been carried in the
peach of the high-priest's Chotktn, and when be
wished for an oracle, to have been taken out by
him and thrown on a table, or, more probably, on
the Ark of the Covenant. As they fell their posi-
tion, aceording to traditional rules known only to
the high-priestly families, indicated the answer.
He compares it with fortune-telling by cards or
soffee gro unds. The whole scheme, it need hardly
Ve said, is one of pure invention, at ones arbitrary
aid offensive. It is at least questionable whether
the Egyptians had access to diamonds, or knew the
art of »«"«*■'"£ or engraving them. [Diamojttv]
mUM AND THUMMIM 8859
A handful of diamond cubes, large enough to have
words or monograms engraved on them, is a thing
which has no parallel in Egyptian archeology, nor,
indeed, anywhere else.
(7.) The latest Jewish interpreter of eminence
(Kalisch, on Ex. xxviii. 81), combining parts of
the views (2) and (8), identifies the Urim and
Thummim with the twelve tribal gems, looks on
the name as one to be explained by a bendiadys
(Light and Perfection = Perfect iflaminatlon), and
believes the high-priest, by concentrating his
thoughts on the attributes they represented, to
have divested himself of all selfishness and preju-
dice, and so to have passed into a true prophetic
state. In whet he says on this point there Is much
that is both beautiful and true. Ughtfbot, it may
be added, had taken the same view (ii. 407, si
378), and that given above in (3) converge s to the
same result.
IV. One more Teeors. — (1.) It may seem
venturesome, after so many wild and conflicting
conjectures, to add yet another. If it is believed
that the risk of foiling into one as wild and Baseless
need not deter us, it is because there are materials
within our reach, drawn from our larger knowledge
of antiquity, and not less from our fuller insight
into the less common phenomena of consciousness,
which were not, to the same extent, within the
reach of our fathers.
(2.) The starting point of our inquiry may be
found in adhering to the conclusions to which the
Scriptural statements lead us. The Urim were not
Identical with the Thummim, neither of them
identical with the tribal gems. Ths notion of a
AentnWys (almost always the weak prop of a weak
theory) may be discorded. And, seeing that they
are mentioned with no description, we must Infer
that they and their meaning were already known,
if not to the other Israelites, at least to Hoses. If
we are to look for their origin anywhere, it must be
in the customs and toe symbolism of Egypt.
(8.) We may start with the Thummim, as pre-
senting the easier problem of the two. Here there
is at once a patent and striking analogy. The
priestly Judges of Egypt, with whose presence and
garb Moses must have been familiar, wore, each of
them, hanging on his neck, suspended on a golden
chain, a figure which Greek writers describe as an
image of Truth ('AA^esw, as in the LXX.) often
with closed eyes, made sometimes of a sapphire or
other precious stones, and, therefore necessarily
•mall. They were to see in this a symbol of the
purity of motive, without which they would be
unworthy of their office. Wish it they touched
the lips of the litigant as they bade him apeak the
troth, the whole, the perfect truth (Dlod. Ski. 1.
48, 76; jBlian, Var. Bin. xir. 81). That this
p«r«ii»limi commended itself to the most learned of
the Alexandrian Jews we may infer (1) from ths
deliberate but not obvious use by the LXX. of the
word M\i*u ss the translation of Thummim)
(9) from a remarkable passage in Philo (as VU.
Mot. ill. 11), In which be says that the breastplass
(Aoyioy) of the high-priest was made strong that
he might wear as an image (bo inaX/imropoaf)
the two virtues which were so needful for his office.
« Ha had bsso prsosdsd In this view by Joseph
•foes {Dim. I. c 85), who pointed oat ths strong ie-
tr-'r 1 *-*-. If not the ktsndty of ths two.
» Ins Btoessi of proof Is infamous, but hardly eoo-
Craa - "Bghts, ores)" "
n ths burning, or Aery 01
ths same word, with an
for b.
•' and Tarannlm Is bnl
sabstttawee el H
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8360 tTRIM AND THTJMMIM
The connection between the Hebrew end the Egyp-
tian symbol m fint noticed, it is believed, bj
Spencer (L c). It wee met with crlee of alarm.
No tingle custom, rite, or symbol, could possibly
hare been transferred from an idolatrous system
into that of Israel. There was no evidence of the
antiquity of the Egyptian practice. It was prob-
ably copied from the Hebrew (Witsius, JEyyptiaca,
ii. 10, 11, 19, in Ugolini, L; Riboudealdus, dt
Urim tt Tk. in Ugolini, xii.; Patrick, Comm. m
Ex. xxviii.). The discussion of the principle in-
volved need not be entered on here. Spencer's
way of putting the case, assuming that a debased
form of religion was given hi condescension to the
superstitions of a debased people, made it, indeed,
needlessly offensive, but it remains true, that a rev-
elation of any kind must, to be intelligible, use
preexistent words, and that those words, whether
spoken or symbolic, may therefore be taken from
any language with which the recipients of the rev-
elation are familiar.' In this instance the prej-
udice has worn away. The most orthodox of Ger-
man theologians accept the once startling theory,
and find in it a proof of the veracity of the Penta-
teuch (Hengstenberg, Egypt and the Five Bookt of
Atotes,e. vi.). It Is admitted, partially at least,
by a devout Jew (Kaliecb, on Ex. xxviii. 81).»
And the missing link of evidence has been found.
The custom was not, as had been said, of late
origin, but is found on the older monuments of
Egypt. There, round the neck of the judge, are
seen the two figures of Thmei, the representative
of Themis, Truth, Justice (Wilkinson, Ancient
Egyptian!, v. 28). The coincidence of sound may,
It is true, be accidental, but it is at least striking.
In the words which tell of the tribe of Levi, in close
connection with the Thummlm ss its chief glory,
that it did the stern task of duty, blind to all
that could turn it aside to evil, « saying to his
nttberand his mother, I have not seen him " (Deut.
xxxiU. 9), we may perhaps trace a reference to the
closed eyes of the Egyptian Thmei.
(4.) The way is now open. for a further Inquiry.
We may legitimately ask whether there was any
symbol of light standing to the Urim in the same
relation as the symbolic figure of Truth stood to the
Thummim. And the answer to that question is aa
follows. On the breast of well-nigh every member
of the priestly caste of Egypt there hung a pectoral
plate, corresponding in position and in size to the
Ckothtrt of the high-priest of Israel. And In
many of these we find, in the oentre of the peetorale,
-ight over the heart of the priestly mummy, as the
Orim was to be "on the heart " of Aaron, what
vas a known symbol of Light (see British Museum,
lirat Egyptian Soon, Cast* 07, 68, 70, 88, 89.
Second dittu, Cats 68, 69, 74). In that symbol
wet* united and embodied the highest religious
thoughts to which man had than risen. It repre-
sented the Bun and the Universe, Light and Life,
a It may be reasonably urged lodssd that In such
sssss the previous connection with a false system is a
lesson fir, and not against the use at a symbol in tt-
sslf expresdvs. The priests of Israel were taught that
■hey were not to have lower thoughts of the light and
/•rSjotton which thev needed than the prints of Ba.
« It Is right to add that ths Igyptlan origin is rs-
Jsotsd both by Bahr (ShwrteU*, 11. 1MJ and Kwsld (.At-
trUtiim. pp. JU7-808), but without suffldent grounds,
■weld's treatment of the whole subject Is, indeed, at
isms Sttparfloial and Inconsistent. In the Altrrtkumer
L o.) he speaks of the Urim and Thummux f lots,
TTB1M AND THUMMIM
Creation and Resurrection. The material of tht
symbol varied according to the rank of the wearer
It might be of blue porcelain, or jasper, or corne-
lian, or lapis lazuli, or amethyst. Prior to out
knowing what the symbol wss, we should probably
think it natural and fitting that this, like the other
should hare been transferred from the lower worahif
to the higher, from contact with falsehood to fellow-
ship with truth. Position, size, material, meaning,
everything answers the conditions of the problem.
(S.) But the symbol in this case wss the mystic
Scarabeus; and it may seem to some startling and
incredible to suggest that such an emblem could
have been b o rrowed for such a purpose. It is per
naps quite as difficult for us to understand how H
could tver have oome to be associated with such
ideas. We have to throw ourselves back into s
stage of human progress, a phase of human thought
the most utterly unlike any that comes within om
experience. Out of the mud which the Kile left
in its flooding, men saw myriad forms of life issue
That of the Scarabeus wss the most conspicuous
It seemed to them self-generated, called into being
by the light, the child only of the sun. Its gloss}
wing-cases reflecting the bright rays made it seem
like the sun in miniature, it became at once the
emblem of Ra, the sun, and its creative Bowes
(Clem. Alex. Strom, v. 4, § SI; Eueeb. /Vans.
Evang. Hi. 4; Brugsch, Liber Mttmptyckoteot, p
33; Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptian*, iv. 995, v. 96,
476). But it came also out of the dark earth, after
the flood of waters, snd waa therefore the symbol
of lift rising out of death in new forms; of a resur-
rection snd a metempsychosis (Brugsch, L c and
jEggpt. Alterth. p. 89). So it was that not in
Egypt only, but in Etruria and Assyria ant other
countries, the same strange emblems reappeared
(Dennis, Citia and Sepukhra ofEtntria, Introd.
lxxiiL ; Layard, ffineotk, il. 314). So it was that
men, forgetting the actual in the ideal, invested it
with the title of Momytrfit (Horapollo, BierogL
L c 10), that the more mystic, dreamy, Gnostic
seats adopted it Into their symbolic language, and
that semi-Christian Soarabesi ere found with the
sacred words Jao, Sabaoth, or the names of angels
engraved on them (BeUermsnn, tleber die Soara-
iatn-Gemmtn, L 10), just aa the mystic Tan, or
Crwe amain, appears, in spite of its original mean-
ing, on the monuments of Christian Egypt (Wil-
kinson, Anc Egypt v. 983). In older Egypt tt
was, at any rate, connected with the thought of
Divine illumination, found In frequent union with
the symbolic eye, the emblem of the providence of
God, and with the hieroglyphic invocation, "Tu
radians das vitam purls hominibus " (Brugseh's
translation, Liter Metemp*. p. 83). It is obvious
that in such a ease, as with the Owe antata, the
Scaraberas Is neither an idol, nor identified with
Idolatry.' It is simply a word, as much the mere
exponent of a thought aa if it were spoken with
adopting atlehaaUs's view. In his P npntU n (1. 16) he
speaks of the high-priest fixing his gsss on them K
bring himself Into the prophetic state.
< lbs symbolic language of one nation or age vili,
of coures, often be unintelligible, and even teem la
dicrous to another. They will take for granted twi
men have worshipped what they menmetly respwwd
Would It be easy to make a Mot wunedaa UDderetanS
clearly the meaning of the symbols of ths tour Uvea
gellsta ss ussd la the ornamentations of Ingilst
churchsst Would an jEagttsh congregation, ad
uchsMloglsta, bear to be told that they ware ss ea
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(?EIM AND THTJMMIM
J ■ Up*, or mitten in phonetic characters. Then
• Dotting in it* Egyptian origin or it) animal form
■hioh need startle in any more than the like origin
jf the Ark or the Thummim, or the like torn) in
the Biuzen Sbrtkxt, or the fourfold symbolic
Igurei of the Cherubim. It is to be added, that
Joseph bj hu marriage with the daughter of the
priest of On, the priest of the sun-god Ra, and
Moan, as having been trained in the learning of
the Egyptians, and probably among the priest* of
the same ritual, and in the same city, wen certain
to be acquainted with the sculptured word, and
with its meaning, for the latter, at any rata, it
would need no description, no interpretation. Deep
let in the Chot/ttn, between the gems that repre-
sented Israel, it would set forth that Light and
Truth were the centre of the nation's life. Belong-
ing to the breastplate of judgment, it would bear
witness that the higbrpriest, in his oracular acts,
needed above all things spotless integrity and Di-
vine illumination. It fulfilled all the conditions
and taught all the lessons whioh Jewish or Chris-
tian writers have connected with the Urini.
(6.) (A.) Have we any data for determining
the material of the symbol ? The following tend
at least to a definite conclusion: (1.) If the stone
was to represent light, it would probably be one in
which light was, as it were, embodied in its purest
form, colorless and clear, diamond or rock crystal.
(8.) The traditions quoted above from Suidas and
Epiphanius confirm this inference." (3.) It is ac-
cepted as part of Ziillig's theory, by Dean Trench
(Epitila to Seven Oiurcltet, p. 126).* The
" white stone " of Kev. ii. 17, like the other rewards
of him that overoometh, declared the truth of the
Universal Priesthood. What had been the peculiar
treasure of the house of Aaron should be bestowed
freely on all believers.
(B.) Another fact connected with the symbol
enables us to include one of the best supported of
the Jewish conjectures. As seen on the bodies of
Egyptian priests and others it almost always bore
an inscription, the name of the god whom the priest
tarred, or, more commonly, an invocation, from the
Book of the Dead, or some other Egyptian liturgy
(brujsoh, lib. Mtiempt. 1. c). There would here,
also, be an analogy. Upon the old emblem, ceas-
ing, it may be, to bear its old distinctive form,"
there might be the u new name written," the Tet-
ragrammaton, the Shem-hammephorash of later
Judaism, directing the thoughts of the priest to the
bra* Lord of Life and Light, of whom, unlike the
Lord of Life in the temples of Egypt, there was no
'arm or similitude, a Spirit, to be worshipped tbere-
•jt» in spirit and in truth.
(7.) We are now able to approach the question,
In what way was the Drim instrumental in en-
tiling the high-priest to give a true oracular
ssponse? " We may dismiss, with the more
tnoughtful writers already mentioned (Kimchi, on
grave on their seals a pelican or a Bah, ss a type of
Christ 7 (Clem. Alas. rWo*. ill. 11, J 69.)
a The words of Bplphaniuf are remarkable. * Af.
m, tt V * a&Muc •
* For the reason* stated eoove, In dlar*Msunt
•anil's theory, tba writer finds himself unable to
agree with Dean Trench as to the diamond being eer-
tlaly the stone in quest} -n So far ss be knows, no
. Jsaaoads have as yet beac found among the Jewel* of
Vgypt Rook crystal sesmi therefore U> more prob-
mie area* two.
• Changes In the form of an emblem all it eaaaee to
TJRIM AND TUTJMMIM 8861
9 Sam. in., may be added), the gratuitous prod
igies which hare no existence but in the fancies at
Jewish or Christian dreamers, the articulate voice
and the illumined letters. There remains the con-
clusion that, in some way, they helped him to rise
out of all selfishness and hypocrisy, out of all cere-
monial routine, and to pass into a state analogous
to that of the later prophets, and so to become
capable of a new spiritual illumination. The modus
operandi in this case may, it is believed, be at least
illustrated by some lower analogies in the less com-
mon phenomena of consciousness. Among the
most remarkable of such phenomena is the change
produced by concentrating the thought* on a single
idea, by gazing steadfastly on a single fixed point.
The brighter and more dazzling the point upon
which the eyes are turned the more rapidly i* the
change produced. The life of perception is inter-
rupted. Sight and hearing fail to fulfill their
usual functions. The mind passes into a state of
profound abstraction, and loses all distinct per-
sonal consciousness. Though not asleep it may
see visions and dream dreams. Under the sug
gestions of a will for the time stronger than itself,
it may be played on like " a thinking automaton." <*
When not so played on, it* mental state is deter-
mined by the "dominant ideas" whioh were im-
pressed upon it at the moment when, by its own
act, it brought about the abnormal change (Dr.
W. B. Carpenter in Quarterly Rev. xciii. S10, 533).
(8.) We are familiar with these phenomena
chiefly as they connect themselves with the lower
forms of mysticism, with the tricks of electro-biolo-
gists, and other charlatans. Even s* such they
present points of contact with many fact* of inter-
est in Scriptural or Ecclesiastical History. Inde-
pendent of many tacts in mouastie legends of which
this is the suet natural explanation, we may see in
the last great controversy of the Greek Church •
startling proof how terrible may be the influence of
these morbid states when there is no healthy moral
or intellectual activity to counteract them. For
three hundred years or more the rule of the Abbot
Simeon of Xerooeroos, prescribing a process precisely
analogous to that described above, was adopted by
myriads of monks in Mount Athos and elsewhere.
The Christianity of the East eeemed in danger of
giving its sanction to a spiritual suicide like that of
a Buddhist seeking, as his highest blessedness, the
annihilation of the Nirwana. Plunged in profound
abstraction, their eyes fixed on the centre of their
own bodies, the Quietist* of the 14th century (^a-v
■jfurrai, o>a)aAoil>uyoi) enjoyed an unspeakable
tranquillity, believed themselves to be radiant with
a Divine glory, aud saw visions of the uncreated
light which had shone on Tabor. Degrading a*
the whole matter seems to us, it was a serious I'an-
ger then. The mania spread like an epidemic, even
among the laity. Husbands, fathers, men of letters,
and artisans gave themselves up to it. It we* im-
bear any actual resemblance to its original prototype
are familiar to all students of symbolism. The Ona
nun, the Tau, which was the sign of life, w, perhaps,
the most striking instance (Wilkinson, Ant. Egypt, v.
288j. Geeeuos, in like manner, in his Monument*
Pkaxiaa, U. 68, 86, 70), gives engravings of SJeazebes)
la which nothing but the oval form is left.
d The word is used, of course, in Us popular sen**,
as a toy moving by machinery. Strictly speakzag.
automatic force is just the element which has, for She
time lisappeared.
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S862 URIM AND THUMMIM
portent enough to be the occasion of repeated Syn-
od*, in which emperors, patriarchs, bishops were
sager to take part, and mostly in favor of the prac-
tice, and the corollaries deduced from it (Fleury,
Hid. Ecctet. xcv. 8; Gtesder, Ch. Hi*. { 199;
Maury, La Magie tt tAitrologit, pp. 499, 430).
(9.) It is at least ooneeirable, however, that,
within given limits, and in « given stage of human
progress, the state which seems so abnormal might
have a use as well as an abuse. In the opinion of
one of the foremost among modern physiologists,
the processes of hypnotism would have their place
in a perfect system of therapeutics ( Qunrt. Rtxiae,
L e,). It is open tons to believe that they may,
in the less perfect stages of the spiritual history of
mankind, have helped instead of hindering. In this
way only, it may be, the sense-bound spirit could
abstract itself from the outer world, and take up
the attitude of an expectant tranquillity. The en-
tire suppression of human consciousness, as in toe
analogous phenomena of an ecstatic state [oomp.
Tbance], the surrender of the entire man to be
played upon, as the hand plays upon the harp, may,
at one time, have been an actual condition of the
Inspired state, just as even now it is the only con-
ception which some minds are capable of forming
of the fact of inspiration in any form or at any time-
Bearing this in mind, we may represent to our-
selves the process of seeking counsel " by Urim."
The question brought was one affecting the well-
being of the nation, or its army, or its king. The
inquirer spoke in a low whisper, asking one ques-
tion only at a time (Gem. Bab. Joma, in Mede,
L c). The high-priest, fixing his gaze on the
"gems oracular" that lay "on his heart," fixed
bis thoughts on the Light and the Perfection which
they symbolized, on the Holy Name inscribed on
them. The act was itself a prayer, and, like other
prayers, it might be answered.' After a time, he
passed into the new, mysterious half-ecstatic state. 1
All disturbing elements — selfishness, prejudice,
the fear of man — were eliminated. He received
tbe insight which be craved. Hen trusted in his
derisions as with us men trust the judgment which
has been purified by prayer for the help of the
Eternal Spirit, more than that which grows only
tut of debate, and policy, and calculation.
(10.) It is at feast interesting to think that a
ike method of passing into this state of insight
was practiced unbuuned in the country to which we
lave traced the Urim, and among the people for
(hose education this p roces s was adapted. We
need not think of Joseph, the pure, the heaven-
taught, tbe blameless one, as adopting, still less as
wisely pretending to adopt, tbe dark arte of a sys-
tem of imposture (Gen. iliv. 5, 16). For one into
whose character the dream-element of prevision en-
tered so largely, there would be nothing strange in
the uw of madia by which he might superinduce
at will (be dream-state which bad come to him in
Us ycaih unbidden, with no outward stimulus; and
the use of tbe cap by which Joseph "divined " was
URIM AND THUMMIM
precisely analogous to that which has been now <le
seribed. To fill the eup with water, to fix the ey i oa
a gold or silver coin in it, or, mora frequently, on
the dazzling reflection of the sun's rays from it, was
an essential part of the KuKuto/nrrtla, the Accare-
fiarrda of ancient systems of divination (Maury,
La Magi* tt f Artrotogie, pp. 436-428; Kaliach,
Genoa, in loo.). In the most modern form of it,
among the magicians of Cairo, the boy's fixed gaze
upon the few drops of ink In the palm of his hand
answers the same purpose and produces the same
result (Lane, Mod. Egypt 1. c. xii.). The differ-
ence between the true and the false in these easel
Is, however, far greater than the superficial resem-
blance. To enter upon that exceptional state with
vague, stupid curiosity, may lead to an imbecility
which is the sport of every casual suggestion. To
psas into it with feelings of hatred, passion, lust,
may add to their power a fearful intensity for evD,
till tbe state of the soul is demoniac rather than
human. To enter upon it as the high-priest en-
tered, with tbe prayer of faith, might iu like man-
ner intensify what was noblest and truest in him.
and fit him to be for tbe time a vessel of the Truth.
(11.) It may startle us at first to think that any
physical media should be used in a divine order to
bring about a spiritual result, still more that those
media should be the same as are found elsewhere
in systems in which evil is at least preponderam, ;
yet here too Scripture and History present us with
very striking analogies. In other forms of worship,
in the mysteries of bis, in Orphic and Corybantfain
revels, music was used to work the worshippers into
a state of orgiastic frenzy. In the mystic frater-
nity of Pythagoras it was employed before sleep,
that their visions might be serene and pure (Plu-
tarch, Dt It. tt Otir. ad fin.). Yet the same In-
strumentality bringing about a result analogous at
hast to the latter, probably embracing elements of
both, was used from tbe first In tbe gatherings of
tbe prophets (1 Sam. x. 6). It soothed the vexed
spirit of Saul (1 Sam. xvi. 93) ; it wrought on him.
when it came in its choral power, till be too burst
into tbe ecstatic song (1 Sam. xix. 20-94). With
one at least of the greatest of tbe prophets it was
as much the preparation for his receiving light sad
guidance from above as tbe gaze at the Urim had
been to the high-priest "Elisha said . . .
• Now bring me a minstrel.' And it came to pass,
when the minstrel played, that tbe hand of tho
Lord came upon him " (9 K. ill. 16).«
(19.) Tbe facta just noticed point to tbe right
answer to the question which yet remains, at to
the duration of the Urim and the Thummim, and
tbe reasons of their withdrawal. Tbe statement oi
Josephus (Ant. iii. 7, §§ 6-7) that they had con-
tinued to shine with supernatural lustra till within
two hundred years of bis own time is simply a
Jewish fable, at variance with tbe direct co n fes si on
of their absence on the return from the Captivit<
(Ear. tt. 63), and in the time of tbe Maccabees
(1 Mace. iv. 46, xiv. 41). As Utile reliance la to
• The prayer of Pa xlill. 8, « Bend out thy light
end thy truth," though It dees not contain ths words
Urim ana Ttamnmlm, speak* obviously of that which
they symbolised, and may be looked upon as an echo
ef the high-priest's prayer In a form In which it might
ta used by any devout worshipper.
* The striking exclamation of 8aul, " Withdraw thy
■and ! " when It seemed to htm that ths Urim was no
• sanded, was clearly an Interruption of this pro-
1 asm xiv. 19).
e That " the hand or the Lard " was the r
expression for this awful consciousness of ths Drvsm
presence we And from the visions of KeekJel (1.8, HI
14, el at.), and 1 K. zvtU. 48. It helps us obviously
to determine the sense of the corresponding phrase
« with the Inger of God," In Bx. xxxl. 18. Come
too, the equivalence, In sur Lord's teaching, of the vwi -
forms. « If I with the Soger of God (Luke xL 39 m
• by the Spirit of God,' Matt. xU. 28) easl
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UBIM AND THUMMIM
be placed on the assertion of other Jewish writers,
that they continued in activity till the time of toe
Babylonian Exile (Sotn, p. 43; Hidratb on Song
of SuL in Buxtorf, L c). It ia quite inconceiva-
ble, had it been ao, that there abould have been no
■ingle instance of an oracle thui obtained during
tie whole hiatory of the monarchy of Judah. The
bet* of the can are few, but tbey are decisive.
Never, after the days of David, ia the ephod, with
ita appendages, oonnected with counsel bom Jeho-
vah (so Carpzor, App. CrU, i. 6). Abiathar ia the
hat priest who habitually uses it for that purpose
(1 Sam. xxlii. 6, 9, xxviii. 6; probably also 2 Sam.
xxi. 1). His name is identified in a strange tradi-
tion embodied in the Talmud (Siinhedr. f. 19, 1,
in Lightfoot, xi. 386) with the departed glory of
the Urim and the Thummim. And the explana-
tion of these bets ia not far to seek. Hen had been
taught by this time another process by which the
spiritual might at once assert its independence of
the sensuous lire, and yet retain its distinct per-
sonal consciousness — a process leas liable to per-
version, leading to higher and more continuous
illumination. Through the sense of hearing, not
through that of sight, was to be wrought the
subtle and mysterious change. Music — in ita
marvelous variety, Its subtle sweetness, ita spirit-
stirring power — was to be, for all time to come,
the lawful help to the ecstasy of praise and prayer,
cpening heart aud soul to new and higher thoughts.
The utterances of the prophets, speaking by the
word of the Lord, ware to supersede the oracles of
the Urim The change which about this period
pssaed over the speech of Israel was a witness of
the moral elevation which that other change In-
volved. "He Owt is now called a prophet was
beforetime called a seer" (1 Sam. ix. 9). To be
the moutb-puwe, the spokesman of Jehovah was
higher than to see visions of the future, however
clear, whether of the armies of Israel or the lost
asses of Kish.
(18.) The transition was probably not made
without a struggle. It wsa accompanied by, even
if it did not in part cause the transfer of the Pon-
tificate from one branch of the priestly family to
another. The strange opposition of Abiathar to
the will of David, at the close of his reign, is intel-
ligible on the hypothesis that he, long accustomed,
aa holding the Ephod and the Urim, to guide the
king's councils by his oracular answers, viewed,
rith some approach to Jealousy, the growing Influ-
ence of the prophets, and the accession of a prince
who had grown up under their training. With him
at any rata, ao for as we have any knowledge, the
Urim and the Thummim passed out of sight. It
was well, we may believe, that they did so. To
have the voices of the prophets in their stead was
*o gain and not to lose. So the old order changed,
giving place to the new. If the fond yearning of
the Israelites of the Captivity had been fulfilled,
and a priest had once again risen with Urim and
with Thummim, they would but have taken their
place among the "weak and beggarly elements
which were to pass away. All attempts, from the
Bale of Simeon to the Spiritual JCxercue* oi Loy-
ola, to invert the Divine order, to purchase spiritual
by the sacrifice of intelbct and of oon-
UBURY
8868
a Ia addition to the aotnorltlae cited In the text,
sne has to be named to which the writer has not base
tots to get access, and which he knows only through
he IVjoktw of fteamius- BeUermann, whose treat
science, hive been stops backward into Jail lines,
not forward into light. So it was that God, ia
many different measures and many different fash-
ions (a-oAu/uoan <tol waAvroemtf ), spake in time
past unto the Fathers (Heb. i. 1). So it is, in
words that embody the same thought, and draw
from it a needful lesson, that
" (tod nilnlU himself in many ways.
Lest one good ouatom should corrupt the world.** •
E.H.P.
» ei
• USDUM UiX~S • 7«bm). This Is the
name of the remarkable mountain of rock-salt Dear
the southern end of the Dead Sea, called by the
natives Hnjr Utdutn, KLntlim Utchun, and Jthti
Uuhtm. The name ia generally accepted as a tra-
dition of Sodom. It has been fully described by
Kobinson and Tristram, and its probable connec-
tion with the saltness and volume of the sea, and
with the site of Sodom, has been discussed in pre-
ceding articles. Travellers refer particularly to the
fantastic shapes into which some of its pinnacles
and angles are worn by the action of the elements.
The latest visitor, Captain Warren, collected " most
beautiful specimens of salt crystals, like icicles, only
pointing towards the sky, which melted away at
Jerusalem." Captain W. has been the first, in
modern times, to accomplish the ascent of the cliff
Sebbth (Uasada) on the east ( Quart. Stattm. PaL
Kx. Fund, No. iv. pp. 141-160). [Masada;
Siddim, Valk or; Sodom.] S. W.
USURY. Information on the subject of lend-
ing and borrowing will be found under Loan. It
need only be remarked here tlr-at the practice of
mortgaging land, sometimes at exorbitant interest,
grew up among the Jews during the Captivity, in
direct violation of the Law (Lev. xzv. 88, 87; Es.
xviii. 8, 18, 17). We find the rata reaching 1 la
100 per month, corresponding to the Roman eea-
ttnntm aewoj, or 19 per cent, per annum — a rata
which Niebuhr considers to have been borrowed
from abroad, and which is, or has been till quite
lately, a very usual or even a minimum rate in the
East (Nieb. Hi*, of Borne, iii. 67, EngL IV.;
Volney, Trot. h\ 894, note ; Cbardin, Vog. vL
139). Yet the law of the Kuran v like the Jewish,
forbids ail usury (I-ane, M. E. 1. 139; Sale, Kurd*,
c. 80). The laws of Menu allow 18 and even 94
per cent aa an interest rate; but, aa was the law
in Egypt, accumulated interest was not to exceed
twice the original sum lent (Loot of Menu, c viil.
140,141,151; SlrW. Jones, Work; voL ill. p.
995; Diod. 1. 9, 79). This Jewish practice waa
annulled by Nehemlah, and an oath exacted to In-
sure its discontinuance (Neh. v. 8-18; Sdden, D*
Jut. Not ri. 10; Hofmann, Lex. "Usura").
H. W.P-
* The word usury has come in modern English
to mean excessive Interest upon money loaned,
either formally illegal, or at least oppressive. At
the time of the Anglican version, however, the
word did not bear tbia sense, but meant simply
interest of any kind upon money, thus strictly cor-
responding to the Hebrew If *|>? (and also NtpQ
which ia used in Neh. v. 7). It is to be remem-
law on the Searaba-d are quoted above, has aho wrta
ten. Die Urim und Thummim, dit ttUestm Qtmmm
lie apparently Identifies the Urim and Thomman wHa
the gams of the brea stp la t e,
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8864
UTA
bared that the Jewlih law prohibiting usury, for-
bade the taking of any interest whatever for money
lent, without regard to the rate of interest; but
this prohibition related only to the Jews, their
brethren, and there was no command regulatkig
either the taking of interest, or its amount, from
foreigners. F. G.
UTA (Oirrd: Utha), 1 Esdr. v. SO. ft appears
to be a corruption of Akkub (Bar. ii. 45).
UTHAI psjL] (VTO \Jthovak tueoon]:
mei: [Vat. r»0«O Alex. r««i: otha). 1.
The son of Ammihud, of the children of Hharez,
the son of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 4). He appears to
have been one of thise who dwelt in Jerusalem
after the Captivity. In Neh. xL 4 he is called
■ Athaiah the son of Usziah."
2. (OMsf; [Vet Ov»i:] Othai.) One of the
ions of Bigvai, who returned in the second cars-
fen with Ears (Ear. viii. 14).
T7THI (OMO, 1 Esdr. viii. 40. [Uthai, 2.]
• UTTER, Lev. v. 1, where he who does not
* utter " iniquity is said to commit iniquity, i, e.
If he does not make it known or disclose it. This
sense of the word now seldom occurs except in
speaking of the " utterance " or circulation of
money and stocks. H.
UZ (YTO [fruitful in trtet, Dietr.]s ot(\
[Bom. Tat. om. in 1 Chr.; ilex.] Or: Ut, But).
This name is applied to — 1. A son of Aram
(Gen. x. 33), and consequently a grandson of Sbem,
to whom he la immediately referred in the more
concise genealogy of the Chronicles, the name of
Aram being omitted' (1 Chr. 1 17). 3. A eon
of Nahor by Hilcah (Gen. xxii 91; A. V. Hvz).
3. ["at, 'at: But.] A son of Dishan, and
grandson of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 28; [1 Chr. i. 43]).
*. H 'AvtfSrtti Sin. a Kuatyra- But.] The
country in which Job lived (Job i. 1). As the
renealogical statements of the book of Genesis are
undoubtedly ethnological, and in many instances
ilso geographical, it may be fairly surmised that
die coincidence of names in the above cases is
lot accidental, but points to a fusion of various
branches of the Shemitic race in a certain locality,
rhis surmise is confirmed by the circumstance that
>ther connecting links may be discovered between
.he same branches. For instance, Nos. 1 and 3
have in common the names Aram (eomp. Gen. x.
23, xxii. 21 ) and Hascbab as a geographical desig-
nation in connection with the former (1 Chr. xix.
6), and a personal one in connection with the lat-
ter (Gen. xxii. 24). Nos. 2 and 4 have in common
the names Bus and Burite (Gen. xxii. 31; Job
ixxii. 2), Chesed and Chasdim (Gen. xxii. 22;
Jib i. 17, A. T. « Chaldasans "). Shush, a
Dtiphew of Nahor, and Shuhite (Gen. xxv. 2; Job
Ii. 11), and Kedem, as the country whither Abra-
ham sent Shuab, together with his other children
by Keturah, and also as the country where Job
tved (Gen. xxv. 6; Job i. 8). Nos. 3 and 4,
Main, hsre in common Eliphaz (Gen. xxxvi. 10;
Vb ii 11), and Teman and Temanite (Gen. xxxvi.
.1; Job. ii. 11). The ethnologiosl fact embodied
jn the above coincidences of names appears to be as
• The LXX. inserts the words ui viol 'Ape!** fasvbre
fee notice of Us sod Us brothers : but for this than
• no authority In the Hebrew. For a parallel instance
aT eonciaeiieM, iee ver. 4.
o The printed edition of the HaritU writes the
UZAL
Certain branches if the Aramaio family
being both more anciert and occupying a mots
northerly position than the others, coalesced with
branches of the later Abrahamids, holding a some-
what central position in Mesopotamia and Pales-
tine, and again with branches of the still later
Edomites of the south, after they bad become a
distinct race from the Abrahamids. This conclu-
sion would receive confirmation if the geographical
position of Ue, as described in the book of Job,
harmonised with the probability of such an amal-
gamation. As for as we can gather, it lay either
east or southeast of Palestine (Job L 3; see
Bkhe-Kkdkm); adjacent to the Sabsans jnd the
Chaldeans (Job i. IS, 17), consequently nuthward
of the southern Arabians, and westward of the
Euphrates; and, lastly, adjacent to the Edomites
of Mount Seir, who at one period occupied Us,
probably as conquerors (lam. iv. 31), and whose
troglodyte habits are probably described in Job
XXX, 8, 7. The position of the country may further
be deduced from the native lands of Job's friends,
Eliphaa the Temanite being an Idunuean, Elihu
the Buaite being probably a neighbor of the Chal-
dasans, for Buz and Chesed were brothers (Gen.
xxii. 31, 22), and Bildad the Shuhite being one of
the Rene-Kedem. Whether Zophar the NaamathHe
is to be connected with Naamah in the tribe of
Judah (Josh. xv. 41) may be regarded as prob-
lematical: if be were, the conclusion would be
further fstshlished. From the above data we infta
that the land of Us corresponds to the Arabia
Dtterta of classical geography, at all events to se
much of it as lies north of the 80th parallel of lati-
tude. This district has in all ages been occupied
by nomadic tribes, who roam from the borders of
Palestine to the Euphrates, and northward to the
confines of Syria. Whether the name Us sur-
vived to classical times is uncertain : a tribe named
vEsita (Ato-irai! is mentioned by Ptolemy (v. 18,
{ 2); this Bochart identifies with the Us of Scrip-
ture by altering the reading into Avvrnu (Phaleg
ii. 8) ; but, with the exception of the rendering in
the LXX. (in x*W T S A vo-i'tiIi, Job 1. 1 ; comp.
xxxii. 2), there is nothing to justify such a change.
Geeenius (Thct. p. 1003) is satisfied with the form
-dSsitaa as sufficiently corresponding to Us.
W. L.B.
U'ZAI [8 syl.] CTW [rofosc]: Eftfat; [V**.]
FA Ev«t: On). The father of Paku, who as-
sisted Nehemiah in rebuilding the city wall (Neh.
Ul. 86).
U'ZAL (bWM [see note] ; Semar. VrH:
[Rom. in Gen. MfhiW in 1 Chr. omits; Alex,]
AiftX, Atfoi: Uxtd, Btaal). The sixth son of
Joktsn (Gen. x. 87; 1 Chr. t. 21), whose settle-
ments ere clearly traced in the ancient name of
Ban's, the capital city of the Yemen, which was
'«*
originally Awzal, u'ijl (Ibn-Khaldoon, an.
Csnasin, Euai, L 40, foot-note: Mardad, a. m
Geeen. Lea. s. v.; Bunsen's Bibthetrk, eto.).' It
has disputed the right to be the chief city of the
kingdom of Shebe from the earnest ages of whtek
name Octal, and says, " It Is said that 1U name i
Oosil ; and when the Abyssinians arrived at it, a
saw It to be beautiful, they said ' Ban's.' whiah ma
besutUul : therefore It was called Sin's."
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UZZA
«nj traditions have come down to ns- the rival
rititi being Sbbba (the Arabia Seba), and
Sephab (or Zafar). Unlike one en both of
then cities which paued occasionally into the
hands of the people of Hazarmaveth (H»d-
raroawt), it seem* to hiye always belonged to the
people of Sheba; and from iti position iu the cen-
tre of the beet poition of that kingdom, it moat
always have been an important city, though prob-
ably of lea importance than Seba itself. Niebuhr
(Utter, p. 201 IT.) save that it is a walled town,
situate in an elevated country, in lat. 15° V, and
with a stream (after hear; rains) running through
it (from the mountain of Sawafee, El-Idreeaee, i.
50), and another larger stream a little to the west,
and country-houses and Tillages on its banks. It
has a citadel on the site of a famous temple, called
Beyt-Ghumdan, said to have been founded by
Shoorabeel ; which was rased by order of Othman.
The houses and palaces of San'a, Niebuhr says,
an finer than those of any other town of Arabia;
and it possesses many mosques, public baths, and
caravanserais. El-Idreesee's account of its situa-
tion and flourishing state (L 50, quoted also by
Bochart, Phaleg, xxi.) agrees with that of Niebuhr.
TAkoot says, " San'a is the greatest city in the
Yemen, and the most beautiful of them. It re-
sembles Damascus, ou account of the abundance
of its trees (or gardens), and the rippling of its
waters " (Muthtaruk, s. v., eotnp. Ibn-El-Wardee
MS-); and the author of the Mardrid (said to be
Yakoot) says, '• It is the capital of the Yemen
Mid the best of its cities; it resembles Damascus,
jn acoount of the abundance of its fruits " (i. v.
San'a).
Und, or Awral, is most probably the same as
the Auzara (Atffapa), or Ausara (AbVcum) of the
classics, by the common permutation of / and r.
Pliny (B. N. xli. 16) speaks of this as belonging
to the Uebanitsa; and it is curious that the ancient
division (or •' mikhlaf ") of the Yemen In which it
is situate, and which is called Sinhan, belonged to
a very old confederacy of tribes named Jenb, or
Geob, whence the Gebanitn of the classics ; another
division being also called Mikhlaf Jenb (Mardtid,
j. w. mikhlaf and jenb, and Muthtarak, s. r. jenb).
Bochart accepts Ausara as the classical form of
Uxal (Phalig, 1. c), but his derivation of the name
of the Gebanita is purely fanciful.
TJsal is perhaps referred to by Es. (jntvil. 19),
translated in the A. V. " Javau," going to and fro,
Heb. VfWD. A city named Yawan, or YSwan,
In the Yemen, is mentioned in the Kimoot (see
Gessnius, Lex. and Bochart, I ft). Commentators
are divided In opinion respecting the correct read-
ing of this passage; but the most part are in favor
sf the reference to Dial See also Javan.
K.S. P.
WZA (HW [srr*»ort]: 'Afd; [Vat Noon.:]
(Ma). 1. A Benjamlte or the sons of Ehud (1
Tnr. vili. 7). The Targnm on Esther makes him
. je of the ancestors of MordeeaL
3. COfifO Elsewhere oaQsd Uiur (1 Chr.
k 7,9,10,11).
3. CAfdi [Vat. Owra], 'off [Vat. FA. Ofti]l
[Alex.] Afo, Ofi: Am.) The children of Can
•ere a fondly of Nethinhn who returned with
Esrnbbahel (Ear. li. 48; Neh. vll. 81).
*• ( n Jt?5 0(ii Alex. Afo: Ota). Property
UassuV 1 As the text now stands, Uaaah Is a
TJZZAH
8366
descendant of Herari (1 Chr. vt 39 [14]); bo*
there appears to be a gap in the rerse by which
the sons of Gershom are omitted, for Libni and
Shimei are elsewhere descendants of Gershom, and
not of Herari. Perhaps he is the same as Zina
(n^T), or Zlzah (rTj\T), the son of Shimei (1
Chr. ixiii. 10, 11) ; for these names evidently de-
note the same person, and, in Hebrew character,
are not unlike Uszah.
TJZ'ZA, THE GARDEN OF (bW? )} :
iriproj 'OCi'- hortm Aza). The spot in which .
Manaeseh king of Judah, and his son Amon, wot
both buried (3 K. xxi. 18, 26). It was the garden
attached to Manaaseh's palace (yet. 18, and 3 Chr.
xxxiii. 30), and therefore presumably was iu Jeru-
salem- The fact of its mention shows that it wit
not where the usual sepulchres of the kings were.
No clew, however, is afforded to its position. Joat-
pbus (Ant. x. 3, § 2) simply reiterates the state
ment of the Bible. It la ingeniously suggested by
Cornelius a Lapide, that the garden was so called
from being on the spot at which Usxa died during
the removal of the Ark from Kirjath-jearim to
Jerusalem, and which is known to have retained
his name for long after the event (8 Sam. vi. 8).
There are some grounds for placing this in Jerusa-
lem, and possibly at or near the threshing-floor of
Araunah. [Nachom, vol. iii. p. 2061, and note.]
The scene of Uzsa's death was itself a threshing-
floor (3 Sam. vi. 6), and the change of the word
from this, eoren, \jm, into gan, ]J garden, would
not be difficult or improbable. But nothing cer-
tain can be said on the point.
Bunsen (Bibelicerk, note on 2 K. xxi. 18) on the
strength of the mention of " palaces " in the same
paragraph with Ophel (A. V. '• forts ") in a denun-
ciation of Isaiah (xxxlL 14), asserts that a palace
was situated in the Tyropojon valley at the foot of
the Temple mount, and that this was in all proba-
bility the palace of Manaeseh and the site of the
Garden of Una. Surely a slender foundation for
such a superstructure 1 G
UZ'ZAH (tt$3> in 3 Sam. vi. 8, elsewhere
f% [sfrenott]: 'Ofd; Alex. Afo, Affo: Ota).
One of the sons of Abinadab, In whose house at
Kirjath-jearim the Ark rested for 30 years. The
eldest son of Abinadab (1 Sam. vii. 1) seems to
have been Eleazar, who was consecrated to look
after the Ark. Uszah probably was the second,
and Ahlo * the third. They both accompanied its
removal, when David first undertook to carry it to
Jerusalem. Ahio apparently went before the cart
— the new cart (1 Chr. xiil. 7) — on which It
was placed, and Uszah walked by the side of the
cart. The procession, with all manner of music,
advanced as for as a spot variously called " the
threshing-floor " (1 Chr. xiil. 9), " the threshing-
floor of Chidon " (ibid. Heb. LXX.; Jos. Ant vii.
4, * 3), " the threshing-floor of Nachor " (3 Sam.
vi. 6, LXX.), " the threshing-floor of Naohon "
(Hid. Heb. ). At this point — perhaps slipping over
the smooth rook — the oxen (or, LXX., "thi
ealf ") stumbled (Heb.) or « overturned the Ark "
(LXX.). Utah eaught it to prevent its falling.
He died immediately, by the tide of the Ark.
His death, by whatever means it was accomplished,
was to sodden and awful that, in the sacred Uo
• IbslXX te" Ante." lied" Ms BtethrsB."
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3366
TTZZEN-SHEBAH
gnase of the Old Testament, it Is ascribed directly
to the Divine anger. " The anger of the Lord wat
kindled against Uzaah, and God smote him there.'*
"For ha error," blprrby, *dda the present
Hebrew text, not the LXX.; " because he put his
hand to the Ark " (1 Chr. ziii. 10). The error or
sin is not explained. Josephns (Ant. tU. 4, § 2)
makes it to be because he touched the Ark not being
a priest Some hare supposed that it was bemuse
the Ark was in a cart, and not (Ex. xxt. 14) carried
on the shoulders of the Lerites. But the narrative
seems to imply that it was simply the rough, hast;
handling of the sacred coffer. The event produced
a deep sensation. David, with a mixture of awe
and resentment, was afraid to carry the Ark fur-
ther; and the place, apparently changing its ancient
same,* was henceforth called u Ferec-Uzzah," the
« breaking," or " disaster " of Uszah (S Sam. vi.
8; 1 Chr. xiii. 11; Jos. Ant vii. 4, J S).
There is no proof for the assertion that Lzzah
was a Levite. A. P. S.
UZ'ZBN-SHETtAH tiT$$ l^> [parh.
tar or corner o/ Sherah] : »aj viol : Ofa>, Tttrtpi:
Ottntara). A town founded or rebuilt by Sherah,
an Ephraimite woman, the daughter either of
Ephraim himself or of Beriah. It is named only
in 1 Chr. vii. S4, in connection with the two Beth-
horons. These latter still remain probably in pre-
cisely their ancient position, and called by almost
exactly their ancient names ; but no trace of Uzzen-
Sherah appears to have been yet discovered, unless
it be in Beit Sira, which is shown in the maps of
Van da Velde and Tobler as on the N. side of the
Wady Suleiman, about three miles 8. W. of
Btiiir eUahta. It is mentioned by Robinson (in
the lists in Appendix to voL iii. of BiM. Ret., 1st
sd., p. 120); and also by Tobler (30s Wanderung,
p. 188). [Shkbah.]
The word oten in Hebrew signifies an "ear; "
and assuming that wacen is not merely a modifi-
cation of some unintelligible Canaanite word, it
may point to an earlike projection or other natural
feature of the ground. The same may be said of
Axnoth- Tabor, in which cunoth is perhaps related
to the same root.
It has been proposed to identify Uzzen-Sherah
with Timnath-Serah; but the resemblance between
the two names exists only in English (mHBT and
1 1 ib), and the identification, tempting as it Is
from the fact of Sherah being an ancestress of
Joshua, cannot be entertained.
It will be observed that the LXX (in both
MBS.) give a different turn to the passage, by the
addition of the word ''SSI before Unco. Sherah,
in the former part of the vane, is altogether omit-
ted in the Tat. MS. (Mai), and in the Alex, given
eeSoapa. O.
UZ-ZI (M£, short far 7TO9, JekotoA it «y
Urmgtk. Compere Ussiah, Dariel). L ('OCtl
[Vat Of«; lb Ear., '0(la», pen. t Vat. Saotnsl
Alex. OfiwiJ On.) Son of Bukki, and father of
Zarahiah, in the Una of the high-priests (1 Chr. vi
t, ft, 61; Ksr. rii. 4). Though Uzai was the lineal
ancestor of Zsdok, it does not appear that he was
■ f/or the uunj s ctu rs that this was the Oibmb or
Ossa roe-uooM Id the later history, an the preceding
T7ZZIAH
high-priest. Indeed, be is Included in
descendants of Phinehaa between the high-priest
Ablshua ('Iiio-awes) and Zadok, who, according to
Josephns (Ant. riii. 1), were private persons. He
must have been contemporary with, but rather
earlier than Eli. In Josephua's list Vza is un-
accountably transformed into Josathaw.
8. [Vat. corrupt] Son of Tola the son of
Issachar, and father of five sons, who wen all chief
m (1 Chr. rii. 2, 3).
3. pOfl: Vat. Of.*.] Son of Bela, of the tribe
of Betgaoiin (1 Chr. rii. 7).
4. Another, or the same, from whom descended
some Benjamite houses, which were settled at
Jerusalem after the return from Captivity (1 Chr
ix. 8).
5. [Vat FA. Ofti: AaL] A Levite, son . '
Buni, and overseer of the Lerites dwelling at Jeru-
salem, in the time of Nebemiah (Neb. xi. 29).
6. [Tat FA.> Alex, omit; Bom. FA.* 'Off:
Am.] A priest, chief of the father'e-house of
Jedaiab, in the time of Joiakim the high-priest
(Neh. xii. 19).
7. [Rom. Vat FA.i Alex, omit; FA.* 'Of?:
Atti.] One of the priests who assisted Earn in
the dedication of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xii
42). Perhaps the same as the preceding.
A.C.H.
UZZI'A (H»*£ [ftrength ofJehetak) : 'Of>.
[Vat FA.] Alex. OCtus- Oaa). One of David's
guard, and apparently, from bis appellation " the
Ashterathlte," a native of Ashtsroth beyond Jor-
dan (1 Chr. xi. 44).
TJZZI'AH (HM^ [see above]: , Afo»f«i in
Kings [Vat in a K. it. 30, Ax«f, »*. Oftuw],
'Offai [Vat Ofctar, exe. 2 Chr. xxvi. 1, Ox«f«<w<
Rom. 'Ofeios, Is. 1. 1, vi. 1, and so Sin. I. 1 and
vii. 1] elsewhere; Alex. Olefin inlK.tr. 13:
Ouai, but AtariaM in 2 KVxv. 18).
L Uzxiah king of Judah. In some passages
his name appears in the lengthened form VTJ?«J'
(2 K. xr. 32, 84; 2 Cbr. xxvi., xxvii. 2; Is. L 1,
vi. 1, vii. 1), which Gesenius attributes to an error
of the copyists, TVWB and TTntV being nearly
identical, or "to an exchange of the names ss
spoken by the common people, m being pronounced
for Jr." This is possible, but there are other in-
stances of the princes of Judah (not of Israel;
changing their names on succeeding to the throne,
undoubtedly in toe latter history, sod perhaps ha
the earlier, as Jehoahaa to Abaziah (2 Chr. xxi
17), though this example is not quite certain
[Ahaziah, 2.] After the murder of Amaaiali,
his son Uzziah was chosen by the people to occupy
the vacant throne, at the age of 16; and for the
greater part of his long reign of 52 years he lived
In the fear of God, and showed himself a wise,
active, and pious ruler. H« began his reign by •
successful expedition against his father's enemies,
the Edouiitee, who had revolted from Judah in J»-
horam's time, 80 years before, and penetrated as
far as the head of the Gulf of 'Akaba, where he
took the important place of FJath, fortified it, and
probably established it as a mart for foreign com-
merce, which Jehoshapbat bad failed to do. This
success is recorded in the Second Book of King!
(xlv. 22;, but from the Second Book of Chromdei
(xxvi, 1, 4c.) we learn much more. Uzziah wages
other victorious wars in the south, eepeeialrj against
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TJZZIAH
the Mehuuim, ot people of Haan, and the Arabs
of Gurbaal. A fortified town named Main still
axiata in Arabia Petnea, south of the Dead Sea.
The situation of Gurbaal is unknown. (For con-
jectures, more or lew probable, see Ewald, Cach.
1. 831; Mkhushi; Gurbaal.) Such enemies
would hardly maintain a long resistance after the
defeat of so formidable a tribe as the Edomitee.
Towards the west, Uzxiah fought with equal suc-
cess against the Philistines, leveled to the ground
the walla of Gath, Jabneh, and Asbdod, and
founded new fortified cities in the Philistine terri-
tory. Nor was he leas rigorous in defensive than
offensive operations. He strengthened the walls
of Jerusalem at their weakest points, furnished them
with formidable engines of war, and equipped an
army of 307,600 men with the best inventions of
military art. He was also a great patron of agri-
culture, dug wells, built towers in the wilderness
for the protection of the flocks, and cultivated rich
vineyards and arable land on his own account
He never deserted the worship of the true God,
and was much influenced by Zecbariah, a prophet
who is only mentkmed in connection with him (3
Chr. xxri. 5); tar, aa be must hare died before
Uzxiah, he cannot be the same as the Zechariah
of Is. viii- 3. So the southern kingdom was raised
to a condition of prosperity which it had not known
since the death of Solomon; and as the power of
Israel was gradually falling away in the latter
period of Jehu's dynasty, that of Judah extended
itself over the Ammonites and Moabites, and other
tribes beyond Jordan, from whom Uzxiah exacted
tribute. See 3 Chr. xxri. S, and Is. xvi. 1-6, from
which it would appear that the annual tribute of
sheep (8 K. ilL 4) was revived either during this
reign or soon after. The end of Uzziah was leas
prosperous than his beginning. Elated with his
splendid career, he determined to burn incense on
the altar of God, but was opposed by the high-
priest Azariah and eighty others. (See Ex. xxx.
7, 8; Num. xvi. 40, xviiL 7.) The king was en-
raged at their resistance, and, as he pressed forward
with his censer, waa suddenly smitten with leprosy,
a disease which, according to Gerlach (in bieo), is
often brought out by violent excitement. In 3 K.
xv. 6 we are merely told that "the Lord smote
the king, so that he was a leper nnto the day of
his death, and dwelt in a several house; " but bis
invasion of the priestly office is not specified. This
catastrophe compelled Uzxiah to reside outside the
alty, so that the kingdom was administered till bis
death by his son Jotham as regent. Caxiah was
buried " with his fathers," yet apparently not act-
ually in the royal sepulchres (3 .Chr. xxri. 33).
During his reign an earthquake occurred, which,
though not mentioned in the historical books, waa
apparently very serious in its consequences, for it
is alluded to as a chronological epoch by Anios
(I. 1), and mentioned in Zeoh- xiv. 6, as a con-
vulsion from which the people "fled." [Eabth-
cjuaks.] Joeephus {AM. ix. 10, § 4) connects it
with Uitiah's sacrilegious attempt to offer incense,
jot this la very unlikely, as It cannot have occurred
later than the 17th year of his reign [Amos].
The first six chapters of Isaiah's prophesies belong
to this reign, and we an told (3 Chr. xxri. 23)
that a full account ot it waa written by that prophet.
Setae notices of the state of Judah at this time
aaay also be obtained from the contemporary proph-
ets Hoaea and Amos, though both of these labored
<aore particularly in Israel. We gather from their
TJZZIEL
8367
writings (Has. iv. 16, ri. 11; Am. ri. 1), is wefl
as from the early chapters of Isaiah, that though
the condition of the southern kingdom was fat
superior, morally and religiously, to that of the
northern, yet that it was by no means free from
the vices which are apt to accompany wealth ana.
prosperity. At the same time Hoaea conceives
bright hopes of the bleeainga which were to arise
from it; and though doubtless these hopes pointed
to something far higher than the brilliancy of
Uadah's administration, and though the return of
the Israelites to " David their king " can only be
adequately explained of Christ's kingdom, yet the
prophet, in contemplating the condition of Judah
at this time, was plainly cheered by the thought
that there God was really honored, and his wor-
ship visibly maintained, and that therefore with it
waa bound up every hope that his promises to his
people would be at last fulfilled (Hos. 1. 7, iii 8).
It is to be observed, with reference to the general
character of Uzxiab's reign, that the writer of the
Second Book of Chronicles distinctly states that
his lawless attempt to burn incense was the only
exception to the excellence of his administration
(3 Chr. xxvii. 3). His reign lasted from B. c.
808-9 to 766-7. G. E. L. C.
2- OOflo; [Vat Of«»:J (Ma:) A Kobathita
Levtte, and ancestor of Samuel (1 Chr. ri. 34 [9]).
3. [Vat. FA. Oftio.] A priest of the sons of
Harim, who bad taken a foreign wife in the days
of Etra (Ear. x. 31).
4. ('Aflat [Vat A(s8! FA. Af.8«.; Alex.
Of«:] Attorn.) Father of Athaiab, or Uthai
(Neh. xl. 4).
(*"!*«?: 'Ofloi [Vrt- -£t-]i Oew*.)
Father of Jehonathan, one of David's overseers (1
Chr. xxvii. 36).
UZ'ZIBL ?WT!>: 0$*>; [Vat Of.n»*,
exc. Num. iii. 19, 1 Chr. nut. 30, Ofax, Lev. x.
4, AfmAS Alex. OfetqA in Ex. ri. 18:] Otult
"God Is my strength"). L Fourth son of Ko-
hath, father of Michael, Elsaphan or Elizaphan,
and Zithri, and uncle to Aaron (Ex. ri. 18, 33)
Lev. x. 4). The family descended from him were
called Uasielites, and Elizaphan, the chief of this
family, was also the chief father of the Kohathitea,
by Divine direction, in the time of Hoses (Num.
iii. 19, 37, 80), although he seems to have bean
the youngest of Kohath's sons (1 Chr. vi. 8, 18).
The house of Uzxiel numbered 113 adults, under
Amminadab their chief, at the time of the bring-
ing up of the Ark to Jerusalem by King Darid (1
Chr. xv. 10).
a. [Vat OftiwA.] A Simeonite captain, sou
of Ishl, who, after the successful expedition of hie
tribe to the valley of Gedor, went with his three
brethren, at the bead of five hundred men, to tht
days of Heaekiah, to Mount Seir, and smote tht
remnant of the Amalekitas, who had survived tht
previous slaughter of Saul and David, and took
po ss ess io n of their country, and dwelt there " not*
this o>y" (1 Chr. iv. 43; see Bortheau).
3. Head of a Benjamita house, of the sons of
Beta (1 Chr rit 7).
*. 0«t AfrpanA.] A musician, of the una
of Heman, in David's reign (l Chr. xxr. 4), alto
where called Aaaretl (ver. 18). Compare Castas)
and Azariah.
». [Vat OftraA.] A Levite, of the sou of
Jftduthua. who in the Aava of King Heaaldah tost
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J
3368 UZZIELITES, THE
wi active part In claiming and sanctifying the
Temple, after all the pollution! Introduced by Abas
(9 Chr. nil. H, 19).
6. [Vat. Alex. FA. omit] Son of Harbaiah,
probably a priest in the dayi of Nehetniah, who
took part In repairing the wall (Neb. HI. 8). He
h described as " of the goldsmiths," i. e. of those
priests whose hereditary office it was to repair or
make the sacred vessels, as may be gathered from
the analogy of the apothecaries, mentioned in the
same verse, who an defined (1 Chr. ix. 80). The
goldsmiths are also mentioned (Neh. til. 81, 82).
That this Uniel was a priest is also probable from
hia name (No. 1), and from the circumstance that
Makhiah, the goldsmith's son, was so.
A.C.H.
TJZ'ZIELITES, THE CtyPVfn [patr.]:
J 'OfrtjA, 'OC«*VS [Vat OCnvKt] Onclito, On-
ktlilm). The descendants of Uxziel, and one of the
four great families into which the Kohathites were
divided (Nam. iii. S7( 1 Chr. xxvi. 33).
V.
* VAGABOND at first meant only " wan-
derer," "fugitive." It is applied thus to Gain
(Gen. iv. 19), and to the sons of persecutors (Ps.
elx. 10), as being doomed to rote from place to
place. The exorcists at Ephesns (Acts xix. 13) are
so called, not opprobriously per <e, but as going
about (ripitpxintrot) from one city to another in
the practice of their arts. H.
VAJEZATHA (Hi"3£j [see below] : Zofloir
tmiot ; [Alex. Zafiovyata ;] FA. Za$ov8t8ar m -
Jtzatha). One of the ten sons of Hainan whom
the Jews slew In Shushan (Esth. ix. 9). Gesenius
derives his name from the Pen. >«•>•> "white,"
Germ, teei'si ; but FUrst suggests as more probable
that it is a compound of the Zend Volga, "better,"
an epithet of the Iced haoma, and *nia, " born,"
and so « born of the Iced haoma." But such ety-
mologies are little to be trusted.
VALE, VALLEY. It Is hardly necessary to
state that these words signify a hollow swell of
ground between two more or less parallel ridges of
high land. Vale is the poetical or provincial form.
It is in the nature of the case that the centre of a
valley should usually be occupied by the stream
which forms the drain of the high land on either
side, and from this It commonly receives Its name;
as, the Valley of the Thames, of the Colne, of the
Nile. It is also, though comparatively seldom,
sailed after some town or remarkable object which
It contains; as, the Vale of Evesham, the Vale of
White-horse.
Valley is distinguished from other terms more or
less closely related ; on the one hand, from '• glen,"
'• ravine," " gorge," or " dell," which all express a
depression at once -mors abrupt and smaller than
a valley; on the other hand, from " plain," which,
though It may be used of a wide valley, Is not
ordinarily or n e cessa r ily so.
It is to be regretted that with this quad-precision
rf meaning the term should not have been employed
with more restriction In the Authorised Version of
the Bible.
The structure of the greater part of the Holy
Land do-t not lend itself to the formation of valleys
VALE, VALLEY
in our sense of the word. The abrupt transitions
of its crowded rocay hills preclude the existence of
any extended sweep of valley; and where one snob
does occur, as at Hebron, or on the southeast of
Gerizun, the irregular and unsymmefarioal positions
of the inclosing hills rob it of the character of a
valley. The nearest approach is found in the apace
between the mountains of Gerizun and Ebal, which
contains the town of Nnbiit, the ancient Sheehem.
This, however, by a singular chance, is not men-
tioned in the Bible. Another is the " Valley of
Jeered " — the undulating hollow which intervenes
between Gilboa (Jtbtl Fukaa), and the so-called
Little Hermon (Jtbtl Duhy).
Valley is employed in the Authorized Version to
render five distinct Hebrew words.
1. 'Em* (P9£: +•>•?{, Koikit, also »»y
rarely w«8for, atiKdr, and Ep«c or Apt*)- Thia
appears to approach more nearly to the general
sense of the English word than any other, and it ia
satisfactory to find that our translators have in-
variably, without a single exception, rendered it by
"valley." Its root is said to have the force of
deepness or seclusion, which Professor Stanley baa
ingeniously urged may be accepted in the sense of
lateral rather than of vertical extension, as in the
modern expreasiou, — a deep house, a deep recess.
It is connected with several places; but the only
one which can be identified with any certainty is
the Emtk of Jexreel, already mentioned as one of
the nearest approaches to an English valley. The
other Emtk* are: Acbor. Ajalon, Baca, Berachah,
Bethrehob, FJah, Gibson, Hebron, Jebosbaphai,
Keels, Rephaim, Shaven, Siddim, Suecoth, and of
ha-Charuts or " the decision " (Joel iii. U).
9. Oat or Gt (W3 or rT^ : tdpryt). Of this
natural feature there is fortunately one example
remaining which can be identified with certainty —
the deep hollow which encompasses the S. W. and
S. of Jerusalem, and which is without doubt identi-
cal with the Ge-hionom or Ge-ben-hinnom of the
0. T. This identification appears to establish the
Gt as a deep and abrupt ravine, with steep sides
and narrow bottom. The term is derived by the
lexicographers from a root signifying to Bow to-
gether; but Professor Stanley, influenced probably
by the aspect of the ravine of Hianom, proposes to
connect it with a somewhat similar root (rTl),
which has the force of rending or bursting, and
which perhaps gave rise to the name Gihon, the
famous spring at Jerusalem.
Other On mentioned in the Bible are those of
Gedor, Jlpbthah»sl, Zebolm, Zephathah, that of ash,
that of the craftsmen, that on the north side of Al,
and that opposite Beth Poor In Moab.
I. Nachal (Til} : <pd>ry{, x«pd#ovr). This
Is the word which exactly answers to the Arabic
vxidy. and has been already alluded to In that con-
nection. rPALEBTUTE, iii. 9300 a; Rivkr, p. 9735.]
It expresses, as no single English word can, the bed
of a stream (often wide and shelving, and like a
« valley " in character, which in the rainy season
may be nearly filled by a foaming torrent, though
for the greater part of the year dry), and the stream
itself, which after the subsidence of the rains baa
shrunk to insignificant dimensions. To autumn trav-
ellers in the south of France such appearances art
familiar; the wide shallow bed strewed with water
worn stones of all sices, amongst which shrubs an
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VALLEY OF BAOA
growing promiscuously, perhaps crossed by * bridge
of four or five arches, under the centre one of which
brawls along a tiny etream, the solr remnant of the
broad and rapid river which a few months before
might have carried away the structure of the bridge.
Such ie the nearett Ukenem to the wadiee of Syria,
excepting that — owing to the demolition of the
wood whieh formerly eluded the eonntry, and pre-
vented too rapid evaporation after rain — many of
the latter are now entirely and conatantly dry. To
them last it U obrioua that the word " valWy " U
not inapplicable. It ie employed in the A. V. to
translate wuhal, altamating with " brook," " river,"
and " etream." For a list of the occurrence! 'of
each em Smai and PaL App. $ 88.
4. BiHAk (n^n?: mtin). Thie term ap-
pears to mean rather a plain than a valley, wider
than the latter, though to far resembling it as to
be inclosed by mountains, like the wide district be-
tween Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon, which is still
called the Bekn'a, as it was in the days of Amos.
[Puw, ili. 2846 6\1 It is rendered by « valley "
in Dent xzzlv. 8; Josh. xt. 8, 17, sdl. 7; 8 Chr.
hit. 93; Zeoh. ill. 11.
6. Hat-SMfeUk (H^Stfrj: r, „fU,, 4,
rsSirq). This is the only case in which the em-
ftyment of the term u valley " is really unfortunate,
e district to which alone the name hat-8UfilAk
ie applied in the Bible has no resemblance whatever
to a valley, but ie a broad swelling tract of many
hundred mike in area, whieh sweeps gently down
from the mountains of Jndah
« To mingle with ths bounding mam "
of the Mediterranean. [See Palestine, Iii. 9996 ;
Puiure, iii. 3547 4 ,• Sbphkla, p. 2911, Ac.] It
is rendered » the rale " in Deut i. 7; Josh. x. 40;
1 K. x. 37; 2 Chr. i. 18; Jer. xxzUi. 13; and •• the
valley" or ••valleys" in Josh. ix. 1, xi. 3, 18, xiL
I, zv. 38; Judg. i. 9; Jer. xxxii. 44. G.
• VALLEY OF BAOA. [Baoa, Amer. cd.]
•VALLEY OF DECISION. [JraoeH-
ATHAT, VaLLST OF.]
• VALLEY OF SOREK. [Sons, Vau
urr or.]
• VALLEY-GATE, 9 Chr. xxvB. •; Ken.
ill. 18. [Jkrusalsk, a. 1829.]
VAKTAH (n^l: Oswvwrf.; [Vat Owc-
Xsm;] Alex. Ovowia; FA. Oetep*: Vmua). One
cf the sons of Ban), who put away his foreign wife
at Ban's command (Ear. x. 88).
• VANITIES, a frequent designation, in the
Bibb, of the false gods of the heathen, characterised
as having no actual existence. The usual Hebrew
tense so rendered are tsVj^TT, and D s 3>|, In
which the non-reality of the objects naturally sets
forth at the same time the foDy and wickedness of
nam worship (cf. 1 Cor. viti. 4 ft).
In Acts xlv. IS, Paul places Jupiter and Mercury
in this clam of nonentities (rocVwr t«V umraimr)
Some, indeed, explain the term there ofthe vain
■raeticee of heathenism ; hot that destroys the
VEIL
8869
I 'M fau n J" bee-rot >M> vsAAAt per
i, waUd r tn tMraj euJUWeas
tttS).
» « II Is the custom of us Persians, when we
919
evident opposition between the word and rer 8ee»
rbr Cmrra. in the context, [Idols; Iholatbt.]
H.
VASHTTI ( N 3~. 1 i Jnh » P"""* F «'»] !
ia»U [Vat. Jorsuj faueni). The first-born of
Samuel as the text now stands (1 Chr. vi. 38 [18] y.
But in 1 Sam. viii. 2 the name of bis first-born is
Joel. Most probably in the Chronicles the name
of Joel has dropped out, and " Vashni " is a cor-
ruption of *3ttty " and (the) second." The Peshito
Syriac has ameiided the test, and rendered " The
sons of Samuel, his first-born Joel, and the name
of hie second son Abiah." In this it is followed
by the Arabic of the London Polyglot*.
VASHTI 0F!pl I 'Acrfr; OsdVnj, Joseph..
VaMhi: "a beautiful womau," Pen.). The
"queen " (H^T^n) of Ahasuerus, who, for re-
fusing to show herself to the king's guests at the
royal banquet, when sent for by the king, incurred
his wrath, and was repudiated and deposed (Esth.
i.); when Esther was substituted in her place.
Many attempts hare been made to identify her with
historical personages; as by TJssher with Atones,
the wife of Darius Hystaspis, and by J. Capdhss
with Parysatis, the mother of Ochus; but, as was
said of Esther (like the " threescore queens " in
Cant vi. 8, 9"), it is far more probable that she
was only one of the inferior wives, dignified with
the title of queen, whose name has utterly dhap-
peered from history. [Esther.] This vie* of
Vashti's position seems further to tally exactly with
the narrative of Ahasuerus' order, and Vashti's
refusal, considered with reference to the national
manners of the Persians. For Plutarch ( Cbttjug.
praxept. c. 18) tells us, in agreement with Herod,
v. 18, that the kings of Persia have their legitimate
wives to sit at table with them at their banquets,
but that, when tbey choose to riot and drink, they
send their wires away and call in the concubines
and singing-girls. Hence, when the heart of
Ahasuerus "was merry with wine," he sent for
Vasbti, looking upon her only as a concubine; she,
on tbe other hand, considering herself ae one of the
KoupiSlat yunums, or legitimate wives, refused to
come. See Winer, Rtahcb. Joeephus's statement
(Ant. xi. 8, f 1), that it is contrary to the customs
of the Persians for their wives to be seen by any
men but their own husbands, I» evidently inac-
curate, being equally contradicted by Herodotus,
t. 18,* and by the book of Esther itself (v. 4, 8,
12, 4c). A. C. H.
* VAT. [Fat ; 0*, 3 ; Ours ; Wursv
]
VEIL. Under the head of Dress we ban
already disposed of vesicas terms Improperly rea
dered ••vdl" in the A V., such as mitpacluttr.
(Ruth iii. 18), (scrfo* (Gen. xxiv. 88, xxxviii. 14.
19), and rdofrf (Cant v. 7; Is. iii. 33). These have
been explained to be rasher shawls, or mantles,
which might at pleasure be drawn over the face,
but which were not designed' for tbe special purpose
of veils. It remains for ue to notice the following
terms which describe the veil proper: (1.) Mamth,'
a great tnss, to Invite both, our
wives to sfc) dawn wash, me,"
n^g.
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8870
VEIL
VERSIONS, ANCIENT
and of tin veil, which Mom anrmncd when be
iuh dcwn from the mount (Ex. zzxir. 88-46). A
cognate word tUk « oceuti in Gen. xlix. 11 M a
general term far a man's raiment, leading to toe
ui&jrenee that the month alio was an ample outer
robe which might be drawn over the nice when
required. The context, bowerer, in Ex. xxxiv. ia
eoneluaive at to the object for which the robe ni
assumed, and, whaterer may have been ite aixe or
form, it must hare been used as a veil. (8.) itit-
pieMth," used of the rails which the false prophets
placed upon their heads (Ex. xiiL 18, 31; A. T.
" kerchiefs"). The word is understood by Gesenius
(The*, p. 966) of cushions or mattresses, but the
etymology (adpAaeA, to poor) is equally, if not more
favorable, to the sense of a flouring veil, and this
accords better with the notice that they were to be
placed " upon the heed of erery stature," implying
that the length of the reil was proportioned to the
height of the wearer (Fiirst, Ltx. a. t.j HiUig in
Ex. 1. c). (8.) M'&tttk,' used of the light veils
worn by females (Is. Hi. 19; A. V. " mufflers "),
which were so called from their rustling motion.
The same term is applied in the Miahna {Sab. 8,
{ 6) to the veils worn by Arabian women. (4.)
TtammAh,* understood by the A. V. of " locks "
of hair (Cant It. 1, 8, vl. 7; Is. xlvii. 9), and so
by Winer (Realub. » Scbleier "); but the contenU
of the passages in which it is used favor the sense
of veil, the wearers of the article being in each case
highly born and handsomely dressed. A cognate
word is used in the Targum (Gen. xxiv. 65) of the
robe in which Rebecca enveloped herself.
With regard to the use of the veil, it is important
to observe that it was by no means so general in
ancient as in modern time*. At present, females
are rarely seen without it in oriental countries, so
much to that in Egypt it is deemed more requisite
to conceal the face, including the lop and back of
the bead, than other parts of the person (Lane, i.
79). Women are even delicate about exposing their
beads to a phyaidan for medical treatment (Russell's
Aleppo, I. 946). In remote districts, and among
the lower classes, the practice ia not so rigidly en-
forced (Lane, i, 79). Much of the scrupulousness
in respect to the use of the veil dates from the
promulgation of the Koran, which forbade women
appearing unveiled except In the presence of their
nearest relatives (JTor. xxxiii. 65, 69). In ancient
times, the veil was adopted only in exceptional cases,
either as an article of ornamental dress (Cant. iv.
1, 8, vl. 7), or by betrothed maidens in the presenos
of their future husbands, especially at the time of
the wedding (Gen. xxiv. 65, xxix. 95 [Mabbiagk]),
or lastly, by women of knee character for purposes
of conoeahnent (Gen. xxxviii. 14). But, generally
speaking, women both married and unmarried ap-
peared in public with their frees exposed, both
among the Jews (Gen. xii. 14, xxiv. 16, xxix. 10;
1 Sam. L 12), and among the Egyptians and As-
syrians, as proved by the invariable absence of the
veil in the sculptures and paintings of these
Among thi Jews of the New Testament age it
appears to have been customary for the women to
cover •heir beads (not necessarily their frees) when
engaged in public worship. For, St Paul repro-
• rvo.
•nV?yr.
* rrjps. '
thedisawsoftheTeUbytheCeriathisaiwoeiM.
as implying an assumption of equality with the
other sex, and enforces the covering of the head as
a sign • of subordination to the authority of the
men (1 Cor. xL 6-15). The same passage leads
to the conclusion that the use of the latak, wait
which the Jewish males cover than- heads in prayer,
ia a comparatively modern praeties; inaamuch as>
the Apostle, nutting a hypothetical ease, states thai
every man having anything on his head dawseaean
his head, i. e. Cbriet, inasmuch as the use at" the
veil would imply subjection to his feller mm rather,
than to the Lord (1 Cor. xi. 4). W. L U.
VEIL OF THE TABERNACLE AN II
TEMPLE. [Tabbbsaclk-; TkmiulJ
• VEIL, RENDING OF THE [J tar.*
Christ, 11. 1379 n.]
• VERMILION. [Coiobs, 4.]
VERSIONS, ANCIENT, OF THE OLD
AND NEW TESTAMENTS. On the an-
cient versions in general, aee Walton's Prolegom-
ena: Simon, Hittcire Critique.; Marsh's Vieha-
elis; Eichborn's Emleilung i Hug's Kmlatrntg;
Ue Wette's EmleUung,- Havernick's EinUitung .
Davidson's Intivduction [Biblical CriHtitm] ; Reus,
Gttchicht* dm Ifeutn Testaments .- Home's Jutro-
chtetion by Ayre (vol it), [or by Davidson (vol iL,
ed. 1866)], and Tregeiies (voL iv.); Scrivener's
Plan introduction/ Bleak's EmkUung; [KeU'o
EinUitung. Of Hug, De Wette, Hlverniek, Blank,
and Kail there are English translations. On the)
versions of tbe N. T. Hog is partienlariy full. —
A.]
There were two things which, In tbe early een
tunes after the coining of our Lord Jesus Christ,
were closely connected : the preaching of the Gos-
pel, leading to tbe diffused p rof e ssion of the Chris-
tian faith amongst nations of varied languages ; and
the formation of versions of the Holy Scriptures foe
the use of the Churches thus gathered in varied
countries. In fact for many ages the spread of
Christianity and the appearance of vernacular
translations seem to have gone almost continually
hand in hand. Tbe only exceptions, perhaps, wen
those regions in which tbe Christian profession did
not extend beyond what might be called the ehruV
iaed portion of the community, and in which also
the Greek language, diffused through the conquests
of Alexander, or the i Jttin, tbe concomitant of the
dominion of Rome, had taken a deeply-rooted and
widely-extended bold. Before the Christian era,
the Greek version of the Old Testament, commonly
termed the Septnagint, and the earlier Targums
(if, indeed, any were written so early) supplied every
want of the Jews, so far as we can at all discover.
And it cannot be doubted that the Greek transla-
tion of the Old Testament bad produced some ena-
siderable affect beyond the mere Jewish pale: for
thus the comparatively large class of |iiiissljtsa
which we find existing in the time of our Lord and
his Apostles must apparently nave been led to em-
brace a religion, not then commanded by the boll
neat of its profe sso r s or by external advantages, baa
only accredited by its doctrines, which profe ss ed at
be given by the revelation of God (at, indeed, they
were); and which, in setting forth the unity of
• The term ejeewfo in 1 Oer. xL 10_saja> of a»
thorltj, Just as |hnin in Die*. We. L aT — sara*
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VBKSION, ANCIENT (JCTHIOPIO\
8871
Ml, and in the condemnation of all idolatry,
mopied a need, Dot tarnished by an; thin; which
■rotund to be a system of positive religion u held
by the Greek, Latin, or Egyptian priests.
In making Inquiry u to the" versions formed
after the spread of Christianity, we rarely find any
Indication as to the translators, or the particular
asrenmstanees under which they were executed.
All we can say fa, that those who had learned that
Ike doctrines of the Apostles, — namely, that in the
same of Jesus Christ the 8on of God there is for-
gtwes s of sins and eternal life through faith in his
propitiatory sacrifice, — are indeed the truth of
God; and who knew that the New Testament con-
tain* the records of this religion, and the Old the
■reparation of God for it* introduction through
promises, types, and prophecies, did not long remain
without possessing these Scriptures in languages
which they understood. The appearance of ver-
nacular translations was a kind of natural conse-
quence of the formation of Churches.
We have also some indications that parts of the
New Testament were translated, not by those who
received the doctrines, but by those who opposed
them ; this was probably dime hi order the more
successfully to guard Jews and proselytes to Juda-
ism against the doctrines of the Cross of Christ,
" to tie Jews a stumbling-block."
Translations of St. John's Gospel and of the Acts
if the Apostles into the Hebrew dialect are men-
tioned in the very curious narration given by Kpi-
pbauiiu (l. xxx. 8, IS) respecting Joseph of Tibe-
rias; he speaks of their being secretly preserved by
the Jewish teachers of that city. But these or any
similar versions do not appear to have been exam-
ined, much less used by any Christians. They de-
serve a mention here, however, as being translations
of parts of the New Testament, the former existence
of which is recorded.
In treating of the ancient versions that have
com* down to us, in whole or in part, they will be
described in the alphabetical order of the languages.
It may be premised that in most of them the Old
Test, is not a version from the Hebrew, but merely
a secondary translation from the Septuagint in
some one of it* early forms. The value of these
seco nd ary versions is but little, except as bearing
as the criticism of the text of the LXX., a depart-
ment of Biblical learning in which they will be
found of much use, whenever a competent scholar
■hall earnestly emmge in the revision of that Greek
version of the Okl Test, pointing out the correc-
tfans introduced through the labors of Origen.
S.P. T.
JCTHIOPIC VERSION. — Christianity was
introduced into ^Ethiopia in the 4th century,
Hi rough the labors of Frumentius and MiaAxa of
Tyre, who had been made slaves and sent to the
king (Tbeodoret, Bid. bed. i. 38; 8ocr. 1. 19;
Bos om e n , ii. 84). Hence arose the episcopal see
of Aium, to which Frumentius was appointed by
Athanasms. The JSthiopic version which we pos-
sess is in the ancient dialect of Axum ; hen"e some
have ascribed it to the age of the earliest mission-
tries; but from the general character of the ver-
sion ItaaV, this is improbable; and the Abyssin-
ian* themselves attribute it to a later period;
though their testimony is of but littfe) value by
Itself; for their accounts are very contradictory,
sad some of them even speak of Its having «*an
translated from the Arabic; which i* oertah../ in-
Tbe Old Testament, as well as the New, was ex-
ecuted from the Greek.
In IS 13 Potken published the jEthiopic Psalter
at Rome: he received this portion of the Scripture*
from some Abyssinians with whom he had met;
whom, however, he called Chaldeans, and their
lauguage Chaldee.
In 1548-49, the .Sthiopic New Test was also
printed at Rome, edited by three Abyssinians: they
sadly complained of the difficulties under which
they labored, from the printers having been occu-
pied on what they were unable to read. They
speak of having had to fill up a considerable portion
of the book of Acta by translating from the Latin
and Greek: lu this, however, there seems to be
some overstatement The Roman edition was re-
printed in Walton's Polyglott; but (according to
Ludolf ) all the former errors were retained, and
new ones introduced. When Bode in 1153 pub-
lished a careful Latin translation of the JSthiopie
text of Walton, he supplied Biblical scholars in
general with the means of forming a judgment as
to this version, which had been previously impos-
sible, except to the few who were acquainted with
the language.
In 1826-30, a new edition, formed by a collation
of MSS., was published under the care of Mr.
Thomas Pell Piatt (formerly Fellow of Trinity
College, Cambridge), whose olvject was not strictly
critical, but rather to give to the Abyssinians theii
Scriptures for ecclesiastical use in as good a form
as he conveniently could, consistently with MS.
authority. From the notes made by Mr. Piatt in
the course of his collations, it Is evident that the
translation had been variously revised. The differ-
ences of MSS. had appeared so marked to Ludolf
that he supposed that there must have been two
ancient versions. But Mr. Piatt found, in the
course of his examination, that where certain MSS.
differ widely in their readings, some other copy
would introduce both readings, either in a conflate
form, or simply in the way of repetition. The
probability appears to be that there was originally
one version of the Gospels; but that this was after-
ward revised with Greek MSS. of a different com-
plexion of text; and that succeeding copyists either
adopted one or the other form in passages ; or else,
by omitting nothing from text or margin, they
formed a confused combination of readings. It
appears probable that all the portion of the New
Test after the Gospels originated from some of
the later revisers of the former part; it* para-
phrastic tone accords with this opinion. We can
only form a judgment from the printed texts of
this version, until a collation of the MSS. now
known shall be so executed as to be available for
critical use.
As it is, we find in the copies of the version,
readings which show an affinity with the older
class of Greek MSS., intermingled with others
decidedly Byzantine. Some of the copies known
show a stronger leaning to the one side or the
other; and this gives a considerable degree of
certainty to the conclusion on the subject of re-
vision.
An examination of the version proves both that
it was executed from the Greek, and also that tha
translator made such mistakes that he eonld hardly
have been a person to whom Greek was the native
tongue. The following instances (mostly taken
from C. B. Michaelis) prove this: tout is con-
founded with tpta (or *>»); Matt iv. 18, "in
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8872
VERSIONS, ANCIENT (ARABIC;
wont* Zabulon;" xix. 1, "in moates Jadra trans
Jordsnem." Ada ill. 90, nfoKtxeipwuivo* ** **""
tared u "quern pnennxit" (wpoatxff^rar); ii-
3T, Huw iy i p r tw u operri ml quoad ear eofum "
{itatrti nty ri c ar); xvi. 86, tirnKpomrro o&raV *f
l*V/uw, " pel till raut rincula soram " (iwntpoi-
erro aoraV of Jtff/ioO- Mmtt t. 86, tbromy is
rendered u inttlliyent (fVroa»; Luke nil. 80,
col W8a»j ^vXaoWptrot, "a parvuH* custodi-
ans," ai if rouJi'eu. Rom. vii. 11. •'{irrdYnmr,
• ooneulearit," ai if Jteworne-rr. Rer. hr. 3, Tpi*,
' saoerdotes," u if Uptit. The meaning of words
alike in spelling is confounded: thus, 1 Cor. xii.
88, "Posuit Domlnns aurcm eccleeue," from the
differing meanings of OTX Also wrong render-
ings sometimes seem to bate originated with false
etymology: thus. Matt. v. 39, "Qui autem dixerit
frstrem sunm pannotum," bona having been con-
nected with bitot.
Bode'a Latin version, to which reference has al-
ready been made, enabled critical scholars to use
the Roman text with much confidence. The late
Hr. L. A. Prevost, of the British Museum, exe-
cuted for Dr. Tregeuee a comparison of the text of
Mr. Piatt with the Roman, as reprinted in Walton,
together with a literal rendering of the variations;
this gave him the critical use of both texts. 11m
present Bishop of Gloucester, Dr. EUicott, speaking
with the personal advantage possessed by a scholar
himself able to use both jEthiopic texts of the
New Test, draws attention to the superiority of
that edited by Mr. Piatt : after speaking (Aids to
Faith, p. 881) of the non-paraphrastic character
of the ancient versions of the New Test, in gen-
eral, Dr. EDicott adds in a note: " It may be no-
ticed that we have specified the j£thk>pic version
as that edited by Mr. Pell Piatt. The jEtbiopic
version found in Walton's Polyglott often degen-
erates into a paraphrase, especially in difficult pas-
sages."
The OM Test, of this version, made from the
LXX. (as has been already specified), has been
subjected apparently (with the exception of the
Psalms) to very little critical examination. A com-
plete edition of the .fithiopic Old Test has been
commenced by DUlmann ; the first portion of which
appeared in 1868. [Tom. i. Octateucb, 1868-66;
om. ii., 1 Sam.-Esther, 1861 ff. For editions of
some other parts of the O. T. set Da Wette, EmL
{U,8*Ausg. — A.]
literature. — Potken, Preface to the AElhiopie
Ptalier, Rome, 1613; C. B. Miehaelia, Preface
to Bode'i Collation of St. Matthew, Halle, 1748;
Bode, Latin Transition of the AZthiopie New
Tt*\ Brunswick, 1763; T. P. Piatt, MS. Note*
made m the Collation of ASthiupic M8S., and
Private Letter* tent to TrtutUet; L. A. Prevost,
US. Collation of the Tent of Piatt with the Ro-
■nan, and Translation of Variation*, executed for
Tregtlte* ; A. Dillmann, AVthinpitche BibeWer-
seaway in Henog's JUat-£nc g kiapa die .
S. P. T.
ARABIC VERSIONS. — To give a detailed
account of the Arabio versions would be impossible,
without devoting a much larger space to the sub-
act than would be altogether in its place in a Dio-
taonary of the Bible: far the versions themselves
■ Oaidmel Wiseman (Oat tit Miraeta ef the JVne
tsat,a*taTi L 178-171, 9*0-844) gfvss a curious Inv
i of the origin sad translation of this Arabia
do not, owing to their oompeativeij late date, net
s say primary importance, eve* for etitaeai
studies; and thus many points connected with
these translations are rather of literary than
strictly Biblical interest The versions of the
Old Test, must be considered separately foam
those of the New; and those from the Hebrew text
must be treated apart from those forme d frees the
LXX.
I. Arabic Vermont of the Old TtH.
A. Made from the Hebrew text
Rabbi Saadiah Haggaon. the Hebrew *sraaaan-
tator of the 10th century, translated portfone (some
think the whole) of the 0. T. into Arabia. His
version of the Pentateuch was printed at Couetan-
tinople, in 1646. The Paris Polygwtt eootabje the
same version from a MS differing in many of its
readings: this was reprinted by Walton. It I
as If copyists had in parts altered the l
siderably. The version of Isaiah by 1
printed by Paulas, at Jena, in 1781, from a Bod-
leian MS. ; the same library contains a MS. of his
version of Job sad of the Psalms. Kimehi quotes
his version of Hose*.
The book of Joshua in the Paris and WrkVm't
Poiyglotts is also from the Hebrew; and tit Ru-
diger states tobetbefiKtintheoaseofthe roly-
glott text of 1 K. xii.; 9 K. xii. 16; and of Neh.
L-ix.87.
Other portion*, translated from Hebrew in later
times, do not require to he even specified here.
But it was not the Jews only who translated Mo
Arabic from the original. There is also a> versa n
of the Pentateuch of the Samaritan*, made by Aba
Said. He is stated to have dearly had the trans-
lation of Saadiah before him, the ph r aseology of
which he often follows, and at time* he must have
used the Samaritan vermon. It it considered that
this work of Abu Said (of which a portion has
been printed) is of considerable use in connection
with the history of the text of the Sam ar itan Pen-
tateuch. [See Samakitak Pentateuch, ii 8.]
B. Made from the Peshito Syriac
This b the base of the Arabic text contained in
the Poiyglotts of the books of Judges, Ruth, Sam-
uel, Kings, and Nehemiah (with the exception
mentioned above in these last named books).
in come MSS. there it contained a t r anslation
from the ffracqptir-Srriao text, which (though a
recent version) is of wane importance for the criti-
cism of that translation.
C. Made from the IJCX.
The version in the Poiyglotts ef the keek* art
specified above.'
Another text of the Psalter fas Juatmtoal Paakar-
inm Octuplum, Genoa, 1616.
The Arabic versions existing in MS. exhibit vary
various forms: it appears s* if alteration* had seen
made in the different countries in which they had
been used; henoe it i* almost an endl ess task to
discriminate amongst them precis*)/.
H. Arabic vermon* of the New Test.
Toe printed editions of the Arable New Teat
mast first be specified before their text sea be de-
scribed.
1. The Roman aoitio princcps of the four Gee.
pelt, 1800-81 (issued both with and without at
Psalter, and of the seesstoaal as* ef t
and s um s* hu es of the Hjriae veralaa.
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VEBSIONS, ANCIENT (ARMENIAN)
«8TJ
■Mtw Latin vtankm. Reissued, with a new
title, 1819; and again, with a bibliographical pref-
*oe, 1774).
s. Tat Erpenkn Arabia. The whole New Teat
edited by Eifterfus, 1616, at Leyden, from a MS.
rf the Mth or 14th century.
8. The Anhie of the Peril Polyglots, 164*. In
the Gospels thie follows mostly the Reman text; in
the Epistles a MS. from Aleppo wee used. The
Arabic in Walton'a Polyglot* appeafi to be limply
taken from the Peril text.
4. The Cbratam Arabic text (i «. in 8yri»o let-
ten), the Syriao aud Arabie New Tut, published
at Rome, in 1708. For thie a MS. brought from
Cyprus wee mod.
Starr proved, that in all then edltieni the Gos-
pe» aw Italy the euae translation, bewerer it may
bam bean modified by oopyiett; eipeeially when the
Syriao, or Memphitie, itand by the tide.
Juynboll, in nil description of an Arabie Codex
at Fraaeker (1838), threw new light on the origin
of the Arabie Gospels. He proves that the Frane-
ker Codex coincides in ite general text with the
Roman editio prinosps, and that both follow the
Latin Vulgate, eo that Raymundi, the Roman edi-
tor, moat not be aoeuted of baring Latinised the
text The greater agreement of the Polyglott text
with the Creek be aaeribee to the influence of an
Aleppo M&, which the Peril editor ueed. Juyn-
boll than identifies the text of the Fnneker MS.
(aud of the Roman edition) with the version me'e
in the 8th century by John, Biehop of Seville.
The nutation to be oontidered thin becomes, Was
the Latin the basis of the version of the Cospeli?
end did some afterwards revise it with the Greek?
ir, was it taken from the Greek? and was the
alteration to suit the Latin a later work? If the
former supposition be correct, then the version of
John of Seville may hare ben the Jirtt; If the
latter, then all that was done by the Spanish hkdmp
must have been to adapt an existing Arabic version
to the Latin.
Gildemeistor, in hie oonunnnioationi to Tunben-
aorf (Or. 7e*f. 1868, Prolegg. p. oexxxix.), en-
deavor! to prove, that all the supposed connection
of toil (or apparently of any) version with John
of Seville it a mistake. The words, however, of
Mariana, the Spanish historian, are express. He
ears, under the year 787, » Hit ajonalis Joannas
Hispalensis Pnesul dlrinos Ubrot lingua Anbica
douabat utriueque nationii caluti oonsuiens; quo-
■iam Arabics! lingual multus utui erat Christianls
■que etqoe Mauris; Latin* passim ignorabatur.
Sue interpntatioids exempla ad nostram ataiem
e. A. D. 1600) ooneerrata sunt, extaiitqua non
■no in looo in Hispania." • (iildemeiater says,
halted, that this was entirely canted from a mis-
■adsntondinx of what bad been stated by Roderic
tf Toledo, the first who says aaythiag on the sun-
hat. Heudda that John of Seville lived really in
• Adlsr (Bmxm mock Item, p. 1M) gives a citation
tea D. Tineenxlo Juan da Ustaoosa, who says In
Bis Muuo it lot Midnll a i duconxuii, Hotsoa, 1645,
a. 116, "■ ssato ArcobUto Don Joan tndoxo la
wgrada eserltum «n Arabigo, par euya Intuoaariva nan
■toe mnehas mOagros I lot atone is Uamavaa Cowl
tlmmUnm." Idler ooajacturss this lUdrnSncs to oe
e • Boms notice should perhaps be taken of an
liable version of the whole H. T. (except Ma tpoav
the 10th century, and not in the 8th: If to, bt
most be a different pornoo, apparently, from ths
Bishop, of the same name, about whom Mariana
could hardly have been misinformed. It does not
appear as if JuynboU's details and arguments were
likely to be set aside through the brief fragments
of Gildeuieiater't letters to 'Hechendorf, whioh the
latter has published.
In the Erpanian Arabic the latter part b a trans-
lation from the Peabito-Syriao; the Epistles not
found in that version and the Apocalypse en said
to be from the Memphitie
The latter part of the text in the Polyglotte is
from the Greek. Various Arabie translations of
portions of the Now Test, exist in MS.: they do not
require any especial enumeration here.*
IMemtmrt Malanimeus, Prtfae* to we re it
me, is 1774, of lee Jtomam edition of tie Arabia
O'otptU i Starr, Duterlatio Utmtgwralii critica is
Eotmgeku ArabieU, Tubingen, 1776: Juynboll,
LoUorkmndioo Bgdrft* (Twetd* Stutfe. Bo-
aehriftmg e»» eea A mbuchen Cudeu der Frontier
Bibtiutkeok, btoalto m U do our Jivtmgeiim, geoolgi
«n> etnigt opme r kinoe n , weft* do letft i owiiifioo
(iaekiedemi ton do Arnbucho VtrlaUog dor
Aevatownea bttrtfon), Leyden, 1888; Wiseman,
0* u< Miracle* of we Jv*e» TaUtmtM.
8. P. T.
ARMENIAN VERSION. — Before the 6th
century the Armenians are said to have used the
Syrfoc alphabet; but at that time Miesrob is stated
to have invented the Armenian letters. Soon after
this it is said that transkuioni into the Armenian
language commenced, at first from the Syriao.
Miesrob, with his companions, Joseph and Etnnk,
began a version of the Scriptures with the book sf
Proverbs, and completed ail the Old Test. ; and In
the New, they need the Syriao as their basis, from
their inability to obtain any Greek books. Hot
when, in the year 411, Joseph end Etnak returned
from the council of Ephesna, bringing with them a
Greek copy of the Scriptures, Isaac, the Armenian
Patriarch, and Miesrob, threw aside what they had
already done, in order that they might execute a
version from the Greek, but now arose the diffi-
culty of their want of a competent acquaintance
with that hwgweaa: to remedy this, Etnak and
Joseph were sent with Moses Cborsoensis (who is
himself the narrator of these details) to study that
language at Alexandria. There they made what
Moses cello their wtrd translation; the first being
that from the Syriao, and the second that which
bad been attempted without sufficient acquaintance
with the Greek tongue. The foot seems to be that
the former attempts were used as for so they could
be, and that the whole was remodeled so attosmt
the Greek.
The first printed edition of the Old and New
Testaments in Armenian appeared at Amsterdam
in 1666, under the can of a person commonly
lypse) found In a US. in the Vatican library (Got.
Tat. Arab. 18), and dawrlbed by Sehols In his Bit-
lixk-KriiiMckt Rtim (1828), pp. 117-128 ; oomp. Hog,
§ 107* It appears by the Greek sabeerlpuon to ban
been mads at ■ i (Hwiu) In Syria by one DankJ
Pttllenteiee. Though our knowledge of It is very
unnerJeet, the agreement of many of its readings with
the oldest Omsk MBS. la the spsohatns given by'
nabob is remarkable. It wants, for example, the last
twelve rersee of toe Gospel of Mark, and supports ths
is in 1 Tim. iii. 16. 4.
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4874
VBB8IONS, AHOIKNT (ABMENIAN)
tanned Ocean, at Uscan, and described as being an
Armenian bishop (Hog, however, deniea that Uscan
ra his name, and Kichhorn deniea that he «ae a
bishop). From this uiitio piinctp* othen were
printed, in wbieh no attempt waa made to do more
than to follow its text; although it waa more than
inspected that Uscan had by no means faithfully
adhered to MS. authority. Zohrab, in 1789, pub-
lished at Venice an improved text of the Armenian
New Test.; and in 1806 he and his coadjutors
completed an edition of the entire Armenian Scrip-
tures, for which not only MS. authority was need
throughout, but also the results of epilations of
MSS. were subjoined at the foot of the pages. The
basis waa a MS. written in the 14th century, in
Cilieia ; the whole number employed is said to
have been eight of the entire Bible, twenty of the
New Test., with several more of particular por-
tions, such as the Psalms. Teschendorf states that
Anchor, of the monastery of St Laxarus at Venice,
informed him that ha and some of his follow-
nionks had undertaken a new critical edition: this
probably would contain a repetition of the various
collations of Zohrab, together with those of other
MSS.
The critical editors of the New Test, appear all
of them to have been unacquainted with the Arme-
nian language; the want of a Latin translation of
this version has made it thus impossible for them
to use it ss a critical authority, except by the aid
of others. Some readings were thus communicated
to Mill by Louis Piques ; Wetstein received still
more from La Cross; Griesbach was aided by a
collation of the New Test of 1788, made by Bre-
denkamp of Hamburg. SsboU speaks of having
been furnished with a collation of the text of 1806;
but either this was done very partially and incor-
rectly, or else Schola made but little use (sod that
without real accuracy) of the collation. These
partial collations, howerer, were by no means such
as to supply what was needed for the real critical
use of the version ; and as it was known that Dscan'a
text waa thoroughly untrustworthy for critical pur-
poses, an exact collation of the Venice text of 1806
became a desideratum; Dr. Charles Rieu of the
British Museum undertook the task for Tregelles,
thus supplying him with a valuable portion of the
materials for his critical edition of the Greek Tes-
tament By marking the words, and noting the
import of the various readings, and tht ducrepm-
citt of f/swia't lest, Rieu did all that waa practi-
cable to make the whole of the labor of Zohrab
available for those not like himself Armenian schol-
ar*.
It had been long noticed that in the Armenian
Maw Test as printed by Uscan 1 John v. 7 Is
found: those who sre only moderately acquainted
with criticism would fed assured that this must be
an addition, and that it could not be part of the
jrigiml translation. Did Uscan then Introduce it
from the Vulgate ? be seems to have admitted that
n some things he supplied defects in his MS. by
translations from the Latin. It was, however, asid
that Haitbo Hug of Armenia (1224-70), bad in-
serted this verse: that be revised the Armenian
version by means of the Latin Vulgate, and that he
translated the prrfaea of Jerome (and also those
which are spurious) into Armenian. Hence a kind
sf aasjiinfiiu attached itself to the Armenian version,
ad Its use was accompanied by a kind of doubt
another or not it was a critical authority which
nuU ba safely used. The known (act that Zohrab
had omitted 1 Johnr. 7, was Mt tc be so ft* satis
bctory that it showed that be had not found It ia
his MSS., which were thus seen to be earlier than
the introduction of this corruption. But the col-
lation of Dr. Rieu, and his statement of the Arme-
nian authorities, set forth the character of the
version distinctly in this place as well as in the
text in general. Dr. Rieu says of 1 John v. 7,
that out of eighteen MSS. used by Zohrab, one
only, and that written A. d. 1668, has the passage
ss in toe Stephanie Greek text In one ancient
MS. the reading is found from a recent correction.
Thus there is no ground for supposing that it was
inserted by Haitbo, or by any one till the time
when Uscan lived. The wording, however, of
Uscan In this place, is not in accorrianoe with tht
MS. of 1668: so that each seems to have been
independently borrowed from the Latin. That
Uscan did this, there can be no reasonable doubt;
for in the immediate context Uscan accords with
the Latin in opposition to all collated Armenian
MSS. : thus in ver. 6, he follows the Latin "CAris
tas est Veritas;" in ver. 90 be has, instead of
injur, the subjunctive answering to sunns .- even
In this minute point the Armenian MSS. definitely
vary from Uscan. In Hi. 11, for ayari/ur, Uscan
stands alone in agreeing with the Vulgate diligatit.
These are proofs of the employment of the Vulgate
either by Uscan, or by some one else who prepared
the MS. from which he printed. There are many
other passages in which alterations or considers* k
additions (see for instance Matt xvi. 2, 8, rxiii.
14; John viii. 1-11; Acta XT. 84, xxiiL 94, xxviii.
25) are proofs that Uscan agrees with the Vulgate
against all known MSS. (These variations in the
two texts of Uscan and Zohrab, as well as the
material readings of Armenian MSS. are inserted
in Tregelles' Greek Test on Dr. Rieo's authority.)
But systematic revision with the Vulgate fa) not
to be found even in Uscan's text: they differ greatly
in characteristic readings; though here snd there
throughout there is some mark of an influence
drawn from the Vulgate. And as to accordances
with the Latin, we have no reason to believe that
there is any proof of alterations having been made
in the days of King Haitbo.
Soma have spoken of this version ss though it
had been made from the Peshito Syriee, and not
from the Greek; the only grounds for such a notion
can ba the facta connected wish part of the history
of its execution. There are, no doubt, a few read-
ings which show that the translators had made
some uat of the Syrias; but these are only excep-
tions to the general texture of the version ; an addi-
tion from John xx. 91, brought into Matt xxviii
18, in both tht Armenian and the Peshito, is prob-
ably the most marked.
The oolhtions of MSS. show that some amongst
them diner greatly from thereat: it seems as If the
variations did not in such oases originate in Amn>
nian, but they must have sprung from some recast-
ing of the text and its revision by Greek copies.
There may perhap* be proofs of the difference be-
tween the MS. brought from Ephesus, and the
copies afterwards used at Alexandria; but thus
much at least is a certain conclusion, that compar-
ison with Greek copies of different kinds must at
some period have taken place. The omission of
the Isst twelve verses of St Mark's Gospel in tht
older Armenian copies, and their insertion in tht
later, may ba taken as a proof of a»
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VERSIONS, ANOIBNT (EGYPTIAN)
8875
Tht Armenian version in it* general texture a a
faluable aid to the criOoJum of the tot of toe New
Ibst: it ni • worth; service to rehabilitate it a*
a critical witness a* to toe general readiag of cer-
tain Greek eopiea existing in the former half of the
6th century.
LUtroture. — Hoses Choranansis, BMarim Ar-
me/mca Ubri iii., ed. Guliel. et Georg. Whiston,
1786; Riea (Dr. Charles), MS. ooUntum of the
Armtnicm ted of Zokrab, and Iraxeiition oftht)
warifmt readings mad* for TregtUtt. 8. P. T.
CHALDEE VERSIONS. [TABorm*, below.]
■GTPTIAN VERSIONS. — I. Tm Mbm-
twrnc Version. — The version thus designated
was for a considerable time the only Egyptian trans-
lation known to scholars; Coptic was then regarded
as a sufficiently accurate and definite appellation.
But when the fact was established that there were
at least two Egyptian versions, the name Coptic
was found to be indefinite, and even unsuitable for
the translation then so termed: for in the dialect
of Upper Egypt there was another; and it is from
the ancient Coptot in Upper Egypt that the term
Coptic is taken. Thus (jopto-Meiuphitic, or more
umply Memphitic, is the better name for the ver-
siou in the dialect of Lower Egypt.
When Egyptian translations were made we do
not know: we find, however, that in the middle of
the 4th century the Egyptian language was in
great use amongst the Christian inhabitants of that
country; for the rule of Pacbomius for the monks is
stated to have been drawn up in Egyptian, and to
have been afterwards translated into Greek. It was
prescribed that every one of the monks (estimated
at seven thousand ) for whom this rule in Egyptian
was drawn up, was to learn to read (whether so
disposed or not), so as to be able at least to read
the New Test, and the Psalms. The whole narra-
tion presupposes that there was in Upper Egypt a
translation.
So, too, also in Lower Egypt in the same century.
For Palladius found at Nitria the abbot John of
Lycopolis, who was well acquainted with the New
Test., but who was ignorant of Greek; so that he
could only convene with him through an inter-
preter. There seems to be proof of the ecclesias-
tical use of the Egyptian language even before this
time. Those who know what the early Christian
worship was, will feel how cogent is the proof that
the Scriptures had then been translated.
When the attention of European scholars was di-
rected to the language and races of modern Egypt,
It was found that while the native Christiana use
only Arabic vernacularly, yet in their services and
In the public reading of the Scriptures they employ
a dialect of the Coptic This is the version new
termed Memphitic. When MSS. bad been brought
from Egypt, Thomas Marshall, an Englishman,
prepared in the latter part of the 16th century an
edition of the Gospels; the publication of which
was prevented by bis death. From some of the
readings baTing been noted by him Mill was able
to use them for insertion in his Greek Test ; they
iften differ (sometimes for the better) from the text
nblished by Wilkin*. Wilkins was a Prussian by
tirth; in 1716 be published at Oxford the first
Memphitic New Test, founded on MSS. Ir the
• • It nay be noted here that the later writings of
■sst M sas r hare been published under the name of
Hal or Paul Anton da Lagard*. Among these la an
Bodleian, and compared with some at Borne and
Paris. That he did not execute the wot k in a very
satisfactory manner would probably now be owned
by every one; but it must be remembered that nc
one else did it at alL Wilkins gave no proper ac-
count of the MSS. which he used, nor of the vari-
ations which he found in them : hi* text seems to
be in many places a confused combination of what
he took from various MSS. ; so that the sentences
do not properly connect themselves, even (it is said)
in grammatical construction. And yet for US
years this was the the only Memphitic edition.
In 1846-48, Sohwartxs published at Berlin an
edition of the Memphitic Gospels, in which he em-
ployed MSS. in the Royal Library there. These
were almost entirely modern transcripts; but with
these limited materials be produced a far more sat-
iamctory work than that of Wilkins. - At the foot
of the page he gave the variations which he found
in his copies; and subjoined there was a collation
of the Memphitic and Thebaic versions with Laeh-
mann's Greek Test (1842), and the first of Tiseh-
endorf (1841). There are also such references to
the Latin version of Wilkins, that it almost seen*
as if he supposed that all who used his edition
would also have that of Wilkins before them.
The death of Schwartae prevented the continua-
tion of his labors. Since then Boettiober's editions,
first of the Acts and then of the Epistles, have ap-
peared; these are not in a form which is available
for the use of those who are themselves unacquainted
with Egyptian : the editor gives as his reason for
issuing ■ bare text, that he intended soon to publish
a work of his own in which he would fully employ
the authority of the ancient versions. Several years
have since passed, and Boettieber does not seem to
give any further prospect of the issue of such volume
on the ancient versions. 11
In 1848-52 a magnificent edition of the Mem-
phitic New Test was published by the Society for
promoting Christian Knowledge, under the editorial
care of the Rev. R. T. I ieder of Cairo. In its prep-
aration he followed MSS. without depending on
the text of Wilkin*. There is no statement of the
variation* of the authorities, which would have
hardly been a suitable accompaniment of an edition
intended solely for the use of the Coptic churches,
and in which, while the Egyptian text which is read
aloud is printed in large characters, there is *t the
side a email column in Arabic in order that the
readers may themselves be able to unde rstan d some-
thing of what they read aloud. »
It i* thus impossible to give a Aistorw of this
version : we find proof that sueh a translation ex-
isted in early times, we find this now (and from
time immemorial) in church use in Egypt; when
speaking of its internal character and its valus as
to textual criticism (after the other Egyptian ver-
sions have been described), it will be found that
there are many considerations which go far to pros*
the identity of what we now have, with that which
must have existed at an early period.
The Old Testament of this version was mad*
fromtheLXX. Of this, Wilkins edited the Penta-
teuch in 1731 ; the Psalter was published at Rom*
in 1744. The Rev. Dr. Tattam edited the Minor
Prophet* in 1836, Job in 1846, and the Major
Prophet* in 1888. BardeUi published Darnel bj
essay De Afore Ttttammto ad T ue ie m m m On**— mm
JUem edmmo, Bert. 1867, tto. A
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3876
VERSIONS, ANCIENT (EGYPTIAN)
tU». [A. Pallet, La tertian eopkle ok Pent.,
Uvr. 1, », Par. 1854. P. da Ijarerde, Dtr Pent,
toptitch, Leipx. 1867. — J. L. Ideler, Ptaherwm
Coptiet, BeroL 1887. M. 6. Sehwartxe, Ptalte-
rium m Dial. Copt. limg. MtmpkU. traml. nSdtt,
tfotitque erit. et gram, imttr uxii , lift. 1848, 4to.
— A.]
II. Th« Thebaic Vwtsiow. — The examina-
tion of Egyptian M8S. In the but century allowed
that betides the Hemphitie there ia alao another
rersion in a cognate Egyptian dialect To this the
name Sahidic was applied by some, from an Aiabie
designation for Upper Egypt and its ancient lan-
guage. It is, however, far better to assign to this
version a name not derived from the language of the
Arabian occupants of that land : thus Copto-The-
baie (as styled by Uiorgi), or simply Thebaic, is
tar preferable. The first who attended much to
the subject of this version was Woide, who collected
readings from MSS. which he communicated to
Cramer in 1778. In 178B Hlngsrelli published a
few portions of this rersion of the New Test, from
the Nanian MSS. In 1789 Giorgi edited very
ralualile Greek and Thebaic fragments of St John's
Gospel, which appear to belong to theJI/Ut century.
Hunter, in 1787, had published a fragment of
Daniel in this version; and in 1789 be brought out
portions of the Epistles to Timothy, together with
readings which he had collected from MSS. in
other parts of the New Test In the following year
Mingaretli printed Mark xi. 29-xv. 22, from MSS.
which had recently been obtained by Nam; but
owing to the editor's death the unfinished sheets
were never, properly speaking, pubtishtd. A few
copies only seem to hare been circulated; they are
the more valuable from the tact of the MSS. hav-
ing been destroyed by the persons into whose hands
they fell, and from their containing a portion of the
New Test not found, it appears, in any known MS.
Woide was now busily engaged in the collection of
portions of the Thebaic Scriptures: be had even
issued a Prospectus of such an edition in 1778.
Woide'a death took place before his edition wss
completed. In 1799, however, it appeared under
the editorial care of Ford. In this work all the
portions found by Woide himself were given, aa
sell aa those published by Mingarelli in his life-
time; but not only were Hingarelli's posthumous
sheets passed by, but also sll that had been pub-
lished by Miintsr and Giorgi, as well as the tran-
script of Miintsr from the Borgian MSS., which
Ford might have used for his edition. This cot-
lection of fragments contains the greater part of the
Thebaio New Test They might, however, be
greatly amplified out of what are mentioned by
Zosga, as found in the Borgian MSS. (now hi the
Propaganda), in his catalogue published in 1810
after his death. It oouU hardly have been thought
hat this definite account of existing Thebaic frag-
amts would hare remained more titan half a cen-
tury without some Egyptian scholar having rescued
the inedited portions of this version from their ob-
scurity; and surely this would not have been the
saae if Biblical critics had bean found who possess
Egyptian learning.
In the Memphitic Gospels of Sehwartxe there Is
tot only, as bss been already mentioned, a collation
Subjoined of the Thebaic text, but also the criticisms
jf that learned editor on both Ford and Woide,
neither of whom, in his Judgment, possessed suffi-
slent editorisl competency. In this opinion he was
tarhaps correct; but still let it be observed, tint if
It had not been for the labors of Woide (of whirl
Ford was simply the continuer), there is no reaaor
to suppose but that the Thebaic New Test would
remain imprinted still. Had this been the ease the
loss to textual criticism would have been great
III. A Third Egtptiax Vebsiok. — Soma
Egyptian fragments were noticed by both Hunter
and Giorgi amongst the Borgian MSS., which in
dialect differ both from the Memphitic and Thebaic.
These fragments, of a third Egyptian translation,
were edited by both these scholars independently ia
the same year (1789). In what part of Egypt this
third dialect wss used, snd what should be its
distinctive name, has been a good deal discussed.
Arabian writers mention a third Egyptian dialect
under the name of Bathmuric, and this has by
some been assumed as the appellation for this rer-
sion. Giorgi supposed that this was the dialect of
the Ammonian Oasis; in this Miinter sgreed with
him ; and thus they called the rersiou the Ammo-
nia*. There ia in feet no certainty on the subject:
but as the affinities of the dialect are closely allied
to the Thebaic, and as it has been shown that
Bathmvr is the district of Lower Egypt to the east
of the Delta, it seems by no means likely th.it it
can belong to a region so far from the Thebaid.
Indeed it has been reasonably doubted whether the
alight differences (mostly those of orthography) en-
title this to be considered to be a really different
dialect from the Thebaic itself.
After the first portions of this version, others
were transcribed independently by Zoega and En-
gelbreth, and their transcripts appeared respectively
in 1810 and 1811. The latter of these scholars)
accompanied his edition with critical remarks, and
the text of the other Egyptian versions on the same
page for purposes of comparison.
The Chtirncter and Critical Die of ike Egyptian
Veitiont. — It appears that the Thebaic version
may reasonably claim a higher antiquity than the
Memphitic. The two translations are independent
of each other, and both spring from Greek copies.
The Thebaic has been considered to be the older of
the two, partly from It having been thought thst a
book In the Thebaic dialect quotes this version, and
from what was judged to be the antiquity of the
book so referred to. There are other grounds leas
precarious. If the Hemphitie version exhibits a
general agreement with tie text current at Alex-
andria in the third century, it is not unreasonable
to suppose that it either belongs to that age, or at
least to one not very remote. Now while this is
the esse it is also to be noticed that the Thebaio
seems to have been framed from a text in which
there was a much greater admixture, and that not
irising from the later revisions which moulded it
into the transition text of the fourth century (com-
mencing probably at Antioch), but exactly in the
opposite direction : so that the contents of the two
versions would seem to show that the antiquity of
the Thebaic is most to be regarded, but that the
Hemphitie is often preferable as to the goodness of
its readings, as well as in respect to dialect
It is probable that the more Hellenixed region of
Lower Egypt would not require a vernacular ver-
sion at to early a period as would the more thor-
oughly Egyptian region of the Thebaid. There
are some marks of want of polish in the Thebaic;
the Greek words which are introduced are changed
into a barbarous form ; the habitual introduction ot
an tupirate shows either an ignorance of the Iras
! Greek sounds, or else it seems like a want of potis)
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VEBSI0N3, ANCIENT (GOTHIC)
3377
a the dialect itedf. Tlat inch a mode of express-
ing Greek words in Egyptian is not needed, we can
tee from its non-existence in tha Mempbitic
The probable conclusions seem to be these: ami
the Thebaic version was made in the earlj part of
the third century, for the use of the common people
among the Christians in Upper Egypt; that it was
formed from MSS. such as were then current in
the regions of Egypt which were distant from Alex-
andria; that afterwards the Mempbitic version was
executed in what was the more polished dialect,
from the Greek copies of Alexandria; and that thus
in process of time the Memphitic remained alone in
ecclesiastical use. Possibly the disuse of the The-
baic In the Egyptian churches did not take place
until Arabic was fast becoming the vernacular
tongue of that land. It will be irell for those whose
studies enable them personally to enter on the do-
main of Egyptian literature, to communicate to
Biblical scholars the results of new researches.
The value of these versions in textual criticism,
even though they are known only through defective
channels, is very high. In some respects they af-
ford the same kind of evidence relative to the text
current in Egypt in the early centuries, as do the
Old Latin and the version of Jerome for that in
an in the West [Vulgate.]
A few remarks only need be made respecting the
third Egyptian version. The fragments of this fol-
low the Thebaic so closely as to have no independ-
ent character. This version does however possess
critical value, as furnishing evidence in a small
portion not known in the Thebaic. The existence
of the third version is a further argument as to the
early existence and use of the Thebaic, for this
seems to be formed from it by moulding it into the
colloquial dialect of some locality.
Literature. — Schwartxe, Quatuor F.vangtlin in
DiaUcto Lingua Coplica Utmphitica, 1846-47;
Woide, Nam TtttamenH Fragment* Sahiilica
(i. e. Thebaica) [Appendix ad Cod. Alex.], 1799;
Hingarelli, AVgyptiorum Codictm Reliquia, 1785,
Ac ; Hunter, CommentaHo dt indole VerrionU jV.
T. Sahidica, 1789; Giorgi, Fragmenhan Ev. S.
Joan, Graco-Copto-Thebaiam, 178S; Zoega, Cat-
alogue Codieum Copticorum Sfanuetriptorum qui
fit Kueeo Borgiano Vtlitrit adtervantur, 1810;
Engelbreth, Fragmenta Batmurioo-Coptica Vettrie
U Hon Tcttamenti, 1811. S. P. T.
GOTHIC VERSION.— In the year 318 the
Gothic bishop and translator of Scripture, Clphilas,
was bom. He succeeded Theophilus as bishop of
the Goths in 348, when he subscribed a confession
(ejecting the orthodox creed of Nicsja ; through
him it is said that the Goths in general adopted
Arianism; it may be, however, more correct to
eoaatdsr that Arianism (or Semi-Arianism) had al-
ready spread amongst the Goths inhabiting within
the Roman Empire, as well as amongst the Greeks
and Latins, Theophilus, the predecessor of Clphi-
las, had been present at the council of Nicsea, and
had subscribed the Honwousim confession. The
great work of Clphilas was his version of the Scrip-
tons, a translation in which few traces, if any (ex
sept in Phil. ii. 6), can be round of his peculiar and
erroneous dogmas. In 388 Clphilas visited Con-
atanUnople to defend hb heterodox creed, and while
•here he died.
In the 5th century the Eastern Goths occupied
1 governed Italy, while the Western Goths took
" ai if Spain, where the} ruled till the be-
ginning of the 8th century. Amongst the Gothf
in both these countries can the use of this versioa
be traced. It must in fact have at one time best
the vernacular translation of a huge portion o>
Europe.
In the latter part of the 16th century the exist-
ence of a MS. of this version was known, through
Morillon having mentioned that he had observed
one in the library of the monastery of VVerden on
the Ruhr in Westphalia. He transcribed the Lord's
Prayer and some other parts, which were after-
wards published, as were other verses copied soon
after by Arnold Mercator.
In 1648, almost at the conclusion of the Thirt"
Tears' War, the Swedes took that part of Pragut
on the left of the Moldsu (KJeine Seite), ana
amongst the spoils was sent to Stockholm a copy of
the Gothic Gospels, known as the Codex Argenteue.
This MS. is generally supposed to be the same that
Morillon had seen at Werden; but whether the
same or not, it had been long at Prague when found
there by the Swedes, for Strenius, who died in 1601,
mentions it ss being there. The Codex Argentine
was taken by the Swedes to Stockholm: but on the
abdication of Queen Christina of Sweden, a few
years later, it disappeared. In 1655 it was in the
possession of Isaac Vossius in Holland, who had
been the queen's librarian; to him therefore it is
probable that it had been given, and not to the
queen herself, by the general who brought it from
Prague. In 1662 it was repurchased for Sweden
by Count Msgnus Gabriel de la Gardie, who caused
it to be splendidly bound, and placed it in tot
library of the University of Cpsal, where it now
remains.
While the book was in the hands of Vossius i
transcript was made of its text, from which Junius,
his uncle, edited the first edition of the Gothic
Gospels at Dort in 1665 : the Anglo-Saxon Gospels,
edited by Marshall, accompanied the Gothic text.
The labors of other editors succeeded: Stiern-
hielm, 1671; Benxei and Lye, 1750; and others
comparatively recent. The MS. is written on vel-
lum that was once purple, in silver letters, except
those at the beginning of sections, which are golden.
The Gospels have many lacuna : it is calculated
that when entire it consisted of 320 folios ; there
are now but 188. The uniformity of the writing is
wonderful: so that it has been thought whether
each letter was not formed by a hot iron impress-
ing the gold or silver, used just as bookbinders put
on the lettering to the back of a book. It is pretty
certain that this beautiful and elaborate MS. must
have been written in the 6th century, probably In
Cppv Italy when under the Gothic sovereignty.
Some in the last century supposed that the language
of this document is not Gothic, but Krankish — an
opinion which was set at rest by the discovery la
Italy of Ostro-Gothio writings, about whioh then
could be no question raised. Some Visi-Gothie
monuments in Spain were evidence on the semi
slde.
KnitteL in 1768, edited from a Wolfenbuttel
palimpsest some portions of the Epistle to the Ro-
mans in Gothic, in which the Latin stood by the
side of the version </ Clphilas. This discover}
first made known the existence of any part of a y
versioa of the Epistles. The portions brought t»
light were soon afterwards used by Ihre in thj eoi-
lection of remarks on Clphilas edited in 1773 by
BUsoMng.
But as it was certain that in ehmnre phone to*
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VEB8IONB, AKOIBNT (GREEK)
Cottar Argaittm bed been not very correctly read,
Ihre labored to copy it with exactitude, and to form
« Latin version : what he had tbiu prepared wu
edited by Zahn in 1808.
New light dawned on Olphika and hit version in
1817. While the late Cardinal Mai wai engaged
in the examination of palimpaeat* in the Anibrosiau
Library at Milan, of which he was at that time a
librarian, be noticed traces of aome O'othie writing
under that of one of the codices. Thit wu found
to be part of the books of Em and Nehemiah. In
making further examination, four other palimpsests
were found which contained portions of the Gothic
Version. Mai deciphered these MSS. in conjunc-
tion with Count Carlo Ottario Castigiiooe, and their
labors resulted in the recovery, besides a few por-
tions of the Old Test., of almost the whole of the
thirteen Epistles of St. Paul and some parts of the
Gospels.
1 he edition of Gabelenus and Loebe (1838-46)
contains all that has been discorded of the Gothic
Version, with a Ijdin translation, notes, and a
Gothic Dictionary and Grammar. These editors
were at the pains to reexamine, at Upsal and Milan,
the MSS. themselves. They bare thus, it appears,
succeeded in avoiding the repetition of errors made
by their predecessors. The Milan palimpsests were
chemically restored when the mode of doing this
was not as well known as it is at present; the
whole texture of the rellum seems stained and
spoiled, and thus it is not an easy task to read the
ancient writing correctly. Those who bare them-
selves looked at the Wolfenbiittel palimpsest ftom
which Knittd edited the portions of Romans, and
who have alto examined the Gothic palimpsests at
Milan, will probably agree that it is less difficult to
read the utirestored MS. at Wolfenbiittel than the
restored MSS. at Milan.' This must be borne in
mind if we would appreciate the tabors of Gabe-
botiand Loebe.
In 1864 Uppstrom published an excellent edition
Of the text of the Codes ArgenUut, with a beauti-
ful fao-simile. Ten leaves of the MS. were then
missing, and Uppstrom tells a rather ungratifying
story that they had been stolen by some English
traveller. It is a satisfaction, however, that a few
years afterwards the real thief on his death-bed re-
stored the missing leaves ; and, though stolen, it
■vss not by any one out of Sweden. Uppstrom ed-
:ed them as a supplement in 1867.
In 18S6-M Maasmann issued an excellent small
edition of all the Gothic portions of the Scriptures
known to be extent. He accompanies the Gothic
text with the Greek and the Latin, and there are a
Grammar and Vocabulary subjoined. This edition
■ said to be more correct than that of Gabelentx
sad Loebe. Another edition of Uhphilaa [>• Text,
Gram.,u. Worterbuch "] by F. L. Stamm appeared
at Paderborn in 1868 [4* Ausg., von M. Heyne,
MM].
As an ancient monument of the Gothic language
in version of Ulpbilas possesses great interest; as
• version the use of which was once extended
widely through Europe, «t is a monument of the
ChristUnization of the Goths; and as a version
bwtm to have been made in the 4th century, and
ransmitted to us in ancient MSS., it has its value
tn textual criticism, being thus a witness to read-
ings which were current m that age. In certain
a Such Is the writer's jaOfmaot from his own «x-
astoatioo «f the psUmfssst at WskwablUW, sad of
it has been thought that Unit b seas
proof of the influence of the Latin ; and this has
been regarded as confirmed by the ordei of the Gos-
pels in the Codex Argenteut, being that of some o.
the Old Latin MSS., Matthew, John, Luke, Mark.
But if the peculiarities pointed out were borrowed
in the Gothic from the Latin, they must be ennsid
ered rather as exceptional points, and not such as
affect the general texture of the version, for its
Greek origin is not to be mistaken. This is cer-
tain from the manner in whieh the Greek construc-
tions and the forms of compound words are imitated.
The very mistakes of rendering are proofs of Greek
and not Latin origin. The marks of conformity to
the Latin may have been introduced into the ver»
sion in the ease of MSS. oopied in Italy daring the)
rule In that land of the Gothic sovereigns. The)
Wolfenbiittel palimpsest has Latin by the side et
the Gothic.
The Greek from which the version was mad*
must in many respects have been wbst has been
termed the transition text of the 4th century;
another witness to whieh is the revised form el
the Old Latin, such as is found in the Codes
Brixianus (this revision being in met the /tula).
[VlTLOATB.]
In all cases in which the readings of the Gothic
confirm those of the moat ancient authorities, the
united testimony must be allowed to possess espe-
cial weight.
Literature.— Waits, Ueber dnt LetanmidU
Lekre de$ Ulphiln, 1840; Gabelentx and Loebe,
Ulfilat (ProUyomenn), 1836-43; Uppstrom, Ct-
dex Argeateiu, 1864 (Decern Codicil Argentd
redaiva foKa, 1867); Maasmann, Ulfilat, 1857.
[W. Bessell, Ueber dai Leben dei Ulfilat, ete^
Gbtt. I860; W. Kraflt, art " Ulfila " in Henog's
ReaUKncykl. xvi. 616-624 (1863), com p. hie DU
AnfSnge d. cJirUtl. Kirclie bei d. germ. VSOtern,
Bd. i. Abth. i. (1864); E. Bernhardt, Krii. Un-
teru. Bber die golh. Bibtbiberiettmtg, S Hefto,
Meiningen, Elbert, 1864-69 A.] S. P. T.
GREEK VERSIONS OK THE OLD TESTA.
MENT. — 1. SEPTVAonrr. — In addition to the
special article on this version [Skptcaoiht] a few
points may be noted here.
I. Name. — In all discussions relative to the
name of Septnagint, so universally appropriated to
the Greek version of Alexandria, the scholion dis-
covered by Osann and published by Ritschl ought
to be considered. The origin of this Latin scbouoa
is curious. The substance of it is stated to has*
been extracted from Callimaebus and Eratosthenes,
the Alexandrian librarians, by Tsetses, and floes
his Gretk note an Italian of tile 16th century baa
formed toe Latin scholion in question. The writer
has been speaking of the collecting of ancient Greek
poems carried on at Alexandria under Ptol e m y
Philadelphia, and then he thus continues: "Next
rex ills philosophy aflertisaunns (oorr. •difiertissi.
mot,' Ritschl, 'aflectissinius,' Thiersch) et ceteris
omnibus auctoribus Claris, diaquisitis impensa regies
munificentiss ubique Urrarum quantum valuit vo>
iuminibus opera Demetrii Pbalerei p h a x a senna
duas bibliothecas fecit, alteram extra reghun alterant
autem in regie." Toe scholion then goes on Is
speak of books in many languages: "qua susasse
than at Mian ; but of
prior to their mmnttoa.
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VERSIONS, ANCIENT (GREEK)
3379
iifigditia rex lllc in suam iinguam fecit ab optimis
mterpretibus converti." ■ Bernhardy reads instead
of "phxie seuum," "et lzx senuni," and this
correction ia agreed to by Thiersch, aa it well ma;
be : aome correction ia manifestly needed, and tii'u
appears to bo right. This gives us seventy elders
associated in the formation of the library. The tes-
timony comes to us from Alexandrian authority;
and thia, if true (or even if believed to be true),
would connect the Srptmagint with the library; •
designation which might most easily be applied to
a version of the Scriptures there deposited ; and,
bl the translation be once known by such a name,
then nothing would be more probable than that the
designation should be applied to the translators.
Thia may be regarded as the first step in the forma-
tion of the fables. Let the Septwigint be first
known as applying to the associates in the collec-
tion of the library, then to the library itself, and
then to that particular book in the library which
to so many had a far greater value than all its
other contents. Whether more than the Penta-
teuch was tints translated and then deposited in
the Royal Library is a separate question.
II. The Connection of the Pentateuch in the
LXX. witlt tht Samaritan Text. — It was long ago
remarked that in the Pentateuch the Samaritan
ropy and the LXX. agree in readings which differ
from the Hebrew text of the Jews. This has been
pointed out as occurring in perhaps two thousand
places. The conclusion to which some thus came
was that the LXX. must hare been translated from
a Samaritan copy.
But, on many grounds, it would be difficult to
admit this, even if it were found impossible to ex-
plain the coincidences. For (i.) it must be taken
into account that if the discrepancies of the Sa-
maritan and Jewish copies be estimated numer-
ically, the LXX. will be found to agree far more
frer/nenlli/ with the latter than the former, (ii.)
In the cases of considerable and marked passages
wcurring in the Samaritan which are not in the
i ewish, the LXX. does not contain them, (iii.) In
the passages in which slight variations are found,
both in the Samaritan and LXX., from the Jewish
text, they often differ amongst themselves, and the
amplification of the LXX. is less than that of the
Samaritan, (iv.) Some of the small amplifications
in which the Samaritan seems to accord with the
LXX. are in such incorrect and non-idiomatic He-
brew that it is suggested that these must be trans-
itions, and, if so, probably from the LXX. (v.) The
amplifications of the LXX. and Samaritan olten re-
semble each other greatly in character, as if similar
false oriticism had been applied to the text in each
■see. But as, in spite of all similarities such aa
these, the Pentateuch of the LXX. is more Jewish
than Samaritan, we need not adopt the notion of
translation from a Samaritan Codex, which would
involve the subject in greater difficulties, and leave
more points to be explained. (On some of the sup-
posed agreements of the LXX. with the Samaritan,
see Bishop Fitzgerald in Kitto's Journal of Soared
Literature, Oct 1848, pp. 334-333.)
III. The IMm-gical Origin of Portions of tht
LXX. — This is a subject for inquiry which has
wived but little attention, not so much, probably,
as its importance deserves. It was noticed by
■ Bwe Thiersch, De PtntauurU versions AJtxan-
Mh, pp. 8, 9. Erlangra, 1841.
* ■ebhorn and those who hare ioll"Tod him state
Tregeiles many years ago that the bindings of cer-
tain psalms in the LXX. coincide with the litur-
gical directions in the Jewish Prayer-book : the
results were at a later period communicated in
Kitto's Journal of Sacred Literature, April, 1862,
pp. 207-909. The results may be briefly stated:
The 33d Psslm, LXX. (24th, Hebrew), u headed
in the LXX., <rijs sua* a-aldaVov; so too in He-
brew, in De Sola's Prayers of the Sepkardim,
}VBVnn QV3 : Pe. xhtt., LXX. (Heb. xlvtti.)
tevrifu reASoVov, *9B7 DVb : Ps. xelil., LXX.
(Heb, xciv.), rtrpiSi ru$$irtv, WOI Ofb-.
Ps. xcii., LXX. (Heb. xeiii-X «'t *V i/sifew ts£
vpeeraAMrev, ""HJH? DVb. There appear to be
no Greek copies extant which contain similar head-
ings for Psalms Ixxxi. and Ixxx. (Heb. Ixxxii. and
lxxii), which the Jewish Prayer-book appropriate*
to the asirot and J\flh days; but that such one*
existed in the ease of the latter psalm seems to be
shown from the Latin Psalterium Vetm baring tb*
prefixed gmnta sabbati, ^Dll DT>b. Prof.
Delitzsch, in his Commentary on the Psalms, ha*
recently pointed out that the notation of these
psalms in the LXX. is in accordance with certain
passages in the Talmud.
It is worthy of inquiry whether variations in
other passages of the LXX. from the Hebrew text
cannot at times be connected with liturgical use,
and whether they do not originate in part from
rubrical directions. It seems to be at least plain
that the psalms were translated from a copy pre-
pared for synagogue worship.
2. Aquila. — It is a remarkable fact that in
the second century there were three versions ex-
ecuted of the Old Testament Scriptures into Greek.
The first of these was made by Aquila, a native of
Sinope in Pontus, who had become a proselyte to
Judaism. The Jerusalem Talmud (see Bartolocci,
Bibliotheca Rabb. iv. 281) * describes him as a dis-
ciple of Rabbi Akiba; and this would place him ia
some part of the reign of the Emperor Hadrian
(A. D. 117-138). It is supposed that the object
of his version was to aid the Jews in their contro-
versies with the Christians: and that as the latter
were in the habit of employing the LXX., they
wished to have a version of their own on which
they could rely. It is very probable that the Jews
in many Greek-speaking countries were not saB-
ciently acquainted with Hebrew to refer for them-
selves to the original, and thus they wished to have
such a Greek translation as they might use with
confidence in their discussions. Such controversies
were (it must be remembered) a new thing. Prior
to the preaching of the gospel, there were none be-
sides the Jews who used the Jewish Scripture* a* %
means of learning God's revealed truth, except those
who either partially or wholly became proselytes to
Judaism. But now the Jews saw to their grief,
that their Scriptures were made the instrument*
for teaching the principles of a religion which they
regarded as nothing less than an apostasy from
Moses.
This, then, is a probable account of the origin
of this version. Extreme literality and an occasional
polemical bias appear to be its chief characteristics.
this on the authority of Irenssus, instead of that of
the Jerusalem Talmud, a confusion which needs In rs
explicitly, and not merely tacitly corroded
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VERSIONS, ANCIENT (GREEK)
The idiom of the Greek language is ret; often
violated in order to produce what was intended
tbouk) be a very literal version ; and thus, not only
sense but grammar even was disregarded : a suffi-
cient instance of this is found in his rendering the
Hebrew particle DN by e-tfr, es in Gen. i. 1, vb*
re* obpavhv K-al abr rs)y yjjy, " quod Grteca et
Latins lingua omnino non recipit," as Jerome says.
Another instance is furnished by Gen. v. S, Ka X
ffaffw 'ASA/t rpiAxoyra crot sral irvcucAiria tros.
It is sufficiently attested that this version was
firmed for controversial purposes: a proof of which
may be found in the rendering of particular pas-
sages, such as Is. vii. 14, where fTO??, in the
LXX. rapOJrot, i* by Aquila translated ytayisi
such renderings might be regarded perhaps rather
as modes of avoiding an argument than as direct
falsification. There certainly was room for a version
which should express the Hebrew more accurately
than was done by the LXX. ; but if this had been
thoroughly carried out it would have been found
that in many important points of doctrine — such,
for instance, as in the divinity of the Messiah and
the rejection of Israel, the true rendering of tbe
Hebrew text would have been in far closer con-
formity with the teaching of the New Testament
than was the LXX. itself. It is proliabje, therefore,
that one polemical object was to make the citations
in the New Testament from the Old nppear to be
inconclusive, by producing other renderings (often
probably more literally exact) differing from the
LXX., or even contradicting it. Thus Christianity
night seem to the Jewish mind to rest on a false
•asis. But in many cases a really critical examiner
rould have found that in points of important doc-
cine the New Testament definitely rejects the read-
ag of the LXX. (when utterly unsuited to the
matter in hand), and adopts the reading of the
Hebrew.
It is mentioned that Aquila put forth a second
edition (»". t. revision) of his version, In which tbe
Hebrew was yet more servilely followed, but it is
sot known if this extended to the whole, or only to
'•hree books, namely, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel,
f which there are fragments.
Aquila often appears to have to closely sought
to follow the etymology of the Hebrew words, that
not only does his version produce no definite idea,
but it does not even suggest any meaning at all
If we possessed it perfect it would have been of
great value as to the criticism of the Hebrew text,
though often it would be of no service as to its real
understanding.
That this version was employed for centuries by
tbe Jews themselves is proved indirectly by the
U8th Novella of Justinian: *-\^v el 8io ri)t 'EA-
Aiurfoot iyaytyitmorm r§ rmr i8Sofi^Korra
Xshtrorrcu irapa&itrti . . . wAl)r 4AA' is tw pi)
rtt Aonrat aoroTr bron\tttiv rofuoDtlripty ipixT
ytlat, 68« mu> Silopty leal r§ 'AxiKov mx/njo-fcu,
Xa» «! aAAo^vAos IjHiroi xal ob fttrplay M
riviy Al{«*»> t%p wpor robs i$Sopt)itorT* tV
iiaQvylay.
3. Thbodotiox. — The second version, of which
we have information as executed in the second cen-
tury, is that of Tbeodotion. He is stated to have
been an Ephesian, and he seems to be most gen-
erally described as an Ebkmite: if this Is correct,
lis work was probably intended for those semi-
Christians who may have desired to use a version
of their own instead of employing the I.XX. ■itl
the Christians, or that of Aquila with the Jews.
But it may be doubted if the name of Irrauiitkm
can be rightly applied to the work of Tbeodotion :
it is rather a revision of the LXX. with tbe Hebrew
text, so as to bring some of tbe copies then in use
into more conformity with the original. This he
was abb to do (with the aid probably of some in-
structors) so as to eliminate portions which had
been Introduced into the LXX., without really being
an integral part of tbe version j and also so as to
bring much into accordance with the Hebrew in
other respects. But his own knowledge of Hebrew
was evidently very limited; and thus words and
parts of sentences were left untranslated ; the He-
brew being merely written with Greek letters.
Tbeodotion as well as Aquila was quoted by
Irencus; and sgainst both there is the common
charge laid of corrupting texts which relate to the
Messiah : some polemical intention in such passages
can hardly be doubted. The statement of Epi-
phanlus that he made his translation in tbe reign of
Coramodus accords well with its having been quoted
by Irenseus; but it cannot be correct if it is one
of the translations referred to by Justin Martyr as
giving interpretations contrary to tbe Christian
doctrine of the New Test.
There can be no doubt that this version wae
much used by Christians : probably many changes
in the text of the LXX. were adopted from Tbeo-
dotion : this may have begun before the Biblical
labors of Origeu brought the various versions into
one conspectus. The translation of the book of
Daniel by Theodotion was substituted for that of tbe
LXX. hi ecclesiastical use as early at least as part
of tbe third century. Hence Daniel, as rendered
or revised by Theodotion, has so long taken the
place of the true LXX., that their version of this
hook was supposed not to be extant; and it ha*
only been found in one MS. In most editions of
tbe LXX. Theodotion's version of Daniel is sti'i
substituted for that which really belongs to that
translation.
4. Stmmachcs Is stated by Eusebius and
Jerome to have been an Ebionite: so too in the
Syrian accounts given by Assemani; Epiphanius,
however, and others style bim a Samaritan, liters
may have been Ebionites from amongst tbe Samari-
tans, who constituted a kind of separate sect; and
these may have desired a version of their own ; or
it may be that as a Samaritan be made this version
for some of that people who employed Greek, and
who bad learned to receive more than the Pentav-
teuch. But perhaps to such motives was added (if
indeed this were not the only cause of tbe version)
a desire for a Greek translation not so unintelligibly
bald as that of Aquila, and not displaying such a
want of Hebrew learning as that of Theodotion. ft
is probable that if this translation of Symmachus
had appeared prior to the time of Irenseus, it would
have been mentioned by him ; and this agrees with
what Epiphanius says, namely, that he lived under
the Emperor Severus.
The translation which be produced was probably
better than the others at to sense and general
phraseology. When Jerome speaks of • second
edition he may probably mean some revision, more
or less complete, which he executed after his trans-
lation was first made: It could hardly be a retreat-
1st ion, or anything at all tantamount thereto
6. Tin Fifth, Sixth, awd Srvkktii Ve»
mm, — Besides the translations of Aquila, 8r»
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VEB8ION8, ANCIENT (GREEK)
8S81
•mc has, and Tbeodotlon, the great critical work of
Origan comprised as to portion) of the Old Tut.
threa other versions, placed for comparison with
the LXX.; which, from their being anonymous,
are only known as the fifth, sixth, and seventh;
lesignationa taken from the places which they re-
spectively occupied in Origen's oolumnar arrange-
ment. Ancient writers seem not to have been uni-
form in the notation which they applied to these
and thus what is cited from one by its
of reference is quoted by others under a
, numeral.
Than three partial translations were discovered
•y Origan in the coarse of his travels in connection
with his great work of Biblical criticism. Kuse-
biass says that two of these versions (but without
designating precisely which) were found, the one
at Jericho, and the other at Nicopolis on the Gulf
af Actium. Epipbanius says, that what he terms
the fifth, was found at Jericho, and the sixth at
Nicopolis i while Jerome speaks of the fifth as hav-
ing been found at the latter place.
The contents of the Jiftk version appear to have
been the Pentateuch, Psalms, Canticles, and the
minor prophets: it seems also to be referred to in
the Syro-Hexaplar text of the Second Book of Kings :
it may be doubted if in all these books it was com-
plete, or at least if so much were adopted by
Origan. The existing fragments prove that the
transistor used the Hebrew original; but it is also
certain that he was aided by the work of former
translators.
The tixth Mmm seems to have been just the
same in its contents ss the fifth (except 3 Kings) :
and thus the two may have been confused: this
translator also seems to have had the other versions
before him. Jerome calls the authors of the fifth
and sixth "Judaioo* translators "; but the trans-
lator of this must have been a Christian when he
executed his work, or else the hand of a Chris-
Ban reviser must have meddled with it before it
was employed by Origen; which seems from the
small interval of time to be hardly probable.
For in Hab. iii. 15 the translation runs, i^XSts
rev trinrmi rer kaiw am Sia 'lgcrov rev xpicrrov
•sw.
Of the weeenth version very few fragments re-
main. It seems to have contained the Psalms and
minor prophets; and the transistor was probably a
Jew.
From the references given by Origen, or by those
who copied from his oolumnar arrangement and its
resaits (or who added to such extracts), it has
been thought thai other Creek versions were
spoken of. Of these i 'EjSowor probably refers to
the Hebrew text or to something drawn from it:
• Stfer to the Old Syriac version : to So/iapeiTi-
■sV probably a reference to the Samaritan text,
sr some Samaritan gloss: i 'EAAqruco's, i 'AA-
tst, t Imtygapot •ome unspecified version or
The existing fragments of these varied versions
are mostly to be found in the editions of the relics
of Origen's Hexapla, by Hontfauoon and by Bahrdt,
and htfer, by F. Field, Oxford, 1867-70. See also
•low, Syriac Vkroohs, I. (B.), on the editions
sf Ik* Syriac from the Hexaplar Greek text. — A.]
(For an account of the use made of these ver-
afcms by Origen, and its results, see Septuaoutt.)
8. The Vkmeto-Greek Version. — A MS. of
was fourteenth century, in the library of St Mark
at Venice, contains a peculiar version of the Pen-
tateuch, Proverbs, Ecclesisates, Canticles, Ruth
Lamentations, and Daniel. All of these books, ex-
cept the Pentateuch, were published by Villoison
at Strasbourg in 1784; the Pentateuch was edited
by Aramoii at Erl&ngeti in 1790-91. The version
itself is thought to be four or five hundred years
older than the one MS. in which it has been trans-
mitted; this, however, is so thoroughly a matter
of opinion, that there seems no absolute reason for
determining that this one MS. may not be the
original as well ss the only one in existence. It is
written in one very nsrrow column on each page;
the leaves follow each other in the Hebrew order,
so that the book begins at what we should call ths
end. An examination of the MS. suggested the,
opinion that it may have been written on ths
broad inner margin of a Hebrew MS. : and that
for some reason tie Hebrew portion had been cut
away, leaving thus a Greek MS. probably unique)
as to its form and arrangement- As to the trans-
lation itself, it is on any supposition too recent to
be of consequence in criticism. It may be said
briefly that the translation was made from the He-
brew, although the present punctuation and accent-
uation is often not followed, and the translator was
no doubt acquainted with some other Greek ver-
sions. The language of the translation is a most
Strang* mixture of astonishing and cacophonous
barbarism with attempts at Attic elegance and re-
finement. The Doric, which is employed to an-
swer to the Chaldcean portions of Daniel, seems to
be an Indication of remarkable affectation.
The Greek of St. Matthew's Gospel. —
Any account of the Greek versions of Holy Scrip
sure would be incomplete without some allusioi
to the fact, that if early testimonies and ancier.t
opinion unitedly are to have some weight when
wholly uncontradicted, then it must be admitted
that the original language of the Gospel of Si-
Matthew was Hebrew, and that the text which has
been transmitted to us is really a Greek trans-
lation.
It may be briefly stated that every early writer
who mentions that St. Matthew wrote a Gospel at
all says that he wrote in Hebrew (that is, in ths
Syro-Chaldaic ), and in Palestine in the first century j
so that if it be assumed that he did not write in
Hebrew but in Greek, then it may well be asked,
what ground is there to believe that he wrote any
narrative of our Lord's life on earth ?
Every early writer that has come down to at
uses the Greek of St Matthew, and this with the
definite recognition that it is a translation ; bene*
we may be sure that the Greek copy Debugs tc the
Apostolic age, having been thus authoritatively
used from and up to that time. Thus the ques-
tion is not the authority of the Greek translation,
which comes from the time when ths churches en-
joyed Apostolic guidance, but whether there was a
Hebrew original from which it had been translated.
The witnesses to the Hebrew original were men
sufficiently competent to attest so simple a fact, es-
pecially seeing that they are relied on in what is far
more important, — that St. Matthew wrote a Gos-
pel at all Papias, in the beginning of the second
century, repeats apparently the words of John toe
Presbyter, an immediate disciple of our Lord, that
•• Matthew wrote the oracles in the Hebrew dla-
lec" Imueus, in the latter part of the same cen-
tury, is equally explicit; in connection with the
Indian mission of Pantamua in the same age, we
^arn that he found the Gospel of Matthew in the)
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3882
VERSIONS, ANCIENT (SLAVONIC)
very Hebrew letter*. In the next century Origen,
the laborious investigator and diligent inquirer,
■tys, that the received account wee that St. Mat-
thew had written the first Gospel, and that it was
in Hebrew. So too in the next century, Epipha-
nius and Jerome, both of whom, like Origen, were
acquainted with Hebrew. Jerome also mentions
the Terr copies of this Hebrew original which were
extant in his time, and which he transcribed. He
shows indeed that the copies then circulated amongst
the Nararenes had been variously interpolated: but
this would not affect the antecedent fact. So too
Bpiphanius shows that the document had bean va-
rJeojlj depraved: but this does not set aside what
It originally was.
To follow the unanimous agreement of later writ-
ers is needless; but what can be said on the other
ride? What evidence is adduced that St Matthew
wrote in Greek ? None whatever: but simply some
I priori notions that be ought to have done so are
advanced: then it is truly stated that the Greek
Gospel does not read as though it had about it the
constraint of a translation ; and then it is said that
perhapt the witnesses for the Hebrew origiusl were
mistaken.* " But (says Principal Campbell) is toe
positive testimony of witnesses, delivered as of a
well-known bet, to be overturned by a mere suppo-
sition, a perkapt t for that the ease is really as
they suppose no shadow of evidence is pretended "
(rFoifa,ii. 171).
For another theory, that St. Matthew wrote
both in Hebrew and also in Greek, there is no evi-
dence: the notion is even contradicted by the
avowed ignorance of the early Christian writers aa
to whose hand formed the Greek version which
they accepted as authoritative. To them there was
nothing self -contradictory (as some have said) in
the notion of an authoritative translation. As it
can be shown that the public use of the four Gos-
pels in Greek was universal in the churches from
the Apostolic age, it proves to us that Apostolic
sanction must have been the ground of this usage;
this surely is sufficient to authorise the Greek Gos-
pel that we have-
Erasmus seems to have been the first to suggest
that the Greek is the original of the Apostle: at
hast no writer earlier than Erasmus has been
brought forward as holding the opinion: in this
many have followed him on what may be called
very subjective grounds. Erasmus also advanced
the opinion that Irenasu* Again* Htrtuet was
written by him in latin For this he had just as
good grounds aa for the Greek original of St- Mai
thew. As to Irenssus, no one appears to follow
Erasmus; why should so many adhere to his bold
opinion (opposed by so much evidence and sup-
ported by none) relative to St. Matthew ? On tbs
revival of letters there was much curiosity ex-
pressed for the recovery of a copy of St Matthew's
Hebrew original. Pope Nicholas V. is said to
have offered five thousand ducats for a copy: this
probably suggested the retranslations into Hebrew
of this Gospel published in the following oratarj
by Sebastian Minister and others. & P. T.
LATIN VERSIONS. [VtruUT*.]
SAMARITAN VERSIONS. [cUMABxiia
PSHTATBDCH, p. 3819 «.]
SLAVONIC VERSION. In the year 889
there was a desire expressed, or an inquiry made,
for Christian teachers in Moravia, and in the fol-
lowing year the labors of missionaries began
amongst them. We need not consider the Mors*
via in which these am i ces were commenced to b*
precisely restricted to or identified with the region
which now bears that name, for in the ninth cen-
tury Great Moravia was of for wider extent; and
it was amongst the Slavonic people then occupying
this whole region, that the effort for Christianixa-
tkm was put forth But while this farther extent
of Moravia is admitted, it is also to be recollected
that the province of Moravia, of which Brum is
the metropolis, is not only the nucleus of Moravia,
but that also the inhabitants of that country, still
retaining as they do their Slavonian tongue, rightly
consider themselves as the descendant* and succes-
sors of those who were then Christianized. Thus,
in 1868 they commemorated the thousandth anni-
versary of their having taken this step, and in 1841
they celebrated the thousandth from the actual ar-
rival of missionaries amongst them- These mission-
aries were Cyrillus and Methodius, two brother!
from Thesssionica: to Cyrillns is ascribed the in-
vention of toe Slavonian alphabet, and the com-
mencement of the translation of the Scriptures.
Neandcr truly says that be was honorably distin-
guished from all other missionaries of that period
in not having yielded to the prejudice which repre-
sented the languages of rode nations as too profane
for sacred uses; and by not having shrunk from
any toil which was necessary in order to become)
accurately acquainted with the language of tan
people amongst whom be labored. Cyrillus ap-
pears to have died at Rom* in 868, while Metho-
r la whleh the testimony of competent
i has bean not only ealhd In question, but
et anas is such as would east doubt on any hirtor-
aal fret competently attested ; and the tanas applied
to the w l tn — s s themselves an soch as ssem to show
Saw argument feeing vain, It la needful to have re-
avarse to s om e thi ng else ; not mere anaium as op-
posed to Ins definite evident*, but a mod* of speaking
of the witnesses themselves and of mianpresantlng
(Mr words, which would not b* ventured on In earn-
Thus a writer who Is well and Justly
i to* Bav. Dr. Wm. Alex-
ander, sets arid* to* evident* and to* rtatemeats of
•rasa* in this manner : " To* one who says he had
tssa lb* [Hebrew] gospel Is Jerome ; but hie evidence
•bout it is so conflicting that it Is not worth a rush.
first h* says a* baa sea* It, and Is sure that It Is the
aricta*l of the Greek gmpai ; then he softens down
asm « It Is ealltd by most people Matthew's authentic,'
on Vow ha Bays, ' Who
translated It Into Oreek Is unknown ; ' and pi madly,
with amusing eatfcomplaoancy and oheWeasaeem, as
tells us, < I myatlf translated k into Greek and Latin !>
Why tans to not a small dee* court In th* cosmtr*
where soeh a witness would net be hosted to the
dear." Would such modes of res e snle g be ado pte d If
it war* not desbwl to mystify to* rabbet? Whc
cannot an that Jerome says that it a unknown was
had mads th* Oreek translation than current Sjr cen-
turies? And who Imagines that he identnkd with
that version the one which h* had recently mads from
th* doemnent found at Benwa? Bat thee H m that
<*»'» Is substituted t» siaamaal oa this rabbet. Br
Land, la the Jtwnml •/ anenet Unmeant, Octets*
1858, boldly smarts, " We easy saMyaay thai than a.
in probability as w*U a* In dine* testimony, a weight
at heavy in the seale of the Oreek text ee ba that af
th* Hebrew, not to go further." Bex, in feet, then Is
ae testimony, direct or indirect, tat a Oreek origan
of St Matthew.
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VKB8IOM8, ▲KCIKXT (8YR1A0)
888b
Urn* continued to many years to be bishop of tbt
Slavonians. He U staled to hate continued hit
brother's tnuiilation, although hoc muck they
iaec n s o lv es actually executed it quite uncertain;
perhapi much of the Old Testament was sot trans-
lated at all iu that age, possibly not to many cen-
turies after.
The Old Testament is, as might be supposed, a
■anion from the I.XX., but what measure of re-
vision it may sines have received seems to be by no
moaua certain. As the oldest known MS. of the
whole Bible is of the year 1*09, it may reason-
ably be questioned whether this version may not in
large portions be comparatively modern. This
could only be set at rest by a more full and accu-
rate knowledge being obtained of Slavonic Biblical
MSS. Dobrowsky, however, mentions (Oriesbaeb's
u>. Tat. ii., xxxiii.) that this MS. (his 1), and
two others copied from it, are the only Slavonic
MSS. of the entire Bible existing in Russia. If
it be oorraot that the HSS. which he terms 8 and
S are copied from this, there are strong reasons for
believing that it was not completed for some years
subsequently to 1499. Tho oldest MSS. of any
part of this version is an Erangeliarium, in Cyril-
lie characters, of the year 1066; that at Rheims
(containing the Gospels) on which the kings of
France used to take their coronation oath, is nearly
•* old. One, containing the Gospels, at Moscow,
if of the year 11*4.
The first printed portion was an edition of the
Gospels In Wallachia, in 1619; in 1876 the same
portion was printed at Wilna; and in 1681 the
whole Bible wss printed at Ostrog in Volhynia;
from this was taken the Moscow edition of 1663,
in which, however, there was some revision, at least
so to as the insertion of 1 John v. 7 is concerned.
Wetatein cited a few readings from this version;
Alter made more extracts, which were used by
Griesbach, together with the collations sent to him
by Dobrowsky, both from MSS. and printed edi-
tions. We thus can say, with some confidenos,
that the general text is such as would have been
expected in the ninth century : some readings from
the Latin have, it appears, been introduced in
places: this arises probably from the early Slavo-
nian custom of reading the Gospel in Latin before
they did it in their own tongue.
Dobrowsky paid particular attention in his col-
lations to the copies of the Apocalypse: it has been,
however, long suspected that that book famed no
portion of this version as originally made. We can
bow go further and say definitely that the Apoc-
alypse, as found In some at least of the Slavonic
aopies, could not be anterior to the appearance of
the first edition of the Gr. Test of Erasmus in
1616. For there are readings in the Apocalypse
■ Haodsehriftucb* tunde von Vrans DaUtasoh.
Bastss Haft, Dia Bmsmudwa BaUtellusfwi das Texts*
ear Apocalypse, neehgewhseu aus dem veriorta ge-
sjaobcsn Codex Kauohllni, 1861.
HandsahrifUlche Foods von Vrans DeUuneb, mlt
Mtragen von S. P. Tngetles. Zwsitee Haft, ne» Btu-
Ven ttbtr dec Oodex BauobUnl, etc , 186% [Also with
the KngUsh Hue, " Haouserlpt Dtaravartu by Planets
Munch, with additions by S. P. TregeUas. Part II.,
Saw Studies on the Codex Raochllnl, and new results
SB the textual history of the Apocalypse, drawn from
Bm Henries of Munich, Vienna, Borne, ate., 186*.")
• Bm farther an article by Dr. T. J. Oooaut an the
•seek Text or the Apocstypss, In the BmptiU jeer-
was tor April 1870. A.
of Erasmus which are entiiely devoid of any eup-
port from Greek MSS. This can be said confi-
dently, sines the one Greek copy used by Krasiuus
has been identified and described by Prof. De-
litsaeh.o It is now therefore known that peculiari-
ties as to error in Erasmus's text of the Apocalypse,
as it first appeared, are in several places due not tc
the MS. from which he drew, but to the want of
ears in his edition. And thus, whatever agrees
with such peculiarities must depend on, and thus
be subsequent to the Eraamisn text. In Rev. ii.
13, the Eraamian text has the peculiar reading, eV
Toij fyispair iiuuf, for this no MS. was ailed
by Griesbach, and all his authority, besides the
Erasmian edition, was in fact " Slav. 3, 4," i. a,
two MSS. collated by Dobrowsky ; one of these is
said by him to be copied from the oldest Slavonic
MS. of the whole Bible: if, therefore, it «gr «a
with it in this place, it shows that the Slavonic
MS. must, in that part at least, be later than the
year 1616. The only Greek authority for tine
reading, i/uut, is the margin of 93, the Dublin
MS., famous as containing 1 John v. 7: in which
the Gospels belong to the end of the fifteenth cen-
tury; the Acts and Epistles are somewhat later,
and the Apocalypse was added about the year
1580.* There seems to be another Slavonic teat
of the Apocalypse oontained in Dobrowsky's 10, but
whether it is older than the one already mentioned
is doubtful. & P. T.
SYRIAC VERSIONS. I. Or the Old Tbv
T AM EOT.
A. From we Hebrew. — In the early times of
Syrian Christianity there was executed a version
of the Old Testament from the original Hebrew,
the use of which must have been as widely extended
as wss toe Christian profession amongst that peo-
ple. Ephraem the Syrian, in the latter half of
the 4th century, gives abundant proof of its use
in general by his oountrymen. When he calls It
odr vebskui, ^ ttaX) , it does not appear to
be in opposition to any other Syriae translation
(for no other can be proved to ham then existed),
but in contrast to the original Hebrew text, or
to those in other languages. 1 ' At a later period
this Syriae translation was designated Pttkitt,
r»f)£*a (Simple); or, sa in the preface of Bar-
HebraMatohkracsawrw^roaacrtawJ^JUbo
) Vaj** 3 (Simple version). It Is probable that
this name was applied to the version after another
had been formed from the Hexaplar Greek text.
In the translation made from Origan's revision af
the LXX., the critical marks introduced by him
were retained, and thus every page and every part
o This (hash authority if the one denoted by ML
Teschendorf (following a misprint tn TregaUes' Oras>
and Butluh Rmlatum, 1844) giras It 91**. That
would signify a correction in a later hand In 91 ; whkaj
Is the modem supoWamt to the Vatican MS., In wham
such a correction nas been sought In vain.
e Xphraeml Opera 8yr. I. 880 (on 1 Sam. xxlv. 4).
He Is simply com paring the Hebrew phress end the
Syriae version: jil ^S «ey| *-*{ "^»
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t»884
VERSIONS, ANCIENT (SYRIAO)
ni marked with atteritkt and obtU, from which
the translation from the Hebrew wai free. It
might, therefore, be but natural for a bare text to
be thus designated, in contrast to the mark* and
(he citation! of the different Greek translators
found in the Tersion from the Hexaplar Greek.
This translation from the Hebrew has always been
the ecclesiastical version of the Syrians ; and when
H is remembered how in the 5th century dissen-
sions and divisions were introduced into the Syrian
churches, and how from that time the Monophy-
sites and those termed Nestorians have been in a
state of unhealed opposition, it shows not only the
antiquity of this version, but also the deep and
abiding hold which it mutt have taken on the
mind of the people, that this version was firmly
Held fast by both of these opposed parties, at well
at by those who adhere to the Greek Church, and
by the Haronites. Its existence and use prior to
their divisions is sufficiently proved by Ephraem
alone. But how much older it is than that deacon
of Edessa we have no evidence. From Bar-He-
brews (in the 13th century) we learn that there
were three opinions as to its age; some saying that
the version was made in the reigns of Solomon and
Hiram, some that it was translated by Asa, the
priest who was sent by the king of Assyria to
Samaria, and some that the version was made in
the days of Adai the apostle and of Abgarus, king
of Oarhoene (at which time, he adds, the Simple
version of the New Test, was also made).* The
first of these opinions of course implies that the
books written before that time were then trans-
lated ; indeed, a limitation of somewhat the same
kind would apply to the second. The ground of
the first opinion seems to have been the belief that
the Tyrian king was a convert to the profession of
the true and revealed faith held by the Israelites ;
and that the possession of Holy Scripture in the
Syriac tongue (which they identified with hit own)
was a necessary consequence of this adoption of
the true belief: this opinion is mentioned as having
been held by some of the Syrians in the 9th cen-
tury. The second opinion (which does not appear
to have been cited from any Syriao writer prior to
Bar-Hebraeus) seems to have some connection with
the formation of the Samaritan version of the Pen-
tateuch. As that version is in an Aramcan dia-
lect, any one who supposed that it was made
immediately after the mission of the priest from
Assyria might say that it was then first that an
Aranuean translation was executed ; and this might
afterwards, in a tort of indefinite manner, have
been oonnected with what the Syrians themselves
uted. James of Edessa (in the latter half of the
7th century) had held the third of the opinions
mentioned by Bar-Hebneua, who cites him in sup-
port of it, and accords with it.
It is highly improbable that any part of the
Syriac version it older than the advent of our Lord ;
those who placed it under Abgarus, king of Edessa,
«em to have argued on the account that the Syrian
people then received Christianity; and thus they
mpposed that a version of the Scriptures wai a
leoeasary accompaniment of such conversion. All
that the account shows clearly is, then, that it was
believed to belong to the earliest period of the
Christian faith among them: an opinion with
which all that we know on the subject accords
mU. That Ephraem, in the 1th century, not only
" Wiseman, Harm Syriac*, p. 80.
shows that it was then current, but also gives the
impression *hat this had even then been long the
ease. For in his commentaries he gives explana-
tions of terms which were even then obscure. This
might have been from age: if to, the version was
made comparatively long before. his days: or it
might be from its having been in a dialect different
from that to which he wai accustomed at Edeam.
In this case, then, the translation was made in
some other part of Syria; which would hardly
have been done, unless Christianity had at such a
time been more diffused then than it aaa at
Edessa. The dialect of that city is stated to have
been the purest Syriac ; if, then, the version was
made for that place, it would no doubt have been
a monument of such purer dialect. Probably the
origin of the Old Syriac version is to be compared
with that of the Old Latin [see Vuixjate] ; and
that it differed as much from the polished lan-
guage of Edessa as did the Old Latin, made in the
African Province, from the contemporary writers
of Borne, such as Tacitus.
Even though the traces of the origin of this
version of the Old Test be but few, yet it is of
importance that they should be marked; for the
Old Syriac has the peculiar value of being the first
version from the Hebrew original made for Chrlt-
titn use; and, indeed, the only translation of the
kind before that of Jerome, which was made sub-
sequently to the time when Ephraem wrote. This
Syriac commentator may have termed it " OCR ver-
sion," in contrast to all others then current (for
the Targums were hardly versions), which wen
merely reflections of the Greek and not of the
Hebrew original.
The proof that this version was made from the
Hebrew is twofold : we have the direct statement*
of Ephraem, who compares it in placet with the
Hebrew, and speaks of this origin at a fact ; and
and who it confirmed (if that had been needful)
by later Syrian writers ; we find the tame thing as
evident from the infernal examination of the ver-
sion itself. Whatever internal change or revision
it may have received, the Hebrew groundwork of
the translation it unmistakable. Such indication!
of revision must be afterwards briefly specified.
The first printed edition of this version was that
which appeared in the Paris Polyglott of Le Jay ia
1646; it la said that the editor, Gabriel Sionita, t
Maronite, had only an imperfect MS., and that,
besides errors, it was defective at to whole passage),
and even as to entire books. This last charge an i
to be so made at if it were to imply that books
were omitted besides those of the Apocrypha, a
part which Sionita confessedly had not. He ia
stated to have supplied the deficiencies by trans-
lating into Syriac from the Vulgate. It can hardly
be supposed but that there is some exaggeration in
these statements. Sionita may have filled up an Deci-
sional hiatus in his MS. ; bnt it requires very defi-
nite examination before we can fully credit that he
thus supplied whole books. It seems needful ti
believe that the defective books were simply those
in the Apocrypha, which he did not supply. Tbs
result, however, is, that the Paris edition is but an
infirm groundwork for our speaking with confidence
of the text of this version.
In Walton's Polyglott, 1657, the Paris text Is
reprinted, but with the addition of the Apocrypha.'
books which had been wanting. It was generally
said that Walton had done much to amend the
text* upon MS. authority; but the late Prof. Lm
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I this, stating that •' the only addition made
by Walton waa some Apocryphal books." From
Walton's Polyglott, Kirach, in 1787, published a
wparate edition of the Pentateuch. Of the Syriac
Psalter there have been many editions. The first
of these, aa mentioned by Eichhorn, appeared in
1810; it has by the side an Arabio version. In
16*5 there vera two editions; the one at Paris
edited by Gabriel Sionita, and one at l-evden by
Erpenios from two MSS." These hare since been
repeated ; but anterior to them all, it is mentioned
that the seven penitential psalms appeared at Rome
to 1684.
In the punctuation given in the Polyglotts, a
system was introduced which was in part a pecul-
iarity of Gabriel Sionita himself. This has to be
borne in mind by those who use either the Paris
Polyglott or that of Walton ; for in many words
then is a redundancy of vowels, and the form of
tome is thus exceedingly changed.
When the British and Foreign Bible Society pro-
posed more than forty years ago to issue the Syriae
Old Testament for the first time in a separate vol-
ume, the late Prof. Lee was employed to make such
editorial preparations as could be connected with a
mere revision of the text, without any specification
of the authorities. Dr. Lee collated for the purpose
six Syriae MSS. of the Old Test, in general, and a
very ancient copy of the Pentateuch : he also used
in part the commentaries of Ephraem and of Bar-
Ilebneus. From these various sources he con-
structed his text, with the aid of that found already
In the Polyglotts. Of course the corrections de-
pended on the editor's own judgment; and the
want of a specification of the results of collations
leaves the reader in doubt aa to what the evidence
may be in those places in which there is a depart-
ure from the Polyglott text. But though more in
formation might be desired, we have in the edition
of Lee a veritable Syriac text, from Syriac authori-
ties, and free from the suspicion of having been
formed in modern times, by Gabriel Sionita's trans-
lating portions from the Latin. [Prof. Lee's edi-
tion waa published at London in 1823. — A.]
But we have now in this country, in the MS.
treasures brought from the Nitrian valleys, the
means of far more accurately editing this version.
Even if the results should not appear to be strik-
ing, a thorough use of these MSS. would place this
version on such a basis of diplomatic evidence as
would show positively bow this earliest Christian
translation from the Hebrew was read in the 6th
ar 7th century, or possibly still earlier: * we thus
eould use the Syriac with a fuller degree of confi-
dence In the criticism of the Hebrew text, just as
w. can the more ancient versions of the New for
the criticism of the Greek.
In the beginning of 1849, the lata) excellent
' Mica] scholar, the Rev. John Roger*, Canon of
Exeter, published Reatom tony a ilea Edition of
Me Petekilo, or Ancient Syrinc Vernon of the Old
Tatament, tkouU be published. In this interest-
ing pamphlet, addressed to the late Archbishop of
Canterbury, Canon Rogers speaks of the value of
the version itself, its Importance in criticism, the
existing editions, their defects, the sources of
i now possessed by this country, in the
• Bathe also published an editkm of the bit of
ns at Halle in 1768, adding the vowel-point*,
There Is an Xngllsh TYanetation of the
Puhito Version of the Pia'ms of Darin w'ta
213
Nitrian MSS. especially, "now [1849] under the
care of the Rev. Win. Cureton, who is making
known to the public the treasures of the library of
the Monastery of St. Mary Deipara, in the Nitrian
desert in Egypt, thus happily obtained." He ad-
verts to the facility which would be afforded for the
proper publication of the proposed edition, from
type having been of late prepared representing the
proper Estrangelo Syriac character, of which Dr.
Cureton was even then making use in printing hi*
text of the Syriac Gospels, etc. If it had been an
honor to this country to issue the collations of Ken-
nicott for the Hebrew Old Test, and of Holmes for
the LXX., might not this proposed Syriac edition
be a worthy successor to such works 1 The plan
proposed by Canon Rogers for its execution was
this: to take the Syriac MS. which appeared to be
the beat in each portion of the Old Test., both on
the ground of goodness and antiquity: let this be
printed, and then let collations be made by various
scholars in interleaved copies; the whole of the re-
sults might then be published in the same form as
De Rossi's Vnria Lectionet to the Hebrew Bible.
Canon Rogers gives a few hints as to what he
thought would be probable results from such a col-
lation. He did not expect that the differences from
the printed Syriac would be very great; but still
there would be a far greater satisfaction as to the
confidence with which this version might be quoted,
especially in connection with the criticism of the
Hebrew original. Bj way of illustration he pointed
out a good many passages, in which it can hardly
be doubted that the defects in the printed Syriae
arise from the defectiveness of the copy or copies on
which it was based. He also showed it to be a
point of important inquiry, whether in places it.
which the printed Syriac agrees with the LXX.,
the Syriao has been altered ; or whether both may
preserve the more ancient reading of Hebrew copies
once extant- The reasons why such a Syriao text
should be prepared and published, and why such
collations should be made, are thus summed up by
Canon Rogers: " 1st. Because we have no printed
text from ancient and approved MSS. 3d. Be-
cause the Latin version in Walton's Polyglott often
fails to convey the sense of the Syriac. 3d. Be-
cause there are many omissions in the printed text
which may perhaps be supplied in a collation of
early MSS. 4th. Because the facilities now given
to the study of Hebrew make it desirable that new
facilities should also be given to the study of the
cognate Languages. ttb. Because it is useless to
accumulate ancient and valuable Biblical MSS. at
the British Museum, if those MSS. are not applied
to the purposes of sacred criticism. 6th. Because
In comparing the Syriac with the Hebrew original,
many points of important and interesting investi-
gation will arise. Finally, Because it is neither
creditable to the literary character of the age, nor
to the theological position of the Church of Eng-
land, that one of our most ancient versions of the
Bible should continue in its present neglected
state." These considerations of the late Canon
Rogers are worthy of being thus repeated, not only
as being the deliberate judgment of a good Biblical
scholar, but as also pointing out practically the
objects to be sought in making proper use of
Sola Critical and Explanatory, by Ike Rao. Am* em
Otitrr, Boston, 1861. A.
* Tb* Pentateuch eould probably be given «n a
basis or taaJifth century
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VKBSI0N8, ANOIBNT (&VMAO<
tbe Biblical materials which are at our hands, and
of which the scholars of former age* had not the
benefit.
There was a strong hope expressed aoon after
the issue of Canon Rogers's appeal, that the work
would have been formally placed in a proper man-
ner in the hands of tbe Rev. Wm. Cureton, and
that thui it would haie been aeoompliabed under
his superintendence, at the Oxford University
Press. Canon Kogers announced this in an ap-
pendix to his pamphlet. But this has not been ef-
fected. It may still be hoped that Dr. Cureton
will edit at least (he Pentateuch from a very an-
cient copy: but there is not now in this country
the practical encouragement to such Biblical stud-
ies as require the devotion of time, labor, and at-
tention (as well as pecuniary expense), which in
the last century Kennicott and Holmes received.
But if the printed Syriao text rests on by no
■Maui a really satisfactory basis, it may be asked,
How can it be said positively that what we have U
the same version substantially that was used by
Ephraem in tbe 4th century? Happily, we have
the same means of identifying tbe Syriac with that
anciently used, as we nave of showing that the
modern Latin Vulgate is substantially tbe version
executed by Jerome. We admit that the common
printed Latin has suffered in various ways, and yet
at the bottom and in its general texture it is un-
doubtedly the work of Jerome: so with the Peahito
of the Old Test., whatever errors of judgment were
committed by Gabriel Skmita, the first editor, and
however little has been done by those who should
have corrected these things on MS. authority, tbe
identity of the version is too certain for it to be
thus destroyed, or even (it may be said) materially
obscured.
JU_^0OQ_D, a word equity, it sstt.s, msaafak,
eariamderi which was, however, unknown It
K ph r a em , who expounds it as though it mean )
food of all kinds, as if J^-dL^S) ^5. i Sam.
xxiiL 88, KtAJjOO for »bp s S Sam. viii. 7
■ » v ?.
L£-a*«, merely retaining tbe Hebrew ward
*&?& in a Syriao form. 1 K. x. 11, JL<Xffi43
flTJ^Wl xii. 11, ri^i (D*a^y)i
• K. faX 4, JyJxl (-TjTa)j Job xxxU at
Heb. onb^i. U. Ill SSL J^YvilSaCO
(nTI^B), Jer. B. 41, !>*■*£»% (WP&.
zech. t. r, J^ia (n?^). in
From tbe citations of Ephraem, and the single
words on which he makes remarks, we have suffi-
cient proof of the identity of tbe version: even
though at times he also furnishes proof that the
copies as printed are not exactly as be read. The
following may be taken as instances of accordance:
they are mostly from the places (see Wiseman, //.
8yr. p. 123, Ac.) in which Ephraem thinks it need-
ful to explain a Syrian word in this version, or to
discuss its meaning, cither from its having become
antiquated in his time, or from its being unused in
the same sense by tbe Syrians of Edeasa. Thus,
Geo. I 1, §+> is used in Syriac as answering to
the Hebrew H^. The occurrence of this word
jjfr h ra em mentions, giving his own explanation :
L i, CT&SO <Tr5Li «• », for T? 112?, the
Syriao has JjL^jVsaJ, which Ephraem men-
tions as being a term which the Persians also use.
Gen. xxx. 14, for CVW there is UAt^I,
a word which Ephraem mentions as being there,
and the possible meaning of which he discusses.
Ex. xxviii. 4, l&6fifi stands for the Hebrew
IgTl; Ephraem reads it jJj<^, and ex-
plains the meaning: xxxviil. t.'V&JJ (l^pO) ;
txxviH. M, I^Sa^i (ViTVT^), xxriil. 40,
|&S5(nSyjijn)j Nia. xl 7, for 13 there is
sages, and in several ethers, the words of the
Peshito are cited by Ephraem because of their
obscurity, and of the need that they had of ex-
planation.
The proof that the version which has come down
to us is substantially that used by the Syrians in
the 4th century, is perhaps more definite from the
comparison of words than it would have been from
the comparison of passages of greater length; be-
cause in longer citations there always might be
some ground for thinking that perhaps the US. of
Kphrsem might have been conformed to later Syr-
iac copies of the Sacred Text; while, with regard
to peculiar words, no such suspicion can have any
place, since it is on such words still found in the
Peshito that the remarks of Ephraem are based.
The fact that be sometimes cites it differently from
what we now read, only shows a variation of copies,
perhaps ancient, or perhaps such as is found merely
in tbe printed text that we have.
From Ephraem having mentioned tranelalore ot
this version, it has been concluded that it was the
work of several : a thing probable enough in itself,
but which could hardly be proved from the occur-
rence of a casual phrase, nor yet from variations in
tbe rendering of tbe same Hebrew word ; such va-
riations being found in almost all translations, even
when made by one person — that of Jerome, for in-
stance; and which it would be almost impossible to
avoid, especially before the time when concordances
and lexicons were at hand. Variations in phrase-
ology give a far surer ground for supposing several
translators.
It has been much discussed whether this trans-
lation were a Jewish or a Christian work. Some,
who have maintained that tbe translator war a Jew,
have argued from his knowledge of Hebivrr ana
his mode of rendering. But these consiaVcvtions
prove nothing. Indeed, it might well be doubted
if in that age a Jew would have formed anything
except a Chaldee Targum ; and thus difruseness o*
paraphrase might be expected instead of eloseneae
of translation. There need be no reasonable objec-
tion made to the opinion that it is a Cbristisn work.
Indeed it is difficult to suppose, that before the dif-
fusion of Christianity in Syria, the version eould
have been needed.
it may be said that the Syriac in general ana,
ports the Hebrew text that we bare: bow far arga
meats may be raised upon mlnuta eoinddoneas o>
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reflations cannot be certainly known until the
tncient text of the version U better MtaMUhed.
Occasionally, however, it is clear that the Syriac
translator read one consonant for another in the
Hebrew, and translated accordingly ; at times an-
other vocalization of the Hebrew was followed.
A resemblance has been pointed out between the
Syriac and the reading of some of the Chaldee
Targums: if the Targum is the older, it is not un-
likely that the Syriac translator, using every aid in
his power to obtain an accurate knowledge of what
he was rendering, examined the Targums in diffi-
cult passages. This is not the place for formally
•Harassing the date and origin of the Targums
[see below, Takgwib] ; but if (as seems almost
certain) the Targums which hare come down to
as are almost without exception more recent than
the Syriac version, still they are probably the suc-
cessors of earlier Targums, which by amplification
have reached their present shape. Thus, if existing
Targums are more recent than the Syriac, it may
happen that their coincidences arise from the use of
a common source — an earlier Targum.
But there is another point of inquiry of more
importance: it is, bow far has this version been
affected by the LXX.V and to what are we to
attribute this influence? It is possible that the
Influence of the LXX. is partly to be ascribed to
copyists and revisers: while in part this belonged
to the version as originally made. For, if a trans-
lator bad access to another version while occupied
in making his own, he might consult it in coses of
difficulty; and thus be might unconsciously follow
it in other parts. Even knowing the words of a
particular translation may affect the mode of ren-
dering in another translation or revision. And
thus a tinge from the LXX. may have easily existed
in this version from the first, even though in whole
books it may not be found at alL But when the
extensive use of the LXX. is remembered, and how
won it was auperstitiously imagined to have been
made by direct inspiration, so that it was deemed
canonically authoritative, we cannot feel wonder
that readings from the LXX. should have been
from time to time introduced ; this may hare com-
menced probably before a Syriac version had been
made from the Hexaplar Greek text; because in
such revised text of the LXX. the additions, etc.,
In which that version differed from the Hebrew,
would be so marked that they would hardly seem
to be the authoritative and genuine text.
Some comparison with the Greek is probable
•wen before the time of Ephraem ; for, as to the
Apocryphal books, while he cites some of them
(though not as Scripture), the Apocryphal addi-
tions to Daniel and the books of Maccabees were
not yet found in Syriac. Whoever translated any
of three books from the Greek, may easily bare
also compared with it in some places the books pre-
viously translated from the Hebrew.
In the book of Psalms this version exhibits many
peculiarities. Either the translation of the Psalter
dust be a work independent of the Peshito in
general, or else it has been strangely revised and
Utered, not only from the Greek," bur <k» from
• Remaps as to this the version of the Paain* from
.as Omsk mads by Polyearp (to be mentioned pras-
saar/t has not bean sumeleDtly taken Into account.
■dead, remarkably little attention appaaa to have
coon naM to the evidence that such a vetatac ex-
liturgical use. Perhaps, indeed, the Psalms are a
different version ; and that in this espect the prac-
tice of the Syrian churches is like that of the
Roman Catholic Church and the Church of England
in using liturgically a different version of the book
so much read eeclesisstically.
It is stated that, after the divisions of the Syrian
Church, there were revisions of this one version by
the Honophysitee and by the Nostorians : probably
it would be found, if the subject could be fully
investigated, that them were in the hands of differ-
ent parties copies in which the ordinary accidents
of transcription had introduced variations.
The Knrkapheatum recension mentioned by
Bar-Hebneus was only known by name prior to
the investigations of Wiseman ; it is found in two
MSS. in tile Vatican ; it was formed for the use
of Monophysites ; there is peculiarity in the
punctuation introduced, by a leaning towards the
Greek; but it is, as to its substance, the Peshito
version.
B. Tht Syriiic tertian from Ike HtxnjJar
Orttk TtxU — The only Syriac version of the Old
Test, up to the 6th century was apparently the
Peshito. The first definite intimation of a portion
of the Old Testament translated from the Greek is
through Moses Aghelssus. This Syriac writer
lived in the middle of the 6th century. He made
a translation of the Giaphyra of Cyril of Alexan-
dria from Greek into Syriac; and, in the prefixed
Epistle, he speaks of the versions of the Mew Test,
and the Ptalter, " which Polyearp (rest his soul I),
the Chorepiscopus, made in Syriac for the faithful
Xenaias, the teacher of Mabug, worthy of the mem-
ory of the good." * We thus see that a Syriao
version of the Psalms had a similar origin to the!
Philoxenian Syriac New Test. We know that the
date of the latter was A. D. 508; the Psalter was
probably a contemporaneous work. It is said that
the Nestorian patriarch, Marabba, A. p. 563, mad*
a version from the Greek ; it does not appear to be
in existence, so that, if ever it was completely exe-
cuted, it was probably superseded by the Hexaplar
version of Paul of Tela; indeed Paul may hare
used it as the basis of his work, adding marks of
reference, etc
The version by Paul of Tela, a Monophysite, was
made in the beginning of the 7th century; for its
basis he used the Hexaplar Greek text — that is,
the LXX., with the corrections of Origen, the
asterisks, obeli, etc., and with the references to the
other Greek versions.
Tbe Syro-Hexaplar version was made on the
principle of following the Greek, word for word, as
exactly as possible. It contains the marks intro-
duced by Origen ; and the references to the versions
of Aquila, Symmaclius, Theodotion, etc. In fact,
it is from this Syriac version that we obtain our
most accurate acquaintance with the results of the
critical labors of Origen.
Andreas Mnaius, in his edition of the book of
Joshua," first used the results of this Syro-Hexa-
plar text; for, on the authority of a MS. in his
possession, he revised the Greek, introducing attet
isks and obeli, thus showing what Origen had done,
• toss I. BMtotktm OritnUuii, II. 88 ; w
howerst, tbe obscure Syriac is turned Into still ;
obseun *tin.
c Josusb lmpeiaton* hlitorla Illustrate atqss «
cats ab Andrea Mask. Antwerp, 1ST*.
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VKBSIOXS, ANCIENT (SYRIAC;
how butch he had inserted In the text, and what
fce hid marked as uot found hi the Hebrew. The
fivriac US. uied by Uasiua haa been long hut;
though in this daj, after the recovery of the Codex
lteucblini of the Apocaljpte (from which Erasmus
firat edited that book) by Prof. Deiitzach, It could
hardly be a cause for aurpriae if thia Syrian Codex
were again found.
It la from a US. in the Ambroaian Library at
Milan that we poaaeaa accurate means of knowing
thia Syriac version. The US. in question contains
the Paalma, Job, Proverbs, Eccleshiatet, Canticles,
Wiadom, Kcclesiasticus, Minor Propheta, Jeremiah,
Baruch, Daniel, KsekieL and Isaiah. Norberg pub-
lished, at Lund in 1787, the books of Jeremiah
and Ezekiel, flora a transcript which be had made
of the US. at Milan. In 1788, Bugati published
at Milan the book of Daniel ; he alto edited the
Psalms, the printing of which had been completed
before his death in 1816; it was published in
1830. The rest of the contents of the Milan Codex
(with the exception of the Apocryphal bookaj waa
published at Berlin in 183S, by Uiddeldorpf, from
the transcript made by Norberg; Uiddeldorpf also
added the 4th (2d) book' of Kings from a MS. at
Paris.
Besides these portions of thia Syriac version, the
MSS. from the Nitrian monasteries now in the
British Museum would add a good deal more :
amongst these there are six, from which much
uigbt be drawn, ao that part of the Pentateuch
and other books may be recovered ." These USS.
are like that at Milan, in having the marks of Ori-
gan in the text; the references to readings In the
margin ; and occasionally the Greek word itself is
thus cited in Greek.
Dr. Antonio Ceriani, of the Ambroaian Library
at Milan, after having for a considerable time pro-
posed to edit the portions of the Syro-Hexaplar
Codex of Milan which had hitherto remained in
US., commenced each a work in 1861 (Mcmumenta
Sacra tt Profana, Optra Colby ii BlblioUteca
Ambroriana), the firat part of the Syriac text
being Baruch, Lamentations, and the Epistle of
Jeremiah. To thia work Ceriani aubjoined a colla-
tion of some of the more important texts, and crit-
ical notes. A second part haa since appeared. It
la to be hoped that he may thua edit the whole
MS., and that the other portions of this version
known to be extant may soon appear in print
The value of this version for the criticism of the
LXX. is very great. It supplies, aa far as a ver-
sion can, the lost work of Origen.
The list of versions of the Old Teat. Into Syriac
alien appears to be very numerous ; but on exam-
nation it is found that many translations, the
a The following is the notation of chess MSS., and
tosir contents and dates : —
12,138 (besides the Peahlto Exodus) ; Jos/uia (defective),
cent. vii. " Translated from a Greek US. of the
llexapla, collated with one of the Tetrapla."
12,18*. Exodu*. a. ». 697.
14,484, Pialtru tunned from two MSS. cent. Till, (with
the Song of the Three Children subjoined to the
second). Both MSS. an detective. Subscription,
" According to the LXX."
14,487, Vumten and 1 Kings, defective (cent Til. or
TUi.) The subscription to 1 Kings saya that It was
translated into Syriac at Alexandria in the year 927
' ti. D. 616).
4,44s, Oiwii, oVfecrlve (with 1 Sam. Pashlto).
« according to the LXX." (cent. vL).
names of which appear in a catalogue, are t-O)
either such aa never had an actual eusteoc-, at
else that they are either the version from the
Hebrew, or else that from the Hexaplar text of the
LXX., under different names, or with some slight
revision. To enumerate the supposed versions is
needless. It is only requisite to mention that
Thomas of HarkeL whose work in the revision of a
translation of the New Test, will have to be men-
tioned, seems also to have made a translation from
the Greek into Syriac of some of the Apocryphal
books — at least, the subscriptions in certain M88.
state thia.
II. The Stkiao New TBeTAarmtr Vana.
aioKs.
A. The Puhito-StpvK JV. T. (Text of WiuV
manstadt, and Cureton's Gospels.)
In whatever forma the Syriac New Test, may
have existed prior to the time of PhUoxeuus (the
beginning of the tucth century), who caused a new
translation to be made, it will be more convenient
to consider all such moat ancient translations or
revisions together; even though there may be rea-
sons afterwards assigned for not regarding the ver-
aion of the earlier ages of Christianity as absolutely
one.
It may stand as an admitted net that a version
of the New Teat, in Syriac existed in the 9d cen-
tury ; and to thia we may refer the statement of
Kusebiua respecting Hegesippus, that he " mads
quotations from the Gospel according to the He-
brews and the Syriac," (k t« rov an? 'E/Sooiows
(i/ayyt\(ov teal rod Xvpiaxov {Hut- Ace/, ir. S3).
It seems equally certain that in the 4th century
such a version waa as well known of the New
Test, as of the Old. It was the companion of
the Old Test, translation made from the Hebrew,
and aa such was iu habitual use in the Syriac
churches. To the translation in common use
amongst the Syrians, orthodox, Honophysite, ot
Nestorian, from the 6th century and onward, the
name of Peshito haa been aa commonly applied in
the New Teat, as the Old. In the 7th century at
least the version so curreut acquired the name of
J^Oj-O, old, in contrast to that which waa then
formed and revised by the Honophyeites.
Though we have no certain data as to the origin
of this version, it is probable on every ground that
a Syriao translation of the New Test, was an ac-
companiment of that of the Old ; whatever there-
fore bean on the one, bears on the other also.
There seem to be but few notices of the old
Syriac version In early writers. Cosmaa Indioo-
pleuatea, in the former half of the 6th century
incidentally informs us that the Syriao translation
17,108, Judfu and Hulk, defective (cent. vtl. «r ran>
Subscription to Judges, " According to the IXX. ; "
to Ruth, " From the Tetrapla of the LXX."
The notes on these MSS. made by the present write*
In 1867, have been kindly compared snd ampliflad bf
Bar. William Wright of the British Museum.
BxSrdam Issued at Copenhagen In 1869 the firat por-
tion of an edition of the MS. 17,108 : another part baa
since been published. (Title: Uari Judiatm «t
Ruth ueundum Ymfonem Sfriaco- Hk tnplonm , etc
2 nun. Havniss, 1869-61] Some or these MSS. wan
written In the same century In which the version wa#
made. They may probably be depended Of as gtveaa
the text with I
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VERSIONS ANCIENT (SYRIAO)
3381!
Joas jot contain the Second Epjstle of Peter, 3 and
1 John, and Jude. This m found to be correct
when a thousand yean afterwards this ancient
translation became again known to Western schol-
ars. In 1569, Moses of Mardin came to Home to
Pope Julius III., commissioned by Ignatius the
Jacobite (Monophysite) patriarch, to state his relig-
ious opinions, to effect (it is said) a union with
the Romish Church, and to get the Svrinc ffew
'est printed. In this last object Moses railed both
st Rome and Venice. At Vienna be was, however,
aoesessful. Widmanstadt, the chancellor of the
Emperor Ferdinand 1., had himself learned Syriae
from Theseus Auibrosius many years previously;
and through his influence the emperor undertook
the charge of an edition, which appeared in 1555,
through the Joint labors of Widmanstadt, Moses,
and PostelL Some copies were afterwards issued
with the data of 1593 on the back of the title."
In having only three Catholic epistles, this Syrisc
New Test agreed with the description of ('osnias;
the Apocalypse was also wanting, as well as the
section John nil. 1-11; this last omission, and
some other points, were noticed in the list of errata.
The editors appear to have followed their M83.
with great fidelity, so that the edition is justly
valued. In subsequent editions endeavors were
made oonjectnrally to amend the text by introduc-
ing 1 John v. 7 and other portions which do not
bekmg to this translation. One of the principal
sditions is that of Leusden and Schaaf ; in this the
text is made as full as possible by supplying every
lacuna from any source; in the punctuation there
is a strange peculiarity, that in the former part
Leusden chose to follow a sort of Chaldee analogy,
while on his death Schaaf introduced a regular sys-
tem of Syriae vocalization through all the rest of
the volume. The lexicon which accompanies this
edition is of great value. This edition was first
issued in 1708: more copies, however, have the
date 1709; while some have the false and dishonest
statement on the title page, " Seeunda editio a
mendis purgata," and the date 1717. The lata
Professor Lee published an edition in 1816, in
which he corrected or altered the text on the au-
thority of a few MSS. This is so far independent
of that of Widmanstadt. It is, however, very far
short of being really a critical edition. In 1838,
the edition of Mr. William Greenfield (often re-
printed from the stereotype plates) was published
by Messrs. Bags'er: in this the text of Widman-
stadt was followed (with the vowels fully expressed),
and with certain supplements within brackets from
Lee's edition. For the collation with Lee's text
Greenfield was not responsible. There are now In
this country excellent materials for the formation
of a critical edition of this version ; it may, however,
be sail, that se in its first publication the MSS.
employed were honestly used, it Is in the text of
Widmanstadt in a far better condition than is the
■aablto Old Testament
■ The date of 1665 appears repeatedly In the body
kf the volume ; at the end of she Qospals, Hay 18,
1665; 8t Paul's Ipp., July 18, 1665; Acts, Aug. 14,
1666; Cash. 1pp. and the conclusion, Sept. 87, 1656.
the volume is dedicated to the Smparor Ferdinand,
Ind the contents mention tkrte other dedications to
■Cher members of the Imperial house. All of (hess
fuse are often wanting, and two of them, addres s ed
the Archdukes Ferdinand and Charles, an not only
ssnseally wanting, but it is even said that no copy k
Mam, fc which they are found.
This Syriae Version baa been variously esti-
mated: some hare thought that in it tliey had a
genuine and unaltered monument of the second, o»
perhaps even of the Jirtt century. They thus nat-
urally upheld it as almost ooCrdtnate in authority
with the Greek text, and as being of a period ante-
rior to any Greek copy extant. Others finding in
It indubitable marks of a later age, were inclined
to deny that it had any claim to a very remote an-
tiquity ; thus La Croze thought that the commonly
printed Syriae New Test, is not the Peshito at all,
but the l'biloxentan executed in the beginning of
the 6th century. The fact is, that this version as
transmitted to us contains marks of antiquity, nnd
also traces of a later age. The two things are so
blended, that if either class of phenomena alone
were regarded, the most opposite opinions might be
formed. The opinion of Wetstein was one of the
most perverse that could be devised : be found in
this version readings which accord with the Latin;
and then, acting on the strange system of criticism
which he adopted in his later years, he asserted
that any such accordance with the Latin was a
proof of corruption from that version : so that with
him the proofs of antiquity became the tokens of
later origin, and he thus assigned the translation to
the teventh century. With him the real indica-
tions of later readings were only the marks of the
very reverse. Michaelia took very opposite ground
to that of Wetstein ; he upheld its antiquity and
authority very strenuously. ' The former point
could be easily proml, if one class of readings alone
were considered ; and this it confirmed by the con-
tent* of the version itself. But ou the other hand
there are difficulties, for very often readings of •
much more recent kind appear; it was thus thought
that it might be compared with the Latin as found
in the Codex Brixianus, in which there is an ancient
groundwork, but also the work of a reviser is mani-
fest Thus the judgment formed by Grieabaeh
seems to be certainly the correct one as to the pe-
culiarity of the text of this version; he says (using
the terms proper to his system of recensions):
" Nuili barum recensionum Syriaca versio, prout
quidem typis excusa est, simUis, varum nee ulll
promts dissimilis est In multis concinit cum Al-
exandrins reoensione, in pluribus cum Occidental!,
in nonnulUa etiam own Constantinopolitana, ita
tamen ut qua in banc posterioribus demum seculie
invecta sunt, pleraque repudiet UhtrtU ergo tem-
poribw ad Uracoe eodicei plane direrm ittrum iter-
umoue rtoogniia tut videtur " (Not. Test Proltg
Ixxv.). In a note Griesbach introduced the com-
parison of the Codex Brixianus, " Hlustrari boa
potest codicum nounullorum L-tinorutu exemplo,
qui priaeam quidem veraionem ad Occidentalem re-
censionem aecommodatam representant, sed passim
ad Juniores libros Gnecos refictam. Ex hoc getter*
est Brixianut Codex Latin**, qui mm raro a
Graco-Latinls et vetustloribus Latinis omnibus
solus diasedlt, et in Gnecoram partes transit" •
• Orksbaeh's most matured judgment on this sub-
ject was thus given : « Interpolation** autam * local
IrangaUorum parallelia, qusles apud Byram, Matt
xxvlll. 18, Luo. lx. 89, Item Matt. xxU. 22, 28, Mar. vt
11, xUi. 14, Luc. lv. 18, deprsbeuduntur, non magsi
otuun addltamenta e lsotknuurUs llbris In sacrum euo-
trxtum trsducta, velut Luc. it. 11, aut llturglcuss
mud anumentum Matt vl. 18, vitla sunt rf setsd
propria. .... Qnln plerasque interpolations aaode
•numerate*, cum alils ejusmodi generis multis, qua
anas In versions Byrlaea extant, ptunltaa ab sa ah
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3890
VERSIONS, ANCIENT (STRIAC)
Borne proof (hat the text of the common printed
Peahito baa been reurought, will appear when it
la compared with the Curetonlan Syriac Gospels.
Let it be distinctly remembered that this ia no
new opinion ; that it ia not the peculiar notion of
Tregelles. or of any one individual; for M the
question baa been reopened, it has been treated aa
If thia were some theory newly invented to serve a
purpose. The Rev. F. H. Scrivener, whoae labors
In the collation of Greek MSS., and whoae care in
editing Codex Augiensia of St. Paul's Epistles, de-
serve very hljjh commendation, avowed himself
many years a^o an ardent admirer of the Peshito-
Syriac. But even then he set aside its authority
very often when it happened to adhere to the
imeitnt Greek text, to the other ancient versions,
and to the early Fathers, in opposition to the later
copies. But when the judgment of Urieabach re-
specting the common printed Syriac had been re-
peated and enforced by Tregelles (Home's Introd.
vol. iv. p. 90S), Scrivener came forward as its cham-
pion. In his Introduction to Codex Augieusis, Mr.
Scrivener says, " How is this divergency of the
Peahito version from the text of Codex B explained
by Tregelles ? He feels of course the pressure of
the argument against him, and meets it, if not suc-
eessfally, with even more than his wonted boldness.
The translation degenerates in his hands into ' Hit
tension commonly printed at the Peihito.' Now
let us mark the precise nature of the demand here
Blade on our faith by Dr. Tregelles. He would
persuade us that the whole Eastern Church, dis-
tracted as it has been, and split into hostile sections
for the space of 1,400 years, orthodox and Jacobite,
Keatorian and Maronite alike, those who could
agree in nothing else, have laid aside their bitter
jealousies in order to substitute in their monastic
libraries and liturgical services, another and a spu-
rious version in the room of the Peshito, that sole
Surviving monument of the first ages of the Gospel
m Syria I Nay, more, that this wretched forgery
has deceived Orientalists profound as Michaelis ■
and Lowth, has passed without suspicion through
the ordeal of searching criticism to which every
branch of sacred literature has been subjected dur-
ing the last half century t We will require solid
reasons, indeed, before we surrender ourselves to an
hypothesis aa novel as it appears violently improb-
able" (pp. xiv., xv.). Mr. Scrivener's warmth of
declamation might hare been spared: no one calls
the Peahito "a spurious version," "wretched
forgery," etc., it Is not suggested that the Syrian
•hardies agreed in some strange substitution : all
that ia suggested is, that at the time of the tran-
sition Greek text, before the disruption of the Syrian
churches, the then existing Syriac version was re-
vised and modernised in a way analogous to that in
Which the Latin was treated in Cod. Brtxianus.
On part of Mr. Scrivener's statements the Rev. F.
J. A. Hort has weU remarked: "The text may
Arises et serlori demum tampon in cam trrepslass,
suum mini penmaram aet. Veruahna enlm clar. Hu-
gius < . . . . ooll. prolegomenls In majorem mcam N.
T. edlnonem, Hal. 1796, vol.1, p. lxxv.) snlmadvsrttt,
tsrstonem banc a Diorthota quodam vlderi recognltuu
futsee ao outigatam. Id quod qulnto saoulo lnaunta,
antequam ^ectasias orientates Nestorlanls et Mooophy.
vttins nxiM dlscinderentur, eventase suapteor, et In
tptstoll* magi* adhuc quam In Kvangelils locum ha-
Mh autumo." Commmtmruu Critiau, U. JaaVtr*
easts, U., In. HU
have been altered and corrupted between the fret
or second, and fifth centuries. This is all that Dr
Tregelles has supposed, though Mr. Scrivener a*
sails him with unseemly violence, as if he had rep-
resented the vulgar text aa ' a, wretched forgery.'
Mr. Scrivener's rashness is no less remarkable ht
calling this a • novei hypothesis,' when in fact it is
at least as old as Griesbach. . . . There is neither
evidence nor internal probability against the sap-
position that the Otd Syriac version was revised
into its present form .... in the 4th or even M
century, to make it accord with Greek MSS. then
current at Antioch, Edeaaa, or Nisibis: and witntmt
some ruck tvppcmtwn the Syriac lot mutt rest/as)
an inexplknblt phenomenon, unless we bring the
Greek and Latin texts into eonfirmity with it bj
contradicting the full and clear evidence irhieh ws
do possess respecting them. All that we have
now said might have been alleged before the Cnre-
tonian Syriac was d i sc over e d : toe case is rarely
strengthened in a high degree by the appearance
(in a MS. assigned to the 6th century) of a Syriae
version of the Gospels, bearing dear marks of the
highest antiquity in its manifest errors at well at
in its choicest readings. The appropriation' of the
name « Peahito,' appears to us wholly unimportant,
except for rhetorical purposes." *
These remarks of Mr. Hort will suffice in reaear-
ing the opinion stated by Tregelles from the charge
of novtlty or rashness : indeed, the supposition at
stated by Griesbach, is a simple solution of various
difficulties ; for if this be not the fact, then atru
other most ancient document or monument of the
New Test must have been strangely altered in its
text. The number of difficulties (otherwise inex-
plicable), thus solved, is about a demonstration of
its truth. Mr. Scrivener, however, seems incapable
of apprehending that the revision of the Peshito is
an opinion long ago held : he aays since, " I know
no other cause for suspecting the Peshito, than that
its readings do not suit Dr. Tregelles, and if this
fact be enough to convict it of corruption, I am
quite unable to vindicate it." « Why, then, do
not the readings "suit " Dr. Tregelles? Because,
if they were considered genuine, we should have (to
use Mr. Uort's words) to " bring the Greek and
Latin texts into conformity with it, by contradict-
ing the full and clear evidence which we do pi insist
respecting them."
Whether the whole of this version p r ocee d ed
from the same translator has been questioned. It
appears to the present writer probable that tin
New Test, of the Peshito is not from the same hand
as the Old. Not only may Michaelis be right ia
supposing a peculiar tranabitor of the Epistle to the
Hebrews, but ahn other parts may be from different
hands; this opinion will become more general the)
more the version is studied. The rtvithm to
which the version was subjected may bare aaa»
eeeded in part, but not wholly, in effacing aba i»
a Svsn MtehasHadld not think it needful to aaanma
that the Peahito had bean transmitted without aa;
change. " In using the Syriac version, wa mast neves
forget that our pe as an t editions an vary fanparaot, and
not conclude that every reading of the Syriac prints!
text was the reading of the Oreak MS. of the flrst cast
turjr." Marsh's Mickatlii, U. 46.
t> Jovrnat of Gonial and Stared PkBoamrf (that
bridge), teb. 1880, pp. 878, 878.
c » Plain Introduction," p. CM, Ji m n f
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VBB8IOHS, ANCIKKT (SYMACJ
8391
lieations of ■ plurality of translators. The Acts
tod Epistles Keu to be either more recent than the
Qespels, though far Ian revised ; or else, if coeval,
far mora corrected by later Greek MSS.
There u no sufficient reaaon for supposing that
tola version ever contained the bur Catholic
Epistles and the Apocalypse, now absent from it,
net only in the printed edition! but also in the
MSS.
Some variations in copies of the Fcahito have
been regarded aa if they might be styled Monophj-
sste and Nestorian recensions : but the designation
would be far too definite; for the differences are
■ot sufficient to warrant the classification.
The MSS. of the Keu-kaphennaii recension (aa
ft has been termed ) of the Peshito Old Teat, con-
tain also the New with a similar character of text.
• The Peshito version of the N. T. has been
translated into English by Dr. J. W. Etheridge, 3
vols. Lond. 1846-49, and by Dr. James Murdosk,
N. T. 1851. A.
Tht Cureloninn Serine GotptU. — " Compara-
tive erUlcistu " shows the true character of every
document, whether previously known or newly
brought to light, which professes to contain the
early text of the New Test By comparative crit-
leiaui ia not meant such a mode of examining au-
thorities as that to which Hr. Scrivener has applied
this term, but such a use of oombined evidence
aa was intended and defined by the critic by whom
the expression was (for convenience' sake) intro-
duced: that is, the ascertainment that readings
are in ancient documents, or rest on ancient evi-
dence (whether early citations, versions, or MSS.),
and then the examination of what documents con-
tain such readings, and thus within what limits
las inquiry for the ancient text may be bounded.
Thus a document, in itself modern, may be proved
to be ancient in testimony: aversion, previously un-
known, may be shown to uphold a very early text.
For purposes of comparative criticism early read-
Inge, known to be false, have often aa definite a
value in the chain of proof as those which are true.
In the process of comparative criticism nothing is
assumed, bnt point after point ia established by in-
dependent testimony : and thus the character of the
text of MSS., of ancient versions, and of patristic
citations, is upheld by their accordance with facta
attested by other witnesses, of known age and eer-
fcin transmission.
It was reasonable to suppose with Griesbaeh that
the Syriac version must at one time have existed in
a form different from that in the common printed
text: It was felt by Biblical scholars to be a mere
assumption that the name Puhito carried with it
•ana hallowed prestige j it was established that
was a groundless imagination that this version,
• It is very certain that many who profess a peculiar
aaubatkm Ibr tb« Peshito do this rather from some
traditional notion than from minute personal acquaint-
ance They suppose that It has soma prescriptive
tight to the first rank amongst versions, "ley praise
ts excellences, which they have not personally In-
vestigated, and they do not care to kuow wherein It
si defective. Every error In translation, every doubt-
mi reading, every supposed defect In the one known
KS. of the Cnretonlan Gospels, has been enumerated
•y those who wish to depreciate that veravn, and to
irtract from the critical merits of Its discoverer and
•sltor. But many of the supposed detects are really
fee very opposite ; and If thsy similarly examined the
Nahito, thsy might find more holt with It and with
aa edited, had been known from the earliest aires at
the original monument of Syrian Christianity.
Hence if it could be shown that an earlier version
(or earlier basis of the some version) bad existed,
there was not only no d priori objection, but ever
a Jetnonstrated probability (almost certainty) that
this had been the case. When it is remembered
how little we know historically of the Syriac ver-
sions, it must be felt aa an assumption that the
form of text common from the filth century and
onward was the original version. In 1848 TregeUer
(see Davidson's Jntrothctim to ih» Yea TttU
vol. L p. 439) suggested that •• the Nitrian MSS.
when collated may exhibit perhaps an earlier text"
This was written without any notion that it was
an ascertained (act that such a MS. of the Gospels
existed, and that the full attention of a thorough
Syriac scholar had been devoted to its illustration
and publication.
Among the MSS. brought from the Nitrian
monasteries in 1849, Dr. Cureton noticed a copy
of the Gospels, differing greatly from the common
text: and this is the form of text to which tha
name of Curetonian Syriac has been rightly ap-
plied. Every criterion which prone the common;
Peshito not to exhibit a text of extreme antiquity,
equally proves the early origin of this. The discov-
ery is in fact that of the object which was wanted,
the want of which had been previously ascertained.
Dr. Cureton considers that the MS. of the Gospels
is of the fifth century, a point in which all com-
petent judges are probably agreed. Some persons'
indeed have sought to depreciate the text, to point
out its differences from the Peshito, to regard al
such variations aa corruptions, and thus to stig-
matize the Curetonian Syriac as a corrupt revision
of the Peshito, barbarous in language and false in
readings." This peremptory judgment Is as reason-
able as if the old Latin In the Codex Vercellensis
were called an ignorant revision of the version of
Jerome. The judgment that toe Curetonian Syrisfl
ia older than the Peshito is not the peculiar opinion
of Cureton, Alford » Tregelles, or Biblical scholars
of the school of ancient evidence in this country,
bnt it is also that of continental scholars, such as
Ewald, and apparently of the late Prof. Bfeek.*
The MS- contains Matt i.-viii. 33, x. 31-xzUL
35. Mark, the four last verses onlv. John i. 1-49
iil. 6-vii. 37, xiv. 11-39; Luke it. 48-iii. 16, vii
33-xv. 31, xvii. 34-xxiv. 41. It would have been
a thing of much value if a perfect copy of this ver-
sion had come down to us ; but as it is, we have
reason greatly to value the discovery of Dr. Cureton,
which shows how truly those critics have argued
who concluded that such a version must hare ex-
isted ; sod who regarded this aa - proved fad, even
when not only no portion of the ersion was known
Its translator. The last fourteen chapters of the book
of Acts, as they have come down to us In the Peshito,
present far more grounds for comment than en equal
portion of the Curetonian. The Peshito Is a very
valuable version, although overpraised by some Inju-
dicious admirers, who (even If they have nod it) have
never closely and verbally examined It. Many have
evidently never looked further than the Gospels, even
though sided by Bebaafs Lado Interpretation.
» "Pernapf 'he earliest and most Important of all
the versions." Alnrd's Or. Tut. Proles;, vol 1. p. 11*
ad. 4.
* Bee Bleak's W^ttumg hnUu If. ft*. * tat, Act
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8392
VEBSION8, ANCIENT (STBIAO)
to 1* extant, but alio when even the record of its
existence was unnoticed. For there is a record
(bowing an acquaintance with this version, to which,
H well as to the version itself, attention has been
directed by Dr. Cureton. Bar Salibi, bisbop of
Amida in the 12th century, in a passage transUted
by Dr. C. (in discussing the omission of three kings
in the genealogy in St. Matthew) says: " There is
found occasionally a Syriac copy, made out of the
Hebrew, which inserts these three kings in the
genealogy ; but that afterwards it speaks of four-
teen and not of seventeen generations, because
fourteen generations has been substituted for seven-
teen by the Hebrews on account of tbeir holding
to the septenary number," etc"
It shows then that Bar Salibi knew of a Syriac
text of the Gospels in which Ahaziah, Joash, and
Amariah were inserted in Matt. i. 8; there is the
same reading in the Curetonian Syriac: but this
might have been a coincidence. But in ver. 17 the
Curetonian text has, in contradiction to ver. 8,
fourteen generations and not seventeen: and so
had the copy mentioned by Bar Salibi : the former
point might be a mere coincidence; the latter, how-
ever, shows such a kind of union in contradiction
as proves the Identity very convincingly. Thus,
though this version was unknown in Europe prior
to its discovery by Dr. Cureton, it must in the
12th century have been known as a text some-
times found, and as mentioned by the Monophysite
bishop, it might be more in use amongst his co-
religionists than amongst others. Perhaps, as its
existence and use is thus recorded in the 12th cen-
tury, some further discovery of Syriac MSS. may
furnish us with another copy so as to supply the
defects of the one happily recovered.
In examining the Curetonian text with the com-
mon printed Peshito, we often find such identity
of phrase and rendering as to show that they are
not wholly independent translations: then, sgain,
we meet with such variety in the forms of words,
etc., as seems to indicate that in the Peshito the
phraseology had been revised and refined. 6 But
the great (it might be said characteristic) difference
between the Curetonian and the Peshito Gospels is
In their readings ; for while the latter cannot in its
present state be deemed an unchanged production
of the second century, the former bears all the
marks of extreme antiquity, even though in places
it may have suffered from the Introduction of read-
ings current in very early times.
The following are a few of the very many cases
in which the ancient reading is found in the Cure-
Ionian, and the later or transition reading in the
Peshito. For the general authorities on the sub-
ject of each passage, reference must be made to
the notes in critical editions of the Greek New
Test.
Matt. xiz. 17, r( ms iptrrQs west toB o/voVoC;
the ancient reading, ss we find in the best authori-
ties, and as we know from Origen; so the Cure-
tonian: r( lit \4ytit a-yafdV; the common text
with the Peshito. Mstt. xx. 82, the clause of the
common text, koI to fidwruTfut » «VA /tairr(fo/uu
(and the corresponding part of the following verse)
are In the Peshito; while we know from Origen
a fas she Syriac of this part of the
Bar BallM, an Aasemanl, BMiothem Oritnlalu, U
10V.
e A oouatfcm of an ancient Syriac MS. or ths Gospels
Ueh, 7,167 In the British Mossum) showed that the
that they were in his day a peculiarity J St. Mark ■
omitted in the Curetonian with the other best au-
thorities. In fact, except the Peshito and soma
revised Latin copies, there is no evidence at al
extant for these words prior to the fifth century.
Matt. v. 4, 5 : here the ancient order of the beati-
tudes, as supported by Origen, TertuDian, the
canons of Eusebius, and Hilary, is that of placing
luutipiot ol wpacis, «c. r. A. before fiacdpioi ot
■wn/tovrrts, k. r. A.; here the Curetonian agrees
with the distinct testimonies for this order against
the Peshito. In Matt i. 18, we know from Irenssus)
that the name "Jesus " was not read; and this is
confirmed by the Curetonian : in fact, ths commor
readuig, however widely supported, could not have)
originated until 'Incovs yotaros was treated as a
combined proper name, otherwise the meaning of
toB 8e 'li)trov yptorov ^ yevaris would not he?
'• the birth of Jesus Christ," but » the birth of
Jesus. as the Christ" Here the Curetonian read-
ing is in roll accordance with what we know of ths
second century in opposition to the Peshito. la
Matt vi. 4 the Curetonian omits avrot; in tat)
same ver. and in ver. 6 it omits ir t«7 $ar<pa?: in
each case with the best authorities, but against the
Peshito. Matt. v. 44, has been amplified by copy-
ists in any extraordinary manner: the words in
brackets show the amplifications, snd the piece
from which each was taken : iyb le \tj* i/ur,
'Aymrur* roes Ixipobt i/j&r [fiAo-yrire reels
xarapapeVovi t/iat, I>uke vi. 28, *oAa>t wettrre
root iturovmu bpat, ibid. 27], aral rfmrt eyewsV
ihrta rats' \_irnpfa.(6vrm> i/tas koI, saw. 36]
timivrar i/ias. The briefer form is attested by
Irenssus, Clement, Origen, Cyprian, Eusebius, ete- ;
and though the inserted words and clauses are
found in almost all Greek MSS- (except Codices
Vaticanus and Sinaiticus), and in many versions)
including the Peshito, they are not in the Curelonvm
Syriac. Of a similar kind are Matt xviii. 36, t«
rapas-TaVara aln&y; Luke viil. 64, infiaXir t(m
rims (fa); Luke ix. 7, Aw' avrou; ix. 64, Its vol
'HAfax fVofnaw; xi. 2, ytrrfi+tra to OlAnsui o"e%.
is iv obpaty ical M tt}» yris\ xi. 29, rov was-
e)f/Tovi zi' ^t ypnfiiMreti nal faptffcuoi swospr-
T«ii John iv. 43, /col awrjASsr; v. 16, vol li+rrmi*
abrhv asroftTfirai; vi. 61, r/» iyb iatrm; vi. 89,
tsS (Amot.
These are but a few samples of the variational
which exist between the Curetonian Syriac and the
Peshito as to the kind of text: the instances of
this might be increased almost indefinitely. Thoss)
acquainted with critical results will know that soma
of those here specified are crucial texts in points of
comparative criticism. Such a comparison not only
shows the antiquity of the text of the Curetonian
Syriac, but it also affords abundant proof that ths)
Peshito must have been modernized and revised.
The antiquity of the Curetonian text is also
shown by the occurrence of readings which were,
ss we know, early current, even though rightly re-
pudiated as erroneous : several of these are In ths
Curetonian Syriac; it may suffice to n for to tht
long addition after Matt xx. 28.
The Curetonian Syriac presents such ■ text ss
we might have concluded would be current in tht
Syrians were In the habit of reforming tren- copies (a
some respects. The grammatleal forms, etc., of ths)
MS. are moeh mors ancient than those of the text of
Wldmanstadt, who has been followed by sneesMW
editors.
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VERSIONS, ANCIENT (8YKIAO)
<i898
~«_ uentnry. the Faihito has many features
wbiah oonU m< belong to that age; unless, indeed,
a* an nad; to reject aetahliahrrt facts, and thoae
if • very numerous kind: probably, <K baa!, two
It hi not needful for very gnat attention to be
paid to the phraseology of the Curetonian Syriae iu
order to aae that the Gospel of St. Matthew diners
in mode of expression and various other particulars
bom what we find in the rest This may lead us
again to look at the testimony of Bar Salibi; he
tells us, when speaking of this version of St. Mat-
thew, •' there is found occasionally a Syriao copy
madt outoftht Hebrew:" we thus know that the
opinion of the Syrians themselves in the 13th cen-
tury was that this translation of St. Matthew was
not made from the Greek, but from the Hebrew
original of the Evangelist: such, too, is the judg-
ment of Dr. Cureton : " this Gospel of St. Matthew
appears at least to be built upon the original Ara-
maic text, which was the work of the Apostle him-
self." {Ptt/act to tSyriiic GetptU, p. vi.)
Dr. Cureton rightly draws attention to the pe-
culiar title prefixed to the Gospel by St Matthew,
wJbOOj Jj»iAS>> v a*^.^JO). Now
whatever be the meaning of the word damphartho
here brought in — whether it signifies " the du-
tmd Gospel of Matthew," as rendered by Cureton,
or " the Gospel of Matthew set forth " [i. e. for
injanni throughout the ecclesiastical year], as Bern-
stein advances, supporting his opinion by a passage
in Asseuiani (which can hardly here apply, as this
copy is not so "set forth"), or, if it means (as
some have objected), " the Gospel of Matthew tx-
fiauttd " — still there must be some reason why
theirs* Gospel should be thus designated, and not
the others. But the use of the cognate Hebrew
verb in the Old Testament may afford us some aid
as to what loud of tzpUmntim is meant, if indeed
that is the meaning of the term here used. Iu the
description of toe reading of the law in Neb. viii. 8,
we are told, " 80 they read in the book of the law
iMnctly (ttJ'^EZp), and gave the sense, and caused
the people to understand the reading." 'Hie word
here need has been regarded by able scholars as
implying an interpretation from the ancient He-
brew into the form of Aranuean then current. Such
Mepkorash, when written, would be the germ of
jo Targuw of after ages. (See below, p. 3*96 a.)
. be same word may be used in the heading of St
Matthew's Gospel in the same sense — as being an
explanation from one Sbemitio tongue or dialect
into another, just as St. Matthew's Gospel turned
from one form of Hebrew into pure Syriao would
be.
But it may be asked, if St Matthew's Hebrew
(or Chaldaic) Gospel was before the translator, why
should he have done more than copy into Syriae
letters? Why tramlait at all? It is sufficient, in
reply, to refer to the Chaldaic portions of Daniel
and Em, and to the Syriao version made from
hem. In varying dialects it sometimes happens
hat the vocabulary in use differs more than the
grammatical forms. The verbal identity may often
<• striking even though accompanied with frequent
nriaUoo of terms.
• Bee Mosssiihelawsi in Asawnsnl, BUMalK. Oritnt.
* iMaee to the Syriao edition of 2 Pet tto.
We know from Jerome that the Hebrew St
Matthew bad "VIS) where the Greek has rrtoorter
We do not find that word here, but we read for
both rrio&rior and <rfin*por at the end of the
verse, Uo<X>t 1±jCO\ "a**,,* of the day"
This might have sprung from the interpretation,
■> morrow by morrow," given to "IHO ; and it ma)
be illustrated by Old Teat passages, e. g. Num.lv.
7, where TBJ-iri txfo b rendered by ) y » ^
AJ%La£s). Those who think that if this Syriae
version had been made from St Matthew's He-
brew, we ought to find "HIE here, forget that •
translation is not a verbal transfusion.
We know from Ensebius that Hegesippus cited
from the Gospel according to the Hebrews, and
from the Syriae. Now in a fragment of Hegesip-
pus (Routh, i. SIS), there is the quotation, pairaV
ptoi oi A$0a\fiol i/imr 0/ 0As roVrer ml ri aVra
bfAar ret iutoiorra, words which might be a Greek
rendering from Matt xiii. 16, as it stands in this
Syriae Gospel as we have it, or probably also in the
Hebrew work of the Apostle himself. Every notice
of the kind is important; and Dr. Cureton, fat
pointing it out, has furnished students with one of
the varied data through which a right ooneineion
may be reached.
Every successive investigation, on the part of
competent scholars, aids in the proof that the
Curetonian Gospels are an older form than those in
the Peahito; that the Peshito is a revision replete
with readings unknown in the 3d century (and
often long after) ; and that tho Curetonian text
possesses the highest critical as wall as historical
value.
The more the evidence, direct and indirect, is
weighed, the more established it appears will be
the judgment that the Curetonian Syriae of St
Matthew's Gospel was translated from toe Apostle's
Hebrew (Syro-CbaUaic) original, although injured
since by copyists or reviser*.
B. Tkt PhUoxcmam Syriae Version, and As
Rtviiiun by Thomn$ of Harkei. — Philoxenus, or
Xenaiss, Bp. of Hierapolis or Mabug at the be-
ginning of the 6th century (who was one of those
Monophysitee who subscribed the Htnoticon of the
Emperor Zeno), caused Polycarp, hie Chorepito o/mt,
to make a new translation of the New Test Into
Syriae. This was executed in a. D. (08, and it Is
generally termed Phikuenian from its promoter."
This version has not been transmitted to us in
the form in wbieh it was first made; we enly pos-
sess a revision of it, executed by Thomas of Harkei
in the following century (The Gospels, a. D. 616).
Pooocke, in 1980,* gives an extract from Bar Salibi,
in which the version of Thomas of Harkei Is men-
tioned; and though Pooocke did not know what
version Thomas had made, be speaks of a Syria*
translation of the Gospels communicated to him by
some learned man whom he does not name, which
from its servile adherenoe to the Greek was no
doubt the Harklean text In the Bibliolheca Ori-
entalit of Assemani there were further notices oi
the work of Thomas; and In 1730 Samuel Palmer
eent from the ancient Amid* (now Diarbekr) Syriae
MSS. to Dr. Gloucester Ridley, in which the ver-
sion is contained. Thus he had two copies of tin
Gospels, and one of all the rest of the New Test,
except the end of the Epistle to the Hebrews, and
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6894
VERSIONS, AKCIBNT jSTBIAO)
the Apocalypse. No other MSS. appear to have
vet oome to light which contain any of this version
beyond the Gospels. From the subscriptions we
learn that the text wu revised by Thomas with
three (tome oopiea say too) Greek MSS. One
Greek copy U similarly mentioned at the doee of
the catholic eputlea.
Ridley published, in 1761, an account of the
MSS. in hu possession, and a notice of this version.
He had intended to have edited the text: this was
however done by White, at different times from
1778 to 1803. After the publication of the Gospels,
the researches of Adler brought more copies into
notice of that part of the Harklean text. From
one of the MSS. in the Vatican, St. John's Gospel
was edited by Bernstein in 1881. It will be noticed
that this version differs from the Peshito, hi con-
taining all the seven catholic epistles.
In describing this version as it has comedown to
us, the text is tlie first thing to be considered. This
is characterised by extreme literality: the Synae
Idiom is constantly bent to suit the Greek, and
everything is in some manner expressed in the
Greek phrase and order. It is difficult to imagine
that it could have been intended for ecclesiastical
reading. It is not independent of the Peshito, the
words, etc., of which are often employed. As to
the kind of Greek text that it represents, it is just
what might have been expected in the 6th century.
The work of Thomas in the text itself is seen in the
Introduction of obeli, by which passages which
he rejected wen condemned ; and of ntteriitt, with
which his insertions were distinguished. His model
hi all this was the Hexaplar Greek text The
MSS. which were used by Thomas were of a differ-
ent kind from those employed in making the ver-
sion; they represented in general a much older and
purer text. The margin of the Harklean recension
oonUins (like the Hexaplar text of the LXX. ) read
tags, mostly apparently from the Greek MSS. used,
it has been questioned whether these readings are
not • comparison with the Peshito; if any of them
are so, they have probably been introduced since
the time of Thomas. It is probable that the Phi-
loxenian version wss very literal, but that the slav-
ish adaptation to the Greek is the work of Thomas;
and that his teat thus bore about the same relation
to that of Philoxenus sa the Latin Bible of Arias
Montanus does to that of his predecessor Pagninus.
For textual criticism this version is a good author-
ity as to the text of its own time, at least where it
doss not merely follow the Peshito. The amplifi-
cations in the margin of toe book of Acts bring a
M8. used by Thomas into close comparison with
the Codex Bazas. One of the MSS. of the Gospels
sent to Ridley contains the Harklean text, with
(Otoe revision by Bar SalibL
O. Bfriae FerttoM of Portiom vxmting m Me
• The Bsv. B. Harris Oowpar has courteously eom
wmtoated the following nottss relative to the Byriac
spratlyper in MSS. in the British Museum: "The
MS Ho. 7Jso of the Hth oentury doss not contain the
actual text of the Apocalypse, but a brief commentary
■poo It — upon paper, and not quits perfect ; the text
wnirag (o be that of our prtntad books. The tea of
be Apocalypse is apparently all found In No. 17,127,
s commeutarj upon the book of the 11th century,
This also teams to be of the same text as the printed
ft Da Man B»y» that this Byrlae MS. eontainsd
"omnia N T. 8yrlaol, qua) In prlertbus desraot edi-
ionibue " Doss thai mean that Jt merolr contained
Peehiio. — I. The second Epistle of Peter, the sec-
ond and third of John, and that of Jude. The met
has been already noticed, that the Old Syria* Ver-
sion did not contain then epistles. They wen
published by Pooocke in 1630, from a MS. In the
Bodleian. The version of these epistles as often
agrees with what we have in the Harklean recen-
sion, that the one is at least dependent on the other.
The suggestion of Dr. Davidson (Biblical CrUeum,
U. 196), that the text of Pooocke is that of Philox-
enus before It was revised by Thomas, seems soot*
probable. But if it is objected, that the traaslatioa
does not show sa great a knowledge of Greek as
might have been expected in the translation of
the rest of the Philoxenian, it must be remembered
that here he had not the Peshito to aid him. In
the Paris Polyglott these epistles wen added to the
Peshito, with which they have since been commonly
printed, although they have not the slightest rela-
tion to that version.
II. The Jftocalgpie. — In 1697 De Dim edited
a Syriac version of the Apocalypse, from a MS. In
the Leyden Library, written by one " Caspar from
the laud of the Indians," who lived in the latter
part of the 16th century. A MS. at Florence, also
written by this Cupar, has a subscription stating
that it was copied in 1682 from a MS. in the writ-
ing of Thomas of HarkeL in A. D. 633. If this is
correct it shows that Thomas by himself would
have keen but a poor translator of the N. T. But
the subscription seems to be of doubtful authority;
and until the Kev. B. Harris Cowper drew atten-
tion to a more ancient copy of the version, we
might well be somewhat uncertain if thh wen really
an aucient work." It is of small critical value, and
the MS. from which it was edited h) incorrectly
written. It was in the MS. which Archbishop
Ussher sent as a present to De <>ieu in 1681, in
which the whole of the Syriac N. T. is said to have
been contained (of what version is unknown), that
having keen the only complete MS. of the kind
described ; * and of this MS., in comparison with
the text of the Apocalypse printed by De Dion,
Ussher says, " the Syriac lately set out at Leyden
may be amended by my MS. copy " (Todd's Wal-
ton, i. 196, note). This book from the Paris Poly-
glott and onward, has been added to the Peshito
!n this translation. Some hare erroneously called
this Syriac Apocalyse the Philoxenian, a name to
which it ha* no title: the errooseems to have origi-
nated from a verbal mistake in an old advertise-
ment of Greenfield's edition (for which he was not
responsible), which said "the Apocahgm and the
Epittlet not found in the Peshito, are given from
the Philoxenian version."
III. The Syriac Verrim of John vUi. 1-lL —
From the MS. sent by Archbishop Dasher to Dt
Dieu, the latter published this section in 1631
what was previously wanting, or the whole, IncladtOf
such parts! It seems strange if this section of Be.
John stood In it alone. This makes it seem as If the
Interpretation given above were the troe one. Uaaoert
own description is this : " 1 have received the paresis
of the M. Test. [In Syriac] which hitherto we have
wanted In that language, namely, the history of tbs
adulterous woman, the 2d Epistle of Peter, the 3d and
8d Kplatlea of St. John, the Kpistle of Jude, and tfas
Revelation ; ss also a smill tractate of Ephrem Syrm
In his own language." Archbishop TJasber to Dr
Samuel Ward, June 28, KM (Todd's Hfe ef W a nes )
I.1B1).
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VERSIONS, ANCIEKT (TABOTJM)
8896
From De Dim it m incited is the Tendon Poly-
ilott, with ■ reference to Ussher'a MS^ and bene*
it has passed with the other editions of the PesUto,
where it is a mere interpolation.
A copy of the same vereion (essentially) la found
in Ridley'* Codex Bartatibou. when it ie attributed
to Menu, A. D. 623: Adler found it aleo in • Parie
MS. ascribed to Abbae Mar PauL
Bar Salibi cites a different vereion, out of Mar**,
Biabop of Amida, through the ehrooicle of Zach-
arias of Melitina. See Aaaemani (BibiioH. Orient.
li. 53, 170), who givea the introductory words.
Probably the vereion edited ie that of Paul (ai
•tated hi the Parie HS.) and that of Maraa the
one cited by Bar Salibi; while in Ridley'a MS. the
two an ooufounded. The Paul mentioned ie ap-
parently Paul of Tela, the translator of the Hexa-
plar Greek text into Syriae
I). Trx Jbbusalkm St hi ac Lkotioxahy. —
The MS. in the Vatican containing thia vereion
waa pretty fully described by S. E. Aawmani in
1746, in the Catalogue of the MSS. belonging to
that Library; but eo few oopiee of that work ee-
oaped deetructkm by fire, that it wae virtually un-
published, and ita contents almost unknown. Adler,
who at Copenhagen had the advantage of studying
one of the few copies of this Catalogue, drew publio
attention to this peculiar document in his Aurse
Ucberticht tenter bibiitchkrilitehen Rtite nack
Horn, pp. 118-187 (Alton*, 1783), and still further,
in 1789, in bis valuable examination of the Syriae
version*. The MS. waa written in A. D. 1030, in
peculiar Syriae writing; the portions are of course
thoee for the different festivals, some part* of the
Gospels not being there at all The dialect ie not
common Syriao ; it was termed the JenuiiUm
Syriae, from ita being supposed to resemble the
Jerusalem Talmud in language and other point*.
The grammar Is peculiar; the form* almost Chal-
dee rather than Syriae; two characters are used for
expressing F and P.
For critical purposes this Lectionary has a far
higher value than it has for any other: ita readings
often coincide with the oldest and beat authorities.
H is not yet known ae to ita entire text; for except
k small specimen, no part has been printed; Adler,
however, selected large numbers of readings, which
have been commonly uaed by critics from that time
and onward. In Adier's opinion its date as a ver-
'on would be from the 4th to the 6th century;
at it en hardly be supposed that it is of eo early
mi age, or thai any Syrians then could have need
eo corrupt a dialect It may rather be supposed
to be • translation made from a Greek Lectionary,
never having existed as a substantive translation :
to what age its execution should be assigned seems
wholly uncertain. (A further account of the MS.
' this version, drawn up from a comparison of
■jeemani's description in the Vatican Catalogue,
jnd that of Adler, with the MS. itself in the
Vatican Library, made by the present writer, is
given in Home's Jntrod. iv. 984-887, where, how-
ever, " Jerusalem Targum" twice stands for Tal
It appears, from the statement of Dr. Ceriani of
Milan, that Count Marescalcbi [Miniscalchi] has
met with • MS. of this Lectionary, and that he
has Jong had the intention of publishing it. [It
was published at Verona in 1861-04 by Count
Miaiaealehi-Eruao, in 9 vole. 4to, the first eonlain-
;<f the text, with a Latin translation; the second
raegnmena and glossary. According t: Davidson
(art. Syriae Vtniomt in Eitto's CycL of BM.
Lit., 3d ed.) the prolegomena are disappointing. —
A.}
Oft lk» Sji-too Vtrtiont. — Adler, N. T. Per-
stones Syriaam, Simplex, Philoxeniana et Hiero-
toiymilana denuo examinnta, 1789 ; Wiseman,
Horm Syriacct, 1827; Ridley, De Syriacarum N.
Faderit versionum indole atque tun, etc., 1761;
Winer, Commentatio de vertionit Y. T. Syriaco)
utu critieo caute inttitutnio, 1893; Wichelhaus,
De Novi Tett. vertione Syriaea antiqua qunm
Petchitko meant, 1850; Bernstein, 'De CharUemi
N. T. tranttatione Syriaea commentatio, 1857;
Cureton, Antient Rtcenekn of the Syriae Ooansfa
(Preface, etc.), 1858. 8. P. T.
TARGDM (DPann, from CD~jn ; Arab.
ftt^ySt to translate, explain); a Choldee word
of uncertain origin, variously derived from the
root* CCH, Dpi (eonip. Arab. ^ti>w **)»
etc.), and eveu identified with the Greek rpdynpa,
dessert (Fr. drnyiet), (trop. rpr/Wro, raw
Aoy*r, Dion. Hal. RhtU 10, 18), which occurs
often in the Talmud ae HDVn» \sna, or
MD'iin (" such as dates, almonds, nuts," etc.
Pee, 119 4): the general term for the CHAL
DEE, or, more accurately ARAMAIC VERSIONS
of the Old Testament.
The injunction to •' read the Book of the Law
before all Israel .... the men, and women, and
children, and the strangers," on the Feast of Tab-
ernacles of every Sabbatical year, as a means of
solemn instruction and edification, is first found in
Deut. xxxL 10-13. ' How far the ordinance was
observed in early times we have no means of judg-
ing. It would appear, however, that such reading!
did take place in the days of Jeremiah. Certain it
ie that among the first acts undertaken by Eara
towards the restoration of the primitive religion
and public worship is reported his reading <• before
the congregation, both of men and women " of the
returned exiles, " in the Book in the Law of God "
(Neh. viii. 2, 8). Aided by those men of learning
and eminence with whom, according to tradition,
he founded that moat important religious and polit-
ical body called the Great Synagogue, or Men of
the Great Assembly (nVnan nD33 "»»»»,
536-167), he appears to have succeeded in so firmly
establishing regular and frequent publio reading*
in the Sacred Records, that later authorities almost
unanimously trace this hallowed custom to time*
immemorial — nay to the time of Moees himself.
Such is the statement of Joeephus (c Ap. ii. 17);
and we read in the Acts, xv.21, >< For Moses of old
time hath in every city thera that preach him,
being read in the synagogue every sabbath-day."
So also Jer. Meg. i. 1 : >' Ezra has instituted for
Israel that the maledictions in the Pentateuch
should aleo be read in public," etc Further, Meg.
81 b, " Ear* instituted ten thing*, namely, that
there should be reading* in the Law also in the
afternoon service of Sabbath on the Monday, and
on the Thursday, etc .... But waa not this
instituted before in the desert, as we find ' they
went for three days and found no water ' (water
meanuig the Law, as Is. Iv. 1 is fancifully explained
by the rlaggada), until the ' prophet* aiming tbera '
arranged the three weekly readings? But Ear*
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VKE8ION8, AVOIKKT (TARGtTW
anly relneUtuted theni," eomp. also & Kama, 88
i, etc. To then ancient reading! in the Penta-
teuch were added, in the ooune of time, readings
in the prophet* (in tome Babylonian dtiei even in
the Hagiographa), which were called fmtSOn,
Uuflaroth ; but when and how then were intro-
duced b still matter of speculation. Former inves-
tigators (Abudraham, Eliaa 1-ovita, Vitrings, etc.)
almost unanimously trace their origin to the
Syrian persecutions, during which all attention to
the Law ni strictly prohibited, and even all the
eopiea of it that were found were ruthlessly de-
stroyed; so that, at a substitute for the Penta-
tenohieal Parasha, a somewhat tonesponding por-
tion of the Prophets waa read in the synagogue,
and the custom, ones introduced, remained fixed.
Kecent scholars on the other hand, without much
■how of reason, as it would appear, variously hold
the ffqflarah to have sprung from the sermon or
honiiletic exercise which accompanied the reading
in the Pentateuch, and took its txvrrbmn (as Haf-
tarah, by an extraordinary linguistic stretch, is
explained by Frankel) from a prophetic passage,
adapted in a manner to the Mosaic text under con-
sideration ; or, again, they imagine the Haflarah
to hare taken its rise spontaneously during the
exile itself, and that Ezra retained and enforced it
In Palestine.
If, however, the primitive religion was reestab-
lished, together with the second Temple, in more
than its former vigor, thus enabling the small
number of the returned exiles — and these, accord-
ing to tradition, the lowest of the low, the poor in
wealth, in knowledge, and in ancestry," the very
outcasts and refuse of the nation as it were b — to
found upon the ruins of Zion one of the most
important and lasting spiritual commonwealths
that baa ever been known, there was yet one thing
which neither authority nor piety, neither academy
nor synagogue, could restore to its original power
and glory — the Hebrew language. Ere king it
was found necessary to translate the national books,
in order that the nation from whose midst they
had sprung might be able to understand them.
And if for the Alexandrine, or rather the whole
oody of Hellenistic Jews, Greek translations had
to be composed, those who dwelt on the hallowed
soil of their forefathers had to receive the Sacred
Word through an Aramaic medium. The word
tPTfflO, Jfephonuk, " explanatory," « clearly,"
or, as the A. V. haa ft, " distinctly," used in the
above-quoted paasage of Neh. viii. 8, is in the Tal-
mud explained by " Targum." c Thus to Esra
himself is traced the custom of adding translations
Ib the then popular idiom — the Aramaic — to the
Ebdical readings (Jer. Meg. 28 i; J. Ned. It.,
t. Ned. I.; Maim. Hilch. Teph. xiL $ 10, etc.),
a " Tan kinds of families went up from Babylon :
Priests, Lsvltas, Israelites, pronuMd OWl, these
*hos» fathers are priests, bat whose motbers are not
tt for priestly marriage); praaslrtss, fteedmen, bas-
tsila (or rather those born in illegal wedlock) ; Me-
ahlahn (lowest menials of the Temple) ; "fWW
r ebowt whose lineage there Is sUeoee,' — of unknown
•there); and tQIDN, 'foundlings, of unknown
either and mother ' " (Kldd. 4, 1)
» "nata, on leaving Babylon, made It like onto
Mm flow" n^M nVlDD (»+
for which ha is also reported to have fixed the
Sabbaths, the Mondays and Thursdays — the tarn
latter the market and law-days, when the villagers
came to town — of every week (Jer. Meg. i. 1
Babe Kama, 88 a). The gradual decay of the
pore Hebrew vernacular, among the multitude at
least, may be accounted for in many way*. The
Midrash very strikingly points out, among the
cha r a ct eristics of the bog sojourn of Israel in
Egypt, that they neither changed their language,
nor their names, nor the shape of their garments,
during all that time. The bulk of their com-
munity — shut up, sa it were, in the small province
ef Goshen, almost exclusively reduced to inter-
course with their own race and tribes, devoted only
to the pasture of their flocks, and perhaps to the
tilling of their soil — were in a condition infinitely
more favorable for the retention of all the signs and
tokens of their nationality than were the Bebyio-
nian captives. The latter, scattered up and down
the vast empire, seem to have enjoyed everywh ere
full liberty of intercommunication with the natives
— very similar in many Repeats to themselves —
to have been utterly unrestrained in the exercise
of every profession and trade, and even to have
risen to the highest offices of state; and than,
during the comparatively short space, they struck
root so firmly in the land of their exile, that whan
opportunity served, they were, on the whole, loth
to return to the Land of Promise. What mora
natural than that the immigrants under Zernbfaav-
beL and still more those who came with Earn —
several generations of whose ancestors had been
settled in Babel — should have brought back with
them the Aramaic, if not as their vernacular, at nl
events sa an idiom with which they were perfectly
familiar, and which they may partly have con-
tinued to use as their colloquial language in Pales-
tine, as, in fact, they had had to use it in Babylon?
Continuous later Immigrations from the « Cap-
tivity" did not fail to reinforce and Anther to
spread the use of the same tongue. AH the de-
crees and official communications addressed to the
Jews by their Persian masters were in Aramaic
(Ear. Neh. onsnrn), Judsea being considered only
ss part of the Syrian satrapy. Nor moat it be
forgotten that the old colonists in Palestine (8 K.
xvii. 84) were Samaritans, who bad come from
"Aram and Babel," and who spoke ChaWee; that
intermarriages with women from Ashdod, Amnion,
and Moab had been common (Neh. liii. 88); that
Phoenicia, whose merchants (Tynans, Neh. xML 18)
appear to have settled in Palestine, and to have
established commercial relations with Judaea and
Galilee, contains large elements of ChsMee in it>
own idiom. Thus it came to pass that we find in
the book of Daniel, for instance, a somewhat forced
Hebrew, from which, as it would seem, the author
, «< And they read In the book of the law of Sol
dearly (UntOD), sod cava the u ncs is l ti d ing , e-
that taay anderstaed the reading : ' — < la the beak
or the Law ' — this is Hikra, the original reading hi
the Pentateuch ; ' B7TIEE, clearly ' — this la Tar-
gum " (Meg. 8 a ; Ned. 87 »). To this tradition alas
might be referred the otherwise rather enigmatical
passage (Sanh. 21 »| : "Originally," says Mar Sutra,
« the Law was given to Israel In Ibri writing sad the
holy (Hebrew) language. It was again given to there
in the days of Sara in the Aabtuith writing and taw
Annate language," etc.
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{tadly lapses Into the mote familiar Aramaic (eomp.
U. 4, etc.); that Oracle* wen received by the high-
prlests Johanan ■ and Simon the Just * in the Holy
rf Holies (during the Syrian ware) in Aramaic
(Sotah, 33, a) ; and that, in abort, tome time
before the Hasmonean period, thii was the lan-
guage in which were eouched not only popular
sayings, proverbs, and the Bin (tOYHn 7U7B,
Bereeh. R 107 d; Taneh. IT a: Midr. TehiH. 23
d; 61/, etc, etc.), bat official and legal documents
(Mishna Ketab. 4, 8; Tceeftah Sabb. e. 8; Edu-
■eth, 8, 4, — c. 130 B. a), en certain prayers*
— of Habylonlan origin probably — and in which
books destined for the great mass of the people
were written. 1 ' That, indeed, the Hebrew Lan-
guage — the " language of Kenaan " (Is. xix. 18),
or « Jehudith" (9 K. xrifl. 98, SB; Is. xxxvi. 11)
of the Bible — became more and more the lan-
guage of the few, the teamed, the Huh/ Lmgungt,
U7TpT» y<Sh, or, sua more exactly, )Vb
HOTVIp JT3, " Ungnage of the Temple," set
aside almost exclustrely for the holy service of relig-
ion : be it the Divine law and the works in which
this was contained (like the Mishna, the Boraitbot,
Mechllta, Sifri, Sifra, the older Midrashim, and
rary many portions of the Talmud), or the corre-
spondence between the different academies (witness
the Hebrew letter sent from Jerusalem to Alex-
andria alwut 100 B. a, Chag. Jer. ii. 9), or be
it the sacred worship itself in Temple and syna-
gogue, which was almost entirely carried on in pure
Hebrew.
If the common people thus gradually had lost all
knowledge of the tongue in which were written the
books to be read to them, it naturally followed (in
order •• that they might understand them ") that
recourse must be had to a translation into the idiom
with which they were familiar — the Aramaic.
That further, since a bare translation could not in
all cases suffice, it was nec e s s ary to add to the trans-
lation an explanation, more particularly of the more
difficult and obscure passages. Both translation
and explanation were designated by the term Ttir-
pwJn. In the course of time there sprang up a
guild, whose special office K was to act as int*r-
vrttert in both senses (Mctwgmim •), while for-
oeriy the learned alone volunteered their services.
These interpreters were subjected to certain bonds
and regulations a* to the form and substance of
their renderings. Thus (eomp. Mishna Meg. pat-
stat; Mass. Sofer. xi. 1; Maimon. Hileh. TephilL
IS, | lift; Orach ChaJ. 145, 1, 9), '• neither the
' ■ nor the interpreter are to raise their roices
i above the other; " " they hare to wait for each
« " The youths wbo went to combat at Anttoehla
hare been victorious."
» " Perished has the army which toe enemy thought
p lead efalnsl ths Temple."
e ntrodaetkn to the Bsfjadsh for the Pssaeh
(HSTlb VffVS) : «8ueh was the bread of misery
widen onr tubers ate hi the land of Mhnajtaa. Who-
ever h) needy, he some and eat with us ; whoever Is
ke want, he come and celebrate the Peesih. Thie
rear here, next year In the land of Israel ; thie year
ifetvst, next year free men." The Kaddith, f which
■eastwards a certain shmlneaOon as a prayer for the
lead was (Ivan, and which begins as follows : " Let
■here be magnrSed and sanctified the 0»«et Kama in
she worM wlitah He has treated aeeordlng to His
etu, end whleh Be roles ee HI* Ungdost, doriaf joe*
other until each have finished hie terse;" "the
Meturgeman is not to lean against a pillar or a
beam, but to stand with fear and with reverence; "
kt it nut to tut a written Titrgum, but he is to
deliver hie translation tna voce " — lest It might
appear that he was reading out of the TVaah itself,
and thus the Scripture* be held responsible for
what are Ate osm dicta; "no more than one vera*
in the Pentateuch, and three In the Prophets [a
greater license is given for the book of Father]
shall be read and translated at a time;" "that
there should be not more than one reader and one
interpreter for the Law, while for the Prophets on
reader and one interpreter, or two Int er pret e rs, era
allowed," etc (eomp. 1 Oor. xiv. 31 ft ; xil. 80; 9T,
28). Again (Mishna Meg. and Toeiftah, ad foe),
certain passages liable to give offense to the multi-
tude an specified, which may be read in the syna-
gogue and translated ; others, which may be read
but not translated ; others, again, which may
neither be read nor translated. To the first class/
belong At account of the Ci-tatim — a subject not
to be discussed publicly, on account of its most
vital bearing upon the r el ation between the Creator
and the Kncmos, and the nature of both: the deed
of Lot and his two daughters (Gen. xix. 81); of
Judah and Tamar (Gen. xxxviiL); the first account
of the making of the golden calf (Ex. xxxii.): all
the curses In the Law; the deed of Amnon and
Tamar (9 Sam. xiii.); of Absalom with his father**
concubines (9 Sam. xvi. 22); the story of the
woman of Glbash (Judg. xix.). These are to be
read and translated — being mostly deeds which
carried their own punishment* with them. To be
read but not translated are » the deed of Reuben
with his father's concubine (Gen. xxxv. 82); the
latter portion of the atory of the golden calf (Ex.
xxxii.); the benediction of the priests (on account
of its awful nature). And neither to be read
nor translated are the deed of David and Bath-
sheba (9 Sam. xi. and xii.), and according to on*
the story of Amnon and Tamar (9 Sam. xiii.).
(Both the latter stories, however, are, in Mishna
Meg. to. 10, enumerated among those of the sec-
ond claas, which are to be read but not translated.)
Altogether these Mttwgtmardm do not seem to
hare been held generally in very high respect; on*
of the reasons being probably that they were paid
(two Stlaim at onr time, according to Midr. B.
Gen. 98), and thus made (what P. Aboth especially
inveighs against) the Torah '• a spade to dig with
it" «• No sign of blessing," It was said, moreover,
" could rest upon the profit they made by tbefr
calling, since it was money earned on the Sabbath '*
( Pes. 4 4). Persons unfit to be readers, as those
Ufa and year days, and the Ilk of the whole house of
Israel, speedily sod in a near time, and ssj re,
'Amen: Be the Great Mama praised for ever aad
evermore,' " etc
* MegMath TeanHh, etc
• iwnna, \txnv\ Hsnurnn (a*
yjUa-a.y; An
Vi. Trmktmtut) JxejL A ajsaiea, ess.).
/Ooopraad m Or ninsainnls foeareua, Jp$ JT7*
rrfitfeS 0aog.lt a)
ii jr tt tf
» Train, •*»
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U898
VEB8IONB, ANCIENT (TABOUM)
whose dothes were so torn tod ragged that their
limbs became visible through the renta flimS),
their appearance thai not corresponding to the rev-
ereuce due to the Sacred Word iteelf. or blind men,
were admitted to tie office of a Meturgeman ; and,
apart {torn there not being the slightest authority
attached to their interpretation*, they were liable
to be (topped and silenced, publioly and ignomin-
lously, whenever they seemed to overstep the bounds
of discretion. At what time the regulation that
thuy should not be under fifty years of age (in odd
reference to the " men of fifty," Is. ili. S, men-
tioned in Juehaa. 44, S) came into use, we are not
able to decide. The Mishna certainly (peaks even
of a minor (under thirteen years) at being allowed
both to read and to act as a Meturgeman (comp.
Mishna Meg. patam). Altogether they appear to
hare borne the character of empty-headed, bom-
bastic fools. Thus Midr. Koh. has to Eccl. vii- 6:
" ' It is better to hear the rebuke of the wise: ' —
these are the preachers (Darsbanim) — ' than for
a man to hear the song of fools : ' — these are the
Meturgemaulm, who raise their voices in sing-song,
(TH73, or with empty fancies) : — < that the people
may hear.'" And to ix. 17: "'The words of
wise men are heard in quiet ' — these are the
preachers (Darahanim) — 'more than the cry of
him that ruleth among fools ' — these are the
Metnrgemanim who stand above the congregation."
And though both passages may refer more especially
to those Meturgemanim (Eraoras, speakers, ex-
pounders) who at a later period stood by the side
of the Chaeham, or president of the Academy, the
preacher car* s'foyryy (himself seated on a raised
dais), and repeated with a loud voice, and enlarged
upon what the latter had whispered into their ear
in Hebrew (/TnaS jwb V? »mb D3TT,
eomp. Matt. x. 87, " What ye hear in the ear, that
preach ye upon the housetops"), yet there is an
abundance of instances to show that the Meturge-
man at the side of the reader was exposed to re-
bukes of a native, and is spoken of in a manner,
not likely to be employed towards any but men
low in the social scale.
A fair notion of what was considered a proper
Targum may be gathered from the maxim pre-
ferred in the Talmud (Kidd. 48 a): " Whosoever
ranslates [ss Meturgeman] a verse in its closely
exact form [without proper regard to its real mean-
ing] is a liar, and whosoever adds to it is impiout
and a bkuphemtr, e. g., the literal rendering into
Cbaldee of the verse, ' They saw the God of Israel '
(Ex. xxiv. 10), is ss wrong a translation as ' They
taw tht anatt of God ; ' the proper rendering being,
'They saw the glory of the God of Israel.'"
[Comp. Samar. Pkst. p. 8813 *.] Other In-
stances are found in the Mishna (Meg. iv. 8);
« Whosoever renders the text (Lev. xvfii. 81) < And
thou shalt not let any of thy seed pass through the
fire to Moleoh,' by • Thou shalt not give thy seed
to be oarried over to heathenism (or to an Aramite
woman) ' [i. e. as the Gernara, ad loo. ; Jer. Sanh.
J, and Sifn on Deut, xviii. 10, explain It, one who
marries an Aramaic woman; for although she may
l • proselyte, she it yet sure to bear enemies
« As, according to trankel, tht LXX. was only a
aartad translation at first. Witness the conradon In
Ska last chapters of Hxodua, which, as men npsttttoos
to him and to God, since the mother will In tht
end carry his children over to idolatrous worship]
as also he who enlarges upon (or figuratively ex-
plains) the sections relative to Incest (Lev. xviii.)
he shall forthwith be silenced and publicly rebuked."
Again (eomp. Jer. Ber. v. 1 ; Meg. iv. 10), « Those
who translate ' 6 my people, children of Israel, as
I am merciful in heaven, so shall ye be merciful
on earth: ' — ' Cow or ewe, it and her young y«
shall not kill in one day ' (Lev. xxii. SB) they
do not well, for they represent the Laws of God
[whose reasons no man dare try to fathom] at men
axioms of mercy ; " and, it is added, " the short-
sighted and the frivolous will say, • Lo ! to a bird'a-
nett He extends his mercy, but not to yonder mis-
erable man . . .' "
The same causes which, in the course of time,
led to the writing down — after many Motorics of
oral transmission — of the whole body of the Tra-
ditional Law, the very name of which (mVI
H9 bS3B7, "oral law," in contradistinction to
aTOait* min, or "written law ") seemed to
imply that it should never become t fixed, im-
mutable code, engendered also, and about the same
period, as it would appear, written Targuma: for
certain portions of the Bible, at least. 11
The fear of the adulterations and mutilations
which the Divine Word — amid the troubles within
and without the common wealth — must undergo
at the hands of incompetent or Impious exponents,
broke through the rule, that the Targum should
only be oral, lest it might acquire undue authority
(comp. Mishna Meg. iv. 6, 10; Tosifta, ibid. 3;
Jer. Meg. 4, 1; Bab. Meg. 84 a; Sola, 89 6).
Thus, if a Targum of Job is mentioned (Sab. 115 a ;
TV. Soferim, 5, IS; Tosifta Sab. c. 14; Jer. Sabb.
16, 1) as having been highly disapproved by Ga-
maliel the Elder (middle of first century, a. d.), Who
caused it to be hidden and buried out of sight: we
find, on the other hand, at the end of the second
century, the practice of reading the Targum gen-
erally commended, and somewhat later Jeboehna
ben Levi enjoins it as a special duty upon his son*.
The Mishna even contains regulations about the
manner (Jad. iv. 6) in which the Targum is to be
written. But even in their written, and, as we may
presume, authoritatively approved form, the Tar-
gums were of comparatively small weight, and of
no canonical value whatsoever. The Sabbath waa
not to be broken for their sake as it waa lawful to
do for the Scripture in the original Hebrew (Sab-
US a). The Targum does not defile the hands
(for the purpose of touching consecrated food) a*
do the Cbaldee portions of Kara and Nehemiah
(Tad. iv. 8).
The gradual growth of the Code of the written
Targum, such as now embraces almost the whole
of the 0. T., and contains, we may presume, but
few snatches of the primitive Targuma, it shroud*,
in deep obscurity. We shall not fail to indicate
the opinions arrived at as to the date and author-
ship of the individual versions in their due places,
but we must warn the reader beforehand, that nc
positive results have been attained as yet, save that
nearly all (As names and data kMerlo commtmlj
(of chaps, xxv. and Mir.), wars originally left
latsd. Stadia In a similar manner laws in*
v&U j^or 4JU* Jk£« <n
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8899
mWattutd s» ihtm mutt be rejected. And we fear
■Jut, as long at Icait as the Targum shares the
hie of the LXX., tba Samaritan PenUteueh, the
■Hdnwh, the Talmud, ete. : namely, that ■ really
■aiticei edition remaine a thing occasionally dreamt
•(but never attempted, — eo long muet we abandon
the hope of getting any nearer a final eolation of
thie and many other still more important questions.
The utter corruption, moreover, of the Targum,
bitterly oomplained of already by FJias Levita
(an author, be it observed, of vary moderate at-
tainments, but absurdly overrated by certain of his
contemporaries, and by those who copied bis usually
shallow dicta without previous examination), de-
bars us from more than half its use. And yet how
fertile its study could be made; what light it might
be made capable of throwing upon the Bible itself,
upon the history of the earliest development of
Biblical studies, versions, and upon the Midrash —
both the Haiachah and Haggadah — snatches of
which, hi their, as it were, liquid stages, lie em-
bedded in the Targums: all this we need not urge
here at length.
Before, however, entering into a more detailed
aeoount, we must first dwell for a short time on
the Midrash' itaslf, of which the Targum forms
part.
The centre of all mental activity and religious
action among the Jewish community, after the re-
turn from Babylon, was the Scriptural Canon col-
lected by the Soferim, or men of the Great Syn-
agogue. These formed the chief authority on the
sivil and religious law, and their authority was tba
Pentateuch. Their office as expounders and com-
mentators of the Sacred Records was twofold,
rhey had, firstly, to explain the exact moaning of
such prohibitions and ordinances contained in tbe
Mosaic Books as seemed not explicit enough for
the multitude, and the precise application of whioh
m former days bad been forgotten during the Cap-
tivity. Thus, e. o., general terms, like the " work "
forbidden on the Sabbath, were by them specified
and particularised ; not indeed according to their
own arbitrary and Individual views, but according
to tradition traced back to Sinai itself. Secondly,
laws neither specially contained nor even Indicated
in tbe Pentateuch were inaugurated by them ac-
cording to the new wants of the times and the ever-
ihifting necessities of the growing commonwealth
(Gtteroth, Tekanoth). Nor were the latter in all
vases given on the sole authority of the Synod ; but
they were in most esses traditional, and certain
■fecial letters or sign* In the Scriptures, seemingly
mperfloous or out of place where tbey stood, were,
according to fixed bermeneutical rules, understood
to indicate the inhibitions and prohibitions (Ge-
rfartm, "Fences"), newly issued and fixed. But
scripture, which had for this purpose to be studied
most minutely and unremittingly — the most eare-
lol and scrutinising attention being paid even to
He outward form and semblance — was also used,
and more especially in Ha non-legal, prophetical
parts, for homiletie purpose s , as a wide field of
themes for lectures, sermons, and religious dls-
swasus, both in and out of the synagogue: at every
ssismnliy in pubne and private life. This juridical
and homlletiesl expounding and interpreting of
Scripture — the germs of both of which are fauna
still closely Intertwined and bound up with east
other in the Targum — is called darath, and the
avalanche of Jewish literature which began silently
to gather from tbe time of the return from the
exile and went on rolling uninterruptedly — bow-
ever dread the events which befell the nation —
until about a thousand years after the destruction
of the second Temple, may be comprised under the
general name Midrath — « expounding." The two
chief branches indicated are, Haiachah ( ""fvT!,
" to go "), the rule by which to go, = bin-ling,
authoritative law; and Haggadah ("07}, "to
say ") = saying, legend, — flights of fancy, darting
up from the Divine Word. The Haiachah, treating
more especially the Pentateuch as the legal part of
the 0. T., bears towards this book the relation if
an amplified and annotated code; these amplifica-
tions and annotations, be it well understood, not
being new laws, formerly unheard of, deduced in
an arbitrary anil fanciful manner from Scripture,
but supposed to be simultaneous oral revelations
hinted at in the Scripture: in any ease represent-
ing not the human but tbe Divine interpretation,
handed down through a named authority (Kabbah
Shemata — '• something received, heard "). The
Haggadah, on the other hand, held especial sway
over the wide field of ethical, poetical, prophetical,
and historical elements of the 0. T., but wss free
even to interpret its legal and histories) passages
fancifully and allegoricaUy. The whole Bible, with
all its tones and colors, belonged to the Haggadah,
and this whole Bible she transformed into an end-
less series of themes for her most wonderful and
capricious variations. " Prophetess of tbe exile,"
she took up the hallowed verse, word, or letter, and,
the Haiachah pointed out in it a special ordi-
nance, she, by a most Ingenious exegeticsl process
of her own, showed to the wonder-struck multitude
how the woral events under which they then
groaned were hinted at in it, and how in a manner
it predicted even their future issue. The aim of
the Haggadah being the purely momentary one
of elevating, comforting, edifying Its audience for
the time being, it did not pretend to potsru the
tUghiett authority. As its method wss capricious
and arbitrary, so its cultivation was open to every
one whoss heart prompted him. It la saga, tale,
gnome, parable, allegory, — poetry, in short, of It*
own most strange kind, springing up from the
sacred soil of Scripture, wild, luxuriant, and tangled,
like a primeval tropical forest. If the Haiachah
used tbe Scriptural word as a last aitd most awfhl
resort, sgainst which there was no further appeal,
the Haggadah used it as the golden nail on whioh
to hang its gorgeous tapestry: u Introduetloa,
refrain, text, or fundamental stansn for a gloss |
and if the former was the iron bulwark around the
nationality of Israel, which every one was ready at
every moment to defend to his last breath, the
latter was a maae of flowery walks within those
fortress-walls. That gradually the Haggadah pre-
ponderated and became the Midrath kot' Hoxbr
u the people, is not surprising. We shall notice
• BPTB (Arab, .-, » Juo), first nesd to 1 Oar.
(■. 9, xxtv. 37 ; " Oommtntary," in the anas of Oav
». (A. T. Jtwy !)■ The compilers of
OhrooVatss seen to have used such promlsraous worse
treating of MMIcal personages and events, provided Dm*
sonlatusd assjlil that served the tsnooosy of she been-
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VERSIONS, ANCIENT (TABGTJM)
sow each successive Targum became more and
more impregnated with ita essence, and from a
version became a succession of abort homiletics.
Thia difference between the two branches of Hidruh
is strikingly pointed in the following Talmudieal
story: »R. Chia b. Abba, a Hslaehist, and R.
Abbahu, a Haggadist, once came together into a
city and preached. The people flocked to the latter,
while the former's discourses remained without a
hearer. Thereupon the Haggadist comforted the
Halaehist with a parable. Two merchants come
Intc a city and spread their wires, — the one rare
pearls and precious stones; the other a ribbon, a
ring, glittering trinkets: around whom will the
multitude throng? . . . Formerly, when life was
not yet bitter labor, the people had leisure for the
deep word of the Law; now it stands in need of
eomfbrtings and blessings.''
The first collections of the Halnchak — embrac-
ing the whole field of juridioo-political, religious,
and practical life, both of the individual and of
the nation : the human and Divine law to its most
minute and insignificant details — were instituted
by Hiliel, Akiba, and Simon B. Gamaliel; but the
final redaction of the general code, Mu/ma," to
which the later Toaeftaha and Boraithaa form sup-
plements, is due to Jehudah Hannassi in 320 a. d.
Of an earlier date with respect to the contents,
but committed to writing in later times, are the
three books: Sifra, or Torath Kuhanim (an am-
plification of I.eviticus), SiJH (of Numbers and
Deuteronomy), and JJechiUha (of a portion of
Exodus). The masters of the Mishnalc period,
after the Soferim, are the Tannaim, who were fol-
lowed by the Anioraim. The discussions and
further amplifications of the Hiahna by the latter,
form the Gtmara (Complement), a work extant in
two redactions, namely, that of Palestine or Jeru-
salem (middle of 4th, century), and of Babylon
(6th century A. D.), which, together with the
Mishna, are comprised under the name Talmud.
Here, however, though the work is ostensibly de-
voted to Halachah, an almost equal share is allowed
to Hagyadah. The Haggadistic mode of treatment
was threefold : either the simple understanding of
words and things (Ptihat) or the homiletic appli-
cation, holding up the mirror of Scripture to the
present (Dertuh), or a mystic interpretation (Sod),
the second of which chiefly found its way into the
Targum. On its minute division into special and
general, ethical, historical, esoteric, etc., Haggadah,
we cannot enter here. Suffioe it to add that the
most extensive collections of it which have sur-
vived are Hidraab Rabbah (commenced about 700,
concluded about 1100 a. d.), comprising the Pen-
tateuch and the five Hegiiloth, and the Fesikta
(about 700 A. o.), which contains the most com-
plete cycle of Perioopee, but the very existence of
which had until lately been forgotten, surprisingly
enough, through the very extracts made from it
(Jalkut, Pesikta Rabbathi, Sutarta, etc).
From this indispensable digression we return to
the subject of Targum. The Targums now extant
are a* follows : —
L Targum on the Pentateuch, known as that of
Onkelos.
IX Targum on the first and last prophets, known
■ that of Jonathan Ben-UaxW.
• Msmna, from saaaa, "to learn," "
a erroneously translated of old, and
toss, AavrapMW, " rtptttOou j " but
learning," not,
III. Targum on the Pentateuch, I
as that of Jonathan Ben-DaxleL
IV. Targum on portions of the
known sa Targum JerushahnL
V. Targums on the Hagiographa, asm II ml to
Joseph the Blind, namely: —
1. Targum on Psalms, Job, Promos.
3 Targum on the five Megilloth (Song of Songa
Ruth, Lamentations, Esther, Eccleaiaatee).
8. Two (not three, aa commonly stated) other
Targums to Esther: a smaller and a larger, the
latter known as Targum Sheni, or Second Tar-
gum.
VI. Targum to Chronicles.
VII. Targum to Daniel, known from an mmab-
liahed Persian extract, and hitherto not reuivod
among the number.
Till. Targum on the Apocryphal pieces of
Esther.
We have hinted before that neither any of the
names under which the Targums hitherto went,
nor any of the dates handed down with them,
have stood the test of recent scrutiny. Let it,
however, not for a moment be supposed that a
skeptic Wolfian school has been at work, and with
hypercritical and wanton malice has tried to annihi-
late the hallowed names of Onkelos, Jonathan, anal
Joseph the Blind. It will be seen from what fol-
lows that most of these names have or may hanw
a true historical foundation and meaning; hot an-
critical ages and ignorant scribes have perverted
this meaning, and a succession of most extraordi-
nary misreadings and strangest sVrsoa rsoTsaa—
some even of a very modern date — have produced
rare confusion, and a chain of assertions which dis-
solve before the first steady gaze. That, notwith-
standing all this, the implicit belief in the old
names and dates still reigns supreme will surprise
no one who has been accustomed to see the moat
striking and undeniable results of investigation and
criticism quietly ignored by contemporaries, and
forgotten by generations which followed, so that
the eame work had to be dene very many times
over again before a certain fact was allowed to be
such.
We shall follow the order indicated above: —
I. Tub Takoum op Onkelos.
It will be naocse ar y, before we discuss this work
itself, to speak of the person of its reputed author
as far as it concerns us here. There are few more
contested questions in the whole province of Bibli-
cal, nay general literature, than those raised on
this head. Did an Onkelos ever exist? Was there
more than one Onkelos? Was Onkelos the real
form of his name? Did be translate the Bible
at all, or part of it? And is this Tsrgura the
translation he made? Do the dates of his life
and this Targum tally? etc, etc. The ancient
accounts of Onkelos are avowedly of the most cor-
rupted and confused kind : so much so that both
ancient and modern investigators have failed to
reconcile and amend them so sa to gain general
satisfaction, and opinions remain widely divergent.
This being the case, we think it our duty to 1st
the whole — not very voluminous — evidence, eet-
lected both from the body of Talmudieal and poas-
Tahnudical (so-called Rabbinical) and patristit
exactly with Talmud (from lamnd, " to team "), aaf
Torah (from *•»•*, « to taaeh")- all thteal
tag « >*• *«*»,'' by way of sauna
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VERSIONS, ANCIENT (TABQTJM)
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witing* before the leader, in orler that he may
j dge for himself how far the conclusions to which
we ihafl point may be right.
The first mention of " Onkeloe " — a name vari-
ously derived from Nicolaua (Geiger J, 'Orofia icaAA
[sic] (Kenan), Homunculus, Avunculus, etc. — moie
folly " Onkeloe the Proselyte," is found in the To-
nftih, a work drawn up shortly after the Hishna.
Hera we learn (1) that "Onkeloa the Proselyte"
ww to serious in bis adherence to the newly-adopted
(Jewish) faith, that he threw his share in his pa-
ternal inheritance into the Dead Sea (To*. Demai,
ri. 9). (2.) At the funeral of Gamaliel the elder
(Lit centnrj A. D.) he burnt more than 70 mine
worth of apices in bis honor (To*. Shabb. 8). (3.)
Tbis same story is repeated, with variations (Tos.
*emach. 8). (4.) He is finally mentioned, by way
of corroboration to different Halnchas, in connec-
tion with Gamaliel, hi three more places, which
cuoplete our r efer e n ces from the Tosiftah (Tos.
Mikv. 6, I; Kelim, iii. 2, 2; Chag. 3, 1). The
Bab; Ionian Talmud, the source to which we turn
our attention next, mentions the name Onkelos
four times: (1.) As « Onketos the Proselyte, the
ton of Kalonikos" (Callinicus? Cle«nicus?), the
«a of Titus' sister, who, intending to become a
(Mirert. conjured up the ghosts of Titus, Balaam,
sod Christ [the latter name is doubtful], in order
to ask than what nation was considered the first
in the other world. Their answer that Israel was
the favored one decided him (Gitt. 56). (2.) As
"Onkeloe the son of Kalonymus " (L'leonymus?)
(Aboda Sax. 11 a). It is there related of him
that the emperor (Kaimr) sent three Roman
cohorts to capture him, and that he converted
them alL (8.) In Baba Bathra 99 a (Boraitha),
"Onketos the Proselyte " is quoted as an authority
oa the question of the form of the Cherubim. Ami
(4.) The most important passage — because on it
and it stone, in the wide realm of ancient liters-
tare, has been founded the general belief that
Onirics is the author of the Targum now current
under this name — is found in Meg. 3 a. It reads
at follows: " R. Jeremiah, and, according to others,
K. Chia bar Abba, said : The Targum to the Pen-
tateuch was made by the • Proselyte Onkeloa,' from
the mouth of R. Eliezer and R. Jehoshua; the
Targum to the Prophets was made by Jonathan
ben Ussiel from the mouth of Haggai, Zechariah,
ud MalachL .... But have we not been taught
that the Targum existed from the time of Ezra?
.... Only that it was forgotten, and Onkelos
restored it." No mention whatever is to be found
of Onkelos either in the Jerusalem Talmud, re-
dacted about a hundred years before the Uaby-
knian, nor in the Church fathers — an item of neg-
ative evidence to which we shall presently draw
further attention. In a Midrash collection, com-
pleted about the middle of the 12th century, we
ind again " Onkelos the Proselyte " asking an ok)
sun, " Whether that was all the love God bore
towards a proselyte, that He promised to give him
bread and a garment} Whereupon the old man
replied that this was all for which the Patriarch
Jacob prayed " (Gen. xxviii. 20). The book Zohar,
of late and very uncertain date, makes "Onkelos
a disciple of Hillel and Shammai. Finally, a MS.,
also of a very late and uncertain date, In the
library of the Leipzig Senate (B. H. 17), relates
of " Onketos, the nephew of Titus " that he asked
the emperor's advice at to what merchandiar ">e
thought it was profitable to trade in. The em
214
peror told him that that snould be bought whkh
was cheap in the market, since it was sure to risr
in price. Whereupon Onkelos went on his way.
He repaired to Jerusalem, and studied the Law
under R, Eleasar and R. Jehoshua, and his face
became wan. When he returned to the court, one
of the courtiers observed the pallor of his coun-
tenance, and said to Titus, " Onkelos appears to
have studied the Law." Interrogated by Titos, he
admitted the fact, adding that he had done It by
his advice. No nation had ever been so exalted,
and none was now held cheaper among the nations
than Israel: "therefore," he said, "I concluded
that in the end none would be of higher price."
Tbis is all the information to he found in ancient
authorities about Onkelos and the Targum which
bears hit name. Surprisingly enough, the latter la
well known to the Babylonian Talmud (whether to
the Jerusalem Talmud is questionable) and ths
Midraahim, and is often quoted, but never once tu
Taripm Onkeloe. The quotations from it are in-
variably introduced with irDrVimS, "As we
[Babylonians] translate; " and the version itself is
called (e. o. Kiddush. 49 n) ]TT ETPTL « Our
Targum," exactly as Ephraim Syrus ( Opp. i. 380)
speaks of the Peahito as " Our translation."
Yet we find on the other hand another current
version invariably quoted in the Talmud by the
name of its known author, namely, D 7*pV t32"VT,
"the [Greek] Version of Akilaa: " a circumstance
which, by showing that it was customary to quote*
the author by name, excites suspicion as to the re-
lation of Onketos to the Targum Onkelos. Still
more surprising, however, is, as far as the person
of Onkelos is concerned (whatever be the discrep-
ancies in the above accounts), the similarity be-
tween the incidents related of him and those re-
lated of Akilaa. The latter (DV|W, DVpM)
is said, both in Sifts (Lev. xxv. 7) and the Jeru>
sulem Talmud (Demai, xxvii. d), to have been born
in 1'ontus, to have been a proselyte, to have thrown
his paternal inheritance into an asphalt lake (1.
Jar. Demai, 25 d), to hare translated the Tossh
before K. Eliezer and K. Joshua, who praised hiiu
(10 7p, in allusion perhaps to his name, D7*''TO) i
or, according to other accounts, before R. Akiha
(comp. Jer. Kidd. 1, 1, 2, etc.,; Jer. Meg, 1, 11;
Babli Meg. 3 a). We learn further that he lived
In the time of Hadrian (Chag. 2, 1), that- be- was
the son of the Emperor's sister (Tanch. 28> 1), that
he became a convert against the Emperor's will (is.
and Sheiu. Kabba, 140 c), and that he consulted
Kliezer and Jehoshua about his conversion (Ber. 1C.
78 d: comp. Midr. Koh. 102 b). First he. is said to
have gone to the former, and to hare asked him
whether that was all the love God bore a proselyte,
that He promised him bread and a garment (Gen
xxviii. 20). " See," be said. " what exquisite birds
and other delicacies I now have: even my slaves
do not care for them any longer." Whereupon K.
Eliezer became wroth, and said, '< Is that foi
which Jacob prayed, ' And give me bread to cut
and a garment to wear,' so small in thins eyes? —
Comes he, the proselyte, and receives these things
without any trouble ! " — And Akilaa, dissatisfied,
left the irate Master and went to R. Joshua. He
parified him, and explained to him that " Bread "
meant the Divine 1 .aw, and " Garment," the Talith,
I a- sacred garment to be worn during prayer. » And
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VBIUJIONS, ANCIKKT (TAHGUM)
not thU atone, he contiuued, but the Proeelyte may
marry his daughter to a priest, and hi* offspring may
become a high-priest, and offer burnt-offerings in
the Sanctuary." More striking still is a Greek quo-
tation from OnttlMi, the Cbaldee translator (Midr.
Echa, 58 e), which in reality is found in and quoted
(Midr. Shir hashir. 37 d) from Akilas, the Greek
translator.
That Akilas is no other than Aquila ('Amfr at),
the well-known Greek translator of the Old Testa-
ment, we need hardly add. He is a native of
Pontus (Iran. adv. Ilea: 8, 94; Jer. Dt Vh-. IU.
c. 54; I'hilastr. Dc Har. § 90). He lived under
Hadrian (Epiph. lie Pond, et Mens. § 12). He is
called the xtrttplSrit (Chron. Alex. wcrOcpor) of
the Kmperor (t6. § 14), becomes a convert to Ju-
daism (§ 15), whence he is called the Proselyte
(ireii. to. ; Jerome to Is. viii. 14, etc.), and receive*
instructions from Akiba (Jer. ib.). He translated
the U. '1'., and his Version was considered of the
highest import and authority among the Jews, es-
pecially those unacquainted with the. Hebrew Ian
guage (Kuseb. Prop. Kv 1. c. ; Augustin, Civ. D.
xv. 28; PhUastr. Hm: 90; Justin, NimtlL 146).
Thirteen distinct quotations " from this Version.are
preserved in Talmud and Midrash, and they tally,
tor the most part, with the corresponding passages
preserved in the HexapU; and for those even which
do not agree, there is no need to have recourse to
corruptions. We know from Jerome (on Ezek. iii.
15) that Aquila prepared a further editiou of his
'Version, called by the Jews k-bt' iutpi&tuw, and
there is no reason why we should not assume,
casteris paribus, that the different passages belong
to the different editions.
If then there can be no reasonable doubt as to
the identity of Aquila and Akilas, we may well now
go a step further, and from the threefold accounts
adduced, — so strikingly parallel even in their
anachronisms and contortions — safely argue the
identity, as of Akilas and Aquila, so of Unkelos
" tht translator,'' with Akilas or Aquila. Whether
in reality a proselyte of that name had been in ex-
istence at an earlier date — a circumstance which
might explain part of the contradictory statements ;
and whether the difference of the forms is produced
through the V (ng, nk), with which we find the
name sometimes spelt, or the Babylonian manner,
occasionally to insert an n, like in Adrianus, which
we always find spelt Andrianus in the Babylonian
Talmud; or whether we are to read Gamaliel II
for Gamaliel the Elder, we cannot here examine;
ai ything connected with the person of an Onkelos
no longer concerns us, since be is not the author of
the Targum; indeed, as we saw, only once ascribed
to him in the passage of the Babylonian Talmud
(Meg. 8 a), palpably corrupted from the Jerusalem
Talmud (Meg. i. 9). And not before the 9th cen
lury (I'irke der. Eliezer to Gen. xlv. 27) does this
mischievous mistake seem to have struck root, and
even from that time three centuries elapsed, during
which the Version was quoted often enough, but
without its authorship being ascribed to Onkelos
From all this it follows that those who, in the
« VlHt quotations: On. xvli. 1, to Beresh. Bab.
tl 6 1 In. xxill. 40, Jer 8uceah, 8, 6, sol 58 d
(earns. Taj. Bab. 200<0 , Is. Ul. 20, Jar. Shabb. 6, 4
•M 86;*s.xvi 10, Milr. Thren. 68 c,- as. xxili 48,
Taj. Bab. 2084 - r"a. xh ui 16 (Marar T.. xlvii. accord'
•as to 1XX.V. J.r. Meg 2, 8, fol. 784 ,- Prov. xvUI. 21,
face of thia overwhelming mass of evidence, wools
fain retain Onkelos in the false position of trans-
lator of our Targum, must be ready to admit that
there were two men living simultaneously of most
astoundingly similar names; both proselytes to Ju-
daism, both translators of the Bible, both disciples
of R. Eliezer and R. Jehoshua; it being of both
reported by the same authorities that they trans-
lated the Bible, and that they were disciples of the
two last-mentioned Doctors; both supposed to ba>
nephews of the reigning emperor, who disapproved
of their conversion (for this account comp. Dion
Cass, lxvii. 14, and Deb. Rab. 2, where Domitias
is related to have had a near relative executed fri
his inclining towards Judaism); and very man)
more palpable improbabilities of the stme descrip-
tion.
The question now remains, why was this Targan
called that of Onkelos or Akilas? It is neither a
translation of it, nor is it at all done in the i
spirit. All that we learn about the Greek Ve
snows us that its chief aim and purpose war, to
counteract the LXX. The latter had at that time
become a mass of arbitrary corruptions — especially
with respect to the Messianic passage* — at well
on the Christian as on the Jewish side. It was
requisite thai a translation, scrupulously literal,
should be given into the hands of those who wen
unable to read the original. Aquila, the disciple,
according to one account, of Akil«— the same Akiba
who expounded (daraslt) for halacbistio purp o s es
the seemingly most insignificant particles in the
Scripture («. g. the fTH, sign of accusative; Gen.
R. 1; To*. Sheb. 1; Talm. Sheb. 26 a) — fulfilled
bis task according to his master's method. " Non
solum verba sed et etymologias verborum transferre
conatui est .... Quod Hebrtei non solum babent
UpOpa sed et wpiapBpa, ille xavoftiAwr et syllnbas
interpretetur et litters*, dictatque trvw to* auparor
Kal a it y rijy yijv quod grseca et latins lingua non
recipit " (Jer. dt Opt. Gen. interpret.). Targum
Onkelos, on the other hand, is, if not quite ■ para-
phrase, yet one of the very freest versions. Nor do
the two translations, with rare exceptions, agree
even as to the renderings of proper nouns, which
each occasionally likes to transform into something
else. But there is a reason. The Jews in posses-
sion of this most slavishly accurate Greek Bible-
text, could now on the one hand successfully com-
bat arguments, brought against them from inter-
polated LXX. psssages, and on the other folkw
the expounding* of the School and the Halacbah,
based upon the letter of the Law, at closely a* if
they had understood the original itself. That a
version of this description often marred the sense,
mattered less in times anything but favorable to
the literal meaning of the Bible. It thus gradual!)
became such a favorite with the people, that ill
renderings were household words. If the day « h«
the LXX. was made was considered a dfcy of di*
tress like the one on which the golden calf was cast
and was actually entered among the fast days (8tt
Tebeth; Meg. Taanith), — this new version, whies
waa to dispel toe mischievous influences of the older
Taj Rab. fbl. 2086; Bath. L 8, Midr. Bats ISO*
Dan. v. 6, Jar. Joma, 8, 8, BO, 41 a — lWr» » quota
tions, re-translated from the Greek: Itn. its 21
Jer. Kid. i. 1, fbl. 58 a ; Dan. viii. 18, Bar. Bab. 24c. -
Chaldrt quotations: Prov. xxv. 11; Parish Bab Its
4,- Is. v. 6. Midr. Hon. 118 e. at.
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VERSIONS, ANCIENT (TAROTTM)
840S
earned for its author our of the most delicate eom-
■UmeuU in the manner of the time. The rente jf
toe Scripture (Ps. xlv. 8), " Thou art more beauti-
ful (jojjejita) than the una of men," wa» appJed
tu him — in allusion to Gen. is. 27, when it ii said
that Japbet (i. e. the Greek language) ahould one
day dwell in the tenU of Sbem (». e. Inael), Meg.
1, 11, 71ftandc;9o,Ber. Rab.40o.— Othuybp
'AmUu touKtbmr rf topaixfi A^{« sVtfswannw
fhcim .... aMAsripoVfpor wn-urrsiuicVof wupi
'loueWoit, iipnirtiiKiim Tj)r ypafhr, eto. (Orig.
ad Afric 2).
What, under these circumstances, is more nat-
aral than to suppose that the new Chalilee Version
— at least as excellent in its waj as the Greek —
was started under the name which had become ex-
pressive of the type and ideal of a Bible-translation ;
that, in nut. it should be called a Targum done in
tin manner of Aquila — : Aquila- Tttrtfuia* Wheth-
er the title of recommendation was, in considera-
tion of the merit* of the work upon which it urns
bestowed, gladly indorsed and retained — or for
aught we know, was not bestowed upon it until it
was generally found to be of such surpassing merit,
we need not stop to argue.
Being thus deprived of the dates which a close
examination into the accounts of a translator's life
might have furnished us, we must needs try to fix
the time of our Targum as approximately as we can
by the circumstances under which it took its rise,
and by the quotations from it which we meet in
early works. Without unnecessarily going into de-
tail, we shall briefly record, what we said in the in-
troduction, that the Targum was begun to be com-
mitted to writing about the end of the 3d century,
A. D. So far, however, from its superseding the
oral Targum at once, it was on the contrary strictly
forbidden to read it in public (Jer. Meg. 4, 1)-
Nor was there any uniformity in the version.
Down to the middle of the 2d century we find the
masters most materially differing from each other
with respect to the Targum of certain passages,
(Seb. M a) and translations quoted not to be found
in any of our Targums. The necessity must thus
have pressed itself upon the attention of the spiritual
leaders of the people to put a stop to the fluctuating
state of a version, which in the course of time
must needs have become naturally surrounded with
s halo of authority little short of that of the orig-
inal itself. We shall thus not be far wrong in
placing the work of collecting the different frag-
ments with their variants, and reducing them into
one — finally authorised Version — about the end
of the 3d, or the beginning of the 4th century, and
in assigning Babylon to it as the birthplace. It
wis at Babylon that about this time the light of
learning, extinguished in the blood-stained fields of
Palestine, shone with threefold vigor. The Acad-
emy at Nahardea, founded according to legend dur-
ing the Babylonian exile itself, bad gathered
rtrength in the same degree as the numerous Pal-
estinian schools began to decline, and when in 259
i. n. that most ancient school was destroyed, there
Here three others simultaneously flourishing in its
■tead, — Tiberias, whither the college or Palestinian
labneh had been transferred in the time of Gama-
liel III. (800); Son, founded by Chasda of KaM
(aV8); and PurabadiU, founded by R. Jehudah b
Mbeskeel (297). And in Babylon for well-nigh s
honsand years " the crown of toe Law " remained,
and to Babylon, the seat of the " Head of top
Golan " (Dispersion), all Israel, scattered to the
ends of the earth, looked for its spiritual juidanct
lliat one of the first deeds of these Schools mm
have been the Axing of the Targum, as soon as the
fixing of it became indispensable, we may well pre-
sume ; and as we see the text fluctuating down to
the middle of the 2d century, we must needs assume
that the redaction took place as soon afterwards as
may reasonably be supposed. Further corrobora-
tive arguments are found for Babylon as the place
of its final redaction, although Palestine was the
country where it grew and developed itself. Many
grammatical and idiomatical signs — the substance
itself, i. t. the words, being Palestinian — point, as
far as the scanty materials in our hands permit us
to draw conclusions ss to the true state of language
in Babylon, to that country. The Targum further
exhibit* a greater linguistic similarity with the
Babylonian, than with the Palestinian Gemara.
Again, terms are found in it which the Taliut H
distinctly mentions as peculiar to Babylon," not to
mention Persian words, which on Babylonian soil
easily found their way into our work. One of the
most striking hints is the unvarying translation of
the Targuin of the word "1TT3, '« River," by Eu-
phrates, the River of Babylon. Need we further
point to the terms above mentioned, under which
the Targuin is exclusively quoted in the Talmud
and the Midrashim of Babylon, namely, " Our
Targum," " As tee translate," or its later designa-
tion (Aruch, Kaski, Tosafoth, etc.) as the "Targun:
of Babel " ? Were a further proof needed, it might
be found in the fact that the two Babylonian
Schools, which, holding different readings in vari-
ous places of the Scripture, as individual traditions
of their own, consequently held different readings
in the Targum ever since the time of its redaction
The opinions developed here are shored more ot
less by some of the most competent scholars of our
day: for instance, Zunz (who now repudiates the
dictum laid down in his GoUttdUnttl. Vtn-lr., that
the translation of Onkelos dates from about the
middle of the first century, A. D. ; comp. Geiger.
Zeiltekr. 1843, p. 179, note 8), GrXtx, Levy, Hers-
feld, Geiger, Krankel, etc. The history of the in
vestigation of the Targums, more especially that of
Onkelos, presents the usual spectacle of vague spec-
ulations and widely contradictory notions, held by
different investigators at different times. Suffice it
to mention that of old authorities, Reuchlin puts the
date of the Targum as far back as the time of Isaiah
— notwithstanding that the people, as we are dis-
tinctly told, did not understand even a few Ara-
maic words in the time of Jeremiah. Following
Asaria de Rossi and Eliah Levita (who, for reasons
now completely disposed of, sssumed the Targum to
have first taken its rise in Babylon during the Cap-
tivity), Beuarmin, Sixtus Senensis, Aldret, Barto-
looci, Mich. Simon, Hottinger, Walton, Thos Smith,
Pearson, AUix, Wharton, Prideaux, Schickard,
take the same view with individual modifications.
Pfeiffer, B. Meyer, Staph. Morinus, on the other
hand, place its date at an extremely late period,
and assign it to Palestine. Another school held
that the Targum was not written until after the
time of the Talmud — so Wolf, Havermann, partly
Rich. Simon, Hombeek, Joh. Morinus, etc.: and
« TTVn, "atM," Is rendered by rV<3"l; "*l
thus tbey call m Babylon a young girl," ]3t&
' £Q3 ]%-. p (Ohai Mat
WOT WO**' U "
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YKRSIONS, ASOnSST (TARGUM)
their reasons are both the occurrence of " Tnlmud-
cal Fable* " in the Targum and the sileuce of the
fathers. The former u an argument to which no
reply is needed, since we do not see what it can be
meant to prove, unless the " Rabbinus Talmud"
has floated before their eyes, who, according to
" Henricus Seynensis Capucinus " (Ann. KccL torn,
i. 261), must hare written all this gigantic litera-
ture, ranging over a thousand years, out of his
own head, in which case, indeed, every dictum on
record, dating before or after the compilation of the
Talmud, and in the least resembling a passage or
story contained therein, must be a plagiarism from
its sole venerable author. The latter argument,
namely, the silence of the Fathers, more especially
of Origen, Jerome, and Epiphanius, has been an-
swered by Walton; and what we have said will
further corroborate his arguments to the effect, that
they did not mention it. not because it did not ex-
ist in their days, but because they either knew noth-
ing of it, or did not understand it. In the person
of an Onkelos, a Chaldee translator, the belief has
been general, and will remain so, as long as the or-
dinary handbooks — with rare exceptions — do not
care to notice the uncontested results of contempo-
rary investigation. How scholars within the last
century have endeavored to reconcile the contradic-
tory accounts about Onkelos, more particularly how
they have striven to smooth over the difficulty of
their tallying with those of Akilas — as far as either
bad come under tbeir notice — for this and other
minor points we must refer the reader to Eichbom,
Jahu, Bertholdt, Havernick, etc.
We now turn to the Targum itself.
Its language is Chaldee, closely approaching in
purity of idiom to that of Ezra and Daniel. It fol-
lows a sober and clear, though not a slavish exege-
sis, and keeps as closely and minutely to the text
as is at all consistent with its purpose, namely, to
lc chiefly, and above all, a version for the people.
Its explanations of difficult and obscure passages
bear ample witness to the competence of those who
gave it its final shape, and infused into it a rare
unity. Even where foreign matter is introduced,
or, as Berkowitz in his Hebrew work Oteh Or
keenly observes, where it most artistically blends
two translations: one literal, and one figurative,
into one; it steadily keeps in view the real sense of
the passage in hand. It is always concise and clear
and dignified, worthy of the grandeur of its subject.
It avoids the legendary character with which all the
later Targums entwine the Biblical word, as far as
ever circumstances would allow. Only in the po-
etical passages it was compelled to yield — though
reluctantly — to the popular craving for Haggadab;
but e\en here it chooses and selects with rare taste
sad tact.
Generally and broadly It may be stated that
alterations are never attempted, save for the sake of
clearness ; tropical terms are dissolved by judicious
circumlocutions, for the correctness of which the
authors and editors — in possession of the living
tradition of a language still written, if not spoken
In tbeir day — certainly seem better judges than
some modern critics, who, through their own incom-
plete acquaintance with the idiom, injudiciously
blame Onkelos. Highly characteristic is the aver-
sion of the Targum to anthropopathles and anthro-
pomorphisms; in bet, to any term which could in
the eyes of the multitude lower the idea of the High-
set lleing. Vet there are many passages retained in
which human affections and qualities are attributed
to Him. He speaks, He sees, He bean, He aniens
the odor of sacrifice, is angry, repents, etc : — the
Targum thus showing itself entirely opposed to the
allegorizing and symbolizing tendencies, which la
those, and still more in later days, were prone to
transform Biblical history itself into the most ex-
traordinary legends and fairy tales with or withoo.
moral. The Targum, however, while retaining
terms like " the arm of God,' " the right hand of
God," "the finger of God ' — for Power, Provi-
dence, etc. — replaces terms like "foot," "front,**
back of God," by the fitting figurative meaning.
We must notice further its repugnance to bring tha
Divine Being into too close contact, as it were, with
man. It erects a kind of reverential barrier, a sort
of invisible medium of awful reverence between
the Creator and the creature. Thus terms Saw
« the Word " (Ijogot = Sansk. Om), " tbe Sfa>«hi-
nah " (Holy Presence of God's Majesty, • tbe
Glory"), further, human beings talking not to, bat
11 before " God, are frequent. Tbe same care, in a
minor degree, is taken of the dignity of the pe rs ona
of the patriarchs, who, though the Scripture may
expose tbeir weaknesses, were not to be held np in
their iniquities before the multitude whose ances-
tors and ideals they were. That the must curious
SoYvpa TpArtpa and anachronisms occur, such aa
Jacob studying the Torah in the Academy of Sbem,
etc., is due to the then current typifying tendencies
of the Haggadah. Some extremely cautious, withal
poetical alterations also occur when tbe patriarchs
speak of having acquired something by violent
means: as Jacob (Gen. xlviii. 22), by his "sword
and bow," which two words become in tbe Tar-
gum " prayers and supplications." But the points
which will hsve to be considered chiefly when the
Targum becomes a serious study — as throwing
the clearest light upon its time, and the ideas then
in vogue about matters connected with religious
belief and exercises — are those which treat of
prayer, study of the Law, prophecy, angelology,
and the Messiah.
The only competent investigator who, after Wi-
ner (Dt Onketoto, 1820), but with infinitely more
minuteness snd thorough knowledge of the subject,
has gone fully into this matter, is Luzzatto- Con-
sidering tbe vast importance of this, the oldest
Targum, for Biblical aa well as for linguistic studies
in general, — not to mention the advantages that
might accrue from it to other branches of learning,
such as geography, history, etc. : we think it ad-
visable to give, for tbe first time, a brief sketch of
the results of this eminent scholar. His "'*— 'i-il,
though not rigorously methodical, Ohtb Gtr
(1830) is, it is true, quoted by every one, but ii
reality known to but an infinitely small number,
although it is written in the most lucid modern
Hebrew.
He divides the discrepancies between Text and
Targum into four principal classes.
A. Where the language of the Text has been
changed in the Targum, but the meaning of tha
former retained.
B. Where both language and meaning wen
changed.
C. Where the meaning was retained, bat addi-
tions were introduced.
D. Where the meaning was changed, and add)
tions were introduced.
He further subdivides these four Into thirty-ten
classes, to all of which he adds, in a most thorooga
and accurate manner, some telling specimens- Not
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VERSIONS, ANCIENT (TARGUM)
840£
■rttbstaodinp; tlM apparent pedantry of hi* method,
md the ondeniabfe identity which necessarily mint
exist tat— en mum of hit olasses, a glance over
(hear whole body, aided bj one or two examples in
neon ease, wVI enable a* to gain u dear an insight
into the manner and "genius " of the Onkelos-
Targam as is possible without the study of the
work itself.
(A.) Discrepancies where the language of the text
has been changed in the Targum, but the meaning
of the former has been retained.
1. Alterations owing to the idiom: e. g. the sin-
vatsr,* "Us there be [ml] lights" (Gen. i. 14), is
'. unite inert into the plural * [tint] in the Targum ;
"nan and woman,"" as applied to the animals
(San. tu. 9), becomes, as unsuitable in the Ara-
oaae, *> male and female." <*
2. Alterations out of reverence towards God,
note especially for the purpose of doing away with
all ideas of a plurality of the Godhead : t. g. the
tetma Adonai, Elohini, are replaced by Jehovah,
lest these might appear to imply more than one
Go»L Where Elohim is applied to idolatry it is
rendered "Error."*
3. Anthropomorphisms, where they could be
misunderstood and construed into a disparagement
or a lowering of the dignity of the Godhead among
the common people, are expunged : «. g. for " And
God amelled a sweet smell " (Gen. viii. SI ), Onke-
los has, " And Jehovah received the sacrifice with
grace; " for " And Jehovah went/ down to see the
city " (Gen. xi. 5), " And Jehovah rewaltrtt Him-
self,'* a term of frequent use in the Targum for
rarbs of motion, such as " to go down," " to go
through," etc., applied to God. " I shall pan over*
you " (Ex. xii. 13), the Targum renders, " I shall
protect you." J Yet only anthropomorphisms which
clearly stand figuratively and might give offense,
are expunged, not ss Maimoaides, followed by nearly
all commentators, holds, all anthropomorphisms,
far word* like " hand, finger, to speak, see," etc.
(are above), are retained. But where the words
rassember, think of,* etc, are used of God, they
always, whatever their tense in the text, stand in
the Targum in the present; since a past or future
would imply a temporary forgetting on the part of
the Omniscient. 1 A keen distinction is here also
established by Luzzatto between Til and "•ba, the
former used of a real, external seeing, the latter of
a seeing " into the heart."
4. Expressions used of and to God by men are
brought more into harmony with the Idea of his
signify. Thai Abraham's question, " The Judge
of the whole earth, should be not (tV?) do Jus-
ties'/ " (Gen. xrilL Stt) is altered into the affirnia-
ttrei " The Judge .... verily He will do jus-
- uaprm nri
'OVTH
j
*VffTDO
-or, TPO
nna» tw
131, " As«t then te no tessttln* More thelrae
" dvtjh • s rhm * aiaar"
'raven •mia Vw
'rroioa 'wwirn " na-w-ja
ties." I Aban, who speaks of his gods • in the text,
is made to speak of his religion " only in the
Targum.
6. Alterations in honor of Israel and their an-
cestors. Rachel >' stole " « the teraphim (xxxi. 19 »
is softened into Rachel "took ";J> Jacob "fled"
from Laban (ibid. 28), into " went " ; r " The sons
of Jacob answered Shechem with craftiness "
(xxxiv. 13), into "with wisdom." <
6. Short glosses introduced for the better under-
standing of the text: "for it is my mouth that
speaks to you " (xlv. 12), Joseph said to his breth-
ren : Targum, " in your tongue," >ii. without an
interpreter. "The people who had made the calf "
(Ex. xxxii. 35) ; Targum, " worshipped," » since not
they, but Aaron made it
7. Explanation of tropical and allegorical expres-
sions: "Be fruitful (lit 'creep,' bom fW) and
multiply" (Gen. I. 28), is altered Into "bear
children ; " ■» "thy brtther Aaron shall be thy
prophet"" (Ex. vii. 1), into " thy interpreter " »
(Meturgeman),; •• I made thee a god (Elohini) to
Pharaoh " (Ex. vii. 1), into " a master; " « " to a
head and not to a tail " (Deut. xxviii. 13), into
"to a strong man and not to a weak;"'' and
finally, "Whoever says of his father and bis
mother, I saw them not " (Deut. xxxiii. 9), into
" Whoever is not merciful V towards his father and
his mother."
8. Tending to ennoble the language: the "wash-
ing " of Aaron and his sons is altered into " sanc-
tifying"';" the " carcasses " * of the animals of
Abraham (Gen. xv. 11) become " pieces ; " *
"anointing"/' becomes "elevating, raising;" f 1
" the wife of the bosom," V " wife of the cov-
enant-"/'
8. The last of the classes where the terms are
altered, but the sense is retained, is that in which
a change of language takes place in order to intro-
duce the explanations of the oral Law and the tra-
ditions : e. g. Lev. xxiii. 11, " On the morrow after
the Sabbath *' («. «. the feast of the unleavened
bread) the priest shall wave it (the sheaf)," Onkelos
for Sabbath, ftau-daf? For frontlets "v* (Deut- vi.
8), Tefillin (phylacteries).*'
(B.) Change of both the terms and the mean
lug.
10. To avoid phrases apparently derogatory to
the dignity of the Divine Being: " Am I in God's
stead ? " w becomes in Onkelos, " Dost thou ask
[children] from me?*' from before God thou
shouldst ssk them " (Gen. xxx. 2).
11. In order to avoid anthropomorphisms of an
objectionable -kind. " With the breath of thy
nose""/ ("blast of thy nostrils," A. V., Ex.xv.8),
becomes "With the word of thy mouth."'* "And
• "nasnnan " itW-m " -jK-aa
' lana-vino ■ an
" wbrh hVi r\*prb " tarn
" fianryi * anas " wabi! (o»-ina)
* nwo r s a-in " ypn norm
"raw
' -oat*, bw mm
r nao HBT>
* 'vsi wsa nw •oen
* TSH rmai ** tois -ia*Dai
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8406
TENSIONS, AXOIHX.T (TABOTJM)
t (lull spread my hand onr the* " ■ (Ex. xzxiii.
S3), it transformed into "I shall with my word
protect thee." » " And thoa shalt see my back
parts,' but my nee <* shall not be seen " (Ex. xxxiii.
S3): " And thou (halt aw what is behind me,* but
that which ii before me/ ihall not be seen " (Deut.
xxxiii. IS).
12. For the aake of religious euphemism! : e. g.
" And ye shall be like God " » (Gen. Hi. 6), U
altered into " like princes." * "A laughter J has
God made me " (Gen. xxi. 6), into » A joy * he
gives me " — " God " being entirely omitted.
13. In honor of the nation and its ancestors:
e. g. " Jacob was an upright man, a dweller in
teats " < (Gen. xxt. 37 ), becomes " an upright man,
frequenting the house of learning." « " One of the
people* might hare lain with thy wife" (Gen.
xxvi. 10) — ■' One singled out among the people," o
•'. e. the king. " Thy brother came and took my
blessing with deceit"' (Gen. xxrii. 86), becomes
" with wisdom." «
14. In order to avoid similes objectionable on
esthetics! grounds. " And he will bathe bis foot
in oil " * — " And he will hare many delicacies •
of a king " (Deut xxxiii. 34).
15. In order to ennoble the language. " And
man became a living being " ' (Gen. ii. 7) — " And
it became in man a speaking spirit." • " How
good are thy tents, ' O Jacob " — " How good are
thy landt," Jacob " (Num. xiir. 5).
16. In favor of the oral Law and the Rabbinical
explanations. " And go into the land of Horiah " *
(Geu. xxii. 3), becomes " into the land of worship "
(the future place of the Temple). " Isaac went to
walks in toe field" (Gen. xxiv. 63), is rendered
"to pray." « [Coiup. Sam. Pekt., p. 3813 o]
•* Thou shalt not boil a kid " in the milk of its
mother" (Ex. xxxiv. 86) — as meat and milk,* ac-
cording to the Halachah.
(C.) Alterations of words (circumlocutions, ad-
ditions, etc. ) without change of meaning.
17. On account of the difference of idiom : e. g.
" Her father's brother " c (= relation, Gen. xxix.
13), is rendered " The son of her father's sister." <r
* What God does*' (future) be has told Pharaoh "
(Gen. xli. 38) — " What God wiU do,"/' etc
18. Additions for the sake of avoiding expres-
sions apparently derogatory to the dignity of the
Divine Being, by implying polytheism and the like:
" Who is like unto Thee f among the gods ? " is
rendered, " There is none like onto Thee,*' Thou
art God" (Ex. xv. U). "And they sacrifice to
" *BD YTDB71
• -nnH * '•as
' nanpn re
* ^Doa-yawi
' "nnai n*
' pins
" wrm ' t^VriM awv
" wbVw n"aa »d»d
• ran -trw • w»3 ttpdt -m
* nrnoD * Noama r joa>
' ^piasn • rr>n tvcab
" hV?dd n-nb D-rna mni
•-pbnH "~pnn 'rrmB *ma?b
< rOnblS. [Abraham Insti tu ted, aesordmg to
■*> MVlmsh, the morpmg- (Bhaharith), Isaac the
demons who are no gads ' / — "of no ■»" I
(Deut. xxxiL 17).
19. In order to avoid erroneous notions unpBet
in certain verbs and epithet* used of the Dhint
Being: e. g. " And the Spirit of God ' moved "
(Gen. i. 3) — - A wind from before the l.ord." *
« And Noah built God an altar " a' (Gen. viii. 30
— "an altar before " the Lord." "And God V was
with the boy " (Gen. xxi. 30) — " And the word
of God V was in the aid of the boy." " The moun-
tain of God" (Ex. iii. 1) — "The mountain utnn
which was revealed the glory r> of God." " Ths
staff of God "( Ex. iv. 30 ) — " The staff with which
thou hast done the miracles before'' God." "And
I shall see * what will be their end " — " It is open
(revealed) before me," " etc. The Divine Being m
in fact very rarely spoken of without that spiritual
medium mentioned before; it being consklered, as
it were, a want of proper reverence to speak to or
of Him directly. The terms "Before" (Dtp),
"Word" (A«Vs, KTtt s O), "Glory" (rDp"),
" Majesty " (iTr03U7), are also constanUy need
instead of the Divine name: e. g. " The voice of
the Lord God was heard" (Gen. iii. 8) — "The
voice of the Word." " And be will dwell in the
tents of Shem" (ix. 37) — "And the Sheehinah
[Divine Presence] will dwell." "And the Lord
went up from Abraham " (Gen. xvii. S3) — " And
the glory of God went up." " And God came to
Abimelech " (Gen. xx. 3) — " And the word from
[before] God came to Abimelech."
30. For the sake of improving seemingly i ir c nw -
ential phrases in Scripture. " Who is God that
1 should listen unto his voice? " (Ex. v. 3) — " Ins
name of God has not been revealed to me, that I
should receive bis word." *
31. In honor of the nation and its ancestors.
" And Israel said to Joseph, Now I shall gladly
die " <v (Gen. xlvi. 30), which might appear frivolous
in the mouth of the patriarch, becomes " I shall
be comforted *" now." " And he led his flock to-
wards r" the desert" (Ex. iii. l)—» towards a good
spot of pasture * in the desert."
33. In honor of the Law and the explanation of
its obscurities. " To days and years '' (Gen. i. 14)
— " that days and years should be counted by
them.""" "A tree of knowledge of good and evil"
— "A tree, and those who eat its fruits'" will dis-
tinguish betweeu good and evil." "I shall net
further curse for the sake of " man " (viii. 81) —
aftsraooa- (Klnha), and Jacob ths cventae-aca**
(auuuib).]
* abna na * abm ->n?a * tth
* nrw ia * woxb r "web rm
r -poa ^ta v -jao -ia rcb
f vrbN Kb ¥ -rns pa n*b
* nvrbH rm "" avrbs mp in nrt
'nb
* 'm vnnva
n mp
»»■
Hnp* n dtp 70
* vwt» * mstp ">ba
• rme*Da bapKn *> >bans nb
•* nrmaM " msrot* »* 'tan inn
* ».
a mn -irw
7ina •'acE 1 '
"' vnre l^barn iib^i ** -rasa
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VERSIONS, ANCIENT (TABGtTM)
3407
• through the tin > af nan." •' To the ground
■hall not be forgiven the blood' toed upon it"
(Num. xxzv. 33) — "the imwcenl* blood."
S3. For the lake of avoiding simile*, metonym-
leal and allegorical passages, too difficult for the
soniprehenaion of the multitude : t~ g. " Thy eeed
like the duet of the earth" (Gen. xiii. 16) —
" mighty <* aa the duet of the earth." » I am too
■mall for all the lienefiti " (Gen. xixii. 10) — •' My
good deeds * are email." " And the l/jrd thy God
arill circumcise thy heart " — "the folly of thy
heart."/
34. For the rake of elucidating apparent obscuri-
ties, etc., in the written Iaw. " Therefore shall a
man leave hie father and hie mother" (Gen. ii. 34)
— " the home " ' (not really hie parent*). " ITie
irill of 1 1 im wlio dwelleth in the bush " — " of Him
tliat shvelleia -in heaven * [whose Sbeshinah is iir
heaven], and who revealed Himself in the bush to
Moses."
25. In favor of the oral Law and the traditional
explanations generally. " He punishes the sins of
the parent* on their children " (Ex. xx. 5), has the
addition, " when the children follow the sins of
their parents " (comp. Es. xviii. 19). " The right-
eous and the just ye shall not kill" (Ex. xxiii. 7)
— " He who has left the tribunal as innocent, thou
■halt not kill him," ■'. c, according to the Halacha,
he is not to be arraigned again for the same crime.
" Doorposts " (mAwso/A) (Deut. vi. 9) — " And
thou shall write them . . . and affix them upon
the posts," etc.
(D.) Alteration of language and meaning.
98. In honor of the Divine Being, to avoid
apparent multiplicity or a likeness. " Behold man
will be like one of us, knowing good and evil "
(Gen. iii. 32) — " He will be the only one in the
worlds to know good and evil." " For who is a
God in heaven and on earth who could do like thy
deeds and powers? " (Deut. iii. 34) — " Thou art
God, thy Divine Presence (Sheehinah) is in heaven *
above, and reigns on earth below, and ther* is none
who does like unto thy deeds," etc.
37. Alteration of epithets employed of God.
" And before thee shall I hide myself" ' (Gen. ir.
14) — "And before thee it is not possible to hide."" «
" This is my God and I will praise » Him, the God
of my father and I will extol* Him " (Ex. xv. 3)
— " This is my God, and 1 will build Him a sanc-
tuary ;J> the God of my fathers, and 1 will pray
before Him." * "In one moment I shall go up in
thy midst and annihilate thee " — " For one hour
will I take away my majesty from among thee"
(since no evil can come from above).
38. For the ennobling of the sense. " Great is
Jehovah above all gods " — " Great is God, and
Dure is no othet god beside Him." "Seud through
•rim whom thou wilt send " (Ex. iv. 13) — " through
i im who is worthy to be sent."
99. In honor of the nation and its ancestors.
« An! the souls they made* in Haran ' (Gen. xii.
J) — "the souls they made subject to the Divine
" ram Via * mb * ">pa mV
* rwsD * vytot p^st
-' Tab nwsD ' rraauyo rva
* Mwwa mraaurt * Mnbsa http
* wowa -[rears ' inriDH
" pTOSEr* 1 ? -i»2M rv>b * "ima*.
taw < in Haran." " And Isaac brought her into
the tent of his motlier Sarah " (Gen. xxiv. 67) —
" And k) righteous were her works," like the work,
of his mother Sarah." " And he bent his shouldes
to bear, and he became a tributary servant " (Geu
xlix. 15) — " And he will conquer the cities of the
nations and destroy their dwelling places, and those
that will remain there will serve him and pay
tribute to him." " People, foolish and not wise "
(Deut. xxxii. 6) — " People who has received th<
Law and has not become wise." *
30. Explanatory of tropical and metonymical
phrases. " And besides thee no man shall raise hie
iiand and bis foot in the whole land of lvgypt "
((Jen. xli. 44) — >' There shall not a man raise his
hand to seize a weapon, and his foot to ride on a
horse."
31. To ennoble or improve the language. "Coats
of skin" (Gen. iii. 31) — "Garments of honor 1 '
on the skin of their flesh." " Thy two daughters
who are found with thee " (Gen. xix. 15) — '■ who
were found faithful with thee." " May Reuben
live and not die " (Deut. xxxiii. 6) — " May Reuben
live in the everlasting life."
The foregoing examples will, we trust, be found
to bear out sufficiently the judgment given above
on this Targum. In spite of its many and im-
portant discrepancies, it never for one moment
forgets its aim of being a clear, though free, trans-
lation for the people, and nothing more. Wher-
ever it deviates from the literalness of the text,
such a course, in its case, is fully justified — nay,
necessitated — either by the obscurity of the pas-
sage, or the wrong construction that naturally
would he put upon its wording by the multitude.
The explanations given agree either with the real
sense, or develop the current tradition supposed to
underlie it. The specimens adduced by other in-
vestigators, however differently classified or ex-
plained, are easily brought under the foregoing
heads. They one and all tend to prove thai
Onkelos, whatever the objections against singtt
instances, is one of the most excellent and thor-
oughly competent interpreters. A few instances
only — and they are very few indeed — may be
adduced, where even Onkelos, as it would appear,
"dormitat." Far be it from us for one moment'
to depreciate, as has been done, the infinitely supe-
rior knowledge both of the Hebrew and Chaldee
idioms on the part of the writers and editors of
our document, or to attribute their discrepancies'
from modern translations to ignorance. They
drank from the fullness of a highly valuable tra-
ditional exegesis, a* fresh and vigorous in their-
days aa the Hebrew language itself still was in the
circles of the wise, the academies and school* '
But we have this advantage, that words which
then'were obsolete, and whose meaning was known -
no longer — only guessed at — are to us familiar
by the numerous progeny they have produced u
cognate idioms, known to us through the mighty
spread of linguistic science in our days; and if wt
* inanerw * anpn rrb "oan
* vnmp nban * \-oa» pVon
' me? ' Nrp-nHb rrarun
" Hrraw raprn
' wan toi Hm-iiN iVap
* ~vm ""ana 1 ?
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VERSIONS, ANCIENT (TARGUM)
we not aided bj a <m'litional exegesis handed
down within and without 'he schools, perhaps ever
since the days of the framing of the document
itself, neither are we prejudiced and fettered by it.
Whatever may be implied and hidden in a verse
x word, we have no reason to translate it accord-
ingly, and, for the attaining of this purpose, to
overstrain the powers of the roots. Among such
small shortcomings of our translator may be men-
tioned that he appears to hare erroneously derived
DHB7 (Gen. iv. 7) from SU73; that DrlSID
(xx. 8) is by him rendered nrDTN; "p3S
(Gen. xli. 48) by rObob N3H; "T^N (Dent.
xxir. 5) *T5 r ?i and the like. Comp. however the
Commentators on these passages.
The bulk of the passages generally adduced as
proofs of want of knowledge on the part of Onkelos
have to a great part been shown in the course of
the foregoing specimens to be intentional devia-
tions; many other passages not mentioned merely
instance the want of knowledge on the part of his
critics.
Some places, again, exhibit that blending of two
distinct translations, of which we have spoken ; the
catchword being apparently taken in two different
senses. Thus Gen. xxii. 13, where he translates:
" And Abraham lifted up his eyes after these, and
behold there was a rain; " he has not " in hi* per-
plexity" mistranslated "HIS for "IllN, but he has
only placed for the sake of clearness the "HIK
after the verb (he saw), instead of the noun (ram);
and the Kin, which is moreover wanting in some
texts, has been added, not as a translation of TIN
or *Tnt4, but in order to make the passage more
lucid still. A similar instance of a double trans-
lation is found in Gen. ix. 6: " Whosoever sheds a
man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed " —
rendered " Whosoever sheds the blood of man, by
witnesses through the sentence of the judges shall
his blood be shed; " DTK3, by man, being taken
lint as " witness," and then as "judges."
We may further notice the occurrence of two
Afruumic passages in this Targum : the one, Gen.
xlix. 10, Shiloh; the other, Num. xxiv. 17, "scep-
tre: " both rendered " Messiah."
A fuller idea of the "genius" of Onkelos a*
translator and as paraphrast, may be arrived at
from the specimens subjoined in pp. .1418-3420.
We cannot here enter into anything like a mi-
nute account of the dialect of Onkelos or of any
other Targum. Regarding the linguistic shades
of the different Targums. we must confine ourselves
jo the general remark, that the later the version,
Ihe more corrupt and adulterated its language.
Three dialects, however, are chiefly to be distin-
guished: as in the Aramaic idiom in general,
which in contradistinction to the Syriac, or Chris-
tian Aramaic, may be called Judaeo-Aramaie, so
also in the different Targums; and their recogni-
■ion la a material aid towards fixing the place of
their origin; although we must warn the readel
that this guidance is no.; always to be relied upon.
1. The Galilean dialect, known and spoken of
already in the Talmud as the one which most
carelessly confounds it* sound*, vowels as well at
consonants. " The Galileans are negligent with
respect to their language," and care not for gram-
matical forms " * is a common saying in the tie-
man. We learn that they did not distinguish
properly between B and P (3, S), saying Tapnla
instead of Tabula, between Ch and K (3 and p),
*»J"'g X*'f"o* f° r "vpun. Far leas oonld they
distinguish between the various gutturals, a* it
cleverly exemplified in the storj where a Judaea
asked a Galilean, when the latter wanted to buy an
"ION, whether he meant *TO£ (wool), or ~1&H
(a lamb), or tEH (wine), or "ibrj (an ess).
The next consequence of this their disregard of
the gutturals was, that they often threw them off
entirely at the beginning of a word per (uafasreata.
Again they contracted, or rather wedged together,
words of the most dissimilar terminations and be-
ginnings. By confounding the vowels like the con-
sonants, they often created entirely new word* and
forms. The Mappik H (HI) became Ch (somewhat
similar to the Scotch pronunciation of the initial
H). As the chief reason for this Galilean confu-
sion of tongues (for which comp. Matt. xxvi. 73 ;
Mark xiv. 70) may be assigned the increased fa-
tality of intercourse with the neighboring nations
owing to their northern situation.
3. The Samaritan dialect, a mixture of vulgar
Hebrew and Aramnan, in accordance with the origin
of the people itself. Its chief characteristics ir
the frequent use of the Am (which not only stand*
for other gutturals, but is even used as mater
Uctionii), the commutation of the gutturals in
general, and the indiscriminate use of the mute
consonants 3 for \ p for 3, fl for p, etc.
8. The Judsnn or Jerusalem dialect (comp.
Ned. 86 b) scarcely ever pronounces the gutturals
at the end properly, often throws them off entirely.
Jesbua, becomes Jeshu ; Sbeba — Shib. Many
words are peculiar to this dialect alone. The ap-
pellations of " door," • " light," ■* " reward," • ete.,
are totally different from those nsed in the other
dialect*. Altogether all the peculiarities of pro-
vincialism, shortening and lengthening of vowele,
idiomatic phrases and words, also an orthography
of its own, generally with a fuller and broader
vocalization, are noticeable throughout both the
Targums and the Talmud of Jerusalem, which, for
the further elucidation of this point, as of man]
others, hare as yet not found an investigator.
The following recognized Greek words, the greats
part of which also occur in the Talmud and Mid
rash, are found in Onkelos; Ex. xxviii. 36, 04***
Aos;S Ex. xxviii. 11, y\v<fAi;<> Gen. xxviii. IT
iSi&Vrar;* Lev. xl. 30, Ku\drrtn;J Ex. xxviii. K
«/>•>«»* (Plin. xxxvii. 68); Ex. xxxix. 11, Kaf
XwSoVioi, ' comp. Pes. der. Kab. xxxii. (Carbon
euli); Deut. xx. 80, xopatimpa"' (Ber. K. sevta.;
- vpopn Mb
*rWTfjrK33
'twn
'-ItSlD
N33
T3H
* wi»b «p»i «b
y NbT3
' »yba * ovtn J •ciobn
* Wp-lO ' WH3-0 « " 313-13
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VERSIONS, ANCIENT (TABGTTM)
840&
Ex. xxriil. HO, xpeVa;" Nam. xv.88, Deut. uii.
19, KpdimSor ; * Ex. xxx. 94, «(<rroi ; « Gen.
xxxvii. 88, A.jjSov; 1 ' Ex. xxiv. 16, e)d>o-<»;* Ex-
xxvi. 6, viprn;' Gen. vi. 14, WSpot ;» Ex- xxriil.
19, xiyxpa* k (Plin. xxxvii. 4). To then ma; he
added tat unrecognized rtpafds' (Ex. xxi. 18),
fciAMrvy**,* » r A«&>*XX («•"• nx - 1 *)>* c -
The following short rules on the general mode
of transcribing the Greek letters in Aramaio and
Syrlao (Targum, Talmud, Hidraah, eta. ), may not
be out of place: —
T before palatals, pronounced like r, becomes 3.
7. ia rendered by T.
H appean to hare occasionally aatumed the pro-
n un e lati on of a oomonant (Digamma); and a 1
is Inserted.
e li H, T B, But thii rale, even making al-
lowance* far corruptions, does not always seem to
hare been strictly observed.
K ta pi sometimes 3.
M, which before labials stands in lien of a *,
becomes 3 : occasionally a 3 ia inserted before
labials where it ia not found in the Greek word.
H, generally D3, sometimes, however, T3 or
S3.
II b 0| sometimes, however, it ia softened
into a
p ia sometimes altered Into v or 3.
•p becomes either m or "TT1 at the beginning
of a word.
S either O or T.
The tpiritut taper, which in Greek is dropped in
the middle of a word, reappears again sometimes
(o-vWSooi — 8anAedrin). Even the ferns is repre-
sented sometimes by a H at the beginning of a
word ; sometimes, however, even the taper is
dropped.
As to the vowels no distinct rule is to be bud
down, owing principally to the original want of
vowel-point* in our text*.
Before double consonants at the beginning of a
ward an H prott/utiemn is placed, so aa to render
the p ron u nciation easier. The terminations are fre-
quently Mebraised: thus oi ia sometimes rendered
hy the termination of the Masc. PI. D\ etc.
A carious and instructive comparison may be
Instituted, between this mode of transcription of
eae Greek letters into Hebrew, and that of the
Hebrew letters into Greek, as found chiefly in the
LXX.
M sometimes Inaudible (spirit, fen.), 'Acuxfr,
'EAawd; sometimes audible (as sssrif. axoer), 'A3-
faa>, 'HXfas.
3=^: "Vt04iueai sometimes ■p. 'Iac<0f«>,
wnetimes «: *Paav, sometipiea p$: Ztptntfiffa-
HK, aometimea it ia completely changed into p
fauwtia (9 Chr. xxri. 8).
« (KB*) DD3 (Mian. La. Syr. 485, makas It
•mm.)
> *nBD"P3 • n»3 * afch
3=7: Ti/up, sometimes «: Awrjir, eoinetlmes
X- 1'pofyc.
T=J: once = r Mtnyxjft (Gen. xxxvi. 39).
H = M, either qiirit. tap. like 'Otoppd, ot
tpir. fen. like 'AfiiK.
1 = u, not the vowel, bnt our v: 'Eva, Aevi:
thus also ov (a* the Greek writers often express
the Latin e by ov): 'Ittraavei: sometimes = :
2aJ3v (Gen. xiv. 5); sometimes it is entirely left
out, 'Karl for Vashti.
f =(, sometimes <r: Za&ov\tir, Xao-0(; rarely
(: Bauf (Gen. xxiL 21).
n, often entirely omitted, or represented by 1
sptr. fen. in the beginning, or the reduplication of
the vowel in the middle or at the end of the word,
sometimes = x : X*V ; sometimes = «: TdjSsa
(Gen. xxii. 84).
B = t: Stupor-' sometimes = 8: *ov8 (Gen.
x. 8); or $: 'EKupa\ie (3 Sam. v. 18).
s «o J: 'Iauret/8, or 1 before p (1) : 'Upifdat.
Between several vowels it is sometimes entirely
omitted: 'Iwdi.
3 = X : XorooV ; sometimes * : 2a#a$a*d'
(Gen. x. 7); rarely = y. rouptofwfp.
?, 3, 1 = \, *, p ; but they are often found
Interchanged . owing perhaps to the similarity of
the Greek letters. 3 is sometimes also rendered a>
(see above).
D = n, sometimes 0: StPpM, lt0Ki (1 Chr.
I. 47).
tt? and D = o-: SvpeaV, Swab, SO.
Sssanir. fen.; 'E«\m»V: sometimes = y (4)
ropofip'ai sometimes «< 'ApjSoK (Gen. xxiii. 9)
B = e>: •aA«7, or »: XaAwaeK.
S = a ■■ lil&v. sometimes ( : OS( (Gen. x. 98 •
Cod. Alex.*n»; xx& 91, 'Oi).
p = *: BaAdx; sometimes x : Xrrravpal; ah»
\: XtKiK.
H = e: 'IaaW0; sometimes t: Toxor.
As to the Bible Text from which the Targanv
was prepared, we can only reiterate that we have-
no certainty whatever on this head, owing to the-
extraordinarily corrupt state of our Targum texts*
Pages upon pages of Variants have been gathered:
by Cappellus, Kennioott, Buxtorf, De Rossi, Clef
icua, Luxxatto, and others, by a superficial eon*.
parison of a few copies only, and tbore chiefly
printed ones. Whenever the very numerous MS3-
shali be collated, then the learned world ruay pos-
sibly coma to certain probable conclusions on it.
It would appear, however, that broadly speaking,
our present Hasoretio text has been the one front
which the Onk. Version was, If not made, yet
edited, at all events; unless we assume that lata
hands have been Intentionally busy in mutually
assimilating text and translation. Many of the
'MD-1D
'na-ns 'omp
1 Htns-ra
Trrna*
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8410
VERSIONS, ANCIENT (TABGTJM)
Inferences drawn by Da Bom! end othcn from the
discrepancies of the venion to discrepancies of the
original from the Maaor. text, most needi be re-
leeted if Onkebs' method end phraseology, as we
hare exhibited it, are taken into ooneideration.
Thus, when (Ex. xxir. 7) " before the people " ia
bund in Onkeloe, while our Hebrew text reada
u in the ears," it by no meana followa that Onkeloe
read ^3TH3 : it ia simply his war of explaining
the unusual phraae, to which he remains faithful
throughout Or, " Lead the people unto the plnce
(A. T.) of which I have apokeu (Ex. xxxii. 34), ia
solely Onkebs' translation of "TON ^H, toil the
place, and no DIpD need be conjectured as bar-
ing stood in Onkeloa' copy; aa also (Ex. ix. 7)
hia addition " From the cattle of ' the cltildrm of
Israel " does not prore a s 33 to hare stood in
hia Codex.
And this also settles (or rather leaves unsettled),
the question aa to the authenticity of the targumic
texts, such aa we have them. Considering that
no MS. has aa yet been found older than at most
600 years, even the careful comparison of all those
that do exist would not much further our knowl-
edge. As far as those existing are couoemed, they
teem with the moat palpable blunders, — not to
apeak of variants, owing to sheer carelessness on the
part of the copyists ; — but few are of a nature dam-
aging the sense materially. The circumstance
that text and Targum were often placed side by
aide, column by column, must have had no little
share in the incorrectness, since it was but natural
to make the Targum resemble the text as closely
as possible, while the nature of its material differ-
ences was often unknown to the scribe. In bet,
the accent itself was made to fit both the Hebrew
and the Ohaldee wherever a larger addition did not
render it utterly impossible. Thus letters are in-
serted, omitted, thrust in, blotted out, erased, in an
infinite number of places. But the difference goes
still further. In some Codices synonymous terms
are us d most arbitrarily aa it would appear:
7VB1H and KnOTH earth, DTH and NJP3H
man, fflW and iblTB path, JTUT and
D*n?S, Jehovah and Elohim, are found to re-
place each other indiscriminately. In some in-
stances, the Hebrew Codex itself has, to add to the
confusion, been emendated from the Targum.
A Maaorah has been written on Onkeloa, with-
out, however, any authority being inherent in it,
and without, we should say, much value. It has
never been printed, nor, aa far as we have been
able to ascertain, is there any US. now to be found
hi tLis country, or in any of the public libraries
abroad. What has besoms of Buxtorfs copy,
which he intended to add to his never printed
» ltabybnia " — a book devoted to this same subject
— we do not know. Luzxatto has lately found such
• Maaorah " in a Pentateuch MS., but he only
mentions some variant* contained in it. Its title
must not mislead the reader; it has nothing what-
ever to do with (As Maaorah of the Bible, but is a re-
sent work, like the Afnwrah of the Tnlmud, which
has nothing whatever to do with the Talmud text.
The MSS. of Onkeks are extant In great num-
ssn — a circumstance easily explained by the in-
bsaction that it should be read every Sabbath at
•stae, if not in the synagogue. The Bodleian has
5, the British Museum 1, Visum 6, Angsbuig X
Nuremberg 8, Altdorf 1, Csiiaruhe 8, Stuttgart 8
Erfurt 8, Dresden 1, Leipsie L, Jena 1, Dessau 1
Helmsudt 3, Berlin 4, Breslau 1, Brag 1, Kagens
burg 1, Hamburg 7, Copenhagen 3, Unsafe 1
Amsterdam 1, Puis 8, Molsbeim 1, Venice 6
Turin 8, Milan 4, Leghorn L Sienna 1, Genoa 1
Florence 5, Bologna 2, Padua 1, Trieste % Parma
about 40, Some 18 more or less complete Codd.
containing Onkeloa.
Editio Prince]*, Bologna 1483, foL (Abr. b.
Chajjim) with Hebr. Text and Bsshi. Later Edd.
Sorb 1490, Lisbon 1481, Constantinople 1506:
from these were token the texts in the Complnten-
sfen (1617) and the Venice (Bomberg) Polyglotts
(1618, 1686, 1647-48), sod Butorfa Ksbbinfeal
Bibb (1619). This was followed by the Paris
Polyglott (1646), and Walton's (1667). A resent
and much emendated edition dates Wima 1863.
Of the extraordinary similarity between Onkebs
and the Samaritan version we hare spoken under
Samakitam Pentateuch [p. 3818]. There also
will be found s specimen of both, taken bom the
Bsrherini Codex. Many more points connected
with Onkebs and his influence upon later henne-
neutics and exegesis, as well ss his relation to ear-
lier or later versions, wa have no space to enlarge
upon, desirable as an investigation of these points
might be. We here, indeed, only been induced to
dwell so long upon this single Targum, because in
the first instanoe a great deal that has been said
here will, mutatis muUmdit, hold good also for the
other Targums ; and further, because Onkebs is
the Chaldee version «rr' 1(0x4*, »hUe, from
Jonathan downwards, we mors and more bare the
province of Version and gradually arrive from Para-
phrase to Midrash-Haggadah. We shall therefore
not enter at any length into these, but confine our-
selves chiefly to main results.
II. Tabock oh the Prophets,
Namely, Joshua, Judges, Samuel, Kings, Isaiah.
Jeremiah, EcekieL and the twelve Minor Prophets.
— called Tahuum of Johathah bev Uezisx.
Next in time and importance to Onkeloa on the
Pentateuch stands the Targum on the Prophets,
which in our printed Edd. and MSS. — none older,
we repeat it, than about 600 years — is ascribed to
Jonathan ben Uniei, of whom the Talmud contains
the following statements : (1.) « Eighty disciples
had Hilld the Elder, thirty of whom were worthy
that the Sbecbinah (Divine Msjesty) should rest
upon them, ss it did upon Moses our Lord ; peeee
be upon him. Thirty of them were worthy that
the sun should stand still at their bidding as H did
at that of Joshua ben Nun. Twenty were of in-
termediate worth. The greatest of them all was
Jonathan ben UszieL the feist B, Jobsnsn ben
Saccai ; and it was said of R. Johsnsn b. tisresi,
that he left not (uninvestigated) the Bibb, the
Mishna, the Gemara, the Halachaha, the Hagga-
dahs, the subtleties of the Law, sod the subtleties
of the Soferini . . . . ; the easy things and the
difficult things [from the most swfu' Divine mys-
teries to the common popular proverbs] .... If
this is said of ths bast of them, what is to bs said
of the grestest, i. e. Jonathan b. Usafel? " (Bab.
Bath. 134 a ; comp. Suoc 88 a.) (8.) A second
passage (see Onkebs) referring more especially to
our present subject, reads as follows: " The Tar-
gum of Onkeloe was made by Onkeloe Uie Prose
lyte from ths mouth of B. Elieter and B
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VERSIONS, AKCIBKT (TABGTJM)
841,
tad that of the Prophet* by Jonathan b. Uxriel
torn the month of Haggai, Zechariah, and Makv-
thi. And In that hour wat the land of land
shaken three hundred parasangs. .... And a
roloa waa beard, saying, • Who it thia who hat re-
vealed my aaareta onto the aona of man?' Up
rose Jonathan hen Unfel and atid : ' It b I who
hare revelled thy accrete to the aona of man. . . .
fiat it la known and rerealed before Thee, that not
for my honor have I done it, nor for the honor of
my father's home, but for thine honor; that the
diaputea may oaaae in land.' .... And he fur-
ther desired to rereal the Targum to the Hagiog-
rapha, when a roioa waa heard : ' Enough.' And
why? — because the day of the Messiah ia rerealed
therein (Meg. 8 o>" Wonderful to relate, the sole
and excretive authority for the general belief in the
authonhip of Jonathan b. Ucaiel, is thia second
Haggadiatio paange exclusively; which, if It doM
mean anything, doea at all eventa not mean our
Targum, which ia found mourning over the " Tem-
ple in ruins," fall of invectives against Rome (Sam.
xl. 5; la. xiiiv. 9, Ac, Ac), mentioning Armiilua
(la. x. 4) (the AntiohrUt), (jermania (Ks. xxxviii.
6 ) : not to dwell upon toe thousand and one other
internal and external erideneea againat a date ante-
rior to the Christian era. If interpolations mutt
be assumed, — and indeed Raehi speaks already of
corruptions in hia M88. — such solitary additions
are at all eventa a very different thing from a
wholesale aystem of intentional and minute inter-
polation throughout the bulky work. But what
ia still more extraordinary, thia belief — long and
partly still upheld moat reverentially against all
lifflcultiea — ia completely modern : that is, not
tlder than at most 600 years (the date of our old-
art Targum M88.), and is utterly at variance with
the real and genuine sources: the Talmud, the
hfidraeh, the Babylonian Schools, and every au-
thority down to Hal Gaon (19th cent.)- Fre-
quently quoted as this Targum is in the ancient
works, it b never once quoted as the Targum of
Jonathan. But it b invariably introduced with
the formula : " R. Joseph ■ (bar Chama, the
Blind, euphemistically called the clearsighted, the
well-known President of Pumbaditha in Babylonia,
who succeeded Rabba in 819 A. D) says," etc.
(Hoed Katon 98 a, Pesaeh. 68 a, Sanh. 94 A).
Twice even it ia quoted in Joseph's name, and with
the addition, <• Without the Targum to thia verse
(due to him) we could not understand It." Thia
b the simple state of the case: and for more than
two hundred years critics have lavished all their
aannien to defend what never had any real exist-
snee, or at beat owed Its apparent existence to a
heading added by a superficial scribe.
The date which the Talmud thus in reality
assigns to our Targum fully coincides with our
tamer conclusions as to the date of written Tar-
game in general. And if we may gather thus
much from the legend that to write down the 1 ar-
gon to the Prophets was considered a much bolder
undertaking — and one to which still more reluct-
antly leave waa given — than a Targum on the
Pentateuch, we shall not be far wrong in placing
wis Targum some time, although not long, after
Onkalos, or about the middle of the fourth century;
-the latter years of R. Joseph, who it b said,
waopied his naif chiefly with the Targum when he
• "Steal,' " Poss ess or of Wheat," In allusion to hla
■at maetarj over the traditions.
had become blind. The reason given for that re-
luctance ia, although hyperbolisally expressed, per-
fectly clear: " The Targum on the Prophets revealed
the secrets " — that te, it allowed free aoope to the
wildest fantasy to run riot upon the prophetic pas-
sages — tempting through their very obscurity, —
and to attar explanations and Interpretations rela-
tive to present events, and oracles of its own for
future times, which might be fraught with grave
dangers in more than one respect. The Targum
on the Pentateuch (permitted to be committed to
writing, Meg. 8 n ; Kidd. 89 a) could not but be,
even in its written form, more sober, more dignified,
more within the bounds of fixed and well-known
traditions, than any other Targum; since it had
originally been read publicly, and been checked by
the congregation as well as the authorities present;
— sa we have endeavored to explain in the Intro-
duction. There b no proof, on the other hand, of
more than fragments from the Prophets having
ever been read and translated in the synagogue.
Whether, however, R. Joseph waa more than the
redactor of this the second part of the Bible-
Targnm, which was originated in Palestine, and
was reduced to its final shape in Babylon, we can-
not determine. He may perhaps have made con-
siderable additions of on own, by filling up gaps
or rejecting wrong versions of some parts. So
much seems certain, that the schoolmen of his
Academy were the collectors and revisers, and he
gave it that stamp of unity which it now po s s ess e s ,
spite of the occasional difference of style: adapted
simply to the variegated hues and dictions of its
manifold Biblical originals.
But we do not mean to reject in the main either
of the Talinudical passages quoted. We believe
that there waa such a man as Jonathan b. Uaaiel,
that he was one of the foremost pupils of HilW,
and also that be did translate, either privately or
publicly, parts of the prophetical books; chiefly, we
should say, in a mystical manner. And so start-
ling were hia interpretations — borne aloft by hb
high fame — that who but prophets themselves
could have revealed them to him ? And, going a
step further, who could reveal prophetic allegories
and mysteries of nil the prophetic books, but those
who, themselves the last in the list, had the whole
body of sacred oracles before them ? This appears
to ns the only rational conclusion to be drawn from
the facta: as they stand, not as they are imagined.
That nothing save a few snatches of this nrir/tim,
paraphrase or Midraah could be embodied in our
Targum, we need not urge. Yet for these even we
have no proof. Zuna, the /adit princeps of Tar-
gumie as wen as Midrsshio investigation, who. n
late as 1830 {Gotttti. Vortr.), still believed htm.
self in the modern notion of Jonathan's authorship
('• first half of first century, a. p."), now utterly
rejects the notion of " our possessing nnylAinr/ of
Jonathan ben Daziel " (Geiger's ZeiUchr. 1837.
p. 250).
Less conservative than our view, however, are
the views of the modern school (Rappoport, l.us-
zatto, Frankel, Oeiger, I^evy, Bauer, Jahn, Ber
tlioidt, Levysohn, els.), who not only reject the au-
thorship of Jonathan, but also utterly deny that
there was any ground whatsoever for assigning a
Targum to him, as b done in the Talmud. The
passage, they say '•* not older, but younger than
our Targum, and in fact does apply, erroiw ualy ol
course, to this, ana to no other work of a similar
kind. The popular cry for a great " name, upoa
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TBBSIOWS, AKOIEKT (TABGUM)
which to hang " — In Talmudical phraseology —
all that la cherished and venerated, and the wieh of
those eager to impart to this Vernon a lasting au-
thority, found in Jonathan the moat fitting person
to father it upon. Waa he not the greatest of the
great, " who had ben dusted with the dust of Hil-
U's feet? " He waa the wisest of the wiae, the
me most imbued with knowledge human aud di-
vine, of ail those eighty, the least of whom waa
worthy that the sun should stay tta course at his
bidding. Say, such were the flames " that arose
from bis glowing spirit, says the hjperbolio Hag-
gadah, that " when be studied in the Law, the tcry
birds that flew orer him in the air, were consumed
by fin" (sttrrpav* — not, ss Landau, in the
preface to his Arueh, apologetically translates, be-
came Sernpht). At the same time we readily
grant that we see no reason why the great Hillel
himself, or any other mush earlier and equally emi-
nent Master of the Law, one of the Soferim perhaps,
should not bare been fixed upon.
Another suggestion, first broached by Drusius,
and long exploded, has recently been relived under
a somewhat modified form. Jonathan (Godgiven),
Drusius said, was none else but Theodotion (God-
given), the second Greek translator of the Bible
after the LXX., who had become a Jewish pros-
elyte. Considering that the latter lived under
Commodua II., and the former at the time of
Christ; that the latter is said to bare translated
the Prophets only (neither the Pentateuch, nor
the Hsgiogmpha), while the former translated the
wkoh Bible; that Jonathan translated into Ara-
maic and Theodotion into Greek, — not to mention
the fact that Theodotion was, to say the least, a
not very competent translator, since "ignorance
or negligence " (Moutmueon, Pre/, to Bexiipla),
or both, must needs be laid at the door of a trans-
lator, who, when in difficulties, simply transcribes
the hard Hebrew words into Greek characters,
without troubling himself any further; c while the
mastery over both the Hebrew snd the Aramaic
displayed in the Jonathanic Version are astound-
ing: — considering all this, we need not like Wal-
ton ask caustically, why Jonathan ben Uzzicl
should not rather be identified with the Emperor
rheodosius, whose name also is "Godgiven; " —
jut dismiss the suggestion ss Carpzov long since
dismissed it We are, however, told now (Luxaatio,
Geiger, etc.), that as the Babylonian Targum on
the Pentateuch waa called a Targum "in the
manner of Aquila or Onkeka," i. e. of sterling
value, so also the continuation of the Babylonian
Targum, which embraced the Prophet*, was called
a Targum "in the manner of Theodotion " =
Jonathan; and by a further stretch, Jonathan-
Theodotion became the Jonathan b. UsxieL. We
cannot bnt disagree with this hypothesis also —
based on next to nothing, and carried to mora
than the usual length of speculation. While Akyla
is quoted continually in the Talmnd, and is de-
anrveiUy one of the best known aud best beloved
characters, every trait and incident of whose per-
sonal history is told even twice over, not the slight-
sst trace of such a parson ss Theodotion it to
a The auntie of the mw — "as the Law was
inr. on Stoat " — ■ a vary fcvortte one la the Hid
ash
* WKD>
• *7.*-.,Uv.vU 18, VqD, T.*rr** l or«« r yoiU l
he found anywhere in the TalmwHcal lltuatam
What, again, was it that could have acquired K
transcendent a fame for his translating and bimssff
that a Version put into the mouths of the ver)
prophets should be called after bin, "in ordet
that the people should like it"? — » tnaihrtnu
which waa, in fact, deservedly unknown, and, prop-
erly speaking, no translation at att. It was, aa
we learn, a kind of private emendation of aoasa
LXX. passages, objectionable to the piaaa p r ose l yte
in their then corrupted state. It was only the
bonk of Daniel which was retained from Theo-
dotion's pen, because in this book the LXX. bad
become past correction. If, moreover, the inten-
tion was " to give the people a Hebrew for a Gieek
name, because the hitter might sound too foreign,*'
it waa an entirely gratuitous one. Greek names
abound in the Talmnd, and even names begin-
ning with Theo like Theodoras an to he found
there.
On the other hand, theopinion has been biuaoliad
that this Targum waa a post-Talmodieal produs-
tion, belonging to the 7th or 8th cent. A. d. For
this point we need only refer to the Talmudieal
quotations from it And when we further add,
that Jo. Morinue, a man as conspicuous by hi*
want of knowledge as by his most ludicrous attacks
upon all that was "Jewish " or " Protestant " (it
waa he, e. g. who wished to see the "forged"
Haaoretic Code corrected from the Samaritan Pen-
tateuch, q. ».), la the chief, and almost only, de-
fender of this theory, we have said enough. On
the other theory of there being more than one
author to our Targum (Eiebhorn, Bertboklt, Da
Wette), combated fiercely by Geasnius, Haveraiek,
and others, we need not further enlarge, after what
we have already said. It certainly is the work,
not of one, or of two, but of twenty, of fifty and
more Metnrgetnanim, Haggadists, and Hakehiats.
The edition, however, we repeat it advisedly, baa
the undeniable stamp of one master-mind ; and its
individual workings, its manner and pronliarity art
indelibly impressed upon the whole labor from the
first page to the last Such, we hold, must be the
impression upon every attentive reader; more espe-
cially, if be judiciously distinguishes between the
first and the last prophet*. That in the historical
relations of the former, the Version must be, on
the whole, more accurate and dose (although here
too, ss we shall show, Haggadah often takes the
reins ont of the Meturgaman's or editor's hands),
while In the obscurer Oracles of the latter the
Midrash reigns supreme — is exactly what the his-
tory of Targumic development leads us to expect.
And with this we have pointed out the general
character of the Targum under consideration.
Gradually, perceptibly almost, the translation be-
comes the rpoTtyio, a frame, so to speak, of alle-
gory, parable, myth, tab, snd oddly masked his-
tory — such as we an wont to see in Talmud and
Hidrash, written under the bloody oensorahip of
Esau-Home; interspersed with some lyrical pieces
of rare poetical value. It becomes, in short, like
the Haggadah, a whole system of eastern phantas-
magorias whirling round the sun of the Holy Won
by way of emendation; Lev. xtH. 8, niTBDD
UM+fe; <Ms% nt*tr, *sr*| uw. xrtaV at, VsT
«4bA ; Is. lxtv. S, W~\V, tts>.
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TORSIONS, AJJOMNT (TABOUM)
MIS
4 tht to. Tat, it is always aver* of being a
trutbtioQ. U return* to Its me titer long
nouns, often in nest to no perceptible connection
with it. Jinn in the midtt of the full swing of
fancy, ewayed to and fro by the many eurranta of
tboaght that ariaa oat of a aingle word, snatches
of the vene ftom which the flight waa taken will
auddaaly appear on the anrfaee like a refrain or a
keynote, (bowing that in reality there la a connec-
tion, though hidden to the uninitiated. For long
peril nil again, it adheraa moat atrictly to ita text
and to ita rarie, and tranalates moat oouacientioualy
and closely. It may thus fairly be described aa
holding in point of Interpretation and enlargement
of the text, the middle place between Onkeioe, who
only in extreme caeea deviates into paraphrase, and
the aubaequant Targuma, whoae connection with
their texta ia frequently of the moat flighty charac-
ter. 8ometimea indeed our Targum ooineidee ao
entirely with Onkeioe, — being, in fact, of one and
the tame origin and growth, and a mere continua-
tion and completion aa it were of the former work,
that thia similarity hat milled critic* into specula-
tion! of the priority in date of either the one or
the other. Havernick, a. g. holds — against Zuna
— that Onkeioe copied, plagiarised in fact, Jona-
than. We do not ate, quite apart from our placing
Onkeioe first, why either ahould hare used the
ether. The three passages (Judg. r. 96 and Dent,
xxii. t; 8 K. xir. 6 and Dent xxir. 16; Jer.
xlfiii. 48, 48 and Num. xd. 88, 89) generally
adduced, do not in the first place exhibit that lit-
eral otoee ne ee which we are led to expect, and which
alone could be called " copying ; " and in the
second place, the two last paasages are not, as we
also thought we eoald infer from the words of the
writers on either aide, extraneous paraphrastic addi-
tions, but simply the similar translations of similar
texta: while in the first passage Jonathan only
cetera to an injunction contained in the Penta-
taueh-verae quoted. But even had we found such
paraphrastic additions, apparently not belonging to
the subject, we should have accounted for theui by
certain traditions — the common property of the
•hole generation — being repelled by a certain
rord or phrase in the Pentateuch to the memory
if the um translator; and by another word or
afaraae in the Propbeta to the memory of the otter
janalator. The interpretation of Jonathan, where
It adheres to the text, ia mostly tery correct in a
philosophical and axegetieal sense, closely literal
even, provided the meaning of the original ia easily
to be understood by the people. When, however,
liroilea are used, unfamiliar or obscure to the people,
It unhesitatingly dissolves them and make* them
May in their mouth* like household words, by
adding aa much of explanation aa seams fit; eoree-
timaa, it eannot be denied, lets sagaciously, even
incorrectly, comprehending the original meaning.
Yet we must be very cautious in attributing to a
version which altogether bean the stamp of thor-
ough competence and carefulness that which may
he single corruption* or interpolation*, aa we And
them sometime* indicated by an introductory
" Say* the Prophet i " <■ although, aa stated above,
•e do not hesitate to attribute the peonage* die-
alaying an acquaintance with work* written down
• rPaa-iDK
* 1 Bam. 0. 10; 8 Sam. xxta. 1 : 1 K. lv. St ; Ia.
v 8.U.8, x. 87, xt I, 8, xt. 8, xtt 1, a, xxrtl. 8,
to the 4th century, and exnibiting papular notion
current at that time, to the Targum in ita original
shape. Generally speaking, and holding the differ-
ence between the nature of the Pentateuch (sup-
posed to contain in ita vary letters and sign* link
chiatio references, and therefore only to be handled
by the Heturgeman with the greatest care) and
that of the Propheta (freest Houwetaa themaelva*)
steadily in view — the rules laid down above with
reapeet to the dieenpanoie* between original an.
Targum, hi Onkeioe, hold good aha with Jonathan
Anthropomorphisms It avoids carefully. Geo-
graphical name* are, in most mint, retained aa in
thb original, and where traaahtod, they are gen-
erally correct. It* partiality for Israel never goes
ao far that anything derogatory to the character of
the people should be willingly auppreased, although
a certain reluctance against dwelling upon its iniqui-
ties and puniahment* longer than necessary, ia vis-
ible. Where, however, that which redounda to the
praise of the individual — more especially of hero**,
king*, prophet* — and of the community, ia con-
tained in the text, there the paraphrase lovingly
tarries. Future bliss, in this world and the world
to come, liberation from the oppressor, restoration
of the Sanctuary on Mount Zion, of the Kingdom
of Jehovah and the House of David, the reestab-
liahmeot of the nation and of ita full and entire
independence, aa well aa of the national worship,
with all the primitive splendor of Priest and Urrite,
einger and musician and prophet — these are the
favorite dreams of the people and of Jonathan, and
no link ia overlooked by which those strains may
be drawn in aa variation* to the Biblical theme.
Of Messianic passages, Jonathan baa pointed out
those mentioned below; * a number not too large,
if we consider how, with the increased misery of
the people, their ardent desire to are their Deliverer
appear speedily must have tried to find aa many
planes in the Bible at possible, warranting bis
arrival. So far from their being supp r esse d (aa, by
one of those unfortunate accidents that befall some-
times a long string of imutignto-i, who are copy-
ing their information at third and fourth baud,
baa been unbluefaingly sitntnl by almost everybody
up to Geaanina, who found ita source in a nusan-
derlood maUmee of Carptot), they are moat prom-
inently, often almost pointedly brought forward.
And than ia a decided polemical animus inherent
in them — temperate aa far aa appearance goat,
bat containing many an nnapoken word: auch aa
a fervent human mind p w sss d down by all the
woes and terror*, written and unwritten, wooM
whisper to itself in the depth* of it* despair. There
pataagea extol roost rapturously the pomp and glory
of the Messiah to some — by way of contrast to
the humble appearance of Christ: and in all the
plaoaa where suffering and mieery appear to be the
lot forecast to the Anointed, it it Israel, to whom
the paaaage is referred by the Targum.
Of further dogmatical and theological peculiari-
ties (and thia Targum will one day prove a mine
of Instruction chiefly in that direction, betides the
other vaat advantages inherent in It, as in the older
Targuma, for linguiatic, patristic, geographical, his-
torical, and other studies) we may mention briefly
the "Stars of God" (la. aiv. 13; oomp. Dan. vffl
xBL 1, xim. 10, xr». 1, Ml. 18, Ml. 10; Jar. xxW. 8,
xxx. M, xaxttL 18,18; Hos. lil. 5. xrr.8; BB*. I*
8,y.3,»; Steh. HI «, lv. 7, vt U, x. 4.
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8414
VERSIONS, ANCIENT (TABGUM)
10; 9 Mace. Ix. 10, being referred — in a similar
manner — to "the people of Ureal"): the doctrine
of the second death (It. xxii. 14, Ixv. 16|, etc.
At to the general nature of itt idiom, what we
bate add abate boldt good here. Likewise oar
remarks on the relation between the text of toe
original of OnkeJos, and itt own text, may stand
for Jonathan, who never appeart to differ from the
Matoretie text without a Terr cogent reaton. Yet,
einoe Jonathan 1 ! HSS-, tbongh Terr much smaller
in number, are in a still worse plight than those
of Onkelot, we cannot speak with great certainty
on this point. Respecting, however, the individual
language and phraseology of the translation, it
looks to a certain, though small degree, the clear-
Best and transparency of OnkeJos; and is some-
what alloyed with foreign words. Not to such
a degree, however, that we cannot fully indorse
Oarpeor's diatom : " Cujus nltor sennonis Chaldssi
st dictionis laudator puritas, ad Onkelosum proxime
aooedens et parum defleetens a puro tersoqne Chal-
rlaUmo biblico " (Vrii. Sacr. p. 461), and incline
to the belief of Wolf (Bibl Htbr. ii. 1185): " Que
vero, vel quod ad vooat novas et barbaraa, vel ad
ret atata ejus inferioret, aut futilia nonnulla,
quamvit pauca triplicis hujus generis exttent, ibi
oocurrunt, ex merito falaarii cujutdam ingenio ad-
aoribuntur." Of the manner and style of this
Targum, the few subjoined tpeeimena will we hope
give an approximate idea.
In conclusion, we may notice a feature of our
Targum, not the least interesting perhaps, in rela-
tion to general or "human" literature: namely,
that the Sheen i tic fairy and legendary lore, which
for the last two thousand years — at far at we on
trace it — hat grown up in East and West to vast
glittering mountain-ranges, it to a very great extent
to be found, in an embryo state, to to say, in this
ear Targum. When the literary hiatory of those
most wonderful circles of medieval sagas — the
sole apparent fruit brought home by the crusaders
from the eastern battle-fields — shall come to be
written by a competent and thorough investigator,
he will have to extend his study of the sources to
this despised " fabulosus " Targum Jonathan ben
Uudel. And the entire world of piout Biblical
legend, which Islam hat said and aung in the Ara-
bic, Persian, Turkish, and all its other tongues, to
the delight of the wise and the simple for twelve
ssnturies now, is contained almost fully developed,
Vom beginning to end, but clearer, purer, and
incomparably mora poetically conceived, in our
Targum.Haggadah.
The Editio Prince/* dates Labia, 1404. Toe
later editions are embodied in the Antwerp, Paris,
sod London Polyglotts. Several single books have
likewise been repeatedly edited (tamp. Wolf, Lt
Long, BotanmUHer, etc.).
JTOGBB T.
1 natf sang
Deborah and Ba-
lk the son of
Abmoam on that
•ay, saving,
2 Praise yethe
UtB for the;
AnaoanxD
Vastus.
avenging of Is-
rael, when the
people willingly
ottered
selves.
) Hear, ye
kings; give ear,
ye princes ; I,
even I, will stag
onto the Loss;
1 will stag trout
to the Loan God
of Israel.
4 Loan, when
thou w e n t e s t out
of Selr, when
thou marehedst
out of the Held
of Kdom, the
earth trembled,
and the heavens
dropped, the
clouds a
dropped water.
6 The moun<
tains melted from
before the Loan.
eve* that Slnal
from before the
Loan Ood of Is-
1 Am Deborah and Barak the
son of Ablnoam gave praise for the
miracle and the salvation which
were wrought for Israel on that
day, and spake:
2 When the children of Israel
, rebel against the lew, then the
8 In the days
of Bhamgar the
boo of Anaih, In
the days of Jael,
the highways
were unoccupied,
and the travellers
walked through
byways.
7 Vu tnAoetf-
aal* of the vil-
lages oeesed, they
oeased In Israel,
until that I Deb-
orah arose, that I
arose a mother In
Israel.'
8 They ehose
new gods;
teas wax in the
nations come over them and arret
them cat of their dues ; bat what
they return to do the Law, that
they are mighty over their enemies
and drive them out tram the whoa
territory of the land of Israel. Thee
has been broken Bissra and all his
armies to his punishment, and to a
miracle and a salvation for Israel.
Then the wise returned to dt in the
houses of the synagogue .... and
to teach unto toe people the dootrbw
of the Law. Therefore praise ye
and bless the Lord.
8 Hsar, ye kings (ye who easas
with Sun to the bsttle-anmyt, lis-
ten, ye mien [ye who were wtth
Jabin the king of Xenaan : not with
your armies nor with your poena
have ye oonquersd and become
mighty over the house of Israel] —
said Deborah in p rophe cy be for e
8od: I praise, give thanks and
blessings before the Lord, Use tied
of Israel.
4 [0 Lord, Thy Law which Then
gavast to Israel, when they trane-
gress It, then the nations rule over
hut when they return to it,
then they become powerful over
their enemies] Lord, on the day
when Thou duet renal Thyself to
give It unto them from Betr, Thou
herein est maalfo st onto them in the
splendor of Thy glory over the ssrrl-
torlss of Boom : the earth trembled,
the heavens showered down, the
clouds dropped rain.
6 The mountains trembled before
the Lord, the mountains of Tabor,
the mountains of Harmon, and the
mountain of Carmel, spake with
each other, and said one to the
other: Upon me the Sheehlnah
will rest, and to me will It oome.
But the Bheohmah reste d upon
Mount Slnal, which Is the weakest
and smallest of ell the mountains.
. This Blue! trembled and
shook, and its smoke went up as goes
up the smoke of an oven: because of
the glory of the Ood of Israel which
had manifested Itself upon It.
6 When they transgressed In the
days of Bhamgar the son of Anatta
In the days of Jael, oeseed the way-
fame: they who had walked In
wsU-prepared ways had again as
walk In furtive paths.
7 Destroyed were the open cities
of the land of Israel : their Inhab-
itants were shaken off and drives
about, until I, Deborah, wee seat
to prophesy over the house of Is-
rael.
8 When the ehlldren of]
went to pray unto new Idols [errors
which recently had oome to at
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VEBSION8, ANOIKNT (TABGUM)
3416
■ shield at spear
■m among forty
la Lv
I My heart u
Knri to* gor-
■nan of Israel,
that offend them-
Mint wllnogly
among the p
pit. Blest ye the
10 Speak, ye
that ride on white
utit, ye Hal sit
la Judgment, and
walk by the way,
[Jonathan-Un-Umtsl]
To ni Paoran.
wonUnaed, with which their fathers
did not oouuoru themsslres, than
oarnt orer them the nations and
drove then out of their oiuas : bat
when they returned to tbt Law,
they oould not prevail against them
until they made themselves ttrong,
and Bltra wtnt up against them,
the enemy and the adversary, with
tart] thousand chitlk of troops, with
fifty thousand holders of the sword,
with sixty thousand holders of spears,
with soTenty thousand holders
of shields, with eighty thousand
throwers of arrows and slugs, be-
ttdcfl nine hundred iron chariots
whieh he had with him, and his
own ohariols. All three thousands
and all then hosts could not tcand
before Bank and the ten thousand
man be had with him.
9 Spake Deborah In prophecy : I
am tent to pmise the scribes of Is-
rael, who, while this tribulation
lasted, ceased no; to study In the
Law : and It redounds well unto
them who tat In the houses of con-
gregation, wide open, and taught
the people the doctrine of the Law,
and pialted and rendered thanks
baton the Lord.
10 Those who had Interrupted
their occupations an riding on
with many-oolond
they ride about
finely In all the territory of Israel,
and oongngate to tit In Judgment.
They walk in their old ways, and
an ipeaklng of the power Thou bait
shown in the land of Israel, etc.
JUDGBS XL
89 Am it came
to pass, at the
■nd of two
Booths, that she
retained unto her
who did
t'mr to hit TOW
which be had
knew no man.
And It was a cus-
tom la Israel.
89 An It was at the end of two
months, and she returned to her
lather, and he did unto her accord-
ing to the row whieh he had rowed :
■nd the had known no man. And
it became a statute In Isnel.
Addition (nCOIH), that no
man should oner np his son or his
daughter at a burnt-onerlng, at
Jephta the Oileadlte did, who asked
not Phlnehat the prlept. If he bad
asked Phlnehat the priest, then be
would hare dittolred his row with
money [for animal taerlneos].
1 SAM. II.
1 Am Hannah
stayed, and laid,
My heart rejokwth
mthel>ra>; mine
born Is exalted
In the Leas ; my
mouth Is enlarged
lejolot In thy nl-
1 Aid Hannah prayed In the
spirit of prophecy, and said : [Lo,
my son Samuel will become a proph-
et orer Israel; In his days they
will be freed from the hand of the
PblUstlnei; and through his hands
shall be done unto them wondrous
and mighty deeds: therefore] be
ttrong, my hesrt, In the portion
which God gan ma. [And also
Heman the ton of Joel, the ton of
▼■JUNO*.
2 TVw it none
holy as the Loan :
for lArft it none
beside thee, nei-
ther U then any
rook like our God.
8 Talk no mora
so exceeding
proudly ; let not
anogauey come
out of your
month : far
Loan it a God of
knowledge, and
by him actions
an weighed,
4 The bows of
the mighty am
broken, and they
that stumbled
am girded with
strength.
Tabouk
[JoMtbao-ben-Csskd]
To Tsa Psoras.
my son Hemnel, shall arise, he and
his fourteen sons, to say praise with
nablia (harps?) and oythere, with
their brethren the Lovites, to ting
in the house of the sanctuary :
therefore] Let my horn be exalted
in the gift which God granted unit
me. [And also on the miraculous
punishment thst would befall the
Philistines who would bring bask
the ark of the Lord In a new ohariot,
together with a sin-offering : then*
fore let the congregation of Israel
say] I will open my mouth to speak
great things orer my enemies ; be-
cause I rejoice in thy ssWatlon.
3 [Orer Banherib the Mug of
Ashur did she prophesy, and she
said: He will arise with all his
armies orer Jerusalem, and a gnat
sign will be done with him. Then
shall fall the corpses of his troops :
Therefore praise ye all the poop**,
and nations and tongues, and cry] :
Then is none holy but God ; then
Is not beside Thee ; and Thy people
shall say, Then is none mighty but
our God.
8 [Over Nebuehadnessar the king
of Babel did she prophesy and say :
Te Chaldeans, and all nations who
will once rule orer Israel] Do not
speak grandly ; let no blasphemy
go oat from your mouth : for God
knows all, and orer all his eerrsnts
he extends his Judgment ; alaofrem
you he will take punishment of
your guilt.
4 [Orer the kingdom Jevan she
prophesied and laid] The bows of
the mighty ones [of the JavanltasJ
wui be broken ; [and those of the
boon of the Asmoneani] who an
weak, to them will be done mlnelM
and mighty deeds.
l bam. zvn.
8 An he stood
and cried unto
the armies of Is-
rael, and said
unto them, Why
an ye come oat
to set your battle
in array T Am
not I a Phi
tine, and ye ser-
vant* to Saul?
choose you a man
for you, and let
him oome down
8 An he arose, and be wted
onto the armies of Israel, and said
unto them: Why ban yon pot
yoonslnaln battle army? Am I
not the Philistine, and you the sur
rants of Saul ? [I am Goliath the
Philistine from Oath, who ban
killed the two sons of Hi, the priests
Chorea and Pinebat, and carried
capon the ark of the eorenant of
the Lord, I who ban carried it to
the hoaas of Dsgon, my JShvr, and
It has been then In the cities of the
Phillsilnes eeren months. And In
every battle which the Philistines
hare bad I went at the head of the
army, and we conquered m the bat-
tle, and we straw tbe killed like the
dust of ths earth, and until now
haw the PblUfinos not thought
me worthy to bawoie captain of a
thousand over tin m. And yon,
ohildreo of Isnel, what mlgbty deed
has Saul the eon of Kith from Gibeah
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VKB8ION8, AVOIKKT (TABGTTM)
Tiaeo*
[Jriiatnu-ben-lhaasl]
To a
done Ibr you that you mod* bim
king over yout Jf b* k a valiant
man, lot bim ecaso oat ud do bot-
tle with mo j bat if bo lo tmk
moo], toon ohoooi for yonnolvoi o
moo, and lot bim com* oat sgsinst
mo, oto.
1 KINM XIX.
U, 12 Am> he
mid, Oo forth,
ind stand upon
tho mooDt befors
the Loon. And,
behold, tho Lois
pooled by, and a
(not and strong
wind rent f
nvmntftlnt, and
brake In pieces
the rockj, before
the Loss ; tut the
Loos toai not to
the wind: and
after the wind an
earthquake; but
the Leva om< not
In the earth
quake i and after
tho earthquake*
Ore ; 4b< the Lord
eras not In the
fire : and after
the are a still
18 And It wot
to, when Elijah
board it, that ha
w r a p ped bio (Me
In bit mantle,
ood wont oat, and
•tood in the en-
tering In of too
jate : and, be-
laid, Men) earns
t voice onto him,
and mid, What
11, IS Am he said [to HUah),
Arise sad stand on the mountain
before the Lord. And Ood revealed
himself : and before him a host of
angels of the wind, clearing the
mountain and breaking the rooks
before the Lord; but not la the
host of angels was the Sheehioah.
And after the hast of the angels of
the wind came a host of sngek of
commotion ; but not In the host
of the angels of commotion was the
Sbechlnah of the Lord. And after
the host of the angels of commotion
came a host of angels of fire ; bat
not in the hoot of the angels of fire
was the Bhechlnah of the Lord.
Bat after tho host of tho angels
of the fin some Tokos singing in
IS And It was when Bn>h hoard
this, he bid his faee in his mantle,
and he wont out and ho stood at
too door of the owe; and,lo! with
him was a votes, saying, What doaet
thou here, Oauijeh! see.
ISAIAH TTTTtt
S hi os
12 Foe the Lord is our Judge,
Loan it our Judge,
who delivered as with bis power
tho umbo u our
tram kfhnim ; the Lord k our
lawgiver, the
teacher, tor lie has given as the
Lata oi our king ;
anserine of the Tomb tram BtaeJ;
ho will em us
the Lord k our king : He will de-
liver us, and give us righteous res-
titution from tho army of Gog.
11 tan shall
11 Tan k the eopy of the tetter
essay unto them,
which Jeremiah the prophet ssnt to
fbe gods that
the remaining ancient ones of the
have not made
captivity in Babel : « And if the
ww heavens and
nations among whom you are will
the earth, rem
they shall perish
nam tho earth
these heavens.
[Jooathsu.eeii4»nSsM
my unto you. Pray to oar ,
— house of Israel, then you cheX
answer thus, sad speak la tab
wise : The Errors onto which yoa
prey are Errors which are of no
see : they cannot rain from heaven ;
they cannot cause fruit to grow
from the earth. They and their
worshippers will perish from the
earth, and will be destroyed from
under then heavens.
hjoah Yi.
4 Foal brought 4 Von J have taken thee out from
thee up out of the the land of Misralm, and .have re-
land of Egypt, leased tbse from the house of thy
and redeemed bondage : and have ssnt before tbss
thee out of the three prophets: Hoses, to tench
house of servants; thee the tradition of tho ordinances ;
and I ssnt be- Aaron, to atone for the people ; and
tore thee Moses, Miriam, to teach the women.
Aaron, and Htr-
IIL and IT. Tabguh of Jovathax Bza-JDc-
tm AMD JEBUSHALMI - TABGUM OS TO*
PsatTATBOOH.
Onkeka ami Jonathan on the Pentataaeh and
Prophets, whatever be their erect date, poena, au-
thorship and editorship, are, as we hare endeavored
to show, the oldest of existing Targunia, and he-
long, iii their present shape, to Babylon and the
Babylonian academies flourishing between the 3d
and 4th centuries A. D. But precisely aa two par-
allel and independent developments of the oral Law
(D3tt?n) have sprang np in the Palestinian and
Babylonian Talmuds respectively, so also recent in-
vestigation has proved to demonstration the ezstf-
• of two distinct cycles of Targunia on the
written Law CaTQaBTI) — i. e. the entire body
of the Old Testament. Both an the or&pring of
the old, primitive institution of the public "vend-
ing and translating of the Torsi," which for amny
hundred yean bad its place in the Palestinian
synagogues. The one first collected, revised, and
edited in Babylon, called — more especially that
part of it which embraced the Pentateuch (Onkeka)
— the Babylonian, Cars, by way of eminence), on
account of the superior authority inherent in all too
works of the Madinebae (Babylonians, in contra-
distinction to toe Maarbae or Palestinians). The
other, continuing its oral life, so to say, down to a
much later period, was written end edited — leas
carefully, or rather with a much more faithful re-
tention of the oldest and youngest fancies of lletar-
gemanim and Darahanim — on the soil of Judaea
itself. Of this entire cycle, bowerer, the Pantn-
teuoh and a lew other books and fragmentary' pieces
only have survived entire, while of most of the other
books of the Bible a few desasbed fragments- asaat
that is known, and this chiefly from qnniatleaa
The injunction above mentioned m onset lug tho aha
batleal reading of 'the Tkrgum «n the fYiilaleinqh
nothing is said of the Pnrj&ets — explains the tent,
to a certain extent, how the Pentateuch Tsswoas
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VERSIONS, ANOIBNT (TABGTJM)
8417
has been religiously prewired, while the othen have
perished. This circumstance, also, is to be taken
into outuUwetton, that Palestine waa In later cen-
time* well-nigh cat off from communication with
the Diaspora, while Babylon, and the gigantic
literature it produced, reigned paramount over all
Judaism, as, indeed, down to the 10th oentury, the
latter continued to have a spiritual leader in the
person of the Resh Gebtha (Head of the Uoleh),
residing in Babylon. As not the least cause of the
loss of the great bulk of the Palestinian Targum
may also be considered the almost uninterrupted
martyrdom to which those were subjected who pre-
ferred, under all circumstances, to lire and die iu
the Land of Promise.
However this may be, the Targum on the Pen-
tateuch has come down to us: and not in one, but
in two recensions. Hon surprising still, the one
hitherto considered a fragment, because of Ha em-
bracing portions only of the individual books, has
In wvJity never been intended to embrace any
farther portion, and we are thus in the possession
of two Palestinian Targuma, preserved In their
original forma. The one, which extends from the
first vane of Genesis to the last of Deuteronomy, is
Known under the name of Targum Jonathan (ben
Utxiel) or Pseudo-Jonathan on the Pentateuch.
The other, interpreting single verses, often single
words only, is extant in the following proportions :
a third on Ueuesis, a fourth on Deuteronomy, a
flth on Numbers, three twentieths on Exodus, and
about one fourteenth on I>evitaeus. The latter is
generally called Targum Jcrtuhalmi, or, down to
the 11th century (Hai Gaon, Chasanel), Targum
Erttt Jtraei, Targum of Jerusalem or of the land
of Israel. That Jonathan ben Uaxiel, the same to
whom the prophetical Targum is ascribed, and who
is reported to have lived either in the 8th-4th
ee utui j B. c, or about the time of Christ himself
(see above), oould have little to do with a Targum
which speaks of Constantinople (Num. xxiv. 19, 24),
describes very plainly the breaking-up of the West-
Roman Empire (Num. xxiv. 19-24), mentions the
Turks (Gen. x. 2), and even Mohammed's two
wives, Chadidja and Fatime (Gen. xxi. 21), and
which exhibits not only the fullest acquaintance
with the edited body of the Babylonian Talmud,
by quoting entire passages from it, but adopts its
ptf"!!"- phraseology — not to mention the com-
plete disparity between the style, language, and
general manner of the Jonathanic Targum on the
Prophets, and those of this one on the Pentateuch,
strikingly palpable at first sight, — was rooognized
by early investigators (Horinna, Pfoifter, Walton,
ate.), who soon overthrew the old belief in Jonathan
b. Unlets authorship, as upheld by Monabem Be-
kannti, Assriah de Rossi, Uecudjah, Gelatin. Fagius,
ate. But the relation in which the two Targunis,
so similar and yet so dissimilar, stood to each other,
bow they arose, and where and when — all these
questions have for a long time, in the terse words
of Zunz, ceased many of the learned such dire
ml— j, that whenever the "Targum Hierosolymi-
tauum" comes up, they, instead of information on
it and its twin-brother, prefer to treat the reader
to a round volley of abuse of them. Not before the
first half of this century did the fact become fully
■ fd.Mteoulsstslly established (by tbe-ainiple proeess
jf an investigation a* the sources), that hrth Tar-
fjons were b realty one — that both were known,
down to the 14th century under no other name
than Targum Jerushalmi — and that some forgetful
915
scribe about that time must have taken the abbrc
vuttion Tl- >T. J.' over one of the tan docu-
ments, and, Instead of dissolving it into Targuiu-
Jerushalxni, dissolved It erroneously into what he
most till then have been engaged in copying —
namely, Targntn-Jonathsn, as. ben Usaiel (on the
Prophets). This error, fostered by the natural
tendency of giving a well-known and far-famed
name — without inquiring too closely into its ac-
curacy — to a hitherto anonymous and compara-
tively little known version, has been copied again
and again, until it found its way, a hundred years
later, into print Of the intermediate stage, whsn
only a few MSS. had received toe new designation
a curious mot, which Aaariah de Koati (Cod. 37 6)
mentions, gives evidence. " I saw," he says, " two
complete Targums on the whole Pentateuch, word
for word alike; one in Reggio, which was described
in the margin, ' Targum of Jonathan b. Uaxiel; '
the other in Mantua, described at the margin as
' Targum Jerushalmi.' " In a similar manner
quotations from either in the Aruch confound the
designation. Benjamin Musaaphia (d. 1674), the
author of additions and corrections to the Aruch,
has indeed pronounced it as his personal oonjecturs
that both may be one and the same, and Urinous,
Mendelssohn, Rappoport, and others shared his
opinion. Yet the difficulty of their obvious dissim-
ilarity, if they were identical, remained to be ac-
counted for. Zuna tries to solve it by assuming
that Parade-Jonathan is the original Targum. and
that the fragmentary Jerushalmi is a coUscLon of
variants to it. The cir«nistanee of its also contain-
ing portions identical with the codex, to which it is
supposed to be a collection of readings, he explains
by the negligence of the transcriber. Fraukel,
however, followed by Traub and Levysobn, has gone
a step farther. From the very identity of a propor-
tionately large number of places, amounting to
about thirty in each book, and from certain pal-
pable and consistent differences which run through
both recensions, they have arrived at a different
conclusion, which seems to carry conviction on the
face of it, namely, that Jerushalmi is a ooUeetkw
of emendations and additions to single portions,
phrases, and words of Onkekm, end Pseudo-Jona-
than a further emendated and completed edition
to the whole Pentateuch of Jerushahni-Onkdos.
The chief incentive to a new Targum on the Penta-
teuch (that of Onkelos being well known in Pales
tine), was, on the one hand, the wish to explain
such of the passages as seemed either obscure in
themselves or capable of greater adaptation to the
times; and on the other band the great and para-
mount desire for legendary fore, and ethical and
bomuetical motives, intertwined with the very letter
of Scripture, did not and could not feel satisfied
with the (generally) strictly literal version of On-
kelos, aa soon as the time of eccentric, prolix, oral
Targums bad finally erased in Palestine too, and
written Targums of Babylon were introduced as a
substitute, once for all. Hence variants, exactly as
found in Jerushalmi, not to the whole of Onkelos,
bnt to such portions as seemed meet to require
" improvement " in the direction indicated. And
how much this thoroughly paraphrastic version was
preferred to the literal is, among-otlier signs, plainly
visible from the circumstance that it is still joined,
for instance, to the reading of the Decalogue on the
Feast of Weeks in the synagogue. At a leterpericd
Um gaps were filled up, and the whole of the •«■*-
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YKBSIOKS. ASOIBBT (TABOUM )
lag Jennhalmi was recast, as for again as seemed
fitting and requisite This is the Jonathan, so
tailed for tie last four hundred years only. And
Ihua the identity in some, and the divergence in
other places finds its most natural solution.
The Jerushalmi, in both its recensions, is writ-
ten in tot Palestinimsian dialect, Um peculiarities of
which we have briefly characterised above. It is
elder than thj Haeora and the eonquest of Western
Asia by the Arabs. Syria or Palestine must be
its birthplace, the second half of the 7th century
its date, since the instances above given will not
allow of any earlier time. Its chief aim and pur-
pose is, especially in its second edition, to form an
entertaining compendium of all the Halachah and
Haggadah, which nun to the Pentateuch, and
takes its stand upon it And in this lies its chief
use to us. There is hardly a single allegory, parable,
mystic digression, or tale in it which is not found
in the other Hsggadistic writings — Mishna, Tal-
mud, Meohilta, Sifra, Sifri, etc; and both Winer
and Petermann, not to mention the older author-
ities, have wrongly charged it with Inventing its in-
terpretations. Even where no source can be indi-
cated, the author has surely only given utterance
to the leading notions and ideas of his times, ex-
travagant and abstruse as they may oftentimes ap-
pear to our modern western minds. Little value
is inherent in its critical emendations on the exe-
gesis of Onkelos. It sometimes endeavors either to
find an entirely new signification for a word, and
then it often WU into grave errors, or it restores in-
terpretations rejected by Onkelos, only it must never
be forgotten that translation is quite a secondary
object with Jerushalmi. It adheres, however, to
the general method followed by Onkelos and Jona-
than. It dissolves similes and widens too concise
diction. Geographical names it alters into those
current in its own day. It avoids anthropomor-
phisms at well as anthropopathisms- The strict
distinction between the Divine Being and man is
kept up, and the word Dip " before " Is put as a
kind of medium between the former sod the latter,
no less than the other — "Shechinah," " Word,"
■' Glory," etc It never uses Elohim where the
Scripture applies it to man or idols. The same
ears is taken to extol the good deeds of the people
and its ancestors, and to slur over and excuse the
evil ones, etc.: — all this, however, in a ne»* sane
decided and exaggerated form than either in Onkelos
or Jonathan. Its language and grammar are very
oorrupt; it abounds — chiefly in its larger edition
the Pseudo-Jonathan — in Greek, Latin, Persian
and Arabic words; and even making allowances Sir
the many blunders of ignorant scribes, enough wi.
remain to pronounce the diction ungrammatical in
very many places.
Thus much briefly of the Jerushalmi as one and
the same work. We shall now endeavor to point
out a lew characteristics belonging to its two re-
censions respectively. The first, Jerushalmi aarr'
H 9 x4"t taows very little of angels; Michael is
the only one ever occurring : in Jonathan, c n the
other hand, angelology flourishes in gnat vigor:
to the Biblical Michael,, Gabriel, Uriel, an added
the Angel of Death, Samael, SagnugaeL.Sbachase*L
Dsiel; seventy angels descend with God to see the
building of the Babylonian tower; nine hundred
millions of punishing angels go through Ejrypt
during the night of the Exodus, etc Jerushalmi
makes use but rarely of Halachah and H«ggpl«»i,
while Jonathan sees the text ss it were only through
the medium of Haggadah : to him the chief end.
Hence Jonathan baa many Midrashim not found in
Jerushalmi, while he does not omit a single one
contained in the latter. There are no direct his-
torical dates in Jerushalmi, but many are found in
Jonathan, and since all other signs indicate that
but a abort space of time intervenes between tits
two, the late origin of either is to a great extent
made manifest by these dates. The most striking
difference between them, however, and the one
which is most characteristic of either, is this, that
while Jerushalmi adheres more closely to the lan-
guage of the Mishna, Jonathan has greater affinity
to that of the Talmud. Of either we subjoin short
specimens, which, for the purpose of easier compar-
ison, and reference, we hare placed side by side with
Onkelos. The Targum Jerushalmi was first printed
in Bomherg's Bible, Venice, 1518 ff., and was re-
printed hi Bomberg's edd., and in Walton, vol. hr
Jonathan to the Pentateuch, a MS. of which was
first discovered by Ashur Purinx in the Library of
the family of the Puahs in Venice, was printed for
the first time in 1590, as " Targum Jonathan ben
Uziiel," at Venice, reprinted at Hanau, 1618, Am-
sterdam, 1640, Prague, 1646, Walton, vol. iv., etc
SINKS TJX 17-81
17 Jure onto
unto the votes
of thy was, and hsst eaten
ef the In*, of which 1 com-
manded toes, saying, Thou
Shalt not eat of it : raised
u the ground for thy sake ;
m sorrow ahalt thou tat tf
It all the days of thy lift ;
18 Thorns also and this
ttss shall it bring forth to
ease) and thou ahalt
awlnrbortheaeU;
17 Ana to Adam he ssM,
For that thou hsst acce p ted
the word of thy wi*, and
hast eaten from the tree of
which I have nnmmsnded
unto thee, and said, Thoa
sbalt not eat from it
cursed shall the earth be
for thy sake ; with trouble
sbalt thou eat of it all she
days of thy 1*;
18 And thorns and this- 18
aes it shall grow tor thee ; ties
and thou sbalt eat the grass
of thafldd; U»
And thorns sad thfc-
aball It multiply mr
; and thou ahalt sat
grass that Is on the
of the earth Then
[Jonathan-beo-narhl]
Ja
17 Am to i
Beans* thou bait mwtoed
the word of thy with, and
hast eaten from the fruit a!
the tree, of which I com-
manded thee, Thou slislt
not eat from It : caned as
the earth, because It las
not shown unto thee thy
malt ; la sorrow ahalt then
eat of It all the days or thy
»?
18 And thorns sad ens
ties shall grow sad multi-
ply mr thy sake ; aad ansa
sbalt eat the grass mat Is
the foe* of the ash)
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VBEUOKS, ANCIENT (TABOUM)
8419
» la th* sweat of thy
In (halt uaoa eefc broad,
tDl thou raton onto the
ground J for out of It WMt
thoa Ulun : for tat toon
art, and unto duet •holt
18 In tb* sweat of (by
too ahull thou oat bread,
until thoa returnest onto
to* earth from which thon
art oreated: for duet art
thoa, and to duet ahalt
SO And Adam called hit
wnVt nam* Br* ; baoaoja
*b*wa* the mother of all
21 Unto Adam alao and to
hi* wile did the Loss God
make coat* of skins, and
32 And the Loan God
■Id, Behold, the man U
become ai one of at, to
know good and erll : and
now, lest he pat forth hie
hand, and take alio of to*
m* of Hfc, aad eat, and
tiod Mnt hfan abftti bob
a* garden of Can, to till
u* groand from whence he
St Bo he droT* oat the
o**n| and he placed at the
war*, of the garden of Xden
10 And Adam oallad the
nam* of hla wife Oharah ;
for that ebe waa the m<
of all tone of man.
31 And Jehorah Blohhn
made nnto Adam and In*
wife garmenta of glory, on
the akin of their Oath, and
clothed than.
22 And Jehorah Hob 1m
•aid, Behold Adam la the
only one in the world
knowing good and evil
perchance now he might
■tretoh forth hi* hand and
take alao from the tree of
Hat, and eat, and lire for
21 Aad Jehorah Bohhn
of loan, to tlU the earth
whence he wee c r eeled
24 And he dror* ont
Adam ; and h* placed be-
fore the garden of Met. the
tea Adam and aid, I
pray, through the Mercy
that I* before Thee, Jeho-
Tah, lot at net be accounted
before Thee ai the beetle
that eat the great on the
• of th* field : may we
be permitted to trine and
toil with the toll of oar
ids, and tat food from
the fruit* of the earth ; and
that may there be a dlfler-
• before The* bttwi
i not of man and the
ontprlng of cattle,
22 And the Word of Je-
horah Bkthim tald, Lo
man, whom I created, it
alone In thlt world, at I
am alone In th* highest
Hearena ; mighty nations
will spring from him ; from
alao will trite a people
that will know to dlsttn-
gniah between good and
•ell: now It It better to
expel him from the garden
of Bden, before he ttreteb
ont hi* hand and take alao
from the froitt of the tree
of Ufa, and eat, and lire for
M And lie expelled
Aoam, aad earned to re-
aide the tplendor of hi* Bhe-
(Jonethan-b*u47aa*l]
J*»nanti.in.
Steond Re&nsion.
Adam antwered and tald, I
pray, by th* Mercy that I*
before Thee, Jehorah, that
we may not be deemed like
to th* beaab), that we
thoold cat gnu* that la on
the flue of the field ; may
we be allowed to arlae and
toll with the tolling of oar
handt, and eat food from
the food of th* earth, anal
that may there be a die-
Unction now before Thee,
between the ton* of man
and the offspring of cattle.
19 .... In the toll of
the palm of thy hand thalt
thon eat food, until thoa
retarnett nnto the duet
from which thon wert cre-
ated : for doit art thon, and
to doit ahalt thon return :
for from th* date thoa wilt
one* rite to giro judgment
and account for all that
thoa hast done, on th* day
of the great Judgment.
20 And Adam called the
lama of bit wife Oharah ;
for the la the mother of all
the aon* of man.
21 And Jehorah JCIohbn
tad* unto Adam and hla
Kin) garmentt of honor,
from the akin of the tar-
pant which he had out out
of it, on the tklo of their
flesh, Instead of their beauty
which they had cast off;
and he clothed them.
22 And Jehorah KohUn
tald to th* angels that were
ministering before him, Lo !
there Is Adam alone on th*
earth, at I am alone la the
hlgheet Heavens, and then
will spring from him thorn
who know to distinguish
between good and eril : If
he had kept the oommandV
ment 1 commanded, h*
would hare bran tiring
and lasting, ilk* th* tt*s
of lift), for •Termor*. Now
tinot he hat not kept what
I commanded, We deem*
against him and expel him
from the garden Of Bden,
before h* may stretch out
his hand and take from the
fruit* of th* tree of lift) ;
for if he ate therefrom he
would lire and remain for
irer.
28 And Jehorah Blohim
•spelled him from the gar-
dan of Bden, and he went
and hetettled on th* Mount
of Morlah, to till the earth
of which he waa omatod.
21 And He dnre out
Adam from where Hi had
mad* to reside the gljry ot
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VBBMOKB, AHODOTT <TAm«1JBi>
01— hlmi,[l)aad
Oberabsmandthe
a naming nrard
■hup iwri,
which tamed **•
which tea* to
NT my, to Imp
award lb* way to
la* iv of Ik*
Mm Mm of life.
fees of lab.
Hm Bscmsi oa.
«rtb*i
tha battening at ttw tut
a of Idon, above the two
Two thousand years bo-
th* wotld wot araatad, b* cre-
ated tb* Law, and prepared Gehln.
[Hell) andOan Bden [raredlaej
H* prepared God Bden for tb* right-
torn, tbot thaj may eat and daligbt
of tb* tro», becai
they kept tha oammandnwnbi of lb*
low In thl* world, and prapand Oo-
hlnnooi for tb* wicked, for It Hi like
■aot sharp aword tbot oat* from
U* baa praparad within
It sparks of lifbt and ooels wbieb
««"—~» tb* wicked, to puniah than
to the futon world for tbair not bar
tag kept tb* oommandinoata of tho
Law. For the tree of life that lath*
Law; whosoever keapa It In Una
world, b* will bra end last Uke th*
of Ufe: good atHlMb
whomaoerer keeps It In ink world,
Uk* tb* fruit of tb* tna of Ufe In tb*
world to soma.
(Jooetiuui^an-lhaatJ
Jrormwiinr.
wSjKOwwaa JlVCaUUtwMeL
hUSheobineh from the baglnnliig ba>
created tha world B* ha* <
m: Bo hea prepared tta* cardan of
an for tha righteous, that they
ahall tat and delight In tha frails of
tha tree, bosanot they hove acted
dozing their life a w a rdin g to tb*
doctrine wf tb* law in fhl* world,
and bar* kept Ha eommaiwlmoota :
Ha baa praparad tb* Oxhlnnom fee
tb* wicked, which I* llkaned ante a
abarp aword that oats from twootdaa:
Uo praparad within It sparks of light
andeoatoof lis to Jwdga with chat*
tb* wfcked who sahaUad ha thatt
Una agataat tha doctrine of th*
Law. Bettor la thai Law to him wh*
aati asaordlng to It than tha frojw. of
tb* tna of Ufe, for the Word of Jeho-
vah baa p r ep ared for him who keep*
It, thai ha ahall Un and walk hi tha
path* ofthewayofthetifeortka
Bl LAST CHAPTER OF DB0TEBONOMT, Vassal W.
1 Ass Moms went op
bom tb* plains of Moab
onto tho mountain of
Nebo, to th* top of Pia-
geh, that if oner against
Jericho. And the Loin
■hewed him all the land
w* (Ulead, onto Ban,
3 And all Naphtall, and
the land of Kphraim, and
Hanaanh, and all the
land of Jadah, onto tha
• And the sooth, and
th* plain of ths Tallsj
lotfeho.theolr/ofpaun
haw, ante Boar
1 Ami Moaaa ascended
from the eneampment
Hoab to the monntaln
Nebo : the bead of tho
height that la opposite
Jerieho. And Jehovah
showed blm all the land
of Qilead onto Dan.
3 And all Naphtall and
foe land of Bphralm and
aimaah, and aU the
d of Jndah to the
of from
of to
Am> Moota ascent
the plain of Moab
tho monntaln of Nebo,
th* summit of tho hill
which Is opposite Jeri-
eho. And God showed
tha whole let
Qilead onto Dan cf Oas-
S And all tb* land of
Naphtall, and tha land
of Bphralm and Hanaa-
aah, and tha whole land
of Jndah, to the hind-
Mao*,
t And thewaetand
of tho TaUey
Jerlabo the cdtgr of the
of plain
of plain
S and west, and the
of the Tallej of
Jericho tha etej which
prodooas ttw nana*, that
■ Bear.
1 Am Mom* ascended from tha
plains of Moab to the mountain ol
Kebo, tho snmmlt of the height
which la CTsr against Jericho, end
ths word of Jehorah showed him
all th* mighty ones of tho land :
the powerful deeds which Jepbthe
from QUeed wonld do, and tbeTkv
toriai of Samson tha eon of afa-
noah, from the tribe of Dan.
2 And tha thousand princes from
the boose of Naphtall who Joined
lama with Balak, and th* kingi
whom Joshua th* son of Nan from
the tribe of Brafan, wonld kin, and
the power of Gideon the son of Jo-
ash from the tribe of Meiaear,
sad all the Unas of Israel, and aba
kingdom of th* hone* of Jadah
who would rule In the land aaal
■ooond Sanctuary would h>
laid low.
8 And tha king of the sooth wha
wonld Join the king of tho north
to destroy the Inhabitants of th*
land, and tha Ammonite*, end ths
Moabttae, th* InhaMtantt of the
Tailors who wonld up pi em laraai.
and the mole of the dlotiploa of Baja
who wonld bo drlTen ont from the
plain of Jerieho, and tho .rile of
the dacJptaa of KUaba who -wonld
be dilvau ont from the drr of
palm* by their brethren, the bowse
maifui [Amffflue] the mil oao ens)
tb* battlearrey OT Sag. dad ■
thai groat misery Michael wU aaal
with tb* sword : to sere, aba.
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VJEBSUONS, ANOZBNT (TARGUM,
8421
V Tahocxs or "JoeKFH trb Bum" ow
nn Haokxjbapha.
u When Jonathan ban TJseiel began to para-
phrase the Cathubim " (Hagiographa), we read in
the Talmudlcal passage before quoted, " a mysteri-
oua voice was beard tajing: It ia enough. Thou
heat wealed the secrete of the Prophets — why
wouldit thoaahn renal those of the Holy Ghost?"
— It woald thus appear, that a Targum to these
looks (Job excepted) was entirely unknown up to a
fery late period. Those Targums on the Hagiog-
rapha which we now possess hare been attributed
vaguely to different authors, it being assumed in
the first instance that they were the work of one
aaan. Now it was Akylas the Greek translator,
mentioned in Bereshith Rabba (see above); now
Onkeloa, the Cbaldee translator of the Pentateuch,
his mythical double; now Jonathan b. Uzziel, or
Joseph (Jose* the Blind (see above). But the di-
versity in the different parti of the work warring
too palpably against the unity of authorship, the
blindness of the Inst named authority seemed to
show toe easiest way out of the difficulty. Joseph
was supposed to have dictated It to different dis-
ciples at different periods, and somehow every one
rf the amanuenses infused part of his own individ-
uality into his share of the work. Popular belief
thus fastened upon this Joseph the Blind, since a
name the work must needs have, and to him in
most of the editions, the Targum is affiliated. Yet,
if ever he did translate the Hagiographa, certain it
is that those which we possess are not by his or his
disciples' hands — that is, of the time of the 4th
century. Writers of the 13th century already re-
futed this notion of Joseph's authorship, for the as-
sumption of which there never was any other ground
than that he was mentioned in the Talmud, like
Onkelos-Akylas and Jonathan, in connection with
Targum ; and, a* we saw, there is indeed reason to
believe that he had a share in the redaction of
" Jonathan " to the Prophets, which falls in his
time. Between him and our hagiographlcal Tar-
guma, however, many centuries must have elapsed.
Yet we do not even venture to assign to them more
than an approximate round date, about 1000 A. D.
Besides the Targums to the Pentateuch and the
Prophets, those now extant range over Psalms,
Proverbs, Job, the five Megiiloth, i. e. Song of
Songs, Ruth, Lamentations, Esther, Ecclesiastes;
the Chronicles, and Daniel. Bare and Nehemiah
alone are left without a Targum at present; yet we
«n hardly help believing that ere long one wUl also
j* found to the latter, as the despaired-of Chroui-
alea was found in the 17th century, and Daniel —
■ tare trace of it at least — so recently, that as yet
nobody baa considered it worth his while to take
any notice of it We shall divide these Targums
into four groups : Proverbs, Job, Realms ; — Megii-
loth ; — Chronicles ; — and Daniel.
1. Tarqom ox PaAUta, Job, Protebbs.
Certain lingaiatio and other characteristics* ex-
hibited by these three Targums, lead to the con-
clusion that they are nearly contemporaneous pro-
ductions, and that their birthplace is, most likely,
Syria. While the two former, however, are mere
paraphrases, the Targum on Proverbs comes nearer
to our idra of a version than almost any Targum,
except perhaps that of Onkeloa. It adheres at
closely to the original text as possible. The most
remarkable feature about it however, and one which
has given rise to endless speculations and discus-
sions, is its extraordinary similarity to the Syriao
Version. It would indeed sometimes seem as if
they had copied each other — an opinion warmly
advocated by Dathe, who endeavored to prove that
the Chaldee had copied or adapted the Syrian,
there being passages in the Targum which could,
he assumed, only be accounted for by a misunder-
standing of the Syriae translation 6 It has, on the
other hand, been argued that there are a greater
number of important passages which distinctly show
that the Targuiniat had used an original Hebrew
text, varying from that of the Syriae, and had also
made use of the LXX. against the latter.' The
Syriasms would easily be accounted for by the Ara-
maic idiom itself, the forms of which vary but little
from, and easily merge into, the sister dialect of
Syria. Indeed nearly all of them are found in the
Talmud, a strictly Aramaic work. It has been
supposed by others that neither of these versions, aa
they are now in our hands, exhibit their original
form. A late editor, as it were, of the (mutilated)
Targum, might have derived his emendations from
that version which came nearest to it, both in lan-
guage and in close adherence to the Hebrew text —
namely, the Syriae ; and there is certainly every
reason to conclude from the wofully faulty slate in
which this Targum Is found (Luzzatto counts sev-
eral hundred corrupt readings in it), that many and
clumsy hands must have been at work upon the
later Codd. The moat likely solution of the diffi-
culty, however, seems to be that indicated by
Frankel — namely, that the LXX. is the common
source of both versions, but in such a manner that
the Aramaic has also msde use of the Hebrew and
the Greek — of the latter, however, through the
Syriae medium. As a specimen of the curious
similarity of both versions, the following two verses
from the beginning of the book may find a place
here; —
• Jt j , the use of the word * v23M tor angel In
fetg t*. an* Job, the 3, affixed to the U p. plur.
ersat Peal, the man. with pnaf. D, besides several
■ere or teas unusual Greek and Syriae words common
lo all Hues.
• X*,eb~xdx,& the Heb. void rP^"elsy,"
h tendered J.O^O, "etc/," in Syr. Targum trana-
stssKXO,"aUs,"whiohtsonb7tobsaeeoTu>to»lBt
ty a nil- understanding or misreading of the Syriae
L3;-2, where tor the second s the Obaldse trans-
ettr read a V \J5U3.
e Prav. xxvt. 10, ths Masarette text reads : 31
Vdd -oon bs bbnB ; lxx. «*** xni a&-
nu <r*pt a*p*W (- VCD "1B73)i Targ. VlC
MbS'DT H-ltW Wirti thus adopting exactly
the reading of the LXX. agaium ths received text
xxts, SI, ^SS "1MO p3DD, quoted In the sea*
am- In Tabs. Sneeab. 69 •; LXX. tt ccraemmke
U wa.lht ektrat fmi ; evidently reading T3X
mrr . Targ. nna prrasb. o»ms> ah» n*t
18, xsx 80, ke
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VERSIONS, AN01BNT (TABOUM)
CHAP. I. 8,8.
Taboom (Ver. 9).
KPimoi wioDn mob
v«. a.
rfwmn witt-id nbapob
j*nwnni rem unp-rsi
Compare also vers. 5, 6, 8, 10, 19, 18; oh. H.
m. 9, 10, 18-15; HI. 8-8, etc.
We must not omit to observe that no early Jew-
•h commentator — Rathi, Ibn Ezra, etc — men-
• -una the Targum either to Proverbs, or to Job and
Psalms. Nathan ben Jechiel (13th century) is the
lint who quotes it.
Respecting the two latter Targnms of this group,
Psalms and Job, it is to be observed that the; are,
more or leas, mere collections of fragments. That
there must hare existed paraphrases to Job at a
very early period follows from the Talmudical pas-
sages which we quoted in the introduction — nay,
we. almost feel inclined to assume that this book,
considered by the learned as a mere allegory (" Job
never was, and never was created," is the dictum
found in the Talmud, Halm Dathra, 16 a: i. «. he
never bad any real existence, but is a poetical,
though sacred, invention), opened the list of writ-
ten paraphrases. How much of the primitive ver-
sion is embodied in the one which we possess it is
of course next to impossible to determine, more es-
pecially in the state of infancy in which the inves-
tigation of the Targums as yet remains. So much,
however, is palpable, that the Targums of both
Psalms and Job in their present shape contain relics
of different authors in different times : some para-
phrasts, some strictly translators. Very frequently
a second version of the same passage is introduced
by the formula "VTH DW1, "another Tar-
gum," and varies most widely from its predecessor;
while, more especially in the Psalms, a long series
of chapters translated literally, is followed by an-
other series translated in the wildest and most
fanciful character. The Cod. Erpen. still exhibits
these various readings, as such, side by side, on its
margin ; thence, however, they hare in our printed
editions found their way into the text. How much
of these variants, or of the entire text, belongs to
the Palestinian Cycles, which may well have em-
braced the whole Torah, — or whether they are to
K considered exclusively the growth of later times,
tnd have thus but a very slender connection with
sitiier the original Babylonian or the Palestinian
Targum-works, future investigation must determine.
The most useful in this group is naturally the
Targum on Proverbs, it being the one which trans-
lates most closely, or rather the only one which
does translate at all. Besides the explanation it
gives of difficult passages in the text, its peculiar
affinity to the Syriao Version naturally throws
some light upon both, and allows of emendations
m and through either. As to Job and Psalms,
their chief use lies in their showing the gradual
dying stages of the idiom in which they are writ-
ten, and also in their being in a manner guides to
the determination of the date of certain stages of
QuMadab.
Sra. (Ver. •).
JLoji^oo JAooa~ t.^
Ver. 8.
JAXwjo J Lot -jo n\"ini>No
JtcyiLo M«.»o JLcux,»Jo
9, 8. Targums ox thx nvx alxouxom.
These Targums are likewise not mentioned be-
fore the 12th century, when the Arueh quotes there
severally, — although Esther must hare been traoa-
lated at a very early period, since the Talmud al-
ready mentions a Targum on it. Of this, we and
hardly add, no trace is found in our present Tar-
gum. The freedom of a "version*' can go ne
further than it does in these Targums on the ile-
gilloth. Tbey are, in fact, mere Haggadah. and
bear the most striking resemblance to the Midrash
on the respective books. Curiously enough, the
gradual preponderance of the Paraphrase over the
text is noticeable in the following order: Knth,
Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, Esther, Song of Songs.
The latter is fullest to oversowing of those " mu/a
atque fritoliiaUt," which have so sorely tried the
temper of the wise and grave. Starting from the
almost ccmical notion that all they found in the
books of Mohammedanism and of Judaism, of
Borne and of Greece, if it seemed to nave any ref-
erence to " Keligio," however unsupported, and
however plainly bearing the stamp of poetry — good
or bad — on its face, must needs be a religious creed,
and the creed (breed upon every single believer: —
they could not but get angry with mere 'day-
dreams ' being Interspersed with the sacred litera-
ture of the Bible. Delitesch, a scholar of our
generation, says of the Targums in general that
" history becomes in them most charming, moat in-
structive poetry; but this poetry is not the inven-
tion, the phantasms of the writer, but the old and
popular venerable tradition or legend .... the
Targums are poetical, both as to their contents and
form " {Getch. d. Jad. Pocrit, p. 87): and further,
" The wealth of legend in its gushing fullness did
not suffer any formal bounds; legend bursts upon
legend, like ware upon wave, not to be dammed in
even by any poetical forms. Thus the Jerusalem
Tarpim in its double Recensions [to the Penta-
teuch], and the Targums on the five Megilioth are
the most beautiful, national works of art, through
which there runs the golden thread of Scripture,
and which are held together only by the unity of
the idea" (p. 135). Although we do not share
Delitzsch's enthusiasm to the full extent, yet we
cannot but agree with him that there are, togetlu*
with stones and dust, many pearls of precious price
to be gathered from these much despised, because
hardly known, books.
The dialect of these books occupies the mean be-
tween the East and West Aramssan, and there is a
certain unity of style and design about all the five
books, which fully justifies the supposition that
they are, one and all, the work of one author. It
may be that, taken in an inverted series, tbey mare
the successive stage* of a poet's life; glowing, rep
turous, overflowing in the first; stately, sober,
prosy in the last. As to the time of its s riling ej
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YBB8ION8, ANOIBNT (TABGTJM)
8428
suiting, we have igiin to repeat, that it la moat
uooertaln, but unquestionably belongs to a period
much later than the Talmud. Thebook of Esther,
enjoying both through its storj-like form and the
aarly injunction of its being read or heard by every
one on the Feast of Purim, a great circulation and
popularity, has been targnmbied many timet, and
besides the one embodied in the five Megilloth,
there are two more extant (not tkrtt, as generally
stated: the so-called third being only an abbrevia-
tion of the first), whioh are called respectively the
first: a abort one without digressions, and the
seeond — ( Targum thou) : a larger one, belonging
to the Palestinian Cycle. The latter Targum is a
■nllnetinn of eastern romances, broken up and ar-
ranged to the single verses: of gorgeous hues and
extravagant imagination, such ss are to be met with
in the Adshaib or Cbamis, or any eastern collec-
tion of legends and tales.
TI. Targum on the Book of Chbonicuu.
This Targum was unknown, as we said before,
up to a very recent period. In 1680, It was edited
for the first time from an Erfurt MS. by M. F.
Heck, and in 1715 from a more complete as well ss
sorreet MS. at Cambridge, by D. Wilkins. The
name of Hungary occurring in it, and its frequent
use of the Jeniselein-Targum to the Pentateuch,
amounting sometimes to simple copying (coup, the
Genealogical Table in chap, i., eto ) show sufficiently
that its author is neither "Jonathan b. Uaxiel"
nor " Joseph the Bliud," ss has been suggested.
But the language, style, and the Haggsdah, with
which it abounds, point to a late period and point
out Palestine as the place where it was written.
Its use must be limited to philologioal, historical,
. and geographical studies; the science of exegesis
will profit little by it. The first edition appeared
under the title Paraplirntit ChaUnim tibr. Cai-un-
ioortm, cura M. F. Beekii, 9 torn. Aug. Vind.
1680r88, 4U>; the second by D. Wilkins, Para-
pArotu .... audort R. Joetpho, etc Amu.,
1716, 4to. The first edition has the advantage of
a large number of very learned notes, the second
that of a comparatively more correct and complete
tint,
VIL Trx Tajmhtm to Danikl.
It is for the first time that this Targum, for the
oon-existeuce of which many and weighty reasons
were given (that the date of the Messiah's arrival
was hidden in it, among others), is here formally
introduced into the regular rank and file of Tar-
gums, although it has been known for now more
than five and twenty years. Munk found it not
Indeed in the Original Aramaic, but in what ap-
pears to him to be an extract of it written in Per-
sian. The MS. (Anc Fond, No. 45, Imp. Library)
is inscribed " History of Daniel," and has retained
only the first words of the Original, which it trans-
lates likewise into Persian. This language is then
retained throughout.
After several legends known from other Targums,
follows a long prophecy of Daniel, from which the
book is shown to have been written after the first
Crusade- Mohammad and his successors are men-
tioned, also a king who owning from Europe
prST") W) will go to Damascus, and km the
jshmaalitie (Mohammedan) kings and princes; he
sill break down the minarets (mtOB), destroy
he mosques (r*TODO), «nd no one will after
that dare to pronounce the name of the Profits*
(blDD = Mohammad). The Jews will also have
to suffer great misfortunes (ss indeed the knightly
Crusaders won their spurs by dastardly murderinf
the helpless masses, men, women, and children, i*
the Ghettos along the Rhine and elsewhere, before
they started to deliver the Holy Tomb). By a
sudden transition the Prophet then pssses on to the
" Messiah, son of Joseph," to Gog and Magog, and
to the •' true Messiah, the ton of David." Munk
rightly concludes that the book must hare been
composed in the 13th century, when Christian
kings reigned for a brief period over Jerusalem
{Notice lur Saadia, Par. 1838).
VIII. There is also a Chaldee translation extact
of the apocryphal pieces of Esther, whioh, entirely
lying apart from our task, we oonfine ourselves to
mention without further entering into the subject.
De Rossi has published them with Notes and Dis-
sertations. Tiibingen, 1783, 8vo.
Further fragments of the PALXartaxui Tabgom.
Besides the complete books belonging to the Pal-
estinian Cycle of Targum whioh we have mentioned,
and the portions of it intersected as ••Another
Beading," » Another Targum," into the Babylo-
nian Versions, there are extant several independent
fragments of it Nor need we as yet despair of
finding still further portions, perhaps one day to
see it restored entirely. There is all the more hops
for this, as the Targum has not been lost very long
yet Abudraham quotes the Targum Jeruahalmi
to Samuel (i. 9, 18). Kimchl has preserved several
passages from it to Judge* (xl. 1, consisting of 47
words); to Samuel (i. 17, 18: 106 words); and
Kingi (i. 93, 31: 68 words; it 4, 1: 174 words;
iv. 6: 65 words; iv. 7: 79 words; xiii. 91: 9
words), under the simple name of Toseftah, i. e.
Addition, or Additional Targum. Luszatto has
also lately found fragments of the same, under the
names " Targum of Palestine," " Targum of Jeru
ahalmi," " Another Reading," etc., in an African
Codex written 6947 A. it. = 1487 A. D., namely,
to 1 Sam. xvili. 19; 9 Sam. xil 19; 1 Kings v. 9,
T. 11, v. IS, x. 18, x. 96, rlr. 18; to Hosea i. 1;
Obad. i. 1. — To Isaiah, Rashi (/soots, not as peo-
ple still persist in calling him, Jarehi), Abudraham
and Faritsol quote it: and a fragment of the Tar
gum to his prophet is extant in Cod. TJrbin. Vat
ican No. 1, containing about 190 words, and be-
ginning : <• Prophecy of Isaiah, which he prophesied
at the end of his prophecy in the days of Msnsssnh
the Son of Hesekiah the King of the Tribe of the
House of Judah on the 17th of Tamus in the hoar
when Manasseh set np an idol in the Temple," eto.
Isaiah predicts in this his own violent death. Parte
of this Targum are also fonnd in Hebrew, In Peaik
tah Rabbathi 6 a, and Talkut Isa. 68 d. A Jeru-
salem Targum to Jeremiah Is mentioned by Kim-
chl; to Ksekiel by R. Simeon, Nathan (Aruoh),
and likewise by Kimehi, who also speaks of s
further additional Targum to Jonathan for this
book. A «' Targnm-Jeruscslml " to Mieah is
known to Baahi, and of Zeehariah a fragment has
been published in Brans (Eiohhorn's Rtperi. xv.
174) from a RenehHnian MS. (Cod. 864, Kennie
96", written 1108. The passage, found as a mar-
ginal (loss to Zech. xH. 10, reads ss follows: —
» Targum Jerushahni. And I shall poor oat
upon the Hr jse of David and the tnhabitante of
Jerusalem the spirit of prophesy and of prayer tm
truth. And after this shall go forth Ma-slab tbi
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8424 VERSIONS, ANCIENT
Sm of Efraim to wage war against Gog. And
Gog will kill him before the city of Jemihthim.
Hie; will look np to me end they will aik me
wherefore toe heathen have killed Messiah the Son
af Eft-aim They will than moarn orer him at
monm father and mother orer an only ton, and
they will wail orer him ai one wail* over a flntbom."
— A Targtun Jemahalmi to the third chapter of
Hatxikkut, quoted by Kashi, ia mentioned by De
liossi (Cod. 866 and 405, both 13th century). It
has been suggested that a Targam Jerushalmi on
the Prophets only existed to the Haftarahs, which
had at one time been translated perhaps, like the
portion from the Law, in public; but we hare seen
that entire books, not to mention single chapters,
possessed a Palestinian Targum, which never were
intended or used for the purpose of Haftarah. And
there is no reason to doubt that the origin of this
Targum to the Prophets is precisely similar to, and
perhaps contemporaneous with, that which we
traced to that portion which embraces the Penta-
teuch. The Babylonian Version, the " Jonathan- "
Targum, though paraphrastic, did not satisfy the
apparently more imaginative Palestinian public.
Thus from heaped-up additions and marginal
glosses, the step to a total re-writing of the entire
Codex in the manner and taste of the latter times
and toe different locality, was easy enough. From
a critique of the work at such, howerer, we must
naturally keep aloof, as long as we hate only the
few specimens named to judge from. But its gen-
eral spirit and tendency are clear enough. So is
also the advantage to which even the minimum
that hat survived may soma day be put by the stu-
dent of Hidrashic literature, at we have briefly in-
dicated above.
We cannot conclude without expressing the hope
— probably a vain one — that linguistic studies
may tuou turn in the direction of that vast and
most interesting, as well at important, Aramaic
literature, of which the Targums form but a small
Hem.
The writer finally begs to observe that the trans-
lations of all the passages quoted from Talmud and
Midnuli, at well as the specimens from the Targum,
have been made by him directly from the respective
originals.
N. Pfeifler, Critiea 8aer.; Tbo. Smith, Dia-
tribe ; Gerhard, De Script. Saer. ; Halvicus, De
ChnU. BibL Paraph, t Varan, De Targ. Onktl ;
Wolf, Bibl. Btbr. ; Oarpsov, Critiea Sacra ; Joh.
Morinus, ExerdlL BibL ; Schickard, Bechin. Bap-
oer. ; Jcrar, Prokg. Bibiia ; Rivet, Itagogt ad
8. S.; Allix, Jndic EccUm. JmL; Huet, De
Claris InUrpp.; Leusdeu, PhiloL Btbr.; Pri-
jeaux, Connect. ; Rambach, ln*L Berm. Sacr. ;
Ettas Levita, Afetnrgemmi Tithbi; Losaatto,
Okeb Utrt Perkovitx, Oteh Or; Winer, Onkt-
-»; Anger, De Onkeloeo; Vitringa, Synagogn;
Axariah De Boss!, iltor Enqjim ; Petennann, De
Ambus Peat. Paraph. ; Dathe, De ration* con-
mikui rers. ChaU. tt Syr. Prat. Sal ; Lovy, in
Geiger's Zeiteckr.; Levysohn and Traab in Fran-
ker s Monatmchr. ; Zuns, GaUemk'enttL Vartrige ;
Geiger, UnehrM; Frankd, VortttuSm sar L XX. ;
Btilrage f. Pal Emtg., Ztittckrifl; Afonatt-
tthrift t Geiger, ZeUtehrift ; Flint, Orient ; BaU.
AUg. liter. Zatg. 1831 and IMS; Intndmctumt
rf Walton, Eiehnoru, KeU, Haveroick, Jahn, Herbst,
Bsrthcau, Davidson, eta. ; Gesenius, Jetaia ; Home,
truck ; Gesckichtm of Jost, Hersfeld. Grata, etc. ;
Dulittaeh, Getrh. d. J id. Poede; Sachs's Btitiigt;
VEB8ION, AUTHORIZED
Furtt, Ckald. Croats*. , E. Dautseh in Wetterm
Manattehr., 1869; Zattchrijl and VtrkamUmot\
der Deufohm Mor/tnimud. OtteUeok, etc-, ete.
K.D.
VERSION, AUTHORIZED. The history
of the English ttanslatinnt of the Bible connects
Itself with many points of interest in that of the
nation and the Church. The lives of the individ-
ual translators, the long struggle with the indiner-
ence or opposition of men in power, the religions
condition of the people as calling far, or affected
by, the appearance of the translation, the time and
place and form of the successive editions by which
the demand, when once created, was — ffW —
each of these has furnished, and might again fur-
nish, materials for a volume. It is obvious that
the work now to be done must lie within n ar rower
limits; and it ia proposed, therefore, to exclude all
that belongs simply to the personal history of the
men, or the general history of the time, or that
comes within the special province of bibliography.
What will be timed at will be to give an account of
the several versions as they appeared; to ascertain
the qualifications of the translators for the work
which they undertook, and the principles on which
they acted; to form an estimate of the final result
of their labors in the received version, and, at con-
sequent on this, of the nec es sit y or oVsJrablcnsst el
a new or revised translation; and, finally, to give
such a survey of the literature of the subject at
may help the reader to obtain a fuller knowledge
for himself.
I. Eutur Tbab*laiiohs. — It waa saasrted by
Sir Thomas Hon, in bit anxiety to TrtTiVJVi a
point against Tyndel, that be had seen English
translations of the Bible, which had been mad* be-
fore WycHfte, and that these were approved by the
Bishops, and were allowed by them to be read by
laymen, and even by devout women (Dialogues, eh.
riil.-xlv. col 88). There seem good grounds, bow-
ever, for doubting the accuracy of this statement.
No such translations — versions, i. e. of the entire
Scriptures — are now extant No traces of them
appear in any contemporary writer. WyehnVa
great complaint ia, that there is no translation
(FonhaU and Madden, Wycttfe't Bible, Pre/, p.
xxi. ProL p. 69). The Constitutions of Arehbiabop
Arundel (a. d. 1408) mention two only, and then
are WycliBVs own, and the one bated on hit and
completed after his death. Hole's statement must
therefore be regarded either as a rhetorical exagger-
ation of the bet that parts of the Bible had been
previously translated, or as rising out of a mistake
as to the date of MSS.of the WycHfle version. The
history of the English Bible will therefore begin,
u it has begun hitherto, with the work of the first
great reformer. One glance, however, we may
give, in passing, to the earlier history of the Eng-
lish Church, and connect some of its most h o u ored
names with the great work of making the truths of
Scripture, or parts of the books themselves, if not
the Bible as a whole, accessible to the people. W«
may think of Cardmon as emlndying the enoie
history of the BiUe in the alliterative rrebe of
Anglo-Saxon poetry (Bede, f/ut. EccL iv. 94); at
Aldbebn, Bishop of Sherborne, in the 7th center?
at rendering the Psalter; of Bede, at tratiaaatng hi
the last hours of Ma life the Gospel of St Job
(EpisU Cuthberti); of Alfred, setting forth in his
mother-tongue v the great groundwork of hif
legislation, the four chanters of Exodus (xt.-mflL
that "Wt* 1 -*^ the first code of the lews nf tare*
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(Psuli'a life o/ Alfred, ch. v.). The wisliea of
the (rreat king extended further. He desired that
"all the free-bom youth of hu kingdom should
be able to read the English Scriptures" " (ibul.).
Portions of the Bible, some of the Psalms, and ex-
tracts from other books, were translated by him fur
his own use and that of his children. The tradi-
tions of a later date, seeing i ) him the representa-
tive of all that was good in the old Saxon time,
made him the translator of toe whole Bible (ibid.
Supp. to ch. v.).
The work of translating was, however, carried on
l,y others. One Anglo-Saxon version of the four
Gospels, interlinear with the Latin of the Vulgate,
known as the Durham Book, is found in the Cot-
toniau MSS. of the British Museum, and is referred
to the 9tli or 10th century. Another, known as
the Kushworth Gloss, and belonging to the same
period, is in the Bodleian library at Oxford."
Another, of a somewhat later date, is in the same
collection, and in the library of C. C. College, Cam-
bridge. The name of Aldhelm, Bishop of Sher-
borne, is connected with a version of the Psalms ;
that of jElfric, with an Epitome of Scripture His-
tory, Including a translation of many parts of the
historical books of the Bible (Lewis, HitL of
TnuuL ch. i. ; Forshall and Madden, Prefnee ;
Bagster'a JCngluh Hexapln, Pref.). The influence
of Norman ecclesiastics, in the reigns that preceded
or followed the Conquest, was probably adverse to
the continuance of this work. They were too far
removed from sympathy with the subjugated race
to care to educate them in their own tongue The
spoken dialects of the English of thut period would
naturally seem to them too rude and uncouth to
be the channel of Divine truth. Pictures, mys-
teries, miracle-plays, rather than hooks, were the
instruments of education for all but the few who,
in monasteries under Norman or Italian superin-
tendence, devoted themselves to the study of theol-
ogy or law. In the remoter parts of England, how-
ever, where their Influence was less felt, or the na-
tional feeling was stronger, there were those who
carried on the succession, and three versions of the
Gospels, in the University Library at Cambridge,
in the Bodleian, and in the British Museum, be-
longing to the 11th or 13th century, remain as
attesting their labors. The metrical paraphrase of
the Gospel history, known as the Ormulum, in al-
literative English verse, ascribed to the latter half
of the 18th century, is the next conspicuous monu-
ment, and may be looked upon as indicating a de-
* So Paull (Bog. tranal.). Bat would » Bngliso ge-
•rrifuwan "the Scriptures" exclusively t Do not
ihs words of Alfred point to a general as well as a re-
ligious education ?
• On* interesting oust connected with this version
Is thai ts text agrees with that of the Codex Bain
where that MS. diners most from the uxttu rteeptu* of
the N. T. Another Is its publication by Foxe the
alartyrologist in 1871, at toe request of Archbishop
Parker. It was subsequently edited by Dr. Marshall
to 1666.
It may be noticed, ss bearing upon a question after-
wards the subject of muoh discussion, that io this and
aw other Anglo-Saxon versions the attempt Is made to
kit* vernacular equivalents even for the words which,
•a belonging to a systematic theology, or for other
reasons, most later versions have left practically un-
sraaaSMsa. Thus baptiima Is " f/Ulth " (washing) ■
<— ff w f io, "doed-boto" (redress for evil doom. Be
mbm are " booere" (bookmen). Synagogue* -gee-
ruaungum" (msnttngs); amen, "sothllo * (In
■ire to place the fact* of the Blole within reach of
others than the clergy.' The 13th century, a time
in England, at throughout Europe, of religious re-
vival, witnessed renewed attempts. A prose trans-
lation of the Bible into Norman-French, cir. a. i>.
1260, indicates a demand for devotional reading
within the circle of the Court, or of the wealthier
merchants, or of convents for women of high rank.
Further signs of the same desire are found in three
English versions of the Psalms — one towards the
close of the 13th century; another by Schorham,
cir. A. D. 1320; another — with other canticles
from the O. T. and N. T. — by Richard Rolle of
Hampole, cir. 1349 ; the last being accompanied by
a devotional exposition ; and in one of the Gospels
of St. Mark and St. Luke, and of all St. Paul's
epistles (the list includes the apocryphal epistle to
the ljiodiceans), in the library of C. C. College,
Cambridge. The fact stated by Archbishop Arun-
del in his funeral sermon on Anne of Bohemia, wife
of Richard II., that she habitually read the Gospels
in the vulgar tongue, with divers expositions, was
probably true of many others of high rank. 1 ' It is
interesting to note these facts, not as detracting
from the glory of the great reformer of the 14th cen-
tury, but as showing that for him also there had
been a preparation; that what he supplied met a
demand which had for many years been gathering
strength. It is almost needless to add that these
versions started from nothing better than the copies
of the Vulgate, more or less accurate, which each
translator had before him (Lewis, cb. 1.; Forshall
and Madden, Prefnee).
II. Wycufpe (b. 1324; d. 1384). — (1.) it is
singular, and not without significance, that the first
translation from the Bible connected with the nam*
of Wycliffe should have been that of part of the
Apocalypse.' The Latt Age oftkt Church (a. i>.
1356) translates and expounds the vision in which
the reformer read the signs of his own times, the
sins and the destruction of " Antichrist and his
uieynee" (= multitude). Shortly after this be
completed a version of the Gospels, accompanied by
a commentary "so that pore Christen men may
some dele know the text of the Gospel, with the
comyn sentence of olde bolie doctores" (Preface).
Wycliffe, however, though the chief, was not the
only laborer in the cause. The circle of English
readers was becoming wider, and they were not
content to have the Book which they honored
above all others in a tongue not their own./ An
other translation and commentary appear to bare
sooth); and phylacteries, "heolsbee" (neek-books).
Bee Lewis, Hilt, of Translation!, p. 8.
e The Ormolmn, edited by Dr. White, was printed
at the Oxford University Press lu 1862.
tf Chronologically, of course, the Gospels thus re
ferred to may have been WvcliuVs translation ; but
the strong opposition of Arondsl to the work of the
Reformer makes It probable that those which the
queen used belonged to a different school, like th it of
the versions just mentioned.
• The authorship of this book has however ban
disputed (comp. Todd's Prrfart).
/ " One comfort is of knigbtes ; they saveren much
ti» Qoepslle, and bars wills to read In BngUsche th*
Gospelle of Ohrlstss life " (WynUBa, Prologue). Com-
pare the speech ascribed to John of Qauut (IB Bie. n.).
« We will not be the dregs of all, seeing other nations
have the law of God, which Is the law or our frith,
written In their own language " (foxe, Pre/, to t
QotpeU ; Lswts. p »)
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VERSION, AUTHORIZED
been made about the same time, In ignorance of
Wycliffc's work, and for the " manie lewid men
that gladlie would kon the Gospelle, if it were
draglien into the Kugliach tung." The fact that
many M8S. of this period are extant, containing
in English a Monotessaron, or Harmony of the
Gospels, accompanied by portion! of the epistles, or
portions of the 0. T., or an epitome of Scripture
history, or the substance of St. Paul's epistles, or
the catholic epistles at full length, with indications
more or less distinct of Wycliffe's influence, shows
bow wide-spread was the feeling that the time had
eomc for an English Bible. (Forshall and Mad-
den, Prrf. pp. xiii.-xrii.) These preliminary bv-
lors were followed up by a complete translation
of the N. T. by Wycliffe himself. The 0. T.
was undertaken by his coadjutor, Nicholas de
Hereford, but was interrupted probably by a cita-
tion to appear before Archbishop Arundel in 1382,
and rods abruptly (following so far the order of
the Vulgate) in the middle of Baruch. Many of
the MSS of thia version now extant present a
different recension of the text, and it is probable
that the work of Wycliffe aud Hereford was re-
vised by Richard Purvey, cir. A. D. 1388. To
him also is ascribed the interesting Prologue, in
which the translator gives an account both of his
purpose and his method. (Forshall and Madden,
Prrf. p. xxv.)
(2.) The former was, as that of Wycliffe had
been, to give an English Bible to the English
people. He appeals to the authority of Bede, of
Alfred, and of GroauHe, to the examples of
" Frenghe, und Beemers (Bohemians), and Brit-
ons." lie answers the hypocritical objections
that men were not holy enough for such a work ;
that it was wrong for " idiots " to do what the
great doctors of the Church had left undone.
He hopes " to make the sentence as trews and
open in Knglishe as it U in Latine, or more trewe
and open."
It need hardly be said, as regards the method of
the translator, that the version was based entirely
upon the Vulgate. If, in the previous century,
scholars like Grostfste and Roger Bacon, seeking
knowledge in other lands, and from men of other
races, had acquired, as they seem to have done,
some knowledge both of Greek and Hebrew, the
succession had, at all events, not been perpetuated.
The war to be waged at a later period with a
different issue between Scholastic Philosophy and
' Humanity " ended, in the first struggle, in the
triumph of the former, and there was probably no
one at Oxford among Wycliffe's contemporaries
who could have helped him or Purvey in a transla-
tion from the original. It is something to find at
such a time the complaint that " learned doctoris
aaken littel heede to the lettre," the recognition
»nat the Vulgate was not all sufficient, that '• the
<• A crucial instance is that of Oen. Ul. 16: " Sht
hall trade thy head."
6 This knowledge Is, however, at sscond hand, " bl
aitnesw of Jerom, of Uts, and other expoattouria."
c It is worth while to give his own account of this
rooen : " First this simple creature," bis usual way
sf speaking of himself, " hedde mrcbe travails, with
fivarte felawls and helper!*, to seders mania elde
Males, and others doctoris. and comune glosis, and
-JD mats oo Lsvyn bible sumdel trewe, and thanne to
stnctte It of the new, the text with the glose, and
Mass* doctoris, as be mfcte, and speciall Ura on the
texte of oure bokis " (he is speaking of toe Psalter
and the difficulty of understanding it) " diseordetk
much from the Ehreu."* The difficulty which
was thus felt was increased by the state of the
Vulgate text. The translator complains that what
the Church had in view was not Jerome's version,
but a later and corrupt text; that " the comune
I^atyne Bibles han more neede to be corrected as
manie as I have seen in my life, than hath the
Englisbe Bible late translated." To remedy this
he ha-i recourse to collation. Many MSS. were
compai«I, and out of this comparison, the true
reading ascertained as far as possible. The next
step was to consult the (Sloan Ordatnria, the com-
mentaries of Nicholas de Lyra, and others, as to
the meaning of any difficult passages. After thia
(we recognize here, perhaps, a departure from the
right order) grammars were consulted. Then came
the actual work of translating, which he aimed at
making idiomatic rather than literal As he went
on, he submitted his work to the judgment of
others, and accepted their suggestions.' It is in-
teresting to trace these early strivings after Um
true excellence of a translator; yet more interest-
ing to take note of the spirit, never surpassed, sel-
dom equaled, in later translators, in which the work
was done. Nowhere do we find the conditions of
the work, intellectual and moral, mora solemnly
asserted. " A translator hath grete nede to stadia
well the sentence, both before and after," so-that
no equivocal words may mislead his readers or
himself, and then also " he hath nede to lyre a
clene life, and be fid devout in prefers, and have
not bis wit occupied about worldli things, that the
Holie Spiryt, author of all wiaedom, and cunnynge
and truthe, dresse (= train) him in his work, and
suffer him not for to err " (Forshall and Madden,
ProL p. 60).
(3.) The extent of the circulation gained by this
version may t* estimated from the fact that, in
spite of all the chances of time, and all the sys-
tematic effbrta for its destruction made by Arch-
bishop Arundel and others, not less than 150 copies
are known to be extant, some of then obviously
made for persons of wealth and rank, others ap-
parently for humbler readers. It is significant as
bearing, either on the date of the two works, or
on the position of the writers, that while the quo-
tations from Scripture in Langton's [Iangland'a]
Virion of Pirn Plouman are uniformly given in
latin, those in the Perwnt'i Tait of Chaucer are
given in English, which for the most jsut agrees
substantially with WycliftVs translation.
(4.) The following characteristics may be noticed
as distinguishing this version: (1.) The general
homeliness of its style. The language of the court
or of scholars is as far as possible avoided, and thst
of the people followed. In this respect the prin-
ciple has been acted on by later translators. The
elde testament, that helpld fall royche In this wars,
the thrldde time to counsel with elde grammarians
and elde djrvynls of hards wordea and hards sentences
haw thass mists best be understate and translated,
the my* tyme to translate as olestils ss he cowls ta
the sentence, sad to have manie good felawls ana
ku-lnvngeat the correcting of ths uaaalaeloua " (fr»(t
off, c. xv.). The note at the close of the preface. OS
the grammatical idioms of difkrrnt languages, ths
many Kngllsh equivalents, «. t. for the Lstln nlisallll
absolute, shows consld cable discernment.
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ftyat of WyeEBe is to that of Chaucer u Tyndal's
* to Surrey's, or that of the A. V. to lieu Jon-
■ou'a. (3.) The aubstitirjon, in many cases, of
English equinlenta for quasi-technical word*. Thua
■a find "fy" or "fogh" instead of "Baca" (Matt,
r. 23); "they were washed" in Matt iii. 6;
"riehesae" for "mammon " (Luke xvi. 9, il, 13);
"bishop*' for "high-priest" [pittim). (3) The
extreme literalneas with which, in some instances,
even at the cost of being unintelligible, the Vulgate
text is followed, as in 2 Cor. i. 17-19.
III. Trap a i. — The work of Wycliflfe stands
by itself. Whatever power it exercised in pre-
paring the way for the Reformation of the 16th
century, it had no perceptible influence on later
translations. By the reign of Henry VIII. its
Kngliah was already obsolescent, and the revival
of Hmmiml scholarship led men to feel dissatisfied
with a version which had avowedly been made at
second-hand, not from the original. With Tyndal,
on the other hand, we enter on a continuous suc-
cession. He is the patriarch, in no remote ances-
try, of the Authorized Version. With a consistent,
unswerving purpose, he devoted his whole life to
this oue work; and through dangers and difficul-
ties, amid enemies and treacherous friends, in exile
and loneliness, accomplished it. More than Cran
uier or Kidley he ia the true hero of the English
hVfbnnation. While they were slowly moving o&
wards, halting between two opinions, watching how
the court-winds blew, or, at the best, making the
most of opportunities, he set himself to the task
without which, he felt sure, reform would be im-
possible, which once accomplished, would render
it inevitable. " Ere many years," he said, at the
age of thirty-six (a. d. 1520), he would cause " a
boy that drivetb the plough " to know more of
Scripture than the great body of the clergy then
knew (Foxe, in Anderson's AnnaU of Enylitk Bible,
i. 36). We are able to form a fairly accurate esti-
mate of his fitness for the work to which he thus
gave himself. The change which had come over
the universities of continental Europe since the
time of Wycliffe had affected those of England.
Greek had been taught in Paris in 1458. The first
Greek Grammar, that of Constautine Ijucaris, had
been printed in 1476. It was followed in 1480 by
Craston'i Lexicon. The more enterprising scholars
of Oxford visited foreign universities for the sake
of the new learning. Grocyn (d. 1519), Linacre
(d. 1524), Colet (d. 1519), had, in this way, from
the Greeks whom the fall of Constantinople had
scattered over Europe, or from their Italian pupils,
learnt enough to enter, in their turn, upon the
work of teaching. When Erasmus visited Oxford
in 1497, he found in these masters a scholarship
which even he could admire. Tyndal, who went
to Oxford cire. 1500, must have been within the
range of their teaching. His two great opponents,
Sir Thomas More and Bishop Tonatal, are known to
hive been among their pupils. It ia significant
nongh that after some years of study Tyndal left
Oxford and went to Cambridge. Such changes
were, It is true, common enough. The fame of
soy great teacher would draw round him men from
ether universities, from many lands. In this in-
of Tyndal's choice ia probably
not far to seek (Walter, Biog. Nofict to Tyndal'*
Doctrinal Trealitet). Erasmus waa in Cambridge
from 1509 to 1614. All that we know of Tyndal'r
character and life, the fact especially that he had
made translations of portions of the N. T. as early
as 1603 « (Oflbr, lift of Tyndal, p. 9), leads to
the conclusion that he resolved to make the moat
of the presence of one who was emphatically the
scholar and philologist of Europe. It must be re-
membered, too, that the great scheme of Cardinal
Ximenes was just then beginning to interest the
minds of all scholars. The publication of lias
Complutensian Bible, it ia true, did not take place
till 1530: but the collection of MSS. and other
preparations for it began as early as 1504. In the
mean time Erasmus himself, in 1516, brought out
the first published edition of the Greek Testament;
and it waa thus made accessible to all scholars. Of
the use made by Tyndal of these opportunities Ve
have evidence in his coming up to London (1523),
in the vain hope of persuading Tonatal 'known a*
a Greek scholar, an enlightened Humanist) to
sanction his scheme of rendering the N. T. into
English, and bringing a translation of one of the
orations of Isocrates aa a proof of his capacity for the
work. The attempt waa not successful. " At the
last I understood not only that there was no room
in my Lord of London's palace to translate the N.
T., but also that there was no place to do it in all
England " (Pref. to Fm Booh of Motet).
It ia not so easy to say how far at this time any
knowledge of Hebrew was attainable at the English
universities, or how far Tyndal had used any means
of access that were open to him. It is probable
that it may have been known, in some measure, to
a few bolder than their fellows, at a time far earlier
than the introduction of Greek. The large body
of Jew* settled in the cities of England must have
possessed a knowledge, more or less extensive, of
their Hebrew books. On their banishment, to the
number of 16,000, by Edward I., these books fell
into the hands of the monks, superstitiously rever-
enced or feared by most, yet drawing some to ex-
amination, and then to study. Grost£te, it ia said,
knew Hebrew as well as Greek. Koger Bacon
knew enough * to pass judgment on tbe Vulgate as
incorrect and misleading. Then, however, came a
period in which linguistic studies were thrown into
the background, and Hebrew became an unknown
speech even to the best-read scholars. The first
signs of a revival meet ua toward the close of the
15tb century. The remarkable fact that a Hebrew
Psalter waa printed at Sonoino in 1477 (forty yean
before Erasmus's Greek Testament), tbe Penta-
teuch in 1482, tbe Prophets in 1486, the whole of
the O. T. in 1488, that by 1496 four editions had
been published, and by 1596 not fewer than eleven
(Whitaker, ffitt. and Cril. Inquiry, p. 22) Indi-
cates a demand on the part of the Christian stu-
dents of Europe, not less than on that of the. molt
learned Jews. Here also the progress of the Com-
plutensian Bible would hare attracted the nolle*
of scholars. The cry raised by the " Trojans " of
Oxford in 1619 (chiefly consisting of the friars, whs
from the time of Wyclifle had all but swamped the
education of tbe place) against the first Greek lec-
tures — that to study that language would make
« • The MB. on which this statement Is founded Is
swDOjneed by Mr. Francis Jiy of Bristol to be un-
lu satlo u ablj a forger. So Mr. Was.'e&^ regards it
\Hut. tftkt JfoffuA BibU,.f. 82, note). A
» Tbe boast of Baeon, that any one using Ma
method rould learn Hebrew and Greek within a weak,
bold as i: la, shows that he knev aomathlng of boa
(Dt laud* awe. Script, e. 28).
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men Pagans, that to study Hebrew would make
Ihem Jews — shows that the latter study u well ai
the former wu the object of their diilike and fear*
(Anderson, i. 24; Hallam, Lit vf Eur. i. 403).
Whether Tyndal had In this way gained any
knowledge of Hebrew before be left England in
1524 may be uncertain. The fact that in 1630-31
be published a translation of Genesis, Deuteronomy,
and Jonah,' may be looked on as the finst-fruita of
bis taliors, the work of a man who was giving this
proof of his power to translate from the original
(Anderson, Annuls, i. 209-288). We may perhaps
trace, among other motives for the many wander-
ings of his exile, a desire to visit the cities Worms,
Cologne, Hanil urgh, Antwerp (Anderson, pp. 48-
(4), where the Jews lived in greatest numbers, and
some of which were famous for their Hebrew learn-
ing. Of at least a fair acquaintance with that lan-
guage we have, a few years later, abundant evi-
dence in the table of Hebrew words prefixed to his
translation of the fire books of Moses, and in casual
etymologies scattered through his other works, e. g.
Mammon (Parable of Wicked Mammon, p. 68 c ),
Cohen (Obedience, p. 255), Abel Mizraim (p. 347),
Pesah (p. 358). A remark (Pre/ace to Obedience,
p. 148) shows how well he had entered into the
general spirit of the language. "The properties
of the Hebrew tongue agreeth a thousand times
more with the Kngliahe than with the Ijitine. The
manner or sneaking is in both one, so that in a
thousand places thou needest not but to translate
it into Eugliahe word for word." When Spalutin
descrilies him in 1534 it is as one well-skilled in
seven languages, and one of these is Hebrew * (An-
derson, i. 397).
The N. T. was, however, the great object of his
care. First the Gospels of St. Matthew and St
Mark were published tentatively, then in 1625 the
whole of the N. T. was printed in 4to at Cologne
and in small 8vo at Worms.' The work was the
fruit of a self-sacrificing teal, and the seal was its
own reward. In England it was received with
denunciations. Tonstal, Bishop of London, preach-
ing at Paul's Cross, asserted that there were at
least 2,000 errors in it, and ordered all copies of it
to be bought up and burnt. An Act of Parlia-
ment (35 Hen. VIII. cap. 1) forbade the use of all
copies of Tyndal's "false translation." Sir T.
More (Dialogues, L e. Supplication of Souls, Con-
« As Indicating pro gr ess, It may bo mentioned that
the first Hebrew professor, Robert Wakefield, was ap-
jcsnted at Oxford in 1680, and that Henry vm.'s
mratary, Face, anew Greek, Hebrew, and Ohaldee.
o The existence of a translation of Jonah by Tyndal,
previously questioned by some editors and biographers,
has lieen placed beyond a doubt by the discovery of
s tjopy (believed to be unique) In the possession of the
'en. Lord Arthur Hervey. It Is described tn a letter
iv blm to the Bury Post ot Feb. 8, 1862, transferred
shortly afterwards to the Atheneeum
e The references to Tyndal are given to the Parker
society edition.
<t Hallam 's assertion that Tyndal's version " was
avowedly taken from Luther's," originated probably
n an ineecorata reminiscence of the title-page of
Ooverdale's (Lit. of Europe, I. 698).
< The only extant copy of the 8vo edition Is In the
library of the Baptist CoUege at Bristol. It was
reproduced In 1882 In facsimile by Mr. Francis Fry,
Bristol, the impression being limited to 177 copies.
Mr. Fry proves, by a careful comparison of type, rise,
water-mark, and the like, with those of other books
Yam the same press, that It was printed by Peter
futation of Tgndats Ansaer) ex tend the lists
against it, and accused the translator of here)
lad scholarship, and dishonesty, of " eocrupting
Scripture after Luther's counsel." The treatment
which it received from professed friends was hardly
leas annoying. Piratical editions me printed,
often carelessly, by trading publishers at Antwerp-'
A scholar of his own, George Joye, undertook {in
1634) to improve the version by bringing it into
closer conformity with the Vulgate, and made it
the vehicle of peculiar opinions of his own, sub-
stituting » life after this life," or " vera life," (or
" resurrection," as the translation of brdoraau-
(Comp. Tyndal's indignant protest in Pref. to edi-
tion of 1534.) Even the most zealous reformers is
England seemed disposed to throw his translatiui
overboard, and encouraged Coverdale (infra) is
undertaking another. In the mean time the work
went on. Editions were printed one after another.'
The last appeared in 1535, just before his death,
diligently compared with Uie Greek," presenting
for the first time systematic chapter-headings, soil
with some peculiarities in spelling specially intended
for the pronunciation of the peasantry (Oflur, Life,
p. 82 *). His heroic life was brought to s close in
1636. We may east one look on its sad end — the
treacherous betrayal, the Judas-kiss of the fake
friend, the imprisonment at Vilrordeu, the last
prayer, as the axe was about to fall, " Lord, opet
the King of England's eyes." '
The work to which a life was thus nobly devoted
was as nobly done. To Tyndal belongs the boiior
of having given the first example of a translation
based on true principles, and the excellence of later
versions has been almost in exact proportion an they
followed his. Believing that every part ol Scrip-
ture had one sense and one only, the sense in the
mind of the writer ( Obedience, p. 304), be made it
his work, using all philological helps that sen
accessible, to attain that sense. Believing that the
duty of a translator was to place bis readera si
nearly as possible on a level with those for whoa
the books were originally written, he looked on sQ
the later theological associations that had gathered
round the words of the X. T. as hindrances rather
than helps, and sought, as far as possible, to get
rid of them. Not "grace," but " favor," even in
John i. 17 (in edition of 1525); not "charity,"
but "love;" not "confessing," but "acksowl-
Schosfiar of Worms. By a like process Mr. Andsnei
0. 68) fixes Cologne sa the place, and Peter Quants) u
the printer of the 4to
/ In two of them (1684 and 1536) the words, " TUi
eup is the New Testament In my blood," In I Oot. xt
were omitted (Anderson, 1. 416).
a The localities of the editions are not littxral
Interest. Hamburgh. Cologne, Worms, la UK;
Antwerp In 1629-1628 ; Marlborow (= stsrbnig] Is
1629; Struburg (Jove's edit.) In 1681; Btrgee-ci-
Zoom in 1688 (Jove's) ; John c vl. at Norem!*:*
In 1688 ; Antwerp in 1684 (Cotton, Primed Edition
pp. 4-6).
* * This conjecture of Mr. Offer is not home ow
by an examination of the book Itself. Sss nVsteottv
Hist, of the Sign's* Bible, p. 64 f. »
• Two names connect themselves tadly wVh *J
version A copy of the edlaon of 1684 was pisnetW
specially to Anne Bolejn, and is now extant Is the
British Museum. Several passages, sucb V might b>
marked for devotional use, are underscored In rsi fc*
Another reforming Lady, Joan Boeher, was Sao" *
have been active In circulating Tyndsft M. T. (P*»
1. 48 ; Btrype, Jnctn. L o. 26).
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3429
idging;" not "penance," bat "repentance;"
aot "priests," but "seniors "or "elders;" not
" Miration," but "health;" not « church," but
>• congregation," are instances of the change*
irhich were then looked on as startling and heret-
ical innovations (Sir T. More, I c). Some of tlieni
we are now familiar with. In others the later ver-
sions bear traces of a reaction in favor of the older
phraseology. In this, as in other things, Tyndal
was in advance, not only of his own age, but of the
age that followed him. To him, however, it is
owing that the versions of the English Church
have throughout been popular, and not scholastic.
All the exquisite grace and simplicity which have
endeared the A. V. to men of the most opposite
tempers and contrasted opinions — to J. H. New-
nan {Dublin Renew, June, 1853) and J. A.
Kroude — is due mainly to his clear-sighted truth-
fulness.* The desire to make the Bible a people's
book led him in one edition to something like a
provincial, rather than a national translation, 6 but
on the whole it kept him free from the besetting
danger of the time, that of writing for scholars, not
for the people; of aversion full of "iuk-horn"
phrases, not in the spoken language of the Knglish
nation. And throughout there is the pervading
stamp, so often wanting in other like works, of the
most thorough truthfulness. No word has been
altered to court a king's favor, or please bishops,
or make out a case for or against a particular
opinion, lie is working freely, not in the fetters
of prescribed rules. With the most entire sin-
cerity he could say, " I call God to record, against
the day we shall appear before our Lord Jesus to
give a reckoning of our doings, that I never altered
on* syllable of God's word against ray conscience,
nor would this day, if all that is in the world,
whether it be pleasure, honor, or riches, might be
given me " (Anderson, i. 348).
IV. CovxKDALS. — (1.) A complete transla-
tion of the Bible, different from Tyndal's, bearing
the name of Miles Coverdale, printed probably at
Zurich, appeared in 1535. The undertaking itself,
and the choice of Coverdale as the translator, were
probably due to Cromwell. Tyndal's controversial
treatises, and the polemical character of his prefaces
and notes, had irritated the leading ecclesiastics
and embittered the mind of the king himself against
Mm. All that be bad written was publicly con-
demned. There was no hope of obtaining the
king's sanction for anything that bore his name.
But the idea of an Knglish translation began to
• The testimony of a Boman Uatholio sobolar Is
worth quoting: "In point of perspicacity and noble
simplicity, propriety of Idiom and purity of style, no
HngUsb version has as yet surpassed It (Geddes, Pn-
tpeetut/or a new TVaiufalion, p. 89). The writer can-
not forbear adding Mr. Fronde's Judgment in bis own
words : f: The peculiar genius, if such a word may be
permitted, wbiob breathes through It, the mingled
tenderness and majesty, the gaxon simplicity, the
preternatural grandeur, nneqnaled, unapproaohed, In
the attempted improvements of modern scholars, — all
are here, and bear the impress of the mind of one
Stan, and that man William Tyndal " (Hisi. of &>{.
Us. 84).
» • Brror ; see p. 8428, note A. A.
* A ttst of sneh words, 98 In number, wss formally
add before Convocation by Gardiner In 1642, with the
aropnsal that they should be left untranslated, or
■ngUshcd with as Utile change as possible (Lew*,
Wat. eh. 3; [lay. Hoopla, p. lOJj).
tf U Is ascertain where this version was orioted. use
find favor. The rupture with the see of Some, tits
marriage with Anne Boleyn, made Henry willing
to adopt what was urged upon him as the surest
way of breaking forever the spell of the Pope's an
thority. The bishops even began to think of the
thing as possible. It was talked of in Convocation
They would take it in hand themselves. The work
did not, however, make much progress. The great
preliminary question whether "venerable" words,
such as hostia, penance, poscba, holocaust, and the
like, should be retained, was still unsettled (Ander-
son, i. 411).° Not till " the day after doomsday "
(the words are Cranmer's) were the English people
likely to jjet their English Bible from the bishops
(Ml. i. 577). Cromwell, it is probable, thought
it better to lose no further time, and to strike while
the iron was hot. A divine whom he had patron
ized, though not, like Tyndal, feeling himself called
to that special work (Prrf. to Coterdule'M Bible),
was willing to undertake it. To him accordingly
it was intrusted. There was no stigma attached
to his name, and, though a sincere reformer, neither
at that time nor afterwards did he occupy a suffi-
ciently prominent position to become an object of
special persecution. 1 '
(2 ) The work which was thus executed was
done, as might be expected, in a very different
fashion from Tyndal's. Of the two men, one had
made this the great object of his life, the other, in
his own language, " sought it not, neither desired
it," but accepted it as a task assigned him. One
prepared himself for the work by long years of labor
in Greek and Hebrew. The other is content to
make a translation at second hand " out of the
Douche (Luther's German Version) and the Lat-
ino.'' • The one aims at a rendering irhich shall
be the truest and most exact possible. The other
loses himself in weak commonplace as to the ad
vantage of using many English words for one and
the same word in the original, and in practice
oscillates between "penance" and "repentance,"
"love "and "charity," "priests "and "elders,"
as though one set of words were as true and ade
quate as the other (Preface, p. 19). In spite of
these weaknesses, however, there is much to like in
the spirit and temper of Coverdale. He is a sec-
ond-rate man, laboring as such contentedly, nit
ambitious to appear other than be is. He thinks
it a great gain that there should be a diversity of
translations. He acknowledges, though he dare
not name it, the excellence of Tyndal's version/
and regrets the misfortune which left it incomplete.
title-page being silent on that point Zurich, Cologne,
and Frankfort have all bean conjectured. Cavardais
la known to bsve been abroad, and may bavs some la
contact with Luther.
• Then seems something like sn advertising tact a
this title-page. A scholar would havs felt that thai*
wss no value in any translation but one from tns
original. But the " Douche " would serve to attract
the Reforming party, who held Luther's name In
honor ; while the " Latlne " would at least conciliate
the conservative fueling of Gardiner and his associates.
Whltaker, however, maintains that Coverdale know
mors Hebrew than he chose, at this time, to acknowl
edge, and refers to his translation of one difficult
psssage ( n Ye take yours pleasure under the okas and
under all grans trees, the ohildren boylnge slaloe In
the valleys," la. lvll. 5) as proving an Independent
Judgment against the authority of Luther and the
Vulgate (Hist, and Oil. Enquiry, p. 62).
/ <: If thou [the reader] be fei rsat In prayer, Oof
shall not only send thee It fthe Bibl* 1 In a
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VEESIOH, AUTHORIZED
He state* frankly that he had done hi* work with
the assistance of that and of five others .« If the
language 01 his dedication to the king, whom he
com pan* to Moses, David, aud Josiah, seems to be
somewhat fulsome in its flattery, it is, at least,
hardly more offensive than that of the dedication
of the A. V., and there was more to palliate
it-»
(3.) An inspection of Coverdale's version serves
to show the influence of the authorities be fol-
lowed.c The proper names of the 0. T. appear for
the most part in their Latin form, Elian, Eliseus,
Ochozias ; sometimes, as in Easy and Jeremy, in
that which was familiar in spoken English. Some
points of correspondence with lather's version are
ont without interest. Thus "Cush," which in
Wyelifle. Tyndal, and the A. V. is uuiformly ren-
dered '• Ethiopia," is in Coverdale " Moriana' land "
(Ps. lxviii. 31; Acts viii. 27, Ac.), after the "Moh-
renlande" of Luther, and appears in this form
accordingly in the P. B. [Prayer Book] version of
the Psalms. iue proper name Kalishakeh passes,
as in Luther, into the " chief butler " (2 K. xviii.
17; Is. izzvi. 11). In making the sons of David
•■ priests" (2 Sam. viii. 18), be followed both his
authorities. 'Eitfcrirmroi are " bishops " in Acts
u. 28 ("overseers " in A. V.). >• Shiloh," in the
prophecy of Gen. xlix. 10, becomes " the worthy,"
sfter Luther's " der Held." " They houghed
oxen " takes the place of " they digged down a
wnll, v iu Gen. xlix. 6. The singular word " Lamia "
is taken from the Vulg., as the Knglish rendering
of Ziim t" wild beasts," A. V.) in Is. xxxiv. 14.
The " tabernacle of witness," where the A. V. has
" congregation," shows the same influence. In
■pits of Tyndal, the Vulg. " plena gratia," in Luke
i. 28, leads to "full of grace; " while we bare,
on the other hand, •* congregation " throughout the
N. T. for <KK\ri<rla, and '• love " instead of " char-
ity '' in 1 Cor. xiii. ll was the result of the same
indecision that his language as to the Apocrypha
lacks the sharpness of that of the more zealous
reformers. " Uaruch " is placed with the canon-
ical books, after >• lamentations." Of the rest
he says that they are " placed apart," as " not
held by ecclesiastical doctors in the same repute "
as the other Scriptures, but this is only because
there are " dark sayings " which seem to differ
from the "open Scripture." He has no wish
that they should be " despised or little set by."
" Patience and study would show that the two
were agreed."
(4. ) What has been stated practically disposes of
the claim which has sometimes been made for this
version of Coverdale's, as though it had been made
from the original text (Anderson, i. 664; Whita-
ker, Jiia. and Crit. A'notiiry, p. 58). It is not
Improbable, however, that as time went on he added
(version] by the ministration of those that began It
before, but shall also move the hearts of those that
brine meddled not withal."
o Too five were probably — (1) the Vulgate, (2)
Luthsrt, (3 the German Swiss version of Zurich, (4)
the Latin of Pagnlnus, (6) Tyndal's. Others, how-
»ver, have conjectured a German translation of the
Vulgate earlier than Luther's, and a Dutch version
from Luther (WhiUaer, Hist, and Oil. Bwcwry,
•.49).
» lis leaves It to the king, t. g., * to correct his
—nasi Hon, to amend It, to tn»nm [_ oondamn] It,
to bis knowledge. The letter addressed by him U
Cromwell (Remain*, p. 493, Parker Sob.) obviously
asserts, somewhat ostentatiously, an acquaintance
" not only with the standing text of the Hebrew,
with the interpretation of the Chaldee and the
Greek," but also with " the diversity of reading ot
all texts." He, at any rate, continued his work a*
a painstaking editor. Fresh editions of his Bible
were published, keeping their ground in spite of
rivals, in 1537, 153S), 1650, 1563. He was called
in at a still later period to assist in the Geneva ver-
sion. Among smaller facts connected with this
edition may be mentioned the appearance of He-
brew letters — of the name Jehovah — in the title-
page (HIPP), and again in the margin of the alpha-
betic poetry of Lamentations, though not of P*.
cxix. The plural form " Biblia " is retained in the
title-page, possibly however in its later use as a
singular feminine [comp. Bible]. There are no
notes, no chapter headings, no divisions into verse*.
The letters A, B, C, D, in the margin, as in the
early editions of Greek and Latin authors, are the
only helps for finding places. Marginal references
point to parallel passages. The 0. T. especially in
Genesis, has the attraction of wood-cuts. Each book
has a table of contents prefixed to it."*
V. Matthew. — (1.) In the year 1537, a large
folio Bible appeared as edited and dedicated to the
king, hy Thomas Matthew. No one of that name
appears at all prominently in the religious history
of Henry VIII.. and this suggests the inference that
the name was pseudonymous, adopted to conceal the
real translator. The tradition which connect* thia
Matthew with John Rogers, the proto-martyr of
the Marian persecution, is all but undisputed. It
rests (1) on the language of the Indictment and
sentence which describe him (Foxe, Adt mW Mon-
uments, pp. 1029, 1663; Chester, Life of Roger*,
pp. 418-423) as Joannes Rogers alias Matthew, as
if it were a matter of notoriety; (2) the testimony
of Koxe himself, as representing, if not personal
knowledge, the current belief of bis time; (3) tire
occurrence, at the close of a short exhortation to the
Study of Scripture in the Preface, of the initials
J. R. ;« (4) internal evidence. This subdivides
itself, (a.) Rogers, who bad graduated at Pem-
broke Coll. Cambridge in 1525, and had sufficient
fame to be invited to the new Cardinal's College at
Oxford, accepted the office of chaplain to the mer-
chant adventurers of Antwerp, and there became
acquainted with Tyndal, two years before the latter's
death. Matthew's Bible, as might be expected, if
this hypothesis were true, reproduces Tyndal's
work, iu the N. T. entirely, in the O. T. as far a*
2 Chr , the rest being taken with occasional modifi-
cations from Coverdale. (i.) The language of the
dedication is that of one who has mixed much, as
yea, and clean to reject It, if your goal* wisdom shall
think necessary."
c Qiosburg (App. to CokeUth) has shown that
with regard to one book at least of the O. T., Cover-
dale followed the German-Swiss version printed at
Zurich In 1681, with an almost servile obssqnioaa-
MM.
rf A careful reprint, though not a tae-shnOs, of Crv
erdalea version has been published by Bagster (1MB;
* These ornamental initials are curiously sslwSan
H. R. for the king's name, W. T. (at the end of ta-i O
T.) tor William Tyndal, R. G. for Biehard Chatter »i
printer.
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U481
Sogers mixed, with foreign reformers. " This hope
here the godlie even in stnu ge countries, in tout
grace's godliness."
(9.) The printing of the book was begun appar-
ently abroad, and was carried on as far si the end
of Isaiah. At that point a new pagination begins,
and the names of the London printers, Grafton and
Whitechurch, appear. The history of the book was
probably something like this: Coverdale's transla-
tion bad not given satisfaction — least of all were
the more zealous and scholar-like reformers eon-
tented with it As the only complete English
Bible, it was, however, as yet, in possession of the
field. Tyndal and Rogers, therefore, in the year
preceding the imprisonment of the former, deter-
mined on another, to include O. T., N. T., and
Apocrypha, but based throughout on the original.
Left to himself, Rogers carried on the work, proba-
bly at the expense of the same Antwerp merchant
who had assisted Tyndal (Poyntz), and thus got
far as Isaiah. The enterprising London printers,
Grafton and Whitechurch, then came in (Chester,
Lift of Rogert, p. 30). It would be a good spec-
ulation to enter the market with this, and so urive
out Coverdale's, in which they had no interest.
They accordingly embarked a considerable capital,
£600, and then came a stroke of policy whbh may
be described as a miracle of audacity. Rogers's
name, known as the friend of Tyndal, is suppressed,
and the simulacrum of Thomas Matthew disarms
suspicion. The book is sent by Grafton to Cran-
mer. He reads, approves, rejoices. He would
rather have the news of its being licensed than a
thousand pounds (Chester, pp. 425-427). Appli-
cation is then made both by Grafton and Cranmer
to Cromwell. The king's license is granted, but
the publisher wants more. Nothing less than a
monopoly for five years will give him a fair margin
of profit. Without this, he is sure to be undersold
by piratical, inaccurate editions, badly printed, on
inferior paper. Failing this, he trusts that the
king will order one copy to lie bought by every in-
cumbent, and nix by every abbey. If this was too
much, the king might, at least, impose that obliga-
tion on all the popishly-inclined clergy. That will
bring in something, besides the good it may possi-
bly do them (Chester, p. 430). The application
was, to some extent, successful. A copy was or-
dered, by royal proclamation, to be set up in every
church, the cost being divided between the clergy
and the parishioners. This was, therefore, the
first Authorized Version. It is scarcely conceiv-
able, however, that Henry could have read the
book which he thus sanctioned, or known that it
was substantially identical with what had been
publicly stigmatized in his Acts of Parliament (arf
tuprn). What had before given most offense had
been the polemic character of Tyudal's annotations,
and here were notes bolder snd more thorough still.
Even the significant W. T. does not appear to have
attracted notice.
(3.) What has been said of Tyudal's version
applies, of course, to this. Then are, however,
signs of a more advanced knowledge of Hebrew.
All the technical words connected with the Psalms,
Neginoth, Shiggaion, Sbeminitb, etc, are elabo-
rately explained. Pi. U. is printed as a dialogue.
The nanus of the Hebrew letters are prefixed to the
verses of Lamentations. Reference is made to the
Chaldee Paraphrase (Jobri.),to Rabbi Abraham
(Job ibt), to Klmehi (Ps. Hi). A like range of
knowledge is shown in the N. T. Strain is quoted
to show that the Magi were not kings, MueroMns
as testifying to Herod's ferocity (Matt, ii.), Eras
mux's Paraphrase on Matt, xiil., xv. The popular
identification of Mary Magdalene with •• the woman
that was a sinner" is discussed, and rejected
(Luke X.). More noticeable even than in Tyndal
ia the boldness and fullness of the exegetlcal notes
scattered throughout the book. Strong and ear-
nest in asserting what be looked on as the central
truths of the Gospel, there was in Rogers a Luther-
like freedom in other things which has not appeared
again in any authorized translation or popular com-
mentary. He guards his readers against looking
on the narrative of Job 1. as literally true. Ht
recognizes a definite historical starting-point far
Ps. xlv. ("The sons of Korah praise Solomon for
the beauty, eloquence, power, and nobleness, both
of himself and of his wife "), Ps. xxii. (" David de-
clareth Christ's dejection and all, under fig-
ure of himself '•), and the Song of Solomon (" Sol-
omon made this tnlade for himself and his wile, the
daughter of Pharaoh, under the shadow of bimsulf,
figuring Christ," etc.). The chief duty of the
Sabbath is " to minister the fodder of the Word to
simple souls," to be " pitiful over the weariness of
such neighbors as labored sore all the week long."
" When such occasions come as turn our rest to
occupation and labor, then ought we to remember
that the Sabbath was made for man, and not man
for the Sabbath " (Jer. xvii.). He sees in the
Prophets of the N. T. simply " expounders of Holy
Scripture " (Acts xv. ). To the man living in faith,
" Peter's fishing after the resurrection, and all deeds
of matrimony are pure spiritual ; " to those who arc
not, " learning, doctrine, contemplation of high
things, preaching, study of Scripture, founding ol
churches and abbeys, are works of the flesh " (Prtf.
to Rumnru)." " Neither is outward circumcision or
outward baptism worth a pin of themselves, save
that they put us in remembrance to keep the cov-
enant" (1 Cor. til.). "He that desuvth honor,
graspeth after lucre .... castles, parks, lordships
.... desireth not a work, much less a good work,
and is nothing less than a bishop" (1 Tim. Ui.).
Ex. xxiv. is said to be " against bishops and curs tea
that despise the flock of Christ." The SyyeAot
ixxXncrtat of Rev. ii. and lii. appears (as in Ty»
dal) as '■ the messenger of the congregation."
Strong protests against purgatory are found in
notes to Ez. xviii. and 1 Cor. iii., and in the " Ta-
ble of Principal Matters " it is significantly stated
under the word Purgatory that "it is not in the
Bible, but the purgation and remission of our sin
is made us by the abundant mercy of God." The
preface to the Apocrypha explains the name, and
distinctly asserts the inferiority of the books, lfo
notes are added, and the translation is taken frcrs
Corerdale, as if it had not been worth while to gin
much labor to it.
(4.) A few points of detail remain to be noticed
In the order of the books of the N. T. Rogers fol-
lows Tyndal, agreeing with the A. V. as far as the
Epistle to Philemon. This is followed by the Epis-
tles of St. John, then that to the Hebrews, then
those of St. Peter, St. James, and St. Jude.
Wood-cuts, not very freely introduced elsewhere,
are prefixed to every chapter in the Revelation.
The introduction of the " Table " mentioned abovs
o The long preface to the Romans (seven fbtto paeas
was substaotialtv Identical with that In Tradalv eel
ttonsfUH.
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gives Rogen a claim to lie tho Patriarch of Con-
cordance*, the •' Cither " of all such aa write in
dictionaries of the Bible. Reverence for the He-
brew text ia shown by his striking out the three
rerses which the Vulgate has added to Ps. xiv. Id
a later edition, published at Paris, not by Rogers
himself, but by Grafton, under Coverdale'a superin-
tendence, in 1539, the obnoxious prologue and
prefaces were suppressed, and the notes systemat-
ically expurgated and toned down. The book was
in advance of the age. Neither book-sellers nor
bishops were prepared to be responsible for it.
VI. Tavbhheu (1539). — (1 ) The boldness of
the pseudo-Matthew had, as has been said, fright-
ened the ecclesiastical world from its propriety.
Coverdale's rersion was, however, too inaccurate to
Keep its ground. It was necessary to find another
editor, and the printers applied to Kichard Taver-
ner. Uut little is known of his life. The fact that,
though a layman, he had been chosen aa one of the
canons of the Cardinal's College at Oxford indicates
a reputation for scholarship, and this is confirmed
by tie character of his translation. It professes,
in the title-page, to be " newly recognized, with
great diligence, after the moat faithful exemplars."
The editor acknowledges " the labors of others (i. «.
Tyndal, Coverdale, and Matthew, though he does
not name them) who hare neither undiligently nor
unlearnedly travelled," owns that the work is not
one which can be done " absolutely " (i. «. com-
pletely) by one or two persons, but requires "»
deeper conferring of many learned wittes together,
and also a juster time, and longer leisure; " but the
thing had to be done; he had been asked to do it-
He had " used his talent " as he could.
(2.) In most respects this may be described as
an expurgated edition of Matthew's. There ia a
Table of Principal Matters, and there are notes;
but the notes are briefer, and leu polemical. The
passages quoted above are, e. g. omitted wholly or
in part. The epistles follow the same order as
before.
Vtl. Ckasmek. — (1.) In the same year as
Tavemer's, and coming from the same press, ap-
peared an English Bible, in a more stately folio,
printed with a more costly type, bearing a higher
name than any previous edition. The title-page is
an elaborate engraving, the spirit and power of
which indicate toe hand of Holbein. The king,
seated on his throne, is giving the Verbum Dei to
the bishops and doctors, and they distribute it to
the people, while doctors and people are all joining
in cries of " Vimt Rtx." It declares the book to
be " truly translated after the verity of the Hebrew
and Greek texts " by ■' divers excellent learned
men, expert In the foresaid tongues." A preface,
in April, 1640, with the initials T. C, Implies the
archbishop's sanction. In • later edition (Nov.
1540), his name appears on the title-page, and the
names of bis coadjutors are given, Cuthbert (Ton-
ital) Bishop of Durham, and Nicholas (Heath)
Bishop of Rochester; but this does not exclude the
possibility of others having been employed for the
nrst edition.
(2.1 Cranmer's version presents, aa might be
expected, many points of Interest. The prologue
gives a more complete ideal of what a translation
ncght to be than we have as yet seen. Words not
in the original are to be printed in a different type.
They are added, even when "not wanted by the
tense," to satisfy those who have '* missed them "
a previous translations, i. '. they r ep r e s en t th»
various readings of the Vulgate where it ilifhsi
from the Hebrew. The sign * indicates diversity
in the Cbaldee and Hebrew. It had been intended
to give all these, but it was found that this would
have taken too much time and apace, and the ed-
itors purposed therefore to print them in a little
volume by themselves. The frequent hands (jy )
in the margin, in like manner, show an inten-
tion to give notes at the end; but Matthew's Bible
had made men cautious, and, as there had not been
time for " the King's Council to settle them," they
were omitted, and no help given to the reader lie
yond the marginal references. In absence of notes,
the lay-reader ia to submit himself to the " godly-
learned in Christ Jesus." There is, aa the title-
page might lead us to expect, a greater display of
Hebrew than in any previous version. The looks
of the Pentateuch hare their Hebrew names given,
Berttchilh (Genesis), Velk Sdiemolh (Exodus),
and so on. 1 and 2 Chr. in like manner appear,
Dibit flnittmiia. In the edition of 1541, many
proper names in the 0- T. appear in the fuller He-
brew form, e. g. Amaziahu, Jeremiahu. In spite
of this parade of learning, however, the edition of
163V contains, perhaps, the most startling blunder
that ever appeared under the sanction of an arch-
bishop's name. The editors adopted the preface
which, in Matthew's Bible, had been prefixed to
the Apocrypha. In that preface the common tra-
ditional explanation of the name was coudsciy
given. They appear, however, to hare shrunk from
offending the conservative party in the Church by
applying to the books in question so damnatory an
epithet as Apocrypha. They looked out for a word
more neutral and respectful, and found one that
appeared in some MSS. of Jerome so applied,
though in strictness it belonged to sn entirely dif-
ferent set of books. They accordingly substituted
that word, leaving the preface in all other respects
as it was before, and the result is the somewhat
ludicrous statement that the " books were called
llngiugriiphit," because " they were read in secret
and apart " !
(3.) A later edition in 1641 presents a few modi-
fications worth noticing. It appears aa '•au-
thorized" to be " used and frequented " in "every
church in the kingdom." The introduction, with
all its elaborate promise of a future perfection dis-
appears, and, iu ite place, there is a long preface by
Cranmer, avoiding as much as possible all refereute*
to other translations, taking a safe Via Media vote,
blaming those who " refuse to read," on the one
hand, and " inordinate reading," on the other.
This neutral character, so characteristic of Cnui-
nier'a policy, was doubtless that which enabled it
to keep its ground during the changing mooda of
Henry's later years. It was reprinted again ami
again, and was the Authorized Version of tie
English Church till 1568 — the interval of Mary's
reign excepted. From it, accordingly, were taken
most, if not all, the portions of Scripture in the
Prayer Booka of 1649 and 1662. The Psalms, sa
a whole, the quotations from Scripture in the Hotu-
ilies, the sentences in the Communion Services
and tome phrases elsewhere, " still preserve the re-
membrane* of it. The oscillating character of tin
book Is shown in the use of "love " Instead of
•"charity" in I Cor. xiii.; and "congregation "
Instead of " church " generally, after Tyndal; whili
in 1 Tim. far. 14, we have the singular rendering
« Such, «. «-., as " worth* fruits of
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M if to gain tin favor of hl» opponents, •• with au-
thority of priesthood." The plan of indicating
doubtful texts by a unaller type waa adhered to,
and waa applied, among other passage*, to Pa. xiv.
6, 6, 7, and the more memorable text of 1 John T.
7. The translation of 3 Tim. iii. 16, " All Scrip-
ture given by inspiration of God, is profitable."
eta., anticipated a construction of that text which
has sometimes been boasted of, and sometimes at-
tacked, as au innovation. In this, however, Tyndal
had led the way.
Till. Gkmeva. — (1.) The experimental trans-
lation of the Gospel of St. Matthew by Sir John
Cbaks into a purer English than before (Strype,
Uft of Chtte, vii. 3), had so little influence on the
varaione that fallowed that it hardly calls for mora
than a passing notice, as snowing that scholars
•are as yet unsatisfied. The reaction under Mary
gave a check to the whole work, as far aa England
waa concerned; but the exiles who fled to Geneva
intend on it with more vigor than ever. Cran-
mar'a version did not oome up to their ideal. Its
sin made it too costly. There were no explana-
tory or dogmatic notes. It followed Coverdale too
closely ; and where it deviated, did so, in some in-
stances, in a retrograde direction. The Genevan
refugees — among them Whittingham, Goodman,
Fullain, Sampson, and Coverdale himself — labored
"for two years or more, day and night." They
entered on their " great and wonderful work " with
much " fear and trembling." Their translation of
the N. T. was "diligently revised by the moat
approved Greek examples" (MSS. or editions?)
(.Preface). The N. T., translated by Whitting-
ham, wss printed by Conrad Badius in 1667, the
whole Bible in 1660.
(».) Whatever may have been its faults, the
Geneva Bible was unquestionably, for sixty years,
tht most popular of all versions. Lsrgely imported
in the early years of Elizabeth, it waa printed in
England in 1661, and a patent of monopoly given
to James Bodleigh. This was transferred, in 1676,
to Barker, in whose family the right of printing
Bibles remained for upwards of a century. Not
less than eighty editions, some of the whole Bible,
were printed between 1668 and 1611." It kept its
ground for soma time even against the A. V., and
gave way, as it were, slowly and under protest The
causes of this general acceptance are not difficult
to ascertain. The volume waa, in all its editions,
cheaper and more portable — a small quarto, in-
stead of the large folio of Cranmer's •' Great Bible."
it was the first Bible which laid aside the obsoles-
cent black letter, and appeared in Roman type.
It was the first which, following the Hebrew ex-
ample, recognized the division into verses, so dear
to the preachers or hearers of sermons. It was ae-
aampaiiied, in most of the editions after 1678, by a
Bute Dictionary of considerable merit The notes
ware often really helpful in dealing with the diffl-
aajtias of Scripture, and were looked on ss spiritual
and evangelical. It was accordingly the version
specially adopted by the great Puritan party
. a* Between 1668 and 1644, according to the Quar.
tier, for April, 1870, about 160 aditlona ware pus-
dehsd of the Bible or parts thereof. It has beta ob-
aaned that in the Sautoitrt Peck* SOU, published in
1648 for the as* of Cromwell's army, near]' all the
aaleationa of Soriptnra wan taken froo? the Oaneva
venaon. See the reprint by Oeorg* Uvanaore, Cam'
Mdaa,1861,p. vL A.
916
through the whole reign of Elisabeth, and far into
that of James. As might be expected, it was liases'
on Tyndal'a version, often returning to it where
the intermediate renderings had had the character
of a com promise.
(3.) Some peculiarities are worthy of special
notice: (1.) It professes a desire to restore the
" true writing " of many Hebrew names, and we
meet accordingly with forma like izhak (Isaac),
Jaacob, and the like. (2.) It omits the name cf St
Paul from the title of the Epistle to the Hebrews;
and, in a short preface, leaves the authorship an
open question. (3.) It avows the principle of put-
ting all words not in toe original in Italics. (4.
It presents, in a calendar prefixed to the Bible
something like a declaration of war against tba as
tablished order of the Church's lessons, commemo-
rating Scripture facts, and the deaths of the great
Reformers, but ignoring saints' days altogether.
(6.) It waa the first English Bible which entirely
omitted the Apocrypha. (6.) The notes were char-
acteristically Swiss, not only in their theology, but
in their politics. They made allegiance to kings
dependent upon the soundness of their faith, and in
one instance (note on 9 Chr. xv. 16) at least
seemed, to the easily startled James I., to favor
tyrannicide.*
(4.) The circumstances of the early introduction
of the Geneva version are worth mentioning, if
only aa showing in bow different a spirit the great
fathers of the English Reformation, the moat con-
servative of Anglican theologians, acted from that
which has too often animated their successors
Men talk now of different translations and various
readings as likely to undermine the faith of the
people. When application was made to Archbishop
Parker, in 1566, to support Bodleigb's application
for a license to reprint the Geneva version in
12mo, he wrote to Cecil in its favor. He was at
the time looking forward to the work he afterwards
accomplished, of " one other special Bible for the
churches, to be set forth as convenient time and
leisure should permit; " but in the mean time it
would "nothing hinder, but rather do much good,
to have diversity of translations and readings "
(Strype, L\fe of Parker, iii. 6).« In many of tht
later reprints of this edition the N. T. purports to
be based upon Beza'a Latin version; and the notes
are said to be taken from [BexaJ Joac. Camerarius,
P. Loader Villerius, and 1'r. Junius.
IX. Tub Bishops' Bible.— (1.) The ftvcU just
stated will account for the wiah of Archbishop
Parker, in spite of his liberal tolerance, to bring
out another version which might establish its
claims against that of Geneva. Great preparations
were made. The correspondence of Parker with
his suffragans presents some points of interest, aa
■bowing bow little agreement there was as to the
true theory of a translation. Thus while Sandys
Bishop of Worcester, finds fault with the « com-
mon translation " (Geneva?), as " following Mini-
ster too much," and as " swerving much from the
Hebrew," Guest, Bishop, of St David's, who took
» the not* « Bards, be shov/ad that he lacked aval,
for she ought to hav* died," was probably on* which
Scotch fa us less bad. handled in connection with the
nam* of Ja m s* ' a moths*.
«. lb* Geneva vanloB, as published by Parker, is
tba* popularly known aa the Bnecses Bible, from its
rekdaring>of.U*Q. ML 7. It had however bean I
I la this- by WyahsVs
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the Psalma, acted on the principle of translating
them bo m to agree with the H. T. quotations,
" for the avoiding of offense; " and Col, Bishop of
Ely, while laying down the sensible rule that " ink-
born terms were to be avoided," alao went on to
add '• that the usual ternu were to be retained so
far (6rt|i at the Hebrew will well bear" (Strype,
Parker, Hi. 6). The principle of pious frauds, of
distorting the trnth for the sake of edification, haa
perhaps often been acted on by other translators.
It haa not often been so explicitly avowed aa in
the first of these suggestions.
(3.) lie bishops thus consulted, eight in num-
ber, together with some deans and professors,
brought out the fruit of tbeir labors in a magnifi-
cent folio (1668 and 1679). Everything had been
done to make it attractive. A long erudite preface
vindicated the right of the people to read the Scrip-
tures, and (quoting the authority of Bishop Fisher)
admitted the position which later divines have often
been slow to admit that "there be yet in the
Gospel many dark places which, without all doubt,
to the posterity shall be made much more open."
Wood-engravings of a much higher character than
those of the Geneva Bible were scattered profusely,
especially in Genesis. Three portraits of the Queen,
the Earl of Leicester, and Lord Burleigh, beautiful
specimens of copperplate engraving, appeared on the
title-pages of the several parts." A map of Pales-
tine was given, with degrees of latitude and lon-
gitude, in the edition of 1673. A moat elaborate
aeries of genealogical tables, prepared by Hugh
Brougbton, the great Rabbi of the age (of whom
more hereafter), but ostensibly by Speed the anti-
quary (Broughton's name being in disfavor with
the bishops), was prefixed (Strype, Porter, iv. 20;
Lightfoot, Lift of Brouyhton). In some points it
followed previous translations, and was avowedly
based on Cranmer's. " A new edition was neces-
sary." u This had led some well-disposed men to
recognize it again, not as condemning the former
translation, which haa been followed mostly of any
ether translation, excepting the original text"
(Pref. of 1672). Cranmer's prologue waa reprinted.
The Genera division into verses waa adopted
throughout.
(8.) Some peculiarities, however, appear for the
first and last time. (1.) The books of the Bible
are classified aa legal, historical, sapiential, and
prophetic. This was easy enough for the O. T.,
but the application of the same idea to the N. T.
produced some rather curious combinations. The
Gospels, the Catholic Epistles, and those to Titus,
Philemon, and the 'Hebrews, are grouped together
aa legal, St Paul's other epistles as sapiential; the
Acta appear as -the one historical, the Revelation
as the one prophetic book. (3.) It la the only
Bible in which many passages, sometimes nearly
a whole chapter, have been marked for the express
purpose of being omitted when -the chapters were
read in the public service of tbe Church. (3.) One
edition contained the older version of the Psalms
Aran Matthew's Bible, in parallel columns with
a The fitness of these Dluttrattonsis oven to qnee-
Moa. Others -still more incongruous-found than- way
Into U» text of the edition of '1672, and toe feeUnge
of the Puritans ware shocked by seeing a wood-cut of
Keptuae In the Initial letters of Jonah, Mean, and
■sheas, whlla that of the Up. to the Hebrews went so
sum as ftwlada and the Swsn. There. must, 4o
that now issued, a true a lei pi ictieU acknowtcvf
ment of the benefit of a diversity of translations
(4.) The initials of the trenslaton were attached U
the books which they had severally undertaken
The work was done on toe plan of limited, not Joint
liability. (6.) Here as In the Genera, there is the
attempt to give the Hebrew proper names more ac-
curately, aa, e. o., in Heva, Isahae, Uxiahu, etc.
(4.) Of all the English versions, the Bishops'
Bible had probably the least success. It did not
command the respect of scholars, and its size and
cost were far from meeting the wants of the people.
Its circulation appears to have been practically
limited to the ehnrches which were ordered to be
supplied with it It bad however, at any rate., tba
right to boast of some good Hebrew scholars amors'
the translators. One of them, Biahop Alley, had
written a Hebrew Grammar; and (bongo vehe-
mently attacked by Brougbton (Townkr, IMerarj
Hilary of tht Bible, iii. 190), it waa Jefended at
vigorously by Fulke, and, together with the A. V.
received from Selden the praise of being " the beat
translation in the world " (" Table Talk," Work*,
iii. 3009).
X. Rhetju awd Dot at. — (1.) Tbe successive
changes in the Protestant versions of the Scriptures
were, ss might be expected, matter of triumph to
the controversialists of the Latin Church. Some
saw in it an argument against any translation of
Scripture into tbe spoken language of the people.
Others pointed derisively to the want of unity
which these changes displayed. There were some,
however, who took tbe line which Sir T. More and
Gardiner had taken under Henry VIII. They did
not object to the principle of an English translation.
They only charged all the versions hitherto mad*
with being false, corrupt, heretical. To this there
wss the ready retort, that they had done nothing:
that their bishops in the reign of Henry had
promised, bnt had not performed. It wss felt to
be necess a ry that they should take some steps
which might enable tbem to turn the edge of this
reproach, and the Engliah refugees who were settled
at Rbeims — Martin, Allen (afterwards cardinal),
and Bristow — undertook the work. Gregory
Martin, who had graduated at Cambridge, had
signalized himself by an attack on the existing
versions, 6 and had been answered in an elaborate
treatise by Fulke, Master of Catherine Hall, Cem-
brijge (A Drfenee of the Sincere and True
Translation, etc.). Tbe charges are mostly of the
same kind as those brought by Sir T. More against
Tyndal. " The old time-honored words were dis-
carded. The authority of the LXX, and Vulgate
was set at nought when the translator's view of
tbe meaning of the Hebrew and Greek differed
from what he found in them." The new modal
translation was to avoid these faults. It wss ta
command tbe respect at once of priests sod people.
After an incubation of some years it waa published
at Rbeims in 1683. Though Martin waa compe-
tent to translate bom the Greek, it proteased to be
based on "the authentlo text of the Vulgate.**
say the least, have bean vary slovenly ooTMorshfa as
permit this.
* " A d l e ui ie ij of tba niauMbWcui iup t lu ua of Bate
Scriptures by the Haretikas of our days, speeWly of (fas
English sectaries." The language of this and achat
like books waa, as might be expected, very abiadia
The Bible, In P rotest a nt translattoos, as " as* Soar
" bat the devil'*"
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Note* were added, n strongly dogmatic n those
>f the Geneva Bible, and often keenly eontrorertial.
The woik of traiuilation ni completed somewhat
later by the publication of the 0. T. at Douay in
1609. The language wai precisely what might
have been expected from men who adopted Gardi-
ner's ideal of what a translation ought to be.
At every page we stumble on " strange ink-horn
words," which never had been English, and never
sould be, such, e. o., as "the Pasche and the
Axymes" (Mark xvi. 1), "the arch-synagogue"
(Hark r. 85), " In prepuce " (Rom. iv. 9), " obdu-
rate with the fallacie of sin" (Heb. HI. 13), "a
greater hoste " (Heb. xi. 4), " this Is the annuntia-
Uon" (1 John v. 5), " pre-ordinate " (Acts xili.
18), "the justifications of our Lord " (Luke i. 6),
« what Is to me and thee " (John ii. 4), " longa-
nimity " (Kom. ii. 4), " purge the old leaven that
you may be a new paste, as you are aiymes"
(1 Cor. ir. 7), "you are evacuated from Christ"
{(hi. v. 4), and so on. 9
(2.) A style such as this had, as might be ex-
pected, but few admirers. Among those few, how-
ever, we find one great name. Bacon, who leaves
the great work of the reign of James unnoticed,
and quotes almost uniformly from the Vulgate,
goes out of his way to praise the Khemish version
for having restored " charity " to the place from
which Tyndal had expelled it, in 1 Cor. xiii. (Of
the Pacification of the Cliurclt).
XI. Authorized Version. — (1.) The posi-
tion of the English Church in relation to the ver-
rions in use at the commencement of the reign of
lames was hardly satisfactory. The Bishops' Bi-
ble was sanctioned by authority. That of Geneva
bad the strongest hold on the affections of the
people. Scholars, Hebrew scholars in particular,
bund grave fault with both. Hugh Broughton,
who spoke Hebrew as if it had been his mother-
tongue, denounced the former as being full of
* traps and pitfalls," " overthrowing all religion,"
and proposed a new revision to be effected by an
RnglUi Septuagiut (72), with power to consult
gardeners, artists, and the like, about the words
connected with their several callings, and bound to
submit their work to " one qualified for difficul-
ties." This ultimate referee was, of course, to be
himself (Strype, Whitgift, iv. 19, S3). Unhappily,
•either his temper nor his manners were such as to
win favor for this suggestion. Whitgift disliked
lira, worried him, drove him into exile. His feei-
ng was, however, shared by others; and among
the demands of the Puritan representatives at the
Hampton Court Conference in 1604 (Dr. Reinolds
being the spokesman), was one for a new, or, at
Inst, a revised translation. The special objections
aOiieb. they urged were neither numerous (three
passages only — Ps. cv. 28, cvi. 30, Gal. iv. 36,
•rare referred to) nor important, and we must eon-
si Ivan Soman Catholic divines have Mt the supe-
aMtv of the A. V., and Ohalloner, In his editions
if the BT. T. In 1748, and the Bible, 1768, often fol-
,ows It In preference to the Rheuns and Douay trens-
o Only forty-seven names appear In the klmc's 11*
Burnet, Reform. Records). Seven may have dfod, or
assumed to act ; or it may have been Intended that
share should be a Anal Committee of Revision. A
•all list Is given by Fuller (Ok. Hut. a.); and Is
Tspeod uw i d , with biographical particulars, by Todd
elude either that this part of their use had not
been carefully got up, or that the bulging tc
which they were exposed had bad the desira
•fleet of throwing them into some confusion. The
bishops treated the difficulties which they did raise
with supercilious scorn. They were " trivial, old,
and often answered." Bancroft raised the cry of
alarm which a timid Conservatism lias so often
raised since. " If every man's humor were to be
followed, there would be no end of translating "
(Cardwell, Conference*, p. 188). Cranmer's words
seemed likely to be fulfilled agaiu. Had it been
left to the bishops, we might have waited for the
A. V. " till the day after doomsday." Even when
the work was done, and the translators acknowl-
edged that the Hampton Court Conference had
been the starting-point of it, they could not resist
the temptation of a fling at their opponents, list
objections to the Bishops' Bible had, they said,
been nothing more than a shift to justify the
refusal of the Puritans to subscribe to the Com-
munion Book (Preface to A. V.). But the king
disliked the polities of the Geneva Bible. Either
repeating what ha had heard from others, or exer-
cising his own judgment, he declared that then
was as yet no good translation, and that that
was the worst of all. Nothing, however, was
settled at' the Conference beyond the hope thus
held oat
(S.) But the king was not forgetful of what he
thought likely to be the glory of his reign. The
work of organizing and superintending the arrange-
ments for a new translation was one specially con-
genial to him, and in 1606 the task was accord-
ingly commenced. The selection of the fifty-four
scholars " to whom it was entrusted, seems, on the
whole, to have been a wise and fair one. Andrews
Saravia, Overal, Montague, and Barlow, repre-
sented the "higher" party in the Church; Bei-
nolds, Chaderton, and Lively that of the Puritans.*
Scholarship unconnected" with party was repre-
sented by Henry Savile and John Boys. One
name is indeed conspicuous by its absence. The
greatest Hebrew scholar of the age, the man
who had, in a letter to Cecil (1595), urged this
very plan of a joint translation, who had already
translated several books of the O. T. (Job, Eccle-
siastes, Daniel, Lamentations) was ignominiously
excluded. This may have been, in part, owing to
the dislike with which Whitgift and Bancroft had
all along regarded him. But in part, also, it was
owing to Broughton's own character. An unman-
ageable temper showing itself in violent language,
and the habit of stigmatizing those who differed
from him, even on such questions as those con-
nected with names and dates, as heretical and
atheistic, must have made him thoroughly imprac-
ticable; one of the men whose presence throws ■
oommitte* or Conference into chaos. 1 '
c This side wss, however, weakened by the death
of Reinolds and Lively during the progress of the
work. The loss of the latter, Hebrew professor at
Cambridge for thirty years, wss every way deplora-
ble.
& It deserves notice that Broughton Is the only
Kogllsb translator who has adopted the Eternal as
the equivalent for Jehovah, as In the French verstoa.
To him also perhaps, more thee to any other divine,
we owe the true uterpretauon of the D*«oent less
Hell.
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(8.) What reward otber than that of their own
tooeciences and the judgment of posterity were ttie
men thui chosen to expect for their long and lalio-
rioua task? The king waa not disposed to pay
them out of his state revenue. Gold and silver
wen not alwajs plentiful in the household of the
English Solomon, and from him they received
nothing (Heywood, State of Anth. BiU. Rerition).
There remained, however, an ingenious form of
liberality, which had the merit of being inexpen-
sive. A king's letter waa sent to the archbishops
and bishops, to be transmitted by them to their
chapters, commending all the translators to their
favorable notice. They were exhorted to contribute
in all 1,000 marks, and the king waa to be informed
of each man's liberality. If any livings in their
gift, or in the gift of private persons, became
vacant, the king was to be informed of it, that he
might nominate some of the translators to the
vacant preferment. Heads of colleges, In like
manner, were enjoined to give free board and lodg-
ing to such divines as were summoned from the
country to labor in the great work (Strype, Whit-
gijt, iv.). That the king might take his place as
the director of the whole, a copy of fifteen instruc-
tions was sent to each translator, and apparently
circulated freely in both Universities.
(4.) The instructions thus given will be found
in Fuller (/. c), and with a more accurate text in
Burnet (Reform. Record)). It will not 1* neces-
sary to give them here in full; but it will be inter-
eating to note the bearing of each clause upon the
work in hand, and its relation to previous versions.
(1.) The Bishops' Bible waa to be followed, and as
little altered as the original Till permit. This
waa intended prolwbly to quiet the alarm of those
who saw, in the proposal of a new version, a con-
demnation of that already existing. (3.) The names
of prophets and others were to be retained, as
■nearly as may be as they are vulgarly used. This
waa to guard against forms like Izhak, Jeremiahu,
«t&, which had been introduced in some versions,
and which some Hebrew scholars were willing to
Introduce more copiously. To it we owe probably
the forms Jeremy. Ellas, Osee, Core, in the N. T.
•(*.) The old ecclesiastical words to be kept, as the
word Church not to be translated Congregation.
The rule was apparently given for the sake of this
special application. " Charity," in 1 Cor. xiii. waa
probably also due to it. lie earlier versions, it
will be remembered, had gone on the opposite prin-
ciple. (4.) When any word hath divers significa-
tions, that to be kept which bath been most oom-
facoly used by the most eminent fathers, being
agreeable to the propriety of the place and the
analogy of faith. This, like the former, tends to
confound the functions of the preacher and the
translator, and substitutes ecclesiastical tradition
for philological accuracy, (t.) The division of the
chapters to be altered either not at all, or as little
as possible. Here, again, convenience was more In
view than truth and accuracy, and the result is
that divisions are perpetuated which are manifestly
arbitrary and misleading. (6.) No marginal notes
to be affixed but only for the explanation of Hebrew
• Hues Smith, himself a translator and the writer
•€ the Preface, nomplatned of Bancroft that there was
sa contradicting him (Beard, Rmttd Sag. Bible).
* Cell's evidence, as having been chaplain to Arch-
Mehill Abbot, carries some weight with It Bis works
sn to be found in lbs Brit Mas. library, Mr. Berlv-
and Greek words. This was olvknsly director*
against the Genera notes, as the qiecial objects of
the king's aversion. Practically, however, in what-
ever ieeling it originated, we may be thankful that
the A. V. came out at it did, without note or eon>-
ment The open Bible was placed in the bands of
all readers. The work of interpretation waa left
free. Had an opposite course been adopted, we
might have had the tremendous evil of a whole
body of exegesis imposed upon the Cfanich by
authority, reflecting the Calvinism of the Synod
of Dort, the absolutism of James, the high flying
prelacy of Bancroft (7.) Such quotations of place*
to be marginally set down as may serve for St
reference of one Scripture to another. The prin-
ciple that Scripture is its own best interpreter waa
thus recognised, but practically the marginal refer-
ences of the A. V. of 1611 were somewhat scanty,
most of those now printed having been added fat
later editions. (8 and 9.) State pain of translation.
Each company of translators is to take its own
books; each person to bring his own corrections.
The company to discuss them, and having finished
their work, to tend it on to another company, and
ao on. (10.) Provides for differences of opinion
between two companies by referring them to a
general meeting. (11.) Gives power, in cases of
difficulty, to consult any scholars. (18.) Invitee
suggestions from any quarter. (18.) Names the
directors of the work : Andrews, Dean of West-
minster; Barlow, Dean of Chester; and the Regius
Professors of Hebrew and Greek at both Univer-
sities. (14.) Names translations to he followed
vhen they agree more with the original than the
Bishops' Bible, $e. Tyndal's, Coverdale'a, Mat-
thew's, Whitchurch's (Cranmer's), and Geneva.
(15.) Authorizes Universities to appoint three or
four overseers of the work.
(5.) It is not known that any of the correspond-
ence connected with this work, or any minute of
the meetings for conference is still extant Nothing
is more striking than the silence with which the
version that was to be the inheritance of the Eng-
lish people for at least two centuries and a half was
ushered into the world. Here and there we get
glimpses of scholars coming from their country
livings to their old college haunts to work diligently
at the task assigned them (Peck, Desiderata Curt-
oea, ii. 87). We see the meetings of tnunbtors,
one man reading the chapter which he has been at
work on, while the others listen, with the original,
or Latin, or German, or Italian, or Spanish versions
in their hands (Selden, Table Talk). We may
represent to ourselves tiie differences of opinion,
settled by the casting vote of the "odd man," or
by the strong overbearing temper of a man lika
Bancroft," the minority comforting themselves with
the thought that it was no new thing for the truth
to be outvoted (Gell, Etta* towards Amendment
of tut Eng. TratuL of Bible, p. 881 ).» Dogmatic
interests were in some eases allowed to bias the
translation, and the Calvinism of one party, the prs-
latic views of another, were both represented at the
expense of accuracy (Gell, L c).'
(6.) For three yean the work went on, the tcna>
ener's statement to the contrary being apparently as
oversight (SujipUmml It A.. V. ef ti. T. p. 101).
e The following passages are those commonly rs
ftrred to In support of this charge : (1.) The iwdarlag
« such ss should be saved," In Acts II. 47. (8.) The
Inserrtnn of the words 'any man" in Bab. z if
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uto companies comparing Dotal a* directed. When
Jag work drew toward* it* completion it Wu neces-
sary to pUce it under the care of a *eleet few.
Two from each of the three group* were accordingly
•elected, and the aix met in London, to superintend
the publication- Now, for the first time, «e find
any more definite remuneration than the shadowy
promiae held oat in the king'* letter, of a ahara in
the 1,U00 mark* which Dean* and Chapter* would
rot contribute. The matter had now reached it*
baldness stage, and the Company of Stationer*
tbooght it expedient to give the six editors thirty
farad* each, in weekly payment*, for their nine
— mths* labor. The final correction, and the talk
of writing the arguments of the several books, wa*
■ban to Hilton, Bishop of Winchester, and Dr.
iBk* Smith, the latter of whom also wrote the
Dedication and the Preface. Of the** two doen-
ments the first ia unfortunately familiar enough to
oa, and ia chiefly conspicuous for it* servile adula-
tion* James I. i* " that sanctified person," "en-
riched with singular and extraordinary grace*,"
that had appeared " a* the aun in his strength."
To him they appeal against the Judgment of those
whom they describe, in somewhat peevish accent*,
aa " Popish person* or self-conceited brethren."
The Preface to the Reader i* more interesting, a*
throwing light upon the principle* on which the
translator* acted. They "never thought that
they should need to make a new translation, nor
yet to make of a bad one a good one." " Their
endeavor wa* to make a good one better, or out of
many good one* one principal good one." They
claim credit for steering a middle course between
the Puritan* who " left the old ecclesiastical words."
sad the obscurity of the Papist* " retaining foreign
word* of purpose to darken the sense." They vin-
dicate the practice, in which tbey indulge very freely,
at* translating one word in the original by many
English words, partly on the intelligible ground
that it ia not always possible to find one word that
will express all the meanings of the Greek or He-
brew, partly on the somewhat childish plea that it
would be unfair to choose some words for the high
honor of being the channel* of God'* truth, and to
*■** over others as unworthy.
(7.) The version thus published did not all at
•nee supersede those already in possession. The
met that five edition* were published in three years,
shows that there was a good demand. But the
Bishops' Bible probably remained in many churches
(Andrews takes hi* text* from it in preaching be-
in* the king s* late a* 1631), and the popularity
of the Geneva Version ia shown by not less then
thirteen reprint*, in whole or in part, between 1611
Mai 1817. It is not eaay to ascertain the imprea-
ajsn which the A. V. made at the time of its ap-
sasrsnoe. Probably, as in most like eases, it wa*
(" lb* Just shall Uv* by faith, but If any mm draw
tank," etc.) to avoid an Inference unfavorable to the
soctrfae of Final Perseverance. (8.) Tbeuasof "btsh-
SBrle," in Acta I. 30, of « oversight," In 1 Pet v. 2, of
< bishop," la 1 Tim. III. 1, fce., sad « overeeers," in
lets xx. 38, in order to avoid the Identification of
•aehoas and elders. (4 ) The chapter-beading of Ps.
tans, ia 1811 (since altered), " The Prophet exhorteth
I* arala* Oed tor that power which he hath given the
Shaath to bind the eooaclenees of men." Blunt (flu-
sis a/a Paritk Priest, Lect It.) appears in this que*-
swa oo the aide of the prosecution ; Tr*Dah(0* the A.
f.s/UuN. T. a. x.) on that of the defense. The charge
*aa undo* bias against Borne in 1 Cor. xl 37, Qal.
far less for good or mil than friend* or toes expected]
The Puritan*, and the religious portion of the mid-
dle classes generally, missed the notes of the Ge-
ne™ book (Fuller, Ch. UitU x. 80, 51). The Ro-
manists spoke a* usual, of the unsettling effect of
these frequent change*, and of the marginal read-
ings aa leaving men in doubt what waa the truth of
Scripture • One frantic cry waa heard from Hugh
Broughton the rejected ( Work*, p. 681), who
" would rather be torn in piece* by wild horse* than
impose such a version on the poor churches of Eng-
land." Selden. a few yeara later, give* a calmer
and more favorable judgment. It i* " the best of
all translation* aa giving the true sense of the orig-
inal." Thia, however, ia qualified by the remark
that " no book in the world 1* translated aa the
Bible is, word for word, with no regard to the dif-
ference of idiom*. Thi* is well enough so long as
scholars have to do with it, but when it come*
among the common people, Lord ! what gear do
tbey make of it!" (Table Talk). The feeling
of which this was the expression, led even in ths
midst of the agitations of the Commonwealth to
proposals for another revision, which, after being
brought forward in the Grand Committee of Relig-
ion in the House of Common* in Jan. 1656, wa*
referred to a tub-committee, acting under Whiter
locks, with power to consult divine* and report.
Conferences were accordingly held frequently at
Whitelocke's house, at which we find, mingled with
less illustrious names, those of Walton and Cud-
worth. Nothing, however came of it (Whiteloeke,
Memorials, p. 864; Collier, Ch. Hist, ii. 8). No
report was ever made, and with the Restoration the
tide of conservative feeling, in thi* aa in other things,
checked all plan* of further alteration. Many had
ceased to care for the Bible at all. Those who did
care were content with the Bible as it was. Only
here and there wa* a voice raised, like R. (Jell's
(tit supra), declaring that it had defects, that it
bore in some things the stamp of the dogmatism ot
a party (p. 321).
(8 ) The highest testimony of this period is that
of Walton. From the editor of the Polrglott, ths
few word* " inter omnes eminet " meant a good
deal (Pre/). With the reign of Anne the tide ot
glowing panegyric set in. It would be easy to put
together a long catena of praises stretching from
that time to the present. With many, of course,
this has been only toe routine repetition of a tradi-
tional boast. "Our unrivaled Translation," and
"our incomparable Liturgy," bare been, equally,
phrases of course. But there have been witness**
of a far higher weight. In proportion as the Eng-
lish of the 18th century waa infected with a Latin-
ised or Gallicized style, did those who had a purer
taste look with reverence to the strength and parity
of a better time as represented in the A. V. Thus)
V. 6, Hsb. lilt. 4, Is on* oa whieh aa acquittal may ha
pronounced with little or no hasltatton-
■ It may be at least pleaded, in mitigation, that ths
flattery of the translators la outdone by that of frauds
» Whltakers answer, by arUdpatlon, to the charge
1* worth quoting: "No taouarenlenee will follow ffj
Interpretation* or version* of Serlptare, when they
have become obsolete, or esased to be tntaillglble, assy
be afterwards changed or corrected " (Dissert. *■
Script, p. 283, lufcar Bos. ed.). The wlasr divines of
the English Churah had not then learned to mis* ths
crj of nnallty.
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Addison dwell* on its ennobling the ooldneH of
Modern languages with the glowing phrases of He-
brew {Spectator, No. 408), and Swift confesses that
" the translators of the Bible were masters of an
English stjlc far fitter for that work than any we
see In our present writings " (Letter to Lord Ox-
ford). Each half-century has naturally added to
the jxeatige of these merit*. The language of the
A. V. has intertwined itself with the controversies,
the devotion, the literature of the English people.
It has gone, wherever they hare gone, over the face
of the whole earth. The moat solemn and tender
of individual memories are, for the most part, asso-
ciated with it. Men leaving the Church of Eng-
land for the Church of Rome turn regretfully with
a yearning look at that noble " well of English
undefiled," which they are about to exchange for
the uncouth monstrosities of Rbeims and Douay.
In this case too, as in so many others, the position
of the A. V. has been strengthened, less by the
•kill of its defenders than by the weakness of its
assailants. While from time to time, scholars and
divines (Lowth, Newcome, Waterland, Trench,
KUicott), have admitted the necessity of a revision,
those who have attacked the present version and
produced new ones have been, for the most part,
men of narrow knowledge and defective taste (Pur-
ver, aud Harwood, and Bellamy, and Conquest),
lust able to pick out a few obvious faults, and show-
ing their competence for the task by entering on
the work of translating or revising the whole Bible
single-handed. One memorable exception must
not, however, be passed over. Hallam (Lit. of
Europe, iii. ch. 2, ad Jin.) records a brief but em-
phatic protest against the "enthusiastic praise"
which has been lavished on this translation. " It
may, in the eyes of many, be a better English, but
it it not the English of Daniel, or Raleigh, or Ba-
con, .... It abounds, in fact, especially in the
O. T., with obsolete phraseology, and with single
word* long since abandoned, or retained only in
provincial use." The statement may, it is believed,
be accepted as an encomium. If it had been the
English of the men of letters of James's reign,
would it have retained as it has done, for two cen-
turies and a half, it* hold on the mind, the mem-
ory, the affections of the English people?
XII. 8CHKMEB FOB A REVISION. — (1.) A OO-
Hee of the attempts which have been made at
various times to bring about a revision of the A. V.,
enough necessarily brief and imperfect, may not be
without its use for future laborers. The first half
■f the 18th century was not favorable for such a
work. An almost solitary Assay far a New
Translation by H. R. (Ross), 1702, attracted little
or no notice (Todd, Life of Walton, i. 134). A
Greek Test, with an English translation, singularly
vulgar and offensive, [by W. Mace,] was published
in 1739, of which extracts are given by Lewis (HiU.
of Transt. eh. v. ) With the slight revival of learn-
ing among the scholars of the latter half of that
anriod the subject was again mooted. Lowth in a
Visitation Sermon (1768), and Seeker in a Latin
Speech intended for Convocation (1761), recom-
tMuded it. Matt. Pilkington in his Remarks
'1759), and Dr. Thomas Brett, in an Kssay on
indent Versions of the Bible (1760), dwelt on the
Importance of consulting tbem with reference to
• Whatever be the demerits of Lowth's Isaiah, It
•asanas something better thao the sarcasm of Hurd,
Heat « its only use was to snow how little was to be
the 0. T. as well as the S. T„ with a view to
more accurate text than that of the Maaoretie B»
brew, the former insisting also on the obaokit
words which are scattered in the A. V. and giving
a useful alphabetic list of them. A folio New ami
Literal Translation of the whole Bible by Anthony
Purver, a Quaker (1764), was a more ambitions
attempt He dwell* at some length on the " ob-
solete, uncouth, clownish " expressions which dis-
figure the A. V. He includes in his list such
words as "joyous," " souwe," " damsel,' « day-
spring," "bereaved," "marvels," "bou linen."
He substitutes " He hearkened to what he ■aid,'*
for " he hearkened to his voice;" "eat »i«'oala,"
for "eat bread" (Gen. iii. 19); "was in (ant
with," for " found grace in the eyes of ; " " was
uigry," for « hit wrath was kindled." In spite of
this defective taste, however, the work has consid-
erable merit, is based upon a careful study of the
original, and of many of the best commentators,
aud may be contrasted favorably with most of the
single-handed translations that hare followed. It
was, at any rate, far above the depth of degrada-
tion and folly which was reached in Harwood't
Literal Transla&m of the N. T. " with freedom,
spirit, and elegance " (1768). Here again, a few
samples are enough to show the character of the
whole. " The young lady is not dead " (Mark v. 89).
" A gentleman of splendid family and opulent for-
tune had two sons" (Luke xv. 11). "Theclergy-
man said, You hare given him the only right and
proper answer" (Mark xii. 88). "We shall not
pay the common debt of nature, but by a soft tran-
sition," etc. (1 Cor. xt. 51).
(2.) Biblical revision was happily not left en-
tirely in such hands at these. A translation by
Worsley " according to the present idiom of tbt
English tongue " (1770) was, at least, less offen-
sive. Durell (Preface to Job), Lowth (Preface to
Isaiah), Blayney (Pref. to Jeremiah, 1784), wen
all strongly in favor of a new, or revised transla-
tion. Durell dwells most on the arbitrary addi-
tions aud omissions in the A. V. of Job, on tbt)
total absence in some cases, of any intelligible
meaning. Lowth speaks chiefly of the faulty state
of the text of the O. T., and urges a correction of
it, partly from various readings, partly from ancient
versions, partly from conjecture. Each of the three
contributed, in the best way, to the work which
they had little expectation of seeing accomplished,
by laboring steadily at a single book and commit-
ting it to the judgment of the Church.' Kenni-
oott's labors in collecting MS. of the O. T. issued
in his State of the present Hebrew Text (1763,
1759), and excited expectations that there might
before long be something like a basis for a new
version in a restored original.
A more ambitious scheme was started by tht
Roman Catholic Dr. Geddet, in his Prospectus far
a New Translation (1786). His remarks on tbt
history of English translations, his candid acknowl-
edgment of the excellences of the A. V., and espe-
cially of Tyndal's work as pervading It, tut critical
notes on the true principles of translation, on tbt
A. V. as failing short of them, may still be read
with interest. He too, like Lowth, finds fault with
the superstitious adherence to the Maaoretie text,
with the undue deference to lexicons, and disregard
expected from any new translation." As the Boswat
of Warburton, Hard could not natst the temrsuart
of attacking an old antagonist of his i
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jf versions shown by our translators. The pro-
posal n well received by many Biblical scholars,
Lowth, Kennicott, and Harrington being fbreoioet
among iti patrons. The work was issued in parte,
aeoording to the terms of the prospectus, but did
not get further than 8 Chron. in 1782, when the
death of the translator put a stop to it Partly
perhaps owing to its incompleteness, but still more
from the extreme boldness of a preface, anticipating
the conclusions of a later criticism,' Dr. Geddes's
translation ieU rapidly into disfavor. A Sermon
by White (famous for his Bampton Lectures) in
1779, and two Pamphlets by J. A. Symonds, Pro-
fessor of Modern History at Cambridge, the first
on the Gospels and tht Acta, in 1789 ; the second
on the Epistles, in 1794, though attacked in an
A/johffg for the Liturgy and Church of Kngltmd
(1795), helped to keep the discussion from ob-
livion.
(8.) The revision of the A. V., like many other
salutary reforms, was hindered by the French Rev.
olutioo. In 1792, Archbishop Newoome had pub-
lished an elaborate defense of such a scheme, citing
a host of authorities (Doddridge, Wesley, Camp-
bell, in addition to those already mentioned), and
taking the same line as Lowth. Revised transla-
tions of the N. T. were published by Wakefield in
1796, by Newcome himself in 1796, by Scarlett in
1798. Campbell's version of the Gospels appeared
in 1788, that of the Epistles by Macknight in
179S. But in 1796 the note of alarm was sounded.
A feeble pamphlet by George Burgea {Lttter to tht
Lord Bithop of Ely) took the ground that •' the
present period was unfit," and from that time,
Conservatism, pure and simple, was in the ascend-
ant To suggest that the A. V. might be inaccu-
rate, was almost as bad as holding " French prin-
ciple*." There is a long interval before the question
again comes Into anything like prominence, and
then there is a new school of critics in the Quar-
terly Review and elsewhere, ready to do battle
vigorously for things as they are. The opening of
the next campaign was an article in the Cltt—ical
Journal (No. 3«), by Dr. John Bellamy, proposing
a new translation, followed soon afterwards by it*
publication under the patronage of the Prince Be-
gent (1818). The work was poor and unsatisfac-
tory enough, and a tremendous battery was opened
wpon it in tie Quarterly Review (Nos. 87 and 88),
a* afterwards (No. 46) upon an unhappy critic, Sir
3. B. Burgee, who came forward with a pamphlet
fa its defense (Reason* in Favor of a Jfew Trant-
ation, 1819). The rash assertion of both Bellamy
and Burges that the A. V. had been made utmost
entirely from the LXX. and Vulgate, and a general
deficiency in all accurate scholarship, made them
■say victims. The personal element of this con-
troversy may well be passed over, but three less
ephemeral works issued from it, which any future
laborer in the same field will find worth consulting.
Whitaker's Hittorical and Critical Inquiry was
jhiefly an able exposure of the exaggerated state-
await Just mentioned. H. J. Todd, in his Vindi-
• " I will not pretend to aay that It [the history of
4a* Pentateuch] is entirely unmixed with the leaven
«T the beroie ages. Let the Suiter of Hebrew be trea
if she asm* rules of erittolam as the tuber of Oieas
• A short epitome of this portion of Todd's boo*
la* been published by the 8. P. 0. K. as a tract, and
fjl be found useful.
cation of the Authorized TraiuUlion (1810), en-
tered more fully than any previous writer had dons
into the history of the A. V., and gives many fact*
as to the lives and qualifications of the translators
not easily to be met with elsewhere.' The most
masterly, however, of the manifestoes against all
change, was a pamphlet (Remark* on the Critical
Principle*, etc., Oxford, 1820), published anony-
mously, but known to have been written by Arch-
bishop Laurence. Tbe strength of the argument
lies chiefly in a skillful display of all the difficulties
of the work, the impossibility of any satisfactory
restoration of the Hebrew of the 0. T., or any set-
tlement of the Greek of the N. T-, the expediency
therefore of adhering to a Textut receptut in both.
Tbe argument may not be decisive, but the schol-
arship and acuteness brought to bear on it malm
the book instructive, and any one entering on the
work of a translator ought at least to read it,
that he may know what difficulties he has to
(ace.*
(4.) A correspondence between Herbert Marsh,
bishop of Peterborough, and the Rev. H. Walter,
in 1828, is the next link in the chain. Marsh Lad
spoken (Lectures on Biblical CriticUm, p. 295)
with some contempt of the A. V. as based on
Tyndal's, Tyndal's on Luther's, and Luther's on
Minister's Lexicon, which was itself based on the
Vulgate. There was, therefore, on this view, no
real translation from the Hebrew in any one of
these. Substantially this was what Bellamy had
■aid before, but Marsh was a man of a different
cnlibre, and made out a stronger case. Walter, in
his answer, proves what is plain enough, that Tyn-
dal knew some Hebrew, and that Luther in soma
instances followed Rabbinical authority and not the
Vulgate; but the evidence hardly goes to tbe extent
of snowing that Tyndal's version of the 0. T. was
entirely independent of Luther's, or Luther's of the
Latin.
(S.) The last ftve-and-twenty years hare seen
the question of a revision from time to time gain-
ing fresh prominence. If men of second-rate power
have sometimes thrown it back by meddling with
it in wrong ways, others, able scholars and sound
theologians, have admitted its necessity, and helped
it forward by their work. Dr. Conquest's Bible,
with " 20,000 emendations " (1841), has not com-
manded the respect of critics, and is almost self-
condemned by the silly ostentation of it* title.
The motions which have from time to time been
made in the House of Commons by Mr. He} wood,
have borne little fruit beyond the display of feeble
Liberalism and yet feebler Conservatism by which
such debates are, for tbe most part, characterised ;
nor have the discussions in Convocation, though
opened by a scholar of high repute (Professor Sd-
wyn), been much more productive. Dr. Beard's
A Rented Jingtuh ffible the Want of the Church
(1857), though tending to overstate the defects of
the A. V., is yet valuable as containing much
information, and representing the opinions of the
more learned Nonconformists. Far more impor-
e About this period also (1819) a new edition of
Nowcome's version was published by Belsbam and
other Unitarian ministers, and, like Bellamy's attempt
on the 0. T., had the effeot of stiffening the rastotanos
of the great body of the clergy to all proposals for a
revision. [The so-called Improved ration, hen re-
ferred to was published In 18US; reprinted
-4.1
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TORSION. AUTHORIZED
tent, every way, both M virtually an authority in
furor of revision, and at contributing largely to it,
an Professor Scholefield's Hinit for cm Improved
TmnsUiliun of the if. T. (1832). In faia second
edition, indeed, he diaclaima any with (or a new
translation, bat the principle which be laya down
dearly and truly In his preface, that If there ia
u any adventitious difficulty resulting from a de-
fective translation, then it ia at the same time an
act of charity and of duty to clear away the diffi-
culty as much aa possible," leads legitimately to at
least a revision; and this conclusion Mr. Selwyn
In the last edition of the Hints (1857) haa delib-
erately adopted. To Bishop Ellicott also belongs
the credit of having spoken at once boldly and
wisely on this matter. Putting the question
whether it would be right to Join those who oppose
all revision, his answer ia, u God forbid It
is in vain to cheat our own souls with the thought
that these errors (in A. V.) are either Insignificant
or imaginary. There are errors, there art inaocu-
raeiee, there are misconceptions, there ore obscuri-
ties .... and that man who, after being in any
degree satisfied of this, permits himself to lean to
the counsels of a timid or popular obstructiveness,
or who, intellectually unable to test the truth of
these allegations, nevertheless permits himself to
denounce or deny them, will .... have to sus-
tain the tremendous charge of having dealt deceit-
fully with the Inviolable word of God " (Pre/, ft)
Pastoral Epistles). The translations appended by
Dr. Eliicott to his editions of St. Pauls Epistles,
■rooted on the true principle of altering the A. V.
u only where it appears to be incorrect, inexact,
insufficient, or obscure," uniting a profound rever-
ence for the older translators with a bold truthful-
ness in judging of their work. The copious colla-
tion of all the earlier English versions makes this
■art of his book especially interesting and valuable.
Dr. Trench (On the A. V. of Ike N. T., 1858),
in like manner, states his conviction that " a re-
vision ought to come," though as yet, he thinks,
" the Greek and the English necessary to bring it
to a successful issue are alike wanting " (p. 3).
The work itself, it need hardly be said, is the fullest
■ontradiction possible of this somewhat despondent
statement, and supplies a good store of materials
lor use when the revision actually comes. The
Revision of Ike A. V. by Five Clergymen (Dr.
Barrow, Dr. Moberly, Dean Alford, Mr. Humphry,
and Dr. Ellicott), represents the same school of
wnaervative progress, has the merit of adhering to
be clear, pure English of the A. V., and does not
Veil in the censure which Dr. Beard passes on it
at " promising little and performing less." As yet,
this series includes only the Gospel of St John, and
the Epistles to tbo Romans and Corinthians.' The
publications of the American Bible Union are signs
that there also the same want has been felt. The
ianslations given respectively by Alford, Stanley,
Jowett, and Conybeare and Howson, in their
stspective Commentaries, are in like manner, at
•nee admissions of the necessity of the work, and
aontributions towards it Mr. Sharpe (1840) and
Mr. Highton (1862) bave ventured on the wider
a • The Epistles to the Oalatians, Cphestans, PWJ-
aaskns and Oolosslans have sines appeared A.
» Mr. Milan's careful translation of the ebW Orien-
tal and other versions of the Gospel according to 8t.
Mm, and Mr. Scrivener's notas on 8t Matthew,
assure to os mentioned as valuable eofttribuucas
work of translations of the entire ». 1 Ml
Cookesley baa published the Gospel of St Matthew
as Part I. of a like undertaking. It might almost
seem as if at last there was something Kke s
consensus of scholars and divines on this question.
That assumption would, however, be too bast}.
Partly the nit inerna, which in a huge body like
the clergy of the English Church, is always great,
partly the fear of ulterior consequences, partly aba
the indifference of the majority of the laity, would
probably, at the present moment give at least a
numerical majority to the opponenta of a revision.
Writers on this side are naturally leas numerous,
but the feeling of Conservatism, pure and simple,
has found utterance in four men representing dif-
ferent sections, and of different calibre, — Mr.
Scrivener (Supp. ft) A. Eng. V. of if. T.), Dr.
H'Canl {Reasons for holding fat ike Authorised
English Version), Mr. S. C. Milan (A Vindication
etc), and Dr. Camming {Revision and Transla-
tion)}'
XIII. Prasurr Stats or trb Qukstio*. —
(1.) To take an accurate estimate of the extent to
which the A. V. requires revision would call for
nothing less than an examination of each aingia
book, and would therefore involve an amount of
detail incompatible with our present limits. T»
give a few instances only, would practically 8s
attention on a part only of the evidence, and so
would lead to a false rather than a true estimate.
No attempt, therefore, will be made to bring
together individual passages as needing correction.
A few remarks on the chief questions which moat
nec e s s arily come before those who undertake a
revision will not, perhaps, be out of place. Exam-
ples, classified under corresponding heads, will be
found in the book by Dr. Trench already men-
tioned, and, scattered in the form of annotations,
in that of Professor ScholefieW.
(2.) The translation of the N. T. is from a text
confessedly imperfect What editions were used ia
a matter of conjecture: most probably, one of tboat
published with a Latin version by Beam between
1565 and 1598, and agreeing substantially with
the lextus rectptus of 1633. It ia clear, on prin-
ciple, that no reviiion ought to ignore the reunite
of the textual criticism of the last hundred yean.
To shrink from noticing any variation, to go on
printing ss the Inspired Word that which then is
a preponderant reason for believing to be an inter-
polation or a mistake, is neither honest nor rever-
ential. To do so for the sake of greater edification
is simply to offer to God the unclean sacrifice of a
lie. The authority of the A. V. is at any rate in
favor of the practice of not suppressing facta. In
Matt i. 11, xxvi. 26; Luke xvii. 36; John ix. 6;
Acta xill. 18; Eph. ri. 9; Heb. ii. i; James U. 18;
1 John ii. S3; 1 Pet ii. 21; 9 Pet ii. 11, 18;
2 John 8, different readings are gnen in the mar-
gin, or, aa in 1 John ii. 23, indicated by a different
type. In earlier versions, ss hss been mentioned,
1 John v. 7 was printed in smaller letters. Hal
degree to which this should be done wilt of course,
require discernment An apparatus like that ia
Teschendorf or Alford would obviously be out o>
towards the work which they deprecate. A big*
American authority, Mr. leorge P. Marsh, may alas
be referred to ss throwing the weight of his judgmsa
Into the' scale against any revision at the p- esses
moment (htctmts us Ike Bmglisk Lsngumgi, tar'
XXTftU
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VERSION, AUTHOBIZBD
8M1
Jaaa. Probably the useful Greek Testament ed-
ged by Mr. Scrivener might serve M an example of
* middle course.
(8.) Still lea* had ben done at the commence-
ment of the 17th century for the text of the O. T.
The Jewiih taaohert, from whom Protestant divine*
derived their knowledge, had (riven currency to the
belief that in the Haeoretio text were eootained the
iptusima verba of Revelation, free from all risk* of
error, from all carnal tie* of transcription. The con-
ventional phrases, " the authentic Hebrew," " the
Hebrew verity," were the expression of thin undis-
eerning reverence.* They refuted to apply the tame
lulaa of judgment here which they applied to the
text of the N. T. They aaaumed that the Maso-
ratal were infallible, and were reluctant to acknowl-
edge that there had ben any variation! since.
Even Walton did not eacape being attacked aa un-
eound by the great Puritan divine, Dr. John <)wen,
for having called attention to the fact of discrepan-
cies {Prtitg. cap. vi. ). The material* for a revised
text are, of course, scantier than with the N. T.;
bat the labon of Kennicott, De Roaai, J H. Mi-
ehaellii, and Davidson have not been fruitiest, and
here, at there, the older versioni moat be admitted
at at least evidence of variations which once existed,
bat which were suppressed by the rigorous uni-
formity of the later Rabbit. Conjectural emenda-
tions, such at Newcome, Lowth, and Ewald have
so freely suggested, ought to be ventured on in
such placet only aa an quite unintelligible without
them.
(a.) All scholars worthy of the name are now
agreed that as little change at possible should be
made in the language of the A. V. Happily there
la little risk of an emasculated elegance such at
might have infected a new version in the last cen-
tury. The very fact of the admiration felt for the
A. V., and the general revival of a taste for the
literature of the Elizabethan period, are safeguards
against any like tampering now. Some worda,
however, absolutely need change, as being alto-
gether obsolete, others, more numerous, have been
slowly patting into a different, often into a lower
or a narrower meaning, and are therefore no longer
what they once were, adequate renderingt of the
original.
(6.) The self-imposed law of fairness which led
the A. V. translators to admit as many English
words at possible to the honor of representing one
In the Hebrew or Greek text has, as might be ex-
pected, marred the perfection of their work. Some-
tenet the efleat is simply the lots of the solemn
emphasis of the repetition of the tame word.
Sometime! it it more serious, and affects the mean-
ing. While it would be simple pedantry to ky
down unconditionally that but one and the same
■ord should be used throughout for one in the
wiginal, there can be no doubt that suoh a limita-
tion it the true principle to start with, and that
Instances to the contrary should be dealt with at
■ The Judaisms; spirit en this matur oulminatad
hi the Formula tUvtid Oonttnm, which pronouness
the eaatang O. T. text to be « turn quoad eoototus,
com qwcad vocalla, tlva ptwata Ipsa, atv* punctorum
a u taitili iu , turn quoad rat, turn quoad verba, e**-
o The SHgUit m mm'4 Asms Concord*** and the
■teutnu'i Gnat Omtordana, published by Wal-
mo. and Mabtrly, setters mtntion as uietul helps for
w»«edtatefthe A. T. In oveteoauag this disatolty.
exceptional necessitiet. Side by aids with thit
fault, there is another just the opposite if it. One
Faigli.li word appeart for several Greek or Hubrew
words, and thus shades of meaning, often of impor-
tance to the right understanding of a passage, are
lost sight of. Taken together, the two forms ol
error, which meet us in well-nigh every chapter,
make the use of an English Concordance absolutely
misleading.*
(S.) Grammatical inaccuracy must be noted aa a
defect pervading, more or less, the whole extent of
the present version of the N. T. Instance* will be
found in abundance in Trench and ScholeneW
(/maim), and in any of the better Commentaries.
The true force of tenses, cases, prepositions, arti-
cles, is continually lost, sometimes at the cost of
the finer shades which give vividness and emphasis,
but sometimes also entailing more serious errors.
In justice to the translators of the N. T., it must
be said that, situated at they were, such errors
were almost inevitable. They learned Greek
through the medium of Latin. Leiioons c and
grammara were alike in the universal language of
scholars; and that language was poorer and lest
inflected than the Greek, and failed utterly to rep-
resent, e. o. the force of its article, or the difference
of its aorist and perfect tenses. Such books of this
nature as were used by the translators were necessa-
rily bated upon a far scantier induction, and were
therefore more meagre and lnaoeurnte than those
which ban been the fruits of the lsbors of later
scholars. Recent scholarship may in many thing*
fall short of that of an earlier time, but the in-
troduction of Greek lexicons snd grammars In
English has been beyond all doubt a change for the
better.
(7.) The field of the O. T. hat been far leta ade-
quately worked than that of the N. T., and Hebrew
scholarship has made far less progress than Greek.
Relatively, indeed, there seems good ground for be-
lieving that Hebrew was more studied in the early
part of the 17th century than it is now. It was
newer and more popular. The reverence which
men felt for the perfection of the » Hebrew verity"
made them willing to labor to learn a language
which they looked upon as half-divine. But here
also there was the same source of error. The early
Hebrew lexicons represented partly, it is true, a
Jewish tradition ; but partly also were bated upon
the Vulgate (Bithop Manh, Lecture; ii. App. 61).
The forms of cognate Sbemltie languages bad not
been applied aa a means for ascertaining the pre-
cise value of Hebrew words. The grammars, also
in Latin, were defective. Little as Hebrew pro-
fessors have, for the most part, done in the way
of exegesis, sny good commentary on the 0. T.
will show that hero also there are errors at seri-
ous ss in the N. T. In one memorable ease, the
inattention, real or apparent, of the translators to
the force of the Biphii form of the verb (Lot
iv. IS) hat led to a serious attack en the truth-
t Oonstantue't and Scapula's wets the two prlnct-
pally used. During the half oratory that pl a c ated
the A. T. the study of Orark had mads gnat prognat,
waa taught at all the gnat wheels In 1688, sad mads
part of the system of new outs then founded. Now-
ell, Dsea of St. Paul's, published a Omsk vtnssa at
the Oatnehism. The gummas osMsv la is* war
probaoiv Ootet't (th
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VEBSION. AUTHORIZED
of the whole narrative of the Pentateuch
(Colenso, Pentateuch CrUicaUa Examined. Part I,
ah. Til).
(8.) The division into chapters and Terse* ii a
matter that ought not to be paawd otbt in any
future revision. The former, it muat be remem-
bered, does not go further back than the 13th cen-
tury. The latter, though answering, as far as the
O. T. is concerned, to a long-standing Jewish ar-
rangement, depends, in the N. T., upon the work
of Robert Stephens. [Bible.] Neither in the
0. T. nor in the N. T. did the verse-division ap-
pear In any earlier English edition than that of
Genera. The inconveniences of changing both are
probably too great to be risked. The habit of re-
ferring to chapter and verse is too deeply rooted to
be got rid of. Tet the division, as it is, Is not sel-
dom artificial, and sometimes is absolutely mislead-
ing. No one would think of printing any other
book, in prose or poetry, in short clauses like the
verses of our Bibles, and the tendency of such a di-
vision is to give a broken and discontinuous knowl-
edge, to make men good textuaries but bad divines.
An arrangement like that of the Paragraph Bibles
of our own time, with the verse and chapter divis-
ions relegated to the margin, ought to form part
of any authoritative revision."
(0.) Other points of detail remain to be noticed
briefly : (i. ) The chapter headings of the A. T. often
go beyond their proper province. If it is intended
to give an authoritative commentary to the lay
teader, let it be done thoroughly. But if that
attempt is abandoned, as it was deliberately in
1811, then for tho chapter-headings to enter, as
they do, upon thn work of interpretation, giving,
as in Canticles, Psalms, and Prophets, pnuim,
mystical meanings, is simply an inconsistency.
What should be a mere table of contents becomes
a gloss upon the text, (ii.) The use of Italics in
printing the A. V. is at least open to some risks.
At first they seem an honest confession on the part
of the translators of what is or is not in the origi-
nal On the other hand, they tempt to a loose
translation. Few writers would think it necessary
to use them in translating other books. If the
words do not do more than represent the sense of
the original, then there is no reason for treating
them as if they were added at the discretion of the
translators. If they go beyond that, they are of
the nature of a gloss, altering the force of the orig-
inal, and have no right to be there at all, while the
bet that they appear as additions frees the trans-
lator tram the sense of responsibility, (iii.) Good
as the principle of marginal i c fei e u oes la, the mar-
gins of the A. V., as now printed, are somewhat
moonveniently crowded, and the references, being
afton merely verbal, tend to defeat their own pur-
a As examples of what may be said on both sides
oa this point, the reader may bs referred to an article
en Paragraph Bihlee In No. 906 of the Edinburgh Re-
view (subsequently reprinted by the Rev. W. Harness,
ISM? and the pamphlet by Dr. M'Caol (Reaeont far
utUing/aet) already mentioned. Bsevea's Bibles and
Testaments (1802) and Boothroyd's translation (1821)
should bs msntleoed as haTlng set the example fat-
"owed by the BsUglous Tract Society In their Para-
graph Bible.
* In all thass paints there has been, to a much
larger extant tbaa Is oommonly known, a work of ua-
luShorised revision. Neither Italics, nor r e fere n ces,
mt readings, nor chapter-headings, nor, it may be
sttsd, posctuattr'a, ate the same now as they were in
pose, and to make the reader weary of rUening
They need, accordingly, a careful sifting; anc
though it would not be desirable to go back U
the scanty number of the original edition of 1611,
something intermediate between that and the pres-
ent over-abundance would be an improvement. (iv. (
Marginal readings, on the other hand, indicating
variations in the text, or difieret.ee> in the judg-
ment of translators, might be profitably increased
in number. The results of the labors of scholar*
would thus be placed within the reach of aO intelli-
gent readers, and so many difficulties and stum-
bling-blocks might be removed.'
(10 ) What has been said will serve tc show at
once to what extent a new revision is required, and
what are the chief difficulties to be encountered.
And the work, it is believed, ought not to be de-
layed much longer. Names will occur to every one
of men competent to undertake the work as far aa
the N. T. is concerned; and if such alterations
only were to be introduced as commanded the as-
sent of at least two thirds of a chosen body of
twenty or thirty scholars, while a place in the mar-
gin was given to such renderings only aa wen
adopted by at least one third, there would be, it is
believed, at once a great change for the better, and
without any shock to the feelings or even the prej-
udices of the great mass of readers. Men fit to
undertake the work of revising the translation of
toe O. T. are confessedly fewer, and, for the moat
part, occupied in other things. The knowledge
and the power, however, are there, though in less
measure, and even though the will be for the time
absent, a summons to enter on the task from these
whose authority they are bound to respect, would,
we cannot doubt, be listened to. It might bare
the result of directing to their proper task and to
a fruitful issue energies which are too often with-
drawn to ephemeral and unprofitable controversies.
As the revised Bible would be for the use of the
English people, the men appointed for the purpose
ought not to be taken exclusively from the English
Church, and the learning of Nonconformists should,
at least, be fairly represented. The changes rec-
ommended by such a body of men, under condi-
tions such as those suggested, might safely be al-
lowed to circulate experimentally for two or three
years. When they had stood that trial, they might
without risk be printed in the new Authorised Ver-
sion. Such a work would unite reverence for the
past with duty towards the future. In undertak-
ing it we should be, not alighting the transstton
on whose labors we have entered, but following in
their footsteps. It is the wisdom of the Church te
bring out of its treasures things new and old.
K.H. P.
•Ltthlatuhs. — (1.) BilmaofEngtuk Fsr-
the A. T. at 1611. The ohlef alterations appear at
to have been made first in 1688, and a ft erw a rds bs
1769, by Dr. Blayney, nndsr the sanction of the Ox-
ford Delegates of the Press (Gentleman's Marmmw,
November, 1789). A Use work was done about the
same time by Dr. Paris at Oambrldgs. There had
however, been some ohanges previously. The edition
of 1888, in particular, shows eonsiderabls angmenta-
Dons in the Italics (Tnrton, Tea a/the EHgkih AMs
1888, pp. 91, 138). To Blayney also ws owe most et
ths notes on weights and measures, and eons, and
the explanation, whsrs the text sssms to rsqntrs It, of
Hebrew proper names. The whole question of toe ass
of Italic! Is dtseutssd elaborately ty Tortus as the
week just I
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8448
mm of tht Bible. — Anthony Johnson, Hist. Ac-
of Eng. Translations of the Bible, Lond
1780; reprinted in Watson's Tracts, vol. hi. John
Lewis, Complete Hut. of tie Translation} of tie
Boh/ Bible and tht N. T. into English (2d ed.
1739), 3d ed. Lend. 1818. Abp. Newoome, Hut.
View of the Eng. Biblical Translations; the Ex-
pediency of revising our present Translation, etc.,
DubL 1769. H. J. Todd, Authentic Account of
ear Auth. Trans, of the Bible and of the Trans-
lators, Sd ed., Malton, 1834. The Eng. Hexapln,
exhibiting the fit Important Eng. Translations of
the N. T., IPietif 1380, TyndaU 1534. CVrntmr
1339, Genevan 16S7, Angb-Rhemish 1583, Au-
thorined 1611; the Creek Text after Bchotz.
Preceded by am Hut. Account of the Eng. Trans-
lations, liond., Begster, 1841, 4to. (The anony-
mous "Hut. Account" (pp. 160) waa written by
8. P. Tregelles. It ia valuable; but, for some rea-
son, in the later, undated impressions of the Hex.
apla a different and much briefer account haa been
•uUtitutad. The so-called •• Wiclif " ia merely
Purvey's revision of Wj elides reraion; the real
WycliftVs N. T. waa first publiahed by Lea Wilson
in 1848. The whole Bible aa translated by Wje-
Hfle and his followers waa first printed in the mag.
nifieent edition of Forshall and Madden in 4 roll
ito, Oxford, 1850.) C. Anderson, The Annals of
the Eng. Bible, 9 Tola. Lond. 1845; abridged by
Dr. S. I. Prime, N.Y. 1849. A. W. M'dure, The
Translators revived } a Biographical Memoir, etc.,
K. T. 1853. Mrs. H. C. Conant, The Eng. Bible.
Hist, of the Eng. Translations, etc., N. t. 1856.
(A good popular account.) MoClintock and
Strong' a Cycl. of Bibl TheoL and Eccles. Lit,
Tol. i. (N. Y. 1867), art. Authorized Version. B.
F. Westcott, General View of the Hist, of the
English Bible, Lond. 1868. Articles in tbe Amer.
Bibl Repot Oct. 1835 (by B. B. Edwards), and in
the Qunr. Ret. for April 1870 (repr. in UtteU'i Lilt-
ing Age, No. 1,355). — Bibliographical: Lea Wil-
ton, Bibles, Testaments, Psalms, etc, m English
in the CoUeclion of Lea Wilson, Lond. 1845, 4to.
H. Cotton, Editions of the Bible and Parte thereof
in Eng. from 1506 to 1850, Sd ed., Oxford, 1852.
Id., Rhemts and Doway. An Attempt to shea
what has been done by Rom. Catholics for the Dif-
fusion of the Holy Scriptures in English, Oxford,
1856. E. B. O'Cauaghan, List of Editions of the
Holy Scriptures and Parts thereof printed in
America previous to 1860, Albany, 1861, large 8vo.
F. Fry, Description of the Grant Bible, 1539, Me
M» Eds. of Cranmer's Bible, 1540, 1541, also of
the Eds. in folio of the A. V. printed m 1811, 1613,
1617, 1634, 1640, Lond. 1866.
On the (wo folk) editions of tbe A. V. printed in
1911, and on tbe changes which its text, headings,
marginal notes, etc., hare undergone sines that date,
see W. Kilburn, Dangerous Errors in several late
urinted Bibles, Finabury, 1669. (Dr. John Lee,)
Memorial for the Bible Societies in Scotland, Edin.
1824. Report from Select Com, on King's
Printer*' Patent*. 8 Aug. 1832, pp. 85, 67 f., 105
119, 131, 159, 156 f, 160, 336-341 (Pari. Papers
1831-82, vol. xriil.). Tboa. Curtis, 77i« Exist-
ing Monopoly an Inadequate Protection of the A.
V. »f the Scriptures, land. 1833. F. Cardwell
Oxford Bible*. Mr Ourtit's Misrepresentation!
imposed, Oxf. 1833. (From the Brit. Mag. fori
starch, 1833.) Thos. Turton, The Text of tht Eng. I
Vible considered, 2d ed. Oxf. 1838. (George Liv-
snaore.) Eng. Versions of Scripture, in the I
Christ. Examiner (Bostcb) tor July, 1833. Thoa
Curtis, Received Version of tht Bible, in Christ
Rev. for March, 1838. Amer. Bible Society, ft"e-
pnrt of the Com. on Versions, N. Y. 1851; corop.
36'A Ann. Report of the Sue. (X. V. 1852), pp. 28-
37; Report on the Recent Collation of the Eng.
Vers, of the Bible, N. Y 1857: and 42rf Ann. Re-
port of the Soc. (N. Y. 1858), pp 31-41. A. C.
C(oxe), ApoL for the Common Eng. Bible ; and
Review of the Extraordinary Changes made in it
by Managers of the Amer. Bible Soc, 3d ed., Bait
1857. Statements, and Documents, concerning the)
recent Action of the Boird of Managers of tht
Amer. Bible Soc . ... by Members of the Lot*
Com. on Versions, N. Y. 1858. (Tbe history of the
« standard text " published by tbe Amer. Bible Sot.
in 1851, and revoked in 1858, is very curious. Sea
McClintock and Strong's Cychp., i. 563 f.) E. W.
Gilmsn, Early Eds. if the A. V. if the Bible, In
the Bibl Sacra for Jan. 1859. (James Lenox,)
The Early Eds. of King James's Bible in Folio, N.
Y. 1861, 4to. Report from Vie Select Com. on the
QutenS Printers' Patent (4 Aug. 1859), pp. 26 ff.
38, 51 ff. (Pari. Papers 1859, Sess. 9, tol. T.)
The Present State of tht Text of our Auth. Eng.
Bible, in the Christum Remembrancer for Oct.
1866. C. F. SchiUfer, The Eng. Vers, of the If.
T. and the Marg. Readings, in the Bibl Sacra
tar July, 1866 ; see also his ExegcL Punctuation
of tht N. T., ibid. Oct 1868. The Rev. F. H.
Scrivener haa lately published Part I. (Gen. to
Solomon's Song) of The Cambridge Paragraph
Bible of the Auth. Eng. Version, with the Text
revised by a Collation of its Early and other
principal Editions, the Use of the Italic Type made
Umform, the Marg. Reft, remodelled, and a Cril.
Inlrod. prefixed, Cambr. 1870, 4to. The 'exact
Reprint of the Auth. Version of 1611," published
at Oxford, 1833, 4to, is from the second of the edi-
tions issued in the year referred to.
(2.) Essays on the Revision of the A. V.— .Many
works relating to this subject have been mentioned
in the preceding article, p. 3488 f. Of the writers
there named, Symonds, Newcome, Scholefield and
Trench are particularly worthy of notice. We may
add, Rev. Wm. Harness, The State of the Eng.
Bible. Reprinted from th* Edinb. Rev. of Oct.
1855, Loud. 1856. Rev. Wm. Selwyn, Notes on
the Revision of the A. V., Load. 1856. Dr. Fred.
Iliff, Plea for the Revisal of the Bibl* Trans, of
1611, Ixmd. 1867. Plea for a Xew Eng. Vers,
of the Scriptures, by a Licentiate of the Church
of Scotland, Ixmd. 1864. Alford, How to study
the If. T., 8 rob. Lond. 1866-68, containing
numerous corrections of the A. V. A. Dewja,
Plea for translating the Scriptures, Lond. 1866.
Bp. EUioott, Consideration' on tht Revision of the
Eng. Ken. of th* N. i., Lond. 1870. Various,
publications of Amer. Bible Union. Arte. In JVets
Englander, Feb. 1858 (R. W. Giltnan), May, 1868
(J. W. Gibbs); Qunr. Rev. Jan. 1863; Contemn.
Rev. June, 1866 (T. K. Cheyne), Feb. 1870 (W. a
Humphry) ; and Brit. Quar. Rev. Jan. 1870.
On the obsolete or obsolescent words and phrases
of the A. V., the beet work is The Bible Word-
Book, by J. Eastwood and W. A. Wright, Lond.
1866 ; see also the New Englander for May, 1859.
The Messrs. Bagster has* lately published (Lond.
1870) A Critical English yew Testament: pre-
senting at one View the A. V. and tht result* of:
the Criticism of the Orig. Text ; and In comes.
tton with this subject we may notice Tht N. T
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•AAA
nJMMM
VEK8ION, AUTHORIZED
lie Autt. Eng. Vert.; villi various Renduu/t
flnm the three mott celtbrattd itSS. [Sin. Tat.
Alex.] of lit Greek Text, by Conttantint Tischen-
dorf. TauchniU Ed, vol 1,000. Leips. 1869. It
It to be regretted, however, that thia volume is not
rerj carefully edited; e. g. in Jude 24 the reading
of the Vat. MS- is falsely given, and in ver. 28 " be-
fore all the world " is a bad rendering of wp& irarTOt
rav al&voi, " before all time."
(3.) Recent Revision* or New Translation*. —
Of the Whole Bible, or the Old Test- we
may mention: Noah Webster, The Holy Bible
. ... in lie Common Versum, with Amendment*
of A* Language, New Haven, 1838. G. R.
Noyea, New Tram, of Job, Ecclesiatlet, and lie
Canticle*, with Introduction* and Note* (1828,
1846), 3d ed., Boston, 1867; Ptahn* and Proverb*
(1830, 1846), 3d ed., Boat. 1867; Hebrew Prophet*
(1833, 1837), 3d ed., with a New Introd. and Notes,
t vole. Boat 1806. Ebenezer Henderson, The Boot
tf Isaiah translated, with a Commentary, Lond.
1840, 2d ed. 1857; Minor Prophet*, 1846, and
Andover, 1884; Jeremiah and Lam., 1851, And.
1868; Exekiel, 1855, And. 1870. J. A. Alexander,
The Earlier Prophedet of Isaiah, N. Y. 1846;
Me Later, 1847 ; Psalm* trantlaied and explained,
I Tola. N. V., 18M). Hose* Stuart, Comm. on
Ike Book of Daniel [with a New Trans.], Boston,
1850; Eccknatlet, N. Y. 1851; Proverb*, 1852.
A, Benisch, The Jewish School and Family Bible,
8 vols. Lond. 1862-56. H. Kalisch, IlitL and
Grit. Commentary on the 0. T., with a New
Tram.} Genesis, Lond. 1858; Exodus, 1856;
Leviticus, eh. L-X., 1867. Robt Young. The Holy
Bible, tram, according to lie Letter and Idiom* of
the Orig. Language*, 2d ed., Edin. 1868. (Ruth-
lessly sacrifices the English idiom.) 77<e Holy
Scripture* of the Old Covenant, in a rented
Tram., by the Rev. Charles WeObehved, the Rev.
Geo. Vance Smith, and the Rev. John Scott Porter,
8 vols. Lond. 1859-62. Sam. Sbarpe, The Re-
brew Scripture* translated, 8 vols. I/>nd. 1865.
The Amer. Bible Union have published revised
translations, by Dr. T. J. Conant, of Job (N. Y.
1856), and Genetit (1868); a revised version of the
Ptahn* and Proverb* by the same hand is now in
press. The American translation of Lange's
Commentary, edited by Dr. Schaff, gives through-
out corrections of the A. V., and in the poetical
and prophetical books of the Old Test, new trans-
lations. For other translations of particular books
of the O. T., among which Ginsburg'a Bong of
Bong* and Eccletiastet deserve particular mention,
ate the appropriate heads in the Dictionary.
New Testamemt. — Charles Thomson, Sec.
of the Continental Congress, 77ie New Covenant,
tram, from the Greek, Phil. 1808 (vol. iv. of his
lloly Bible, tram, from the Greek). Granville
Peon, The Book of the New Covenant : being a
Crit. Revision of the Text and Tram, of the Eng.
Vert, of the N. T., Lond. 1836, followed by
Annotation*, 1837, and Supplemental Annotation*,
new ed., 1841. (Edgar Taylor,) The N. T. re-
nted from the A. V. and mnde conformable to the
Text of Grietbach, Lond., Pickering, 1840. Sam.
Sharpe, The N. T. tram, from Griesbach'* Text
(1st ed. 1840), 6th ed. Lond. 1862, and Crit.
Note*, 2d ed., Lond. 1867. Andrews Norton,
Trans, of the Gospels, icith Note*, 3 vols. Boston,
M55. L. A. Sawyer, The N. T. translated, with
improved Divisions of Chapter* and Verm, Boa
on, 1868. Mr. Sawyer baa also published trans-
lations of the Ihireto Pnpkett awl Poets, Bnt
1861-62. A translation of the N. T. has best
published anonymously by John Nelson Darby, tht
founder of the sect of the Plymouth Brethren
London, [186-?] each book issued separately. It
is not without merit The " second revision " of
the N. T. by the Final Committee of the Amer.
Bible Union was published in N. T., in different
forms, in 1866. In this version, " Immerse " ia
substituted for " baptize," " immersion " for " bap-
tism," etc Preliminary revisions of most of the
books of the N. T., with notes, were previously
issued for public examination and criticism. Among
the authors of these were Dr. T. J. Conant (Mat
tbew), the Rev. N. N. Whiting (Mark, Lake
Ephesians, Pastoral Epistles), Rev. Alex. Camp-
bell (Acts), Dr. John Lillie (1 and 3 These., and
2d Peter to Rev. inclusive), and Dr. H. B. Hackett
(Philemon). A very large sum of money hat
been spent by the American Bible Union in carry-
ing on thia important work; snd some of oar
ablest scholars have been enmured upon it T. S.
Green, The Twofold N. T., being a New Tram
accompanying a newly formed Text, Lond.
Bagster, [1865,] 4to; comp. his Crit. Note* on
Ms N. T., Lond. 1867. Henry Alford, The N.
T. after the A. V. newly compared with the Orig.
Greek and revised, Lond. 1869 : comp. his N. T.
for Eng. Reader*, with corrections of the A. V.
and notes, 2 vols, m 4 pts., 18T.3-66. G.R. Noyea,
The N. T.t trantlaied from the Greek Text of
Tischendorf, Boston, 1869; 4th ed. 1870. Robt
Ainslio, The N. T. tram, from the Greek Text
of Titchendorf (8ro, Lip*. 1865), Lond. and
Brighton, 1869. (The title and also the preface
are deceptive. The translation is not from the
text of Tischendorf, but from hia edition of the
Codex Sinaiticus, which has many readings that
neither he nor any other critic would ever dream
of regarding as genuine.) N. S. Fohum, The
Four Gospel* : tram, [mainly] from the Greet
Text of Tischendorf, with varum* Readingt and
Note*, Boston, 1869. For other translations of
parts of the N. T., see the literature under the
separate books. — The translations of Abner Knee-
land (N. T. in Greek and Enghsh, Phil. 1822),
Rodolphus Dickinson (Boat 1833), and Benj. Wil-
son (Emphatic Diaglott, N. Y. [Geneva, 111.]
1864) may be mentioned as literary curiosities
Among the versions which hare been named, both
of the 0. T. and the New, those of the late Dr.
Noyes appear to the present writer eminently dis-
tinguished for accuracy, clearness, good taste,
natural, idiomatic English, and the attainment,
generally, of the happy medium between bald liter-
alnees and loose paraphrase.
The Convocation of Canterbury has already
(July, 1870) undertaken a revision of the A. V.,
snd appointed a Committee for the work, under
the chairmanship of the Bishop of Winchester
(Wilberforce). They have divided themselves into
two oompsnies, that on the Old Test, consisting
of the Bishops of St David's, Uandaff, Ely, Lin-
coln, Bath and Wells, Archd. Ross, Cau. Selwyn.
Dr. Jebb, and Dr. Kay; that on the New, of tbt
Bps. of Winchester, Glouces'er and Bristol . Ellicottl
and Salisbury, the Prolocutor, the Desna of Cas>
terbury (Alford), Westminster (Stanley), and Can
Blakesky. Many other distinguished scholars hast
been invited, some of then not members of toe
Church of England. The Convocation of York
and the British Government hrva decUr.cd tr par
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VBSTBY
duipato. The Committee on the IT. T. were to
kold their first meeting on June 33 and 33, 1870.
We have no room for farther details.
For the literature pertaining to this topic, aee
further DarHng'a CyeL BUHographuM (Subject*),
9oL 83 If., and HcClintock and Strang's Cyctopa-
Ma, vol. HI., art. « English Versions,* where will be
found many reference* to articles In periodical pub-
lications. A.
* VESTRY (nrT^l^B). a houst or depository
st Samaria, of the sacred Vestments of the priests of
BaaL The English and Hebrew terms occur only
in 2 K. i. 22. The garments were probably of fine
bynus (Bfihr, Symiotik da Motauck. CWhu, ii.
87), and were worn by the priests only in religious
occupation*. It was not the royal wardrobe, ex-
sept aa it may have been under the monarch's con-
trol. H.
* VEX Is Tory often used in the A. V. in the
mom of "harass," "torment," "afflict," "op-
press " (e. g. Num. zz. 15; 1 Sam. xiv. 47; Job
zztU. 3; Matt, it. 33; Acta zil. 1). It has now
become a much weaker word. A similar remark
applies to "vexattohj" see Deut. xxviii. 30; 1
Cbr. xv.6; la. ix. 1. A.
* VIAL In the A. V. Rer. v. 9, " golden evils
full of odors," and xv. 7, xvi. 1-17, xvii. 1, xxl. 9,
" the seven vialt fuM of the wrath of God," suggests
a false idea to the common reader. The Greek
word e>idAa, which is here used, signifies not " a
•mall bottle," but "a broad, shallow bowL"
A.
VILLAGES." It is evident that chafer, "a
Tillage," lit, an inclosure, a collection of huts, is
often used, especially in the enumeration of towns
Id Josh, xiii., xt., xix., to imply unwalled suburbs
outside the walled towns. And so it appears to
mean when we compare Lev. xxv. 81 with r. 34.
Uigrathf A. V. " suburbs," i. <s. a place thrust
out from the city (see also Gen. xli. 48). Arab
Tillages, as found in Arabia, are often mere collec-
tions of stone huts, " long, low, rude hovels, roofed
only with the stalks of palm-leaves," or covered for
a time with tent-cloths, which are removed when
the tribe change their quarters. Others are more
solidly built, as are most of the modem villages of
Palestine, though in some the dwellings are mere
mud huts (Robinson, i. 167, 11. 13, 14, 44, 387;
Haasdquist, Trav. p. IBS; Stanley, S. d> P. p.
S83,App. §88,p.525). Arab villages of the Hed-
jis and Yemen often consist of huts with circular
•ooft of leaves or grass, resembling the description
•iven by Sallust of the Numidian mapaiia, namely,
VINE
8445
• 1. Bjia. See DaonuTza.
8. "TjJlJJ: sVaaJUe, *»!■*: eta*, auUOmm, oppi-
rfmn, sspeeUUy described a* unwalled, Ur. xxv. 11.
vSsaaley, & f P. App. { 87.)
8. («.) TfJ J, from ig^, « cover » (Gee. p. 708).
»n:* WW?, only once, Hah, TLS; «■>*•
•inUKS. (e.) "lgi, only once, 1 8am. vL Ml sasasjt
•flto.
4. («.) rip.fcomrip (Oes. p. 11% - to asparate "
alar "to Judre," V*m~*fbm ; onee « village," i. t. a
sjsee of saparaud dwellings, Hab. 111. 141; tartar*
m mm mr. one rams. 0.) ] iTl?, Judf. V. 7, 11
%. ".following targ., " rlllagsa; * Bt, rulers or war-
ships with the keel uppermost (Sallntt, Jmg. 18
Shaw, Trav. p. 230; Niebobr, Deter, dt tAn*
p. 64).
There is little in the 0. T. to enable us mora
precisely to define a village of Palestine, beyond the
feet that it was destitute of walls or external de-
fenses. Persian villages are spoken of in similar
terms (Ex. xxxviii. 11; Eeth. ix. 19).
By the Talmudists a tillage was defined as a
place destitute of a synagogue (Lightfoot, Chorogr.
Century, eh. xcriii.). Galilee, in our Lord's time,
contained many Tillages and village-towns,* and
Josephus says that in his time there were in Galilee
804 towns and villages,* some of which last had
walls (.loeeph. Pit J 45). At present the country
is almost depopulated (Raumer, PaL p. 105; Staa
ley, 8. f P. p. 384). Most modern Turkish and
Persian villages hare a Mituti or Mtdh&fth, a
bouse for travellers (Burckhardt, Syria, p. 395;
Robinson, ii. 19; Martyn. Lift, p. 437).
The places to which in the O. T. the term chatter
is applied were mostly in the outskirts of the coun-
try (Stanley, p. 526). In the N. T. the term
«<£/tn is applied to Bethphage (Matt. xxi. 3), Beth-
any (Luke x. 38; John xi. 1), Emmaus (Luke xxiv.
13), Bethlehem (John vti. 42). A distinction be-
tween city or town (wi\u) and village («dy«|) is
pointed out (Luke viii. 1). On the other hand,
Bethsaida is called a-JAii (John i. 44; Luke ix. 10)
and also Kiifai (Mark viii. 23, 28), unless by the
latter word we are to understand the suburbs of
the town, which meaning seems to belong to
"country "« (Mark vl. 56). The relation of de-
pendence on a chief town of a district appears to be
denoted by the phrase " villages of Cassarea Pbi-
lippi " (Mark viii. 27).
In the Hebrew language the prefix Caphar im-
plied a regular village, as Capernaum, which place,
however, had in later times outgrown the limits
implied by its original designation (Lightfoot, lc,
Stanley, pp. 521-627; 1 Mace. vii. 31).
H. W. P.
VINE- The well-known valuable plant (Paw
tmtfera) very frequently referred to in the Old
and New Testaments, and cultivated from the
earliest times. The first mention of this plant
occurs in Gen. ix. 30, 21, where Noah is represented
as having been its first cultivator. The Egyptians
aay that Osiris first taught men the use of the Tine.
That it was abundantly cultivated in Egypt is evi-
dent from the frequent representations on the
monuments, as well as from the Scriptural allu-
sions. See Gen. xL 9-11, Pharaoh's dream; ami
Num. xx. 6, where the Israelite* oomplain that the
(«■) iTir>9, wHut (unwalled) JU. xxxvUL 1L
(«".) Tl'J, properly a dweller In the country, a*>
ronw ; ^tf(aux : oppidtm.
5. nVI: lea s A i t : view: Num. xxxU.41; Deal
tH. 14; Jodj. x. 4: a word applied by modern BedoataM
to their own vulages (Stanley, p. 637). See Havana.
Jam.
8. a^ttn???: w.»Mnre>«: sae*r6 *a a ; lit, pas
tun* for flocks (/3m. pp 908,807).
In M. t. the word «•*• U also reodsrad « towa .»
• ttJ"T3D, llrom BfH}» "drive out"
• KupewdAnc, vitat a civitaUt, Marl L 8*.
• VMuit *aJ niyuu.
Aw*»C
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3446 vhtb
wilderness was » no place of figs or of vines," ori-
dently regretting that the; had left the Tines of
Egypt Comp. also P». Izxrlli. 47 : "He destroyed
their Tines with hail " (ne on thli subject Oiaius,
Bieroi. 11. 413).
The Tinea of Palestine were celebrated both fin-
huuriant growth and for the immense clusters of
grapes which they produced. When tbe spies were
lent forth to view the promised land, we are told
that on their airiral at the valley of Eshcol they
cut down a branch with one cluster of grapes, and
bare it between two on a staff (Num. xiii. 23).
This they did no doubt for convenience of carriage,
and in order that the grapes on that splendid
•huter might not be bruised. Travellers have fre-
quently testified to the large size of the grape-
dusters of Palestine. Schulz (IMlmgen du
Btchlm, v. 285, quoted by Rosenmiiller, BOA. Bot.
p. 223) speaks of supping at BeiUliin, a Tillage
near Ptolemais, under a vine whose stem was about
a foot and a half in diameter, and whose height
was about thirty feet, which by its branches formed
a hut upwards of thirty feet broad and long.
"The clusters of these extraordinary vines," he
adds, " are so large that they weigh ten or twelve
pounds, and the berries may be compared with our
small plums." See also Belon, Obtrvot. ii. 340
" Las seps des vignes sont fort gros et lea rameaux
fort spacieux. Lee habitants enteudent Men
eomme il la taut gouverner. Car Us la planteut si
loing l'une de l'autre, qu'on pourroit mener une
charretta entre deux. Ce u'est pas grande mer-
Teiue si lea raisins sont si beaux et le rin si puis-
sant" Strabo states that it is recorded that
there are vines in Margiana whose stems are such
as would require two men to span round, and whose
dusters are two cubits long {Gtoj/rnpk. i. 112, ed.
Kramer). Now Margiana is tbe modern district
of Ghilan in Persia, southwest of the Caspian Sea,
and the very country on whose hills tbe vine is be-
hoved to be indigenous. Nothing would be easier
than to multiply testimonies relative to the large
size of the grapes of Palestine, from the published ac-
aounts of travellers such as Elliot, Laborde, Hariti,
Dandini (who expresses his surprise at the extraor-
dinary size of the grapes of Lebanon), Russell, etc.
We must be content with quoting tbe following ex-
tract from ditto's Phytical Hilton/ of Palatinr.,
p. 830, which is strikingly illustrative of the spies'
node of carrying tbe grapes from Eshcol: "Even
m our own country a bunch of grapes was produced
at Welbeok, and sent as a present from the Duke
of Rutland to the Harqais of Rockingham, which
weighed nineteen pounds. It was conveyed to its
destination — more than twenty miles distant — on
a staff by four laborers, two of whom bore it in rota-
tion." The greatest diameter of this cluster was
ninfeoon inches and a half, its circumference four feet
and a half, and its length nearly twenty-three inches.
Especiil mention is made in the Bible of the
tines of Eshcol (Num. xilL 24, xxxii. 9), of Sibmah,
aesbbon, and Eleateh (Is. xrl. 8, 9, 10; Jer. xlviii.
»), and Er*gedi (Cant i. 14). Prof. Stanley thus
apesn of the vineyards of Judah, which he saw
along the slopes of Bethlehem : "Here, more than
elsewhere in Palestine, are to be seen on the sides
if tbe hills, tbe vineyards marked by their watch-
towers and walla, seated on their ancient terraces —
the earliest and latest symbol of Judah. The de-
ration of the hills and table-lands of Judah is the
true cfiroate of the Tine. He 'bound his foal to
In* Tina, and his ass's colt to tbe choice Tine; be
7IMB
washed his garments in wine, and his ebthes in tbt
blood of grapes.' It was from tbe Judcan valley
of Eshcol, ' the torrent of the duster,' that the spies
out down tbe gigantic duster of grapes. ' A. vine-
yard on a hill of olives,' with the ■ fence,' and ' lbs
stones gathered out,' and the tower in the midst ti
it,' is the natural figure which, both in the prophet-
ical and evangelical records, represents tbe kingdom
of Judah " (S. c> P. p. 164). From the abun-
dance and excellence of the vines, it may readily be
understood bow frequently this plant is the subject
of metaphor in the Holy Scriptures. Thus Israel
is a rine brought from Egypt, and planted by the
Lord's band in the Land of Promise; room had
been prepared for it (compare with this the passage
from Belon quoted above); and where it took root it
filled the hud, it covered the hills with it* shadow,
its boughs were like the goodly cedar-trees (Pa.
Ixxx. 8, 10). Comp. Gmelin (TraveU titrtmgk
Ruuui and If. Persia, iii. 481), who thus speaks
of the vines of Uhilan: "It is fond of forests,
.... and is frequently found about promontories,
and their lower part is slmost entirely covered with
it There, higher than tbe eye can reach, it winds
itself about the loftiest trees; and ita tendrils, which
here have an arm's thickness, so spread and mutu-
ally entangle tbenudves far and wide, that in plans
where it grows in the most luxuriant wildnces it is
very difficult to find a passage." To dwell under
the vine and fig-tree is an emblem of domestic
happiness and peace (1 K. iv. 28; Hie. iv. 4; Pa.
cxxvili. 3) ; the rebellious people of Israel are com-
pared to "wild grapes," "an empty vine," "tbe
degenerate plant of a strange vine," etc. (la. v. 8,
4, but see Cockle; Hos. x. 1 ; Jer. ii. 21). It is
a vine which our Lord selects to sbow the spiritual
union which subsists between Himself and his
members (John xv. 1-0).
The following Hebrew words denote the Tine: —
1. Gtpkm (]5|), or, more definitely, cense*
inyynyf* (VJn lp$)t •* frequent o c cur re n ce in the
Bible, and used in a general sense. Indeed gtpken
sometimes is applied to a plant that riwimbki a
rine in some particulars, as n^j? ]g| (•***<*
sdoVA), 2 K. W. 30, i «. probably tbe Cofoeynth
plant [Goukd, Ii. 962], or D l Tp ^J| (*«*•■
BidAm), the vine of Sodom, certainly not a. Tina.
(See below.)
9. Bdrik (JTUP), or ttribih (H^W), I* a
term expressive of some choice kind of vine (Jer. B.
91; Is v. 2; Gen. xlix. 11), supposed to be iden-
tical with that now called in Morocco serai, and In
Persia sasftnitaft, with small round dark berries, and
soft stones. (See Niebuhr, DtxrifL de t Ambit,
p. 147; and Oedmann, Sammlmtg, ii. 07.) From
the passage in Jeremiah, it is clear that the ttrik
denotes not soother species of vine, but tbe com-
mon vine which by some process of cultivation at-
tained a high state of excellence.
8. iWstr ("WJ), originally applied to a Nasarit*
who did not shave his hair, expresses an " undressed
Tine " (A. V.), i. e. one which every seventh and
every fiftieth year was not pruned. (See Cr— una.
Thi*. s. v.)
Grapes are designated by various names: (L
EthcM (bbtj^i), is either "a duster," rip* at
unripe, Ilk* races***, or * "single grape" (a* i*
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vnra
a. taw. •; Mle. rii. 1). (9.) 'fttdA (SJ$* ; An*.
t>£», "• dorter"). (3.) Afer Opi), tour,
I «. naripe grape* (Is. xrilL t). (4.) ZemdrAh
(iTTTDp « a grape oat off." « The blossom " of
lb* Tine i* called wmddar ("T^P), Out Ii. 13,
IS. •* Grape-stones " ere probably meant by char-
jme» (D^pSTO); A. V. " kernel," Num. ri. 4.
"The cuticle" of the gnpe is denominated tdo
Cap, Nam. L c; "the tendrils" by lartghn
PTIP), Joel i. T.
The ancient Hebrews probably allowed the Tine
It grow trailing on the ground, or npon supports.
Iliie latter mode of cultivation appear* to be al-
luded to by Kaekiel (xix. 11, 19): "her strong
roll were broken and withered." Dr. Robinson,
who ha* given u* much information on the Tine* of
Palestine, tint* apeak* of the manner In which be
anr them trained near Hebron : " They are
planted aingly in row*, eight or ten bet apart in
**ch direction. The etoek i* suffered to grow up
large to the height of six or eight feet, and .i* then
jujtianed in a (loping poaition to a strong (take, and
the ahoot* raftered to grow and extend from one
plant to another, forming a line of festoon*. Some-
time* two row* are made to alant towarda each
vther, and thua form by their (hoot* a tort of arch.
These ahoot* are pruned away in autumn " (BiU.
Ha. ii. 80, 81).
The vintage, baUhr ("fS^), which formerly
wa* a season of general festivity, ** U the cue
more or lea* in all Tine-growing countries, com-
menced in September. The town* are deserted,
ud the people live among the Tineyard* (0*5r?)
in the lodge* and tents {BM. Ra. 1. c; oom'p.
Jndg. ix. 97; Jer. ixt. 80; I*, xri. 10). The
grape* were gathered with shout* of Joy by the
-gnpe-^atherer*" (1?^) (Jer. xxr. 30), and put
into basket* (sea Jer. ri. 9). They were then car-
ried on the head and shoulders, or thing upon a
yoke, to the "wine-press" (D}). [Wise.]
Those intended for eating were perhaps put into
flat open baakete of wiokerwork, aa wa* the custom
in Egypt (Wilkinson, Arte. Egypt. i. 48). In
Palestine at present the finest grape*, *ay* Dr.
Bobinson, are dried a* raisin*, trinmik (jTTCBS),
and the juiee of the remainder, after baring been
trodden and pressed, "is boiled down to a syrup
which, under the name of (Hit (CJ^J), is much
used by all classes, wherever Tineyard* are found,
as a condiment with their food." For further re-
marks on the mode* of making fermented drinks,
stet, of the juiee of the grape, see under Wm
The Tineyard (Q"5$)i which wa* generally on a
*uH (I*, v. 1 ; Jer. xxxL 5; Amos ix. 13), wa* sur-
rounded by a wall or hedge in order to keep out
the wild boar* (P*. lxxx. 13), Jackals, and foxes
■Hum. xxU. 94; Cant ii. 15; Neh. it. 3; Es. xili.
i, 5; Matt. xxi. 33), which commit sad havoc
amongst the Tinea, both by treading them down
sod by eating the grapes. Within the Tineyard
•a* one or more tower* of stone in which the Tine-
ttrimbn (D^b), lived (Is. 1. 8, r. 9;
VINB OF SODOM
844T
Matt xxi. 88; see also Robinson, BM ft* L 918
11. 81V The pre**, galh (fT|), and rat, ytttt
OJJ), which was dug (Matt. xxi. S3) or hewn
out of the rocky soil, were part of the Tineyard
furniture (I*, v. 9). See the art Wink, for ■
figure of a large foot-presa with rat, Represented in
operation. The wine-press of the Hebrew* was
probably of the form there depicted. [Fat, p
814 a.]
The Tine in the Mosaic ritual was subject tar
the usual restriction* of the "seventh year" (Ex.
xxlil. 11), and the jubilee of the fiftieth year (Ur.
xxr. 11). The gleanings, tUUA (nV?bfr went
to be left for the poor and stranger (Jer. xlix. S;
Deut xxiv. 91). The vineyard wa* not to be
•own "with diver* seeds" (Deut xxii. 9), but fig-
tree* were sometimes planted in vineyards (Luis
xiii. 6). Comp. 1 K. iv. 36: "Every man under
his Tine and under hi* fig-tree." Person* pawing
through a rineyard were allowed to eat the grape*
therein, but not to carry any away (Deut. xxiii.
84).
Beaidea wild-boar*, jackals, and foxes, other ene-
mies, luch a* bird*, locusts, and caterpillars, occa-
sionally damaged the vine*.
Beth-hacoerem, " the house of the rine " (Jer.
ri. 1; Neh. iii. 14), and Abd-eeramhn, "the plain
of the rineyard*," took their respective name* from
their vicinity to rineyard*. Gophna (now Jifna),
a few mile* N. of Jerusalem, is stated by Kusebiu*
(Own. w*Vay{ /Serowor) to hare derived it* name
from it* vine*. But see Oram. W. H.
VINE OF SODOM (D 1 ^ \$%, gtphtn
BlUdmi ifxrtkor 3oSifu»y: tinea Sodomonm)
occur* only in Deut xxxii. 82, where of the wicked
it is said — " their vine la of the rine of Sodom,
and of the field* of Gomorrah." It i* generally
supposed that this passage alludes to the celebrated
apple* of Sodom, of which Joeephu* (Bell. JwL
iv. 8, § 4) apeak*, and to which apparently Tacitus
(HiU. v. 6) alludes. Much ha* been written on
this curious subject, and various trees hare been
conjectured to be that which produced those
"Dsad Baa fruit* that tempt the eye,
But turn to ubw on the Up*,"
of which Moore and Byron ring.
The following is the account of these fruits, a*
given by Joeephu* : (peaking of Sodom, he says 1
" It was of old a happy land, both in respect of it*
fruits, and the abundance of its cities. But now it
is all burnt up. Men say that, on account of th*
wickedneaa of it* inhabitants, it was destroyed by
lightning. At any rate, there are (till to re seen
remains of the divine fire and trace* of fine cities,
and moreover ashes produced in the fruits, whija
indeed resemble edible fruit in color, but, on being
plucked by the hand, are dissolved into smoke ana
ashes." Tacitus is more general, and (peaks of
all the herb* and flower*, whether growing wild
or planted, turning black, and crumbling into
Some traveller*, a* Mauodrell (Early Trot, m
PaUrint, p. 454, Bobn, 1848), regard the whole
story a* a fiction, being unable either to see or
hear of any fruit that would answer the required
description. Pooocke supposed the apple* of Sodom
to be pomegranates, " which, baring a tough, hard
rind, and being left on the tree* two or three years,
mav be dried to doit inilde, and the outside may
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8448 vote car sodom
remain Mr." Heeselquiet ( Trot. p. 187) neki to
Identify the applet in question with the egg-shaped
fruit of the Solanum mtlongtna when attacked bj
some special of ttnihrtdo, which converts the whole
A the inside into dust, while the rind remains
entire and keeps its color. Seetzen in his letters
to Baron Zach {Mmai. Corrapond. zviil. 443)
thought he had discovered the apples of Sodom in
the fruit of a kind of cotton-tree, which grew in
the plain of el-Ghor, and was known by the name
of Adtchar. The cotton is contained in the frnit,
which is like a pomegranate, but has no pulp.
Chateaubriand concludes the long-sought fruit to
be that of a thorny shrub with small taper leaves,
which in si» and color is exactly like the little
Egyptian lemon; when dried, this fruit yields a
blackish seed, which may be compared to ashes,
and which in taste resembles bitter pepper. Burck-
hardt ( Trav. in Syria, p. 392) and Irby and Man-
gles believe that the tree which produces these
celebrated apples is one which they saw abundantly
in the Gbor to the east of the Dead Sea, known
by the vernacular name of athryr or otknr. This
tree bears a fruit of a reddish-yellow color, about
three inches in diameter, which contains a white
substance resembling the finest silk, and enveloping
some seeds. This silk is collected by the Arabs,
and twisted into matches for their firelocks. Dr.
Robinson (BM. Ra. i. 523), when at Mia Jidy,
without knowing at the moment whether it had
been observed by former travellers or not, instantly
pronounced in favor of the 'Ssktr fruit being the
apples of Sodom. His account of this tree is
minute, and may well be quoted : " The 'Bther of
the Arabs," which ha identifies with the Atcltpint
( Calotrcpis) prnctra of botanists, •' is found in
abundance in Upper Egypt aud Nubia, and also
in Arabia Felix; but seems to be confined In
Palestine to the borders of the Dead Sea. We
taw it only at 'Ain Jidy ; Hasselquist found it in
the desert between Jericho and the northern shore;
and Irby and Mangles met with it of large site at
the south end of the sea, and on the isthmus of
the peninsula. We saw here several trees of the
kind, the trunks of which were six or eight inches
in diameter, and the whole height from ten to fif-
teen feet It has a grayish cork-like bark, with
long oval leaves .... It discharges copiously
from its broken leaves and flowers a milky fluid.
The fruit greatly resembles externally a large
smooth apple or orange, hanging in clusters of three
or four together, and when ripe is of a yellow
color. It was now fair and delicious to the eye,
and soft to the touch; but, on being pressed or
struck, it explodes with a puff, like a bladder or
puff-ball, leaving in the hand only the shreds of
the thin rind and a few fibres. It is indeed filled
chiefly with air, which gives it the round form.
■ "Too do not mention the Solatium Sodom/rum,
whieh 1 thought bad been quoted as one apple
of the Dead Sea, and whieh U the plant I always
thought to be as probably the fruit in question as any
other. The objeodon to 5. mtlongtna is, that it Is a
cultivated plant; to the oak gall, that it Is wholly
absent from the Dead Sea district, though it answers
tie description best, so Cur as its beautiful exterior
<nd powdery bitter Interior are concerned.
■ " The Vine of Sodom , again, I always thought might
refer to Omrnit eotoeynthis [see Oouss, ii. 982], which
Is bitter and powdery inside; the term vine would
■sanely be given to eay but a trailing or other plant
ST the habit of a vine. The objection to the Oefe-
VUTB OV SODOM
. . After a due allowance for the ■xsnekea
in all popular reports, I find nothing which does
not apply almost literally to the fruit of the 'Mo-
bs we saw it. It must be plucked and handled
with great care, in order to preserve it from
bursting."
Mr. Walter Elliot, in an article "on the Peon
Sodomitica, or Dead-Sea apples" (Tram, of' tin
Entomol Soe. ii. 14, 1837-1840), endeavors to
show that the apples in question are oak gaOs,
whieh he found growing plentifully on dwarf oak*
(Querent inftctwia) in the country beyond the
Jordan. He tells us that the Arabs asked him to
bite one of these galls, and that they laughed whan
they saw his mouth full of dust. " That thee*
galls ere the true Dead-Sea apples," it is added,
" there can no longer be a question : nothing can
be more beautiful than their rich, glossy, purplish. -
red exterior: nothing more bitter than their porous
and easily pulverized interior " (p. 16). The opin-
ion of Pococke may, we think, be dismissed at
once as being a most improbable conjecture. The
objection to the Solanum mtlongtna is that the
plant is not peculiar to the shores or neighborhood
of the Sea of Sodom, but is generally distributed
throughout Palestine, besides which it is not likely
that the fruit of which Josepbus speaks should be
represented by occasional diseased specimens of the)
fruit of the egg-apple; we must look for soma
plant, the normal character of whose fruit comes
somewhere nearer to the required conditions. Sest-
zen's plant is the same as that mentioned by
Burckhardt, Irby and Mangles, and Robinson, i. e.
the 'dsAer. Chateaubriand's thorny shrub, with
fruit like small lemons, may bt the Zvkkum (Ba-
Uinittt jEgyptiaon), but it certainly cannot be the
tree intended. It is not at all probable that the
oak-galls of which Mr. Elliot speaks should be
the fruit in question ; because these being formed
on a tree so generally known as an oak, and being
common in all countries, would not have bean a
subject worthy of especial remark, or have been
noticed as something peculiar to the district around
the Sea of Sodom. The fruit of the Ttter appears
to have the best chum to represent the apples of
Sodom ; the Calotropu procera is an Indian plant,
and thrives in the warm valley of 'Ain Jidy, but
is scarcely to be found elsewhere in Palestine.
The readiness with which its fruit, "fair to the
eye," bursts when pressed, agrees well with Jose-
phus's account; and although there is a want of
suitableness between " the few fibres " of Robinson,
and the "smoke and ashes" of the Jewish his-
torian, yet, according to a note by the editor of
Seetcen's Letters, the fruit of the Calotropu in
winter contains a yellowish dust, In appearance
resembling certain fungi, but of pungent quality.*
W. H.
Bopis froara (Aulrp. gtgeatnt, Lin.) is, that it a vsrjr
scares and not ehaneteristio of the district, being
found in one spot only. The bmuttful a!lky cotton
would never suggest the idea of anything but what
is exquisitely lovely — it is Impossible to Imagine any-
thing more beautiful : to assume that a diseased stair
of It was intended, Is arguing ad ianotum as ig%1»
and a very ttr-atched idea." J. D. Hooks*
Dr. Hooker's remark, that the term eiae must rase)
to some plant of the habit of a vine, is eoueluslvs
against the claims of all the plants hitherto tdenunee*
with the Tine of Sodom. The C. eofocyntsu alone
possesses the required condition Implied in the name
vr h
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VINEGAR
VINEGAR (Tph: %<"'• «"*•»>• '!*•
Hebrew term chomeit wu applied to a beverage,
toniiitlng generally of wine or strong drink turned
loor (whence its ate wu proscribed to the Nu-
•rite, Num. ri. 8), but sometimes artificially made
by an admixture of barley and wine, and thus
liable to fermentation (Hiahn. Pa. 8, { 1). It
wu acid even to a proverb (Prov. z. 96), and by
itself formed a nauseous draught (Pa. lxix. 21),
but wu serviceable for the purpose of sopping
bread, u used by laborers (Ruth ii. 14). The
degree of its acidity may be inferred from Pror.
xxv. SO, where its efftct on nitre is noticed. Sim-
ilar to the chomet* of the Hebrews wu the acetum
III the Romans, — a thin, sour wine, consumed by
soldiers (Veget Re Mil. ir. 7), either in a pure
state, or, more usually, mixed with water, when
it wu termed poeca (Plin. xix. 99 ; Spart fladr.
10). This wu the beverage of which the Saviour
partook in his dying momenta (Matt, xzvii. 48;
Hark rv. 3$; John xix. 99, 30), and doubtless it
wu refreshing to his exhausted frame, though
offered in derision either on that occasion or pre-
viously (Luke xxiii. 86). The same liquid, min-
gled with gall (u St. Matthew states, probably
with the view of marking the fulfillment of the
prediction in Pa. box. 21), or with myrrh (u
St. Mark states with an eye to the exact historical
fcet "), wu offered to the Saviour at an earlier stage
of his sufferings, in order to deaden the perception
of pain (Matt, xxvii. 34; Mark xv. 93).
W. L.B.
VINEYARDS, PLAIN OF THE (b^
VOWS
8449
D" 1 ^? : , E0«AX , W«"'' Alex - At 3 '* aprfXanwr:
Abel qua at vineu cvnsita). This place, men-
tioned only in Judg. xi. 33, hu been already no-
ticed under Abel (5 : see vol. i. p. 5 o). To what
he hu there said, the writer hu only to call atten-
tion to the fact that a ruin bearing the name of
Beit d-Ktrm, — " house of the vine," wu encoun-
tered by De Saulcy to the north of feral; (Ifarr.
L 8S3). This may be the Abel ceramim of Jeph-
thah, if the Aroer named in the same psasage is
the place of that name on the Arnon ( W. Mijtb).
It is however by no means certain ; and indeed the
probability is that the Ammonites, with the instinct
Jt a nomadic or semi-nomadic people, betook them-
selves, when attacked, not to the civilized and cul-
tivated country of Moab (where Beit tt-Kerm is
situated), but to the spreading deserts towards the
east, where they could disperse themselves after the
usual tactics of such tribes. G.
VIOL. For an explanation of the Hebrew
word translated •• viol " see Psaltery. The old
English viol, like the Spanish riguela, wu a six
stringed guitar. Mr. ChappeU (Pup. Mta. 1. 946)
■ays, " the position of the fingers wu marked on
the finger-board by frets, u in guitars of the present
day. The ' Chest of Viola ' consisted of three, four,
fjvs, or six of different sixes; one for the treble,
Jthers for the mean, the counter-tenor, the tenor,
and perhaps two for the bass." Etymologically
vial is connected with the Dan. fol and the A.-8.
JtfieU, through the Fr. tiaie, Old Ft. vieUe, Med.
Lit. witeUa. In the Prompkrmm Pamdonm we
find "Fyyele, vieUa, fidieina, vitcUa." Again, in
North's Plutarch ( Antoauu, p. 980, ed. 1595) there
is a description of Cleopatra's barge, " the poops
whereof wu of gold, the miles of purple, and the
owers of silver, which kept stroke in rowing after
the sound of the musicke of flutes, howboyes,
eythema, ryoilt, and such other instrument* u
they played vpon in the barge." W. A. W.
• VINTAGE. [HAnvKsr; Vwe; Win*,]
VIPER. [Skhfkiit.]
• VOLUME. [Book; Roll; Wbitwo.]
VOPH-SI 0D?V la&i Alex. U0f. V<W>)-
Father of Nahbi, the spy selected from the tribe
of Naphtali (Num. xiil. 14).
• VOTE This is the proper word in Acts
xxvi. 10, instead of " voice " of the A. V. Paul
says there that when Stephen and other disciple)
were put to death ha •« gave bis vote," Kar^nyita
<yr/<poy, against them. Some allege this u proof
that he wu a member of the Jewish Sanhedrim at
the time, and voted for the sentence of death.
But the language does not warrant this conclusion.
Like our "suffrage," Mfm, a stone used u a
ballot, often signified opinion merely, assent or dis-
sent, with only a figurative allusion to the act of
voting. Plato often usee the word in this sense
(see Root and Palm's Gr. flandwtrttrb. iii. p.
2676). It is improbable on other grounds that
Paul belonged to the Sanhedrim at that time.
His age would hardly have allowed him to attain
that honor so early (see Acts vii. 58), and his being
unmarried (u we may infer from 1 Cor. vii. 8) wu
a disqualification if, u the later Jews maintain, no
one could be a judge unless he wu a father, be-
cause a parent may be expected to be merciful.
Lechler gives the right interpretation. H.
VOWS.* The practice of making vows, i. a.
incurring voluntary obligations to the Deity, on
fulfillment of certain conditions, such u ueliveranc*
from death or danger, success in enterprises, and
the like, Is of extremely ancient date, and common
in all systems of religion. The earliest mention
of a vow is that of Jacob, who, after his vision at
Bethel, promised that in case of his safe return be
would dedicate to Jehovah the tenth of his goods,
and make the place in which he had set up the
memorial-stone a place of worship (Gen. xxviit.
18-93, xxxi. 18). Vows in general are also men-
tioned in the book of Job (xxii. 97).
Among instances of heathen usage in this respect
the following passages may be cited: Jer. xliv. 85,
and Jonah i. 16; Horn. II i. 64, 93, vi. 93, 308;
Odyu. iii. 882; Xen. Anab. iii. 3, § 19) Virg.
Georg. i. 436; JEn. v. 934; Hor. Cam. 1.5, 13,
iii. 99, 59; Liv. xxii. 9, 10; Cic. Alt. viil. 16;
Justin, xxl. 8; a passage which speaks of immoral
vows; Veil. Pat 11. 48.
The Law therefore did not introduce, but regu-
lated the practice of vows. Three sorts are men-
tioned: I. Vows of devotion, Neder; II. Vows
of abstinence, Kear or liar; HI. Vows of destruc-
tion, Cherem.
I. As to vows of devotion, the following mlu
a St Mark terms it out* fopvswpAw • There la
do difficulty in the application o* oZmv and 8£ov to
the same substance; but whether the prra x 9 '^*
m*luyiUvov of St. Matthew can In any way be Iso-
•M with she faHvarwwvm of Mark, Is douDtrel.
The term goJuf may well have been applied to aosa*
soporific substanee.
' D'H^TJ, from "1TJ, "to make vow" (Qea
p. 856). See also Axamaa.
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8460 vows
are hud down: A man might devote to ncred m
possessions or persons, but not the fint-bom either
of mu or beast, which na derated already (Let.
xxvii. 26). [First-born.]
(".) If be vowed land, he might either redeaa it
or not. If he intended to redeem, two point* were
to be considered: (1) the rate of redemption; (2)
the distance, prospectively and retrospectively, from
the year of jubilee. The price of redemption was
lied at 60 shekels of silver for the quantity of land
which a homer of barley (eight bushels) would suf-
fice to sow (Lev. xxvii. 16; see Knobel). This
payment might be abated under the direction of
the priest, according to the distance of time from
the jubilee-year. But at whatever time it was
redeemed, he was required to add to the redemp-
tion-price one fifth (20 per cent.) of the estimated
value. If he sold the land in the mean time, it
might not then be redeemed at all, but was to go
to the priests in the jubilee-year (ver. 20).
The purchaser of land, in case he devoted and
also wished to redeem it, was required to pay a
redemption-price according to the priestly valua-
tion first mentioned, but without the additional
fifth. In this case, however, the land was to
revert in the jubilee to its original owner (Lev.
xxvii. 16, 24, xxv. 27; KeU, Hebr. Arch. §$ 66,
80).
The valuation here laid down is evidently based
on the notion of annual value. Supposing land to
require for seed about 3 bushels of barley per
acre, the homer, at the rate of 32 pecks, or 8
bushels, would be sufficient lor about 2| or 8
acres. Fifty shekels, 26 ounces of silver, at five
shillings the ounce, would give £6 6« , and the
yearly valuation would thus amount to about £3
per acre.
The owner who wished to redeem, would thus
be required to pay either an annual rent or a
redemption-price answering to the number of years
short of the jubilee, but deducting Sabbatical years
(Lev. xxv. 8, 16, 16), and adding a fifth, or 20 per
sent., in either case. Thus, if a man devoted an
tcre of land in the jubilee year, and redeemed it in
the same year, he would pay a redemption-price of
49—6 = 43 years' value, + 20 per cent. = £103 4s.,
or an annual rent of £2 8». ; a rata by no means
excessive when we consider, (1) the prospect of
restoration in the jubilee; (2) the undoubted fer-
tility of the soil, which even now, under all disad-
vantages, sometimes yields an hundredfold (Burck-
hardt, Syria, p. 297).
If he refused or was unable to redeem, either
the next of kin (Goal) came forward, as he had
liberty to do, or, if no redemption was effected, the
land became the property of the priest* (Lit. zxv.
26, xxvii. 21; Ruth til. 12, iv. 1, etc).
In the case of a house devoted, its value was to
be assessed by the priest, and a fifth added to the
redemption price in case It was redeemed (Lev.
xxvii. 16). Whether the rule beld good regarding
bouses in walled cities, namely, that the liberty of
redemption lasted only for one year, is not certain ;
>it as it does not appear that houses devoted, but
not redeemed, became the property of the priests,
and a* the Levitea and priests bad special towns
assigned to them, it seems likely that the price
soly of the house, and not the house itself, waa
made iter to sacred uses, and thus that the act of
sonsecraiion of a house means, in fact, the conte-
station of its value. The Minima, however, says,
that if a devoted house fell down, the owner was
VOWS
not liable to payment, but that be was labia k
he had devoted the value of the house (Eracm
T.6).
(4.) Animals fit for sacrifice, if devoted, were not
to be redeemed or changed, and if a man attempted
to do so, be was required to bring both the devotee
and the changeling (Lev. xxvii. 9, 10, 88). They
were to be free from blemish (Mai. L 14). An
animal unfit for sacrifice might be redeemed, with
the addition to the priest's valuation of a fifth, or
it became the property of the priest*. Lev. xxvii.
12, 13. [Oftxkiicq.]
(c.) The case of persons devoted stood thus: A
man might devote either himself, his child (int
the first-born), or his slave. If no redemption took
place, the devoted person became a slave of the
sanctuary — see the case of Absalom (2 Sam. zv.
8; HichaeUs, § 124, ii. 166, ed. Smith). [Na*-
aritk.] Otherwise be might be redeemed at a
valuation according to age and sex, on the folbtr-
ing scale (Lev. xxvii. 1-7): —
A. 1. A mala from one month to 6 years £ s. 4.
old, 6 shekels — 12 •
2. From 6 years to 2D years, 20 shekels —2 10
8. From 20 years to 80 years, 60 shekels —6 6
4. Above 80 years, 16 shekels . . .-117 •
B. 1. Females from one month to 6 yean,
8 shekels at 7 •
2. From 6 yean to 20 years, 10 shekels _1 6
8. From 20 yean to 80 years, 80 shekels — 8 16
4. Above SO years, 10 shekels ...<•!••
If the person were too poor to pay the redemption
price, bis value was to be estimated by the priest,
not, as HichaeUs says, the civil magistrate (Lev.
xxvii. 8; Ueut. xxL 6; Mich. § 146, ii. 283).
Among general regulations affecting vows, the)
following may be mentioned : —
1. Vows were entirely voluntary, but once mad*
were regarded as compulsory, and evasion of per-
formance of them was held to be contrary to true
religion (Num. xxx. 2; Dent xxiii. 21; EecL
v. 4).
2. If persons in a dependent condition mad*
vows, as (a) an unmarried daughter living in her
father's house, or (ft) a wife, even if she afterward*
became a widow, the row, if (a) in the first case
her father, or (A) in the second, her husband heard
and disallowed it, was void; but if they heard
without disallowance, it waa to remain good (Num.
xxx. 8-16). Whether this principle extended to
all children and to slaves is wholly uncertain, a*
no mention is made of them in Scripture, nor by
Philo when be discusses the question (de Spec Leg.
6, ii. 274, ed. Hangey). HichaeUs think* the
omiasion of sons implies absence of power to con-
trol them (§ 83, 1. 447).
8. Votive offerings arising from the produce of
ary Impure traffic were wholly forbidden (Dent,
xxiii. 18). A question has risen on this part n*
the subject as to tbe meaning of the word celeb,
dog, which is understood to refer either to unmoral
intercourse of the grossest kind, or li to ally and
simply to the usual meaning of the word. Tb*
prohibition against dedication to sacred use* of
gain obtained by female prostitution was doubtisss
directed against the practice which prevailed In
Phoenicia, Babylonia, and Syria, of which men-
tion is made in Lev. xix. 29; Barueh vi. 43 [or
Epist of Jer. 43]; Herod, t. 199; Strabo, p. 661;
August, de civ. Dei, K 10, and other authorities
quoted by Spencer (at kg. Hebr. ii. 86, p. 688)
Following out this view, and bearing In miad tkt
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VULGATE, THE
nention made in 9 K. xxitt. 7, of a practice evi-
lently connected with idolatrous worship, tha word
teltb has been sometime* rendered dncuhu ; some
ban understood it to refer to the first-born, but
Spencer himself, ii. 35, p. 872; Josephus, AM. iv.
8, $ 9; Gesen. U. 685, and the Mlshna, Ttmurah,
ri. 3, all understand dog In the literal sense.
[Doo.]
II., III. For tows of abstinence, see Cobban ;
and for tows of extermination, Anathema, and
Ezr.x.8; Mie, iv. 13.
Vows in general and their binding force as a teat
of religion are mentioned — Job xxii. 37 ; Pror. vil.
14; Fs. xxii. 25, 1. 14, H. 19, lxvi. 13, cxvi. 14;
ta. xU. 91; Nah. i. 16.
Certain refinements on votive consecrations are
noticed in the Misbna, «. g. : —
1. No evasion of a vow was to be allowed which
substituted a .part for the whole, as, " I vowed a
sheep but not the bones " (iVeaVir. ii. 6).
9. A man devoting an ox or a house, was not
liable if the ox was lost, or the bouse fell down ;
but otherwise, if be had devoted the value of the
one or the other of these.
3. Mo devotions might be made within two
years before the jubilee, nor redemptions within
the year following it. If a son redeemed his
father's land, he was to restore it to him in the
lubilee (Erae. vii. 3).
4. A man might devote some of his flock,
herd, and heathen slaves, but not all these (ibid.
vin. 4).
5. Pevotions by priests were not redeemable,
but were transferred to other priests (ibid. 6).
6. A man who vowed not to sleep on a bed,
might sleep on a skin if he pleased (Otho, Lex.
Rabb. p. 673).
7. The sums of money arising from votive con-
secrations were divided into two parts — sacred (1)
to the altar; (9) to the repairs of the Temple (Re-
laud, AM. c x. § 4).
It seems that the practioe of shaving the bead
at the expiration of a votive period was not lim-
ited to the Nsxaritie vow (Acts xviii. 18, xxi.
24).
The practice of vows in the Christian Church,
though evidently not forbidden, as the instance just
quoted serves to show, does not come within the
scope of the present article (see Bingham, Antiq.
xvi. 7, 9, and Suioer, «e x 4). H. W. P.
VULGATE, THE (Latuc Vbrmohs of
tub Bulb.) The influence which the Latin Ver-
skvoa of the Bible have exercised upon Western
Christianity is scarcely lets than that of the LXX.
jpon the Greek churches. But both the Greek
tnd the Latin Vulgates have been long neglected,
rhe revival of letters, bringing with it the study
af tha original texts of Holy Scripture, checked for
a time the study of these two great bulwarks of the
Greek and Latin churches, for the LXX. in feet
belongs rather to tha history of Christianity than
to the history of Judaism, and, in spite of recent
labors, their importance is even now hardly recog-
nised. In the case of the Vulgate, ecclesiastical
aontrorersies have still further impeded all efforts
af liberal criticism. The Romanist (till lately)
-vgarded the Clementine text as fixed beyond ap-
ical; the Protestant shrank from examining a sub-
ect which seemed to belong peculiarly to tha
Romanist. Yet, apart from all polemical ques-
fcxia, the Vulgate should have a very deep interest
VULGATE, TUB
8451
for all the Western churches. For many centu-
ries it was the only Bible generally used; and,
directly or indirectly, it is the real parent of all
the vernacular versions of Western Europe. The
Gothic Version of Ulphilaa alone is Independent of
it, for the Slavonic and modern Russian version!
are necessarily not taken into account. With
England it has a peculiarly close connection. The
earliest translations made from it were the (lost)
books of Bede, and the Glosses on the Psalms and
Gospels of the 8th and 9th centuries (od. Thorpe,
Lond. 1835, 1849). In the 10th century iJUfrio
translated considerable portions of the 0. T. (Bep-
Mtwhut, etc., ed. Tbwaites, Oxon. 1698). But
the moat important monument of its influence ia
the great English Version of Wyclifle (1394-1384,
ed. Forshall and Madden, OxH. 1850), which ia a
literal rendering of the current Vulgate text In
the age of the Reformation the Vulgate was rather
the guide than the source of the popular versions.
The Romanist translations into German (Mlcbaelia,
ed. Harsh, ii. 107), French, Italian, aud Spanish,
were naturally derived from the Vulgate (R. Simon,
UitL Crit. ft. T. Cap. 98, 39, 40, 41). Of others
that of Luther (N. T. in 1523) was the most im-
portant, and in this the Vulgate had great weight
though it was made with such use of the originals
as was possible. From Luther the influence of
the Latin passed to our own Authorized Version.
Tyndal had spent some time abroad, and was
acquainted with Luther before he published his
version of the N. T. in 1596. Tyndal's version
of the O. T., which was unfinished at the time of
hit martyrdom (1536), was completed by Cover-
dale, and iu this the influence of the Latin and
German translations was predominant. A proof
of this remains in the Psalter of the Prayer Book,
which was taken from the " Great English Bible "
(1539, 1540),swhich was merely a new edition of
that called Matthew's, which was itself taken from
Tyndal and Coverdale. This version of tbe Psalms
follows the Gallican Psalter, a revision of the Old
Latin, made by Jerome, and afterwards introduced
into hit new translation (comp. § 29), and differs
in many respects from the Hebrew text («. g. Pa.
xiv.). It would be out of place to follow this
question into detail here. It ia enough to remem-
ber that the first translators of our Bible had been
familiarized with the Vulgate from their youth,
and could not have oast off the influence of. early
association. But the claims of the Vulgate to tha
attention of scholars rest on wider grounds. It is
not only the source of our current theological
terminology, but it is, in one shape or other, the
most important early witness to the text and
Interpretation of tbe whole Bible. The materials
available for the accurate study of it are unfor-
tunately at present as scanty as those yet unex-
amined are rich and varied (oomp. § 30). The
chief original works bearing on the Vulgate gener
ally are —
R. Simon, IlUtoir* Critique tkt V. T. 1678-
1686: N. T. 1689-1693.
Hody, De Bibliorum lextibiu arigmaSbui, Oxon,
1706.
Martianay, Hiertm. Opp. (Paria, 1693, with the
prefaces and additions of Vallarsi, Verona, 1784,
and Mallei, Venice, 1767).
Bianchini (BUtnehimu tot Blnneimi), Vmdi-
da Canon, 88. Yvlg. Lot. Edit. Bona*, 1740.
Bukentop, Lux de Luc* BruxaUU,
1710.
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8452
VTJLGATB, THB
Sabatiar, BtbL BS. Lot Vert. Ant, BemJi,
174*.
Tin Em, Pragmatisch-ki-itische Gesch, d. Vulg.
Tubingen, 1884.
Vercellone, Varim Lectiones Vulg. Lot Bibli-
•rtim, torn. 1., Soma, 1860; torn. It. pan prior,
1863.
In addition to then there are the controversial
work* of Mariana, Bellarmin, Wbitaker, Fulke,
etc., and numerous essays by Calmet, 1). Sctaulx,
Fleck, Riegler, etc., and in the N. T. the labun
of Bentley, SanfU, Orieabach, Schuls, Laehmann,
Tregelles, and TUchendorf, have collected a great
amount of critical material!. But it is not too
much to lay that the noble work of Vercellone baa
made an epoch in the study of the Vulgate, and
the chief rendu which follow from the first install-
ment of his collations are here for the first time
incorporated in its history. The subject will be
treated under the following heads: —
I. The Origin and History or the make
Vulgate. <j§ 1-8.
II. The Old Latin Versions. §§ 4-13.
Origin, 4, 6. Character, 6. Canon, 7. Revis-
ions : Itala, 8-11. -Remains, 12, 13.
III. The Labors op Jerome. {( 14-90.
Otseanm, 14. Revision of Old Latin of N. T.,
16-17. Gospels, 15, 16. Acts, Epistles, etc., 17.
Revision of O. T. from the LXX., 18, 19. Trans-
lation of 0. T. from the Hebrew, 20.
IV. The History of Jerome's Transla-
tion to the Introduction op Printino.
§§ 21-84. Corruption of Jerome's text, 21, 22.
Revision of Alcuin, 23. Later revisions: division*
of the text, 24.
V. The History op the Printed Text.
§5 25-29. Early editions, 25. The Sixtine and
Clementine Vulgates, 26. Their relative merits,
17. Later editions, 28, 29. *
VI. The Materials for the Revision of
Jerome's Text. §J 80-32. MSB. of O. T.,
10,31. OfN. T., 32.
VII. The Critical Value of the Latin
Versions. §§ 83-39. In 0. T., 33. In If. T.,
34-38. Jerome's Revision, 34-36. The Old Latin,
87. Interpretation, 89.
VIII. The Language of the Latin Ver-
sions, §§ 40-45. Provincialisms, 41, 42. Gra-
cisms, 48. Influence on Modern Language,
45.
I. The Origin and History op the name
Vulgate. — 1. The name Vulgate, which is
equivalent to Vulgata editio (the current test of
Holy Scripture), has necessarily been used differ-
ently in various ages of the Church. There can
be no doubt that the phrase originally answered to
the koi^i fietoea of the Greek Scriptures. In this
sense it is used constantly by Jerome in his Com-
mentaries, and his language explains sufficiently
the origin of the term : H Hoe juxta LXX. inter-
preter itiri""", quorum editio toto orbe vulgata
est " (Hieron. Comm. in Is. Ixr. 20). " Multum
in hoc loco LXX. editio Hebraisumque discordant.
Primum ergo d* Vulgata editione tractabimus et
poetea aequemur ordinem veritatia " (id. xxx. 22).
'n some places Jerome distinctly quotes the Greek
seat: « Pofro in editions Vulgata dupliciter legi-
anus; quidaoi enim codices habent SqAaf tlair,
hoc est mnnifesti sunt : alii SsiAouof uair, hoc est
meticuUm sin mueri sunt " ( Comm. in Out, vii.
U: coiup. 8-11, ate.). But generally he regards
the Old Latin, which was rendered from the LXX.,
VULGATE, THK
as substantially identical with it, aud Una Intro-
duces Latin quotations under the name of the
LXX. or Vulgata editio ;".... miror quomodc
vulgata editio .... testimonium alia interpreta-
tione snbverterit : Congregabor et gbrifieahor
coram Domino. .... Hlud autem quod in LXX
legltur: Congregabor et glorifieabor coram Dominc
. . " (Comm. in Is. xlix.5). So again: "PhuV
isthaeoa .... atienigenas Vulgata scribit editio '
(ibid. xiv. 29). '•.... Pahestinis, quos indif.
ferenter LXX. aiicnigenas vocant " (in Evek. xvL
27). In this way the transference of the nam*
from the current Greek text to the current Latin
text became easy and natural; but there does nat
appear to be any instance in the age of Jerome
of the application of the term to the Latin Version
of the O. T. without regard to its derivation from
the LXX., or to that of the N. T.
2. Yet more: as the phrase Koirri txtocit cam*
to signify an uncorrected (and so corrupt) text, the
same secondary meaning was attached to vulgata
editio. Thus in some places the vulgata editic
stands in contrast with the true Hexaplaric text
of the LXX. One passage will place this in the
clearest light: " . . . . breriter admoneo aliam
esse editionem quam Origenes et Cawariensis Ense-
bius, omnesque Grawiss translatores awrhr, id est,
communem appellant, atque wlgatatn, et a pleriaqne
nunc Aovkwoj dieitur; aliam LXX. interpretus
qua? in i[arko?t oodicibus reperitur, et a nobis ir
Latinum sermonem fideliter versa est . . .
KoiW) autem ista, hoc est, Communis editio, ipsa
est quae et LXX., sed hoc interest inter ntram
que, quod icon*)) pro locis et temporibus et pre
voluntate scriptorum vetus oomipta editio eat;
ea autem qua) habetnr in tfanKon et quam nor
rertimua, ipsa est qua in eruditorum libris in-
corrupta et immaculata LXX. interpretum trans-
latio reserratur" (Ep. cvi. ad Bun, et Fret
8. This use of the phrase Vulgata editio to
describe the LXX. (and the Latin Version of tot
I AX. ) was continued to later times. It is sup-
ported by the authority of Augustine, Ado of
Vienna (a. d. 860), R. Baoon, etc; andBellannis
distinctly recognizes the application of the term,
so that Van Ess is justified in saying that the
Council of Trent erred in a point of history when
they described Jerome's Version as " vetna et
vulgata editio, qua longo tot sseculorum urn in
ipsa ecdesia probata est" (Van Ess, Gesch. 34)
As a general rule, the Latin Fathers speak of
Jerome's Version as "our" version (nostra editio,
nostii codices) ; but It was not unnatural that the
Tridentine Fathers (as many later scholars) should
be misled by the associations of their own time,
and adapt to new circumstances terms which had
grown obsolete in their original sense. And when
the difference of the (Greek) '• Vulgata " of the
early Church, and the (Latin) » Vulgate" of the
modern Roman Church has once been apprehended,
no further difficulty need arise from the identity
of name. (Compare Augustine, Ed. Benedict.
Paris, 1836, torn. V. p. xxxiii.; Sabatier, i. 79t;
Van Ess, Gesch. 24-42, who gives very full and
conclusive references, though he fails to perceive
that the Old Latin was practically identified with
the LXX.)
If. The Old Latin Versions. — 4. The his-
tory of the earliest Latin Version of the Bible is
lost in complete obscurity. Ail that can he
affirmed with certainty is that it was made fa)
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VUIiGATE, THB
Ifriea.* During the first two centuries the
Church of Borne, to which we naturally look for
the source of the veraioa now identified with it,
was essentially Greek. The Roman bishops bear
lireek names; the earliest Roman liturgy was
Greek ; the few remains of the Christian literature
of Rome are Greek.* The same remark holds true
of Gaul (eomp. Westcott, Hit. of Cnnon of N. T.
pp. 269, 370, and reffi); but the Church of N.
Afiica seems to hare been Latin-speaking from the
first. At what date this Church was founded is
uncertain. A passage of Augustine (o. DowiU
Ep. 87) seems to imply that Africa was conTerted
late; but if so, the Gospel spread there with re-
marlrnblB rapidity. At the end of the second
century Christians were found in erery rank, and
In erery place; and the master-spirit of Tertulllan,
the first of the Latin Fathers, was then raised up
to give utterance to the passionate thoughts of
hit native Church. It is therefore from Tertullian
that we must seek the earliest testimony to the
existence and character of the Old Latin ( Perm
Latiwi).
6. On the first point the evidence of Tkb-
roixiAN, if candidly examined, is decisive. He
distinctly recognizes the general currency of a
Latin Version of the N. T., though not necessarily
of every book at present included in the Canon,
which even in his time had been able to mould the
popular language (adv. Pro*. B: In usu est nos-
trorum per simplieilatem Interpretation!! ....
Dt lionog. 11: Sckusus plane non sic esse in
Graoo authentico quomodo in usum exiit per dua-
rum ayllabarum aut <— IHHatn aut simplicem ever-
sionem ....). This was characterised by a
"rudeness" and ■•simplicity," which seems to
point to the nature of its origin. In the words
of Augustine (Do dock: Christ, ii. 16 (11) ), " any
one in the first sges of Christianity who gained
possession of a Greek MS., and fancied that he had
a fair knowledge of Greek and Latin, ventured to
translate it." (Qui scriptures ex Hebron lingua
in Gnecsm verterunt numerari poasunt; Latin!
autem interpretea nullo mode Ut enlm cuivia
primis fidei temporibus in manus veuit Codex
Grsecus, et aliquantulum faoultatis sibi utriusque
lingua habere videbatur, ausus est interpretari. ) e
Thus the version of the N. T. appears to have
arisen from individual and soecessive efforts; but it
does not follow by any means that numerous ver-
sions were simultaneously circulated, or that the
several parts of the version were made indepen-
dently. 1 ' Even if it had been so, the exigencies of
the public service must soon have given definiteness
sod substantial unity to the fragmentary labors of
Individual*. The work of private hands would
ejsaesssrily be subject to revision for ecclesiastical
ass. The separate books would be united in a
volutes; and thus a standard text of the whole
collection would be established. With regard to
the 0. T. the ease is lees clear. It is probable that
VULGATE, THB
3458
a This has bean established with the greatest fall.
ssss by Card. Wiseman, Tuo L»um on 1 John v. 7,
sdiusssad to the editor of the Catholic Mofornw,
1883, 1881 ; republished with additions, Borne, 1886 ;
ind asnin In his collected Eua)i$, vol. I. 1868. IBoh-
eern and Hug had maintained the asms opinion ;
ad lwhmann has farther eonarmsd it (N. T. I.
rVc/.V
» In tba absence of all evIdaOM It to unsown I to
say now ta the Christiana of the Italkw provinces
an* the Greek or Una laagusa* baUtuaUy
the Jews who were settled in N. Africa were eon-
fined to the Greek towns; otherwise it might lie
supposed that the Latin Version of the O. T. Is in
part anterior to the Christian era, and that (as in
the case of Greek) a preparation for a Christian
Latin dialect was already made when the Gospel
was introduced into Africa. However this may
have been, the substantial similarity of the dif-
ferent parts of the Old and New Testaments
establishes a real connection between them, and
justifies the belief that there was one popular Latin
Version of the Bible current in Africa in the last
quarter of the second century. Many words which
are either Greek (machiera, sophia, perizoma, po-
deris, sgonlzo, etc.) or literal translations of Greek
forms (vivifloo, Justifies, etc.) abound in both, and
explain what Tertullian meant when be spoke of
the '■ simplicity " of the translation (compare
below f 44).
S. The exact literality of the Old Version was
not confined to the most minute observance of or-
der and the accurate reflection of the words of the
original: in' many cases the very forms of Greek
construction were retained in violation of Lathi
usage. A tew examples of these singular anomalies
will convey a better Idea of the absolute certainty
with which the Latin commonly indicates the text
which the translator had before him, than any gen-
eral statements: Matt. iv. 18, babitavit in Capbar.
naum mariHmam; id. IB, terra Neptalim riant
maris; id. 28, ab Jerosolymis . . . . et trans Jor
danem; v. 22, reus erh hi gehmnam Ignis; vi. 19,
ubl tinea et aomtttura exterminat. Mark xii. 81,
majm hotvm p ract pt orvm aliud non est. Luke x.
19, nihil cos nocebit. Act* xix. 98, non solum
Ephesi sed pane lotiui Ana. Bom. 11. IB, inter se
cogtiationum accutantium vel etlam defendentlum.
1 Cor. vii. 82, solicitus est qua sunt Domini. It
is obvious that there was a continual tendency to
alter expressions like these, and in the first age of
the version It is not improbable that the continual
Gnectsm which marks the Latin texts of Dj ( Cod.
Beta), and Eg (Cod. Laud.) had a wider currency
than it could maintain afterwards.
7. With regard to the African Canon of the N.
T. the Old Version offers important evidence. From
considerations of style and language it seems cer-
tain that the Epistle to the Hebrews, James, and
9 Peter, did not form part of the original African
Version, a conclusion which falls in with that which
is derived from historical testimony (comp. Thi
Hit. of tii Cnnon of the If. T. p. 282 ff). In
the 0. T., on the other hand, the Old Latin erred
by excess and not by defect; for as the Version was
made from the current copies of the LXX. it in
eluded the Apocryphal books which are commonly
contained in them, and to these 3 Esdraa was early
added.
8. After the translation once received a deflntte
shape in Africa, whioh could not have been loi-g
after the middle of the second century, it was not
e Card. Wiseman has shown (Suoys, 1. 94, 9ft)
that « Interpreter " and " varto " may be uasd of a
revision ; but In connection with prima fidti Mm.
peribui the. went certainly to describe the origin of
the Torsion.
d It would be oat of place hers to point oat Burets
disferenees la rendering which show that the treaakv
thn was Ins work of dUhrsnt buds. Mill (rrefajw.
631 ft) has mads soma Interesting collections es
establish this result, but he plans too much idle—
on the version cf Dj (God. Basal
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8454
VULGATE, THB
publicly revised. The old text was jealously guarded
by ecclesiastical an, and nt retained there at a
time when Jerome'a Version was elaewhera almost
universally received. The well-known etory of the
diiturbance caused by the attempt of an African
bishop to introduce Jerome'a " cuemrUtn " for the
aid " kedera " in the history of Jonah (August.
Ep. cir. ap. Hierou. Epp., quoted by TregeOea, In-
troduction, p. 242) shows how carefully intentional
changes were avoided. But at the same time the
VULGATE, THB
text suffered by the natural eorrupttona of eopytng,
especially by interpolations, a form of error t*
which the Gospels were particularly exposed (comp.
§ IS). In the O. T. the version was made from
the unrerised edition of the LXX. and thus from
the first included many false readings of which Je-
rome often notices instances (e. g. Ep. ctL ad
Sun. et /tot). In Table A two tests of the OH
Latin are placed for comparison with the Vulgate
of Jerome.
Cbd.Wim*.
Pncatos sum Dominum Damn
mum ot dlxl :
Domlne Dens, magna at mlramns,
qui aervaa teatamentum tuum,
et mlsertcorltam dlllfentlbus ta,
et aervaatibaa pneoepta torn r
ftocearlmue, fleclmus injvriat,
nomimut et decllnaTlmua
a piseoeptla tola at a judiaus tula,
ot nou exsudlvimus esrvos tuos pro-
fctae,
qui loquabantur ad regas nostras,
at ad omnea populot tarns.
tlM, Domlna, Justine :
nobis lutein, at fiatrihut nottrit,
oonfuslo faciei ;
Slant diss hlo Tiro Jwlm
at inhabitatuSnu Hiaruaalam,
at omal Iaraal,
qui proximl rant at qui tongs aunt,
In qua eoa dlaasminaati lbi,
eontumada eorum,
qua eaprooawntnt HU, Domlna.
TABLE A Dak. ix. 4-8."
August Sp. oxl. ad Victor.
Pmoatus sum Dominum Dram
at con/emu turn at dlxl :
Domlne Dells, magna at mlrabllla,
et qui aerraa teatamentum tuum,
at mlaerlcordlam dlMtendbni ta,
at aerrantibus pneoepta tua -
Peooavtmue, advenue legem ijebnus,
tmpic egimut et Tteembnus at da-
elinarlmua
a pneosptts tula at a JudlcJia tula,
at non oxeudlvlmna servos tuos
propbetaa,
qui loquabantur s> arniix Mao ad
rages nostras,
at ad omnam f o puh t m tanas,
T1U, Domlne, joatttai
nobis autam
oonfuslo AuM ;
Blcut dies hlo Tiro Juda,
at kabilamtumt Jarumlmi,
at omul Israel,
qui proximl sunt at qui tonga aunt,
tft omni terra In qua aoa disaaml-
naattiU,
propter contumaciam eorum,
quia im p rokaveru n t to, Domlna.
a The d mai e u oss In the two first oolumns an marked by Italics. The
Italics In col. 8 mark where the text of Jerome dlnara Cram both the other
texts.
ralgota nwea.
Onset Dombsum Dsosn mssne,l
et ooo Jba ra a earn * at dlxl:
Obeeert Domlna Dane, magna et sar-
rSbiUe,
euttodient pactum,
at mlaerlcordlam dlllgentibos ta,
at cuModientuna mandata tua :
Paeoavimn*, miouuatem > *-*——*.
lmpie aglmua, at recasalmua et da>
cllnaThnus
a maeulatit tuls at judteHa.
Non oetdmtmu aarrla tula praaha
Ua,
qui haui matt to
prlnelpibus nostrls, patrlbua 1
omnique papula terras.
Tlbi, Domlna, justtda 1
noblaaatam*
oonfuslo metal;
Sent ax Kodit Tiro Juda •
at kaMatoribut Jerueekra,
et omnl Iamal,
ki$ qui prope taiA, ek kit ami pnca\
in Uniterm Unit ad quae ajeesH
aoa
propter htuptUatet eorum,
m outsits peecaverunt in ta.
1 m. am. Tot « at e. a. am. Tel
* uuque, Tol. an. eat. ToL
• Joda,ToL
9. The Latin translator of Irenaeus was prob-
ably contemporary with TertuHian, and his ren-
derings of the quotations from Scripture confirm
the conclusions which hare been already drawn as
to the currency of (substantially) one Latin Torsion.
It does not appear that he had a Latin HS. before
him during the execution of his work, but he was
as familiar with the common translation that he re-
produces continually characteristic phrases which
be cannot be supposed to hare derived from any
other source (Lachmann, JV*. T. i. pp. x., xl.).
Cyprian (f a. d. 267) carries on the chain of tes-
timony far through the next century; and he is
followed by Lectantiua, Juvencus, J. Flrmlous Ma-
emus, Hilary the deacon (Ambrosiaster), Htt-
abt of Poitiers (t A. T>. 868), and Lccifeh of
Caghari (f A. D. 870). Ambrose and Augustine
tthibit a peculiar recension of the same text, and
lerome offers soma traces of it From this date
3188. of parts of the African text hare been pre-
served (§ 12), and it la unnecesaary to trace the
jjatory of its transmission to a later time.
10. But while the earliest Latin Veraton was
■ It should be addad that DodwaU places htm much
•ssr, at the eloss of the 4th eeut Oomp. Qrabe, Pro-
•rr. ear ben. n. f 8.
» It ta uoneeeasary now to esamina the eonjeotane
preserved generally unchanged in N. Africa, it fared
differently in Italy. There the prorludai milieu—
of the version was necessarily more offensive, and
the comparative familiarity of the leading bishops
with the Greek texts made a revision at onoa more
feasible sod less startling to their congregations.
Thus in the fourth century a definite ecclesiastical
recension (of the Gospels at least) appears to have
been made in N. Italy by reference to the Greek,
which was distinguished by the name of /tain.
Thia Augustine recommends on the ground of its
dose accuracy and ita perspicuity (Aug. De Doetr.
ChrUL 18, "In Ipsls interpreutionibus Ita]a* cantoris
prasferatur, nam eat verborom tenaetor cum per-
epicuitate eententia "), and the text of the Gospsis
which he follows Is marked by the latter eharaa-
taristic when compared with the African, In tint
other books the difference cannot be traced with
accuracy; and it has not yet been accurately deter-
mined whether other national recensions may not
have existed (aa seems certain from the evidence
which the writer has collected) in Ireland (Britain l
Gaul, and Spain.
which have been proposed, utttuta-oum, Me ease. ■
were mads at a tuna whan the history et theCjali
waa unknown.
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VTJLGATE, THE
11. The liala appears to hats bean made la
cam degree with authority: other revision* wen
ndi for prirata use, in which iiich changes wen
introduced as suited the taste of scribe or critic
The next stage in the deterioration of the text was
the intermixture of these various revisions ; su that
■I the dose of the fourth centurj the Gospels wen
in such e> state as to call for that final recension
which was made by Jerome What was the nature
sf this confusion will be seen from the accompany-
ing tables (B and C, on next page) more clearly
than from a lengthened description.
13. The HSS. of the Old Latin which hare been
■reserved exhibit the rarious forms of that version
which hare been already noticed. Those of the
Gospels, for the reason which bsa been given, pre-
sent the different types of text with unmistakable
clearness. In the O. T. the M8. remains an too
•canty to allow of a satisfactory classification.
U MSS. of the Old Latin Version of the O. T.
I. Fragments of Gen. (xxxrii., xxxrHi., mil.,
xML, xlviii.-L, parts) and Ex. (x., xi., xrt,
xvii., xxili.-xxvil., parts) from Cod. E. (| 30)
of the Vulgate : Vercdlone, i.pp. 183-84,
307-10.
ft, Fragments (scattered verses) of the Penta-
teuch: MUnter, MitctlL Hafn. 1831, pp.
89-95.
S. Fragments (scattered verses of 1, 8 Sam.
and 1, S Kings, and the Canticles), given
by Sabatier.
4. Corbel. 7, San. xiit (Sabatier), Esther.
5. Pechianna (Sabatier), Fragm. Esther.
8. Orat (Sabatier), Esther i.-iii.
7. Majorls Honest. Saw. xii. (Martlanay, Sa-
batier), Job.
8. Sangerm. Psalt Sac vil. (Sabatier).
8. Fragments of Jeremiah (xiv.-xli., detached
verses), Esekisl (iL-xlvili., detached frag-
ments), Daniel (ill. 15-38, 83-60, viii., xt,
fragments), Hoses (ii.-ri., fragments), from
» palimpsest MS. at Wurzburg (Saw. rL,
vii.): MUnter, MUctU. Hafn. 1891.
II. Fragmenta Has. Am. Mich ed.
E. Banke, 1858, Ac. (This Nwk the writer
has not seen.)
19. BodL AucL F. 4, 39. Fragmenta of
Denteronomy and the Prophets, » Grace et
Latino litieris Saxonids," See. rUi., U."
U. MSS. of the Apocryphal books.
1. Beg. 3584, Saw. lx. (Sabatier), Tob. and
Jnd.
ft, 3. Sangerm. 4, 18, Saw. fat (Sabatier),
TV*, and Jnd.
4. Vatic. (Reg. Sues.), Saw. viL, Tob.
6. Corbet 7 (Sabatier), Jnd.
8. Peehian. (Sabatier), Saw. x., Jnd.
The text of the remaining books of the Vttu*
Latino not having been revised bv Jerome
is retained in MSS. of the Vulgate.
VULGATE, THIS
8455
• to thin most probably n added the MSS. of
l i n isls and the Fsaltsr in the posse s s ion of Lord Aah-
nraham, saM to be " of the ftnrth century."
Tha text of the Oxford MS. (No. 13) Is extremely
trtanetlnx, and oflen many ooliwldroesa with the ear-
last African nadtnp. The panagu eontalovl In It
u* (a) DnL xxxl. 7 1 34-80 ; xxxtt. 1-4. (fl) Ho*. H.
W«-tv l-8a;9a;vl. 1»,3;M; X.12a;xtl 6; rill.
1,4. Amos M. 8 i V. 8 ; U Mich. IB. 3 ; Iv. 1, 3 ;
. (Wit); v.3; n. 8; vB 6,7. Joel hX 18. Ohrnd.
"A Jon. I. 8 6, 9. Nab. It). 18. Bah. ii. 4»; 111. 8.
erhao. L 14-10; U(patt) As*, n. 7, 8. Been. L
Ul. MSS. of they. T.
(1.) Of the Gospels.
African (i. e. unrevised) text
a. Od VerceUentu, at VercellL written
by Eusebius, bishop of Voeelll in the
4th cent Published by bid, 1748,
and Biaoohini, Ev. Qua*. 1749.
t. Cod Veronetuu, at Verona, of the 4th
or 6th cent. Published by Bianobinl
(as above).
e. Cod Cotbertima, In BibL Imp. at
Paris, of the 11th cent Published by
Sabatier, Vermont* antiqua.
d Cod. Claromontamu, in the Vatican
Libr., of the 4th or 5th cent. It con-
tains a great part of St. Matthew, and
is mainly African in character. Pub-
lished by Mai, Script, oei. nor. Coll.
ill. 1828.
e. Cod Vindoootiensu, at Vienna, of 5th
or 8th cent It contains fragments of
St. Mark and St Luke. Edited by
Alter in two German periodicals.
/. Cod. Bobbitntit, at Turin, of the 5th
cent It contains parts of St Mat-
thew and St Mark. The chief parti
published by Teschendorf in the Jahr-
bQchtr d Literalur, Vienna, 1847 fl*.
The text Is a remarkable revision of
the African.
g. The readings of a Spteulum, published
by Mai, Patrum nova eotlectio, i. 3,
1853. Damp. Tragelles, Introduction
940.
h. Cod BangattentU, of the 6th or 4th
cent It contains fragmenta of St
Matthew and St Mark, Transcribed
by Tischendorf.
s. Cod PalaL, at Vienna, of the 8th
cent Published by Tisehdf. 1847.*A
very important MS., containing St
John, and St Luke neatly entire, and
considerable parts of the other Gos-
pels.
To these must be sdded a very remark-
able fragment of St. Luke published
by A. M. Cerianl, from a MS. of the
8th cent in the Ambrosian Libr. at
Milan: Monwn. Sncra, .... 1861;
and a purple fragment at Dublin
(Saw. v.) containing Matt xii. 13-33,
published by Dr. Todd in Proceed-
mat of R. LA. ill. 374.
k. Cod Corbeieniu, St Matt Edited
by Martlanay and Sabatier.
Italic revision. 6
L Cod Briwianut, of the 8th cent The
best tvpe of the Italic text Published
by Bsanohlni, L c Comp. Laehm.
N. T. i. Prat »lv.
4(par»)i rltt.18,17, 19»; U. 9; xBI. 6; 7. Hal. I.
8 (part), 10 », 11} 9. 7; «H. 1. Cash. H. 8 »; Mai. Iv
3,18; 6,8a. ( r ) Qen. 1. 1-H. 8 ; *x. xjv. 34-xv. 8 ;
Is. iv. 1-v. 7 ; lv. 1-6; Fs. xtt 1-4 ; Qsn. xxll. 1-19.
b Ths critical vain* of thaw rerind ante-Bkro*
nynlan texts Is unduly underrated. Bach mention,
as ts»> representative of a revision of the t 'dest text
oy tae help of old Greek MSB., Is perhaps uet ln*>
rior to the recension of Jtroms ; and the MSB. le
which they an MTeraU.7 contained, though numsr
aally Inferior to Tolgats MBS., an soarrtlr Inhrtor Is
nal aothoritr.
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8456
TLLGATE, THB
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VULGATE, THJf
as. Cod. Monaoenue, of th* 6th east
fmucribed by Tinfaandorf.
Mm (Britiih) revision."
(a.) Cambridge Pmr. ZiJr. Kk. 1, 84.
Sec. nil? St Luke, I lo-end, and
St John, i. 18-xx. 17. Bantlay'a X.
Capital* wanting in St Luke; iiT. in
St John. No Ammonian Sections.
(Plate ii. fig. 1.)
(/J.) Cambridge Unit. Libr. TV 6, 33.
Sao. viii.-x. The Bouk of Dttr.
St Matt l-vii. 33. St Mark, L 1,
t. 36. St Luke, i. 1, It. 2. St John,
entire. Very many old and peculiar
readings. Nearer Vulg. than (a), but
very carelessly written. No Ammonian
Sections or Capitula. Belonged to
TCTLOATB, THB
«• It would be Impossible to ants* in detail In the
entasot piaee Into the peenliarltles of the test presented
uy CUs group of MSS. It will be observed that copies
u» ineladed In it which represent historically the
Irish («, .), Scotch (fi), Mercian (f), Northumbrian (J),
sad — If we may trust the Tery uncertain tradition
which r e p res en ts the Gospels of 9t Chad as written by
Slides (coup. Lib. Lantlav. p. 616, ed. 1840) — Welsh
•hurcbes. Bentley. who had collated mora or less
completely four of them, observed their coincidence
In remarkable readings, but the individual differences
•a* the copies, no less than their wide range both In
pace and age, exclude the Idea that all were derived
teas one source- They stand out as a rensarkabls mon-
ument of the Independence, the antiquity, and the ln-
IiKOce of British (Irish) Christianity.
for the present It must sufflce to giro a lew special
readings which show the extent and character of the
variations of this tunily from other families of MSS.
The notation of the text Is preserved for the ask* of
brevity.
Matt vUL 84. — FlucUbns-fsra* tmltm (enbn y)
Ufu eeutue tontrariut (eontr. vent (1(yte£).
Matt. x. 29. — Siiu vohtnlau Dei pair is veslri oat'
■a tmit at (sine p. vol. q. s. In e. «). Sine p. v. vol.
sal In o. e. {—. Bine patre vsstro voluntate, eto., f*
Matt. xlT. 36. — Loci Ulim venerunt et [om. «*». «f.
I f] adamvtruM turn et (fieQ.
Matt xxvil. 49. — Aliue autem aceepta latum pupu-
fii (pupanglt) latiu ejue et exit (-lit -lvlt) aqua et tan-
rwtlytet-
Mark xto. 18. — 0t Ainu mm fiat (-at) yiara Vetera
r,te)vH tabbato (Is), at non fra (ek>)/uga veetra
burnt eel sooeafo (Q.
Luke xxiU. 2. - Nostrsm + *t eolvenlem legem (+
Bostram et prophetae (I t Q.
Lake xxiv. 1 Ad moo. -f. Maria Magdalenn tt
slum JaVirui it qwtdam mm eft (i «).
John xlx. 80. — Cum autem expiravit (asp. s trdlset
ram (ak) f) velamentum (velum a s tempti eeittum
at medium a eummo usees (sd a) deortum {.ayQ.
John xxi. 6. — Inverietis -j- Dixerunt autem Per to-
Vim noctem lohorantet nihil eepimut : m verbo aul*m
tm mittimut (laxttemus [sic i. s. laxablmus] rets i,
eritemos (sic) f) (y c f).
Other readings more or leas charaeterlstie are Matt.
B. 14, matmn om ejus ; IL IS, eat om a Domino; l». 9,
vaas -f-ntro ; Iv. 8, de re -f. ut cutlodiant te in om-
sitae mil tail ; v. 6, lngent -j- nunc ; v. 48, slant
ester ; vi. 18, patiarit not induct, etc.
as a more oontlnuous specimen the following reed-
fags oesur in one chapter In the Hereford Ocepels In
rhieh this latin text, with a few others only, agrees
lastly with the Oieek : Luke xxiv. 6, start ■• Oat.
i, tenia die; 18, agnotetrent turn: 3D, tradidrrunt
en; 34. viderunt ; 28, finxu longim ire; 88, quarr
etiittioaet ; SB. prdrt mo t ; 44, Asjc »us' verba mra
wst iocrtus turn ad vot. her remarkable readings In
3457
of Deer In Aberdeenshire
Coop. Mr. H. Bradahaw in thi
Prinied Catalog*** [See p. 3482 a.]
(v.) Lichfield, Boot of St. Chad. Sew.
Tiil St Matt, St Mark, and St
Luke, i.-iii. 9. Bentley'* {»
(8.) Oxford, BodL D. 24 (3946). Sac.
vlii. The Gotpelt of Mae Regol, or
the Ruthtoorth MS. Bentley'* y.
No Capit, Sect, or Prefaces. A col-
lation of the Latin text in the Lindis-
farne text of St Matt and St Mark
(comp. p. S475,"hote a), together with
the Northumbrian gloee, hsabeen pub-
lished by Rev. J. Stevenson. I)«B-
dent Luke iv. 29-viii. 88."
(«.) Oxford, & a Coll. 133. 8m. I.,
the seme peerage are 8, herum cerborum ; 18, Asavori
dent tmiu om. at ; 21, quo hate omnia ; 27, ex erol as
cipient ; 29, vulinata. sat diet jam.
A comparison of the few readings from the Gospels
given in the Solatia of Boos* according to th* Cam-
bridge MS. ( Univ. libr. Dd. 1, 17), tor the text la
Stevenson's edition Is by no means accurate, shows
some Interesting coincidences with these Irish (Brit-
ish) MSS. (For the explanation of the additional ref-
erenoee ase j 81.)
Mattv. 16. — Supra y S e ( K W t 0) j v. 16, mag-
nificent i (a, b) ; v. 19, qui enim yiF(c,i); vtt. 2,
judicabitur de vobie s (a, e) ; vli. 8. non eonsiderat (a) ;
vll. 4, in oeulo tuo eet y. vil. 8, miterilit (a, b) ; vB.
16, attendlt* -f- vobie y t $ (») j vil. 17, emus Jructut
80 (a, ft) j id et mala malot ; vil. 23, operarii iniqui-
tatit (a) ; vil. 27, impigcrunt j x. 28, et corpus el
animam, s, e. et an. y I ; xv. 14, catei duett runt ; xvL
18, indrm y I c { B H Z K <V (o) ) xvi. 19, quaeun-
que ; id. erunt Ugata t (ft) ; xxlU. 8, tsro opera t £ * ;
Id., et ipei non f. J < f (6) ; xxul. 18, qui eland. D. ld^
vos autem t f II <f,.
Thus of twenty-one readings which dinar from CM.
Am. thirteen are given in one or other of those M8S.
which have been supposed to present a typical British
(Irish) text, and of these eleven are found In the
Rushworth MS. alone. While on the other baud nine
readings sgree with Ood. Veron. and seven with Cod.
Tertett., and every reading Is supported by some old
authority. Thus, though the range of comparison Is
very limited, the evidence of these quotations, as far
a* It goes, supports the belief in a distinct British
text
In toe Evangelic quotations in the printed text of
St. Paibick, out of seventeen variations, sight (aa far
as 1 can find) ars supported by no known Latin an
thorlty : the remainder are found in -y, i, t or 4*. Bs-
asumiss I have not been able to examine, though hie
writings are not unlikely to oner some illustrations of
the early text
Bxdduus {Opus Paecnale), aa might have been ex-
pected from his foreign training, gives In the main a
pure Vulgate text in his quotations from the Vulgate.
When he dl&Vrs from It (<. *-. Luke x. 18, 20 ; John
xi. 48, prodi\ he often appears to quote from memory,
and diners from all MSS.
The quotations given at length In the British copy
of Juvencus (Csnib. Univ. Libr. tt. 4, 42) would prob
ably repay a careful examination.
» This MS., in common with many Irish MSS. (s.g
Brit Mas. Hart. 1802, 2796, tbs Book of HacDurnan,
and soms others, as Hart. 1776, Cotton. Tib. A ii.) sepa-
rates the genealogy in St Matt from the net of the
Gospel, closing v. 17 with the words JRmi"< Prologue,
and then edding,i*crrn< Evangeiium.
e The reading of this MS. in Matt. xxl. 28 ft*. Is very
remarkable : Homo quldam habsbat duos olios st ae-
eedens sd primum dixit fill va^e opsrsrs In viam 9
neam Hie autem respondens dixit en <loe «t not HI
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8468
VULGATH, THK
xL? Bentley'e C. Hu Canons uod
Prefaces, but no Sect, or Capit
(£) Hereford (&im«) b'otDea. Sac. riii.
(ix.). The four Gospels, with two
■mill lacuna. Without Prefect*,
Canons, Capitula, or Section!. A
very important copy, and probably
British in origin." (Plate it fig. 00
(a.) The Boole of Armagh (all N. T.),
Trin. Coll. Dublin: written a. d. 807.
Comp. Proceeding* of R. I. A. iii.
pp. 316, 356. Sir W. Betbam, Iruh
Antiq. BeXearchet, ii.»
(#.) A. copy found iu the Domhnach
Ah-gid (Royal I. Acad.), Sac v., vi.
Comp. Petrie, Transaction* of R. 1.
A., xviii. 1838. O'Curry'a Lecture*,
Dublin 1861, pp. 321 ff., where a fhc-
sJniile it given.
(«.) («.) Two copies in Trin. CoU. Dublin,
■aid to be " ante-Hieronymiau, See.
vtt."«
To then must be added a large number of Irish,
Including under thii term North Britiah MSS.,
which exhibit a text more nearly approaching the
Vulgate, but yet with characteristic old readings.
Bach are: —
Brit. Hue., Bart. 1802. Sec. sv-xii a. d.
1138? Prefaces all at the beginning. No
Capitula or Section*. Beutley a W. (Plata
II. fig. 4.)
Brit. Hut., Hurl 1023. Sew. x.-xii.? No
Capitula or Beetioiu. (Plate il. fig. 3.)
Lambeth. The Book of Mae Dwtum,"
Base. x. Has Sections, but no Prefaces or
Canons.
Dublin, T. C. C. The Boot of KeUt. Saw.
riii.
Dublin, T. C. C. Th* Book of Durroa. See.
riii.
Dublin, T. C. V. The Book of Dimma. Sao.
riii.
Dublin, T. C. C. The Book of Mating.
Sac. riii.*
Oalliean ( ?) revision./
Brit Mu*., Eytrton, 608, formerly Majori*
Monattcrii; It. Gospp. deficient from
Mark vi. 66 to Luke xi. 1. This MS. U
ealled mm, and classified under Vulgate
MS8. in the editions of the N. T., but it
has been used only after Calmet'a very im-
perfect collation, and offers a distinct type
of text Prof. Can. No Capitula.
wi cedent autam ad alteram dixit stallion- at lilt re-
sp o ndt m alt nolo, posts* autam pomltantla motus abut
te vhriam.* quls ax duob : ftolt voluntatem petrls.
.leant* novuwlmos.
■ lor the opportunity of examining this MS. the
writer is indebted to the kindness of the Bev. J. Jebb,
D-, Oanon of Herannd.
» TbJl Mil. contains the Bp. to the Uodlcenes, with
At note Sed Hirunumus tarn tugax as* Pauii:
fsjrhan, 11. 268. The stichonietry Is as follows : JUo-
Umm rem* kabet MMDCC, Marau MDCC, Lucas
1MDCCC, Jahannit MMCCC. Id. p. 818.*
e Dr. Beevet undertook to publish the text of the
Book of Armagh, with eoUatloos of t, *, and other
MSS. in T. C. D., but the writer hat been unable to
team whether be will carry out bis design. The MSS.
e-« the writer knows only by description, and rery
taper** tly.
d fat suntlM of many of these "Irish " MSS. an
gtraa la Westward's Fataograpkia Bum and m 0'
VTTIiGAlK, THB
(9.) Of the Acts and Epistles.
a. Cod. Bobbiamt, at Vienna. A In
fragments of the Acta and Cask. Ep*
Edited by Tiecheodorf, Jakroieker A
JM.lt.
o. Cod. Corbet., a US. of Ep. of St
James. Published by Martianay, 1695
p. (Of St. Paul's Epp.) Cod. Oarom.
the Latin text of D* Published bj
TIscbendorf.
q. (Of St Paul's Epp.) Cod. Bangtrm.,
tie Latin text of Eg, said to base an
Independent value, but imperfectly
known.
r. (Of St Paul's Epp.) CuL Botreu, the
Latin text of Gj, is in the main an
old copy, adapted in tome point! to
the Greek.
«. (See Gospels.)
t Fragments of St Paul's Epistles treav-
scribed at Munich by Tiechendetf.
«, r, (Acta) the Latin text of D, and B,
(Cod. Bene and Cod. Laud.).
To these must be added, from the result of ■
partial collection [collation ? j : —
«1. Oxford, Bodl 3418 (Selden, 80).
Acts. Sac. riii., rii. An nneial MS.
of the highest interest Deficient xjv.
86, fdei—xr. 32, earn tuaU. BentL
jjl. Among its characteristic readings
may be noticed : v. 34, forts modiema
apottoloe teoedere: ix. 40, surge m
nomine Domini Ihu Xti.; xi. 17, ne
daret illit Spiritum Sanctum credenti-
bus in nomine Ihu Xti.; xiil. 14,
Paulut et Barnabas; xri. 1, at cub
circuisset bat nationes perrenit in
Derben. (Plata 1. fig. 4.)
a* Oxford, Bodl Laud. Lot. 108 (E,
87). Sao. ix. St Paul's Epp. ia
Saxon letters. Ends Hebr. xi. 34,
adtm gladii. Corrected apparently
by three bands. The original text
was a revision of the Old latin, but it
has been much erased. In niany cases
It agrees with d almost or quite alone:
cy. Rom. ii. 14, 16, iii. 22, 26, x. SO,
it. 18, 23, 27, 80. The Epistle* to
Thess. are placed before the Ep. to
Colon. This arrangement, which is
given by Augustine (De Doctr. Cartst
U. 18), appears to hare prevailed ia
early English MSS., and occurs ia
Cutty's Lectern. The text of most of them (even ef
those collated by Bentley) is my Imperfectly known,
and It pass u * by a very gradual translUou Into the or-
dinary type of Vulgate. The whole question of the
general character and the specific varieties of thess
MSS. requires careful Investigation. The Table (T)
will gtve some Idea of their variations Own the eosu-
mon text. The Stow St John, at present In Lor*
Ashburnham's ooUtettou, probably belongs to that
family.
• Thess Ibnr MSS I know only by Mr. WestwootT*
descriptions In his Palstogmphia fitaers; and to Mr.
Westwood beloDgs the credit of first directing attentats
to Irish MSS. after the time of Bentley.
/ The text of this recension, which I believe to to
contained also In gt, and Bentley'a p (camp. p. 8417
note c) Is closely tilled to the British type. As to cat
Spanish text I have no stifiVJent materials to Ban as
animate of its character.
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VULGATE, THE
the Saxon Cambridge MS., and aev-
aral otlier HSS. of the Bible quoted
by Hod;, p. 664. Comp. § 31 (2) 8."
The well- known Harieian MS. 1773
({ 88, (8) 8) ought to be reckoned
lather among the Old than the Vul-
gate texts. A good collection of its
more striking variation! is given in the
Harleian Catalogue. In the Acta and
Epistles (no leas than in the Gospels)
there are indications of an unrevised
(African) and revised texts, but the
materials are as yet too imperfect to
allow of an exact determination of the
different types.
(S.) In the Apocalypse the text depends on in
sod early quotations, especially in Primaslus.
18. It will be seen that for the chief part of the
0. T., and for considerable parts of the N. T. {e.g.
Apoc Acts), the Old text rests upon early quota-
tions (principally Tertullian, Cyprian, Lucifer of
Uagliari, for the African text, Ambrose and Au-
gustine for the Italia). These were collected by
Sabatier with great diligence up to the date of his
work; but more recent discoveries (e. g. of the
[toman Speculum) have furnished a large store of
new materials which have not yet been fully em-
ployed. (The great work of Sabatier, already often
referred to, is still the staudurd work on the Latin
Versions. His great fault is his neglect to distin-
guish the different types of text, African, Italic,
British, Gallic; a task which yet remain! to be
done. TLe earliest work on the subject was by
Hamlnius Nobilius, Vttat Test, etc. LXX. Latine
leddituia .... Koine, 1588. The new collations
Blade by Tischendorf, Mui, Munter, Ceriani, have
been noticed separately.) [See also the addition at
the end of this article. — A]
III. The Labobs of Jkromk. — 14. It has
been seen that at the close of the 4th century the
IjUin texts of the Bible current in the Western
Church had fallen into the greatest corruption,
rhe evil was yet greater in prospect than at the
•ime; for the separation of the East and West,
politically and ecclesiastically, was growing immi-
nent, and the fear of the perpetuation of false and
inflicting Latin copies proportionately greater.
But in the crisis of danger the great scholar was
raised up who probably alone for 1,500 years pos-
sessed the qualifications necessary for producing an
xiginal version of the Scriptures for the use of the
Latin churches. Jerome — Eusebius Hieronymus
- was born in 339 A. D. at Stridon in Dalmatia,
and died at Bethlehem in 430 A. D. From his
jarly youth he was a vigorous student, and age re-
moved nothing from his zeal. He has been well
aabVd the Western Origen (Hody, p. 350), and if be
wanted the largeness of heart and generous sym-
pathies of the great Alexandrine, he had more
ihastened critical skill and closer concentration of
Cr. After long and self-denying studies in the
and West, Jerome went to Koine a. d. 383,
probably at the request of Damasus the Pope, to
assist in an important synod (Kp. cviii.6), where he
seems to hare been at once attached to the service
if the Pope (£>. exxiii. 10). His active Biblical
VULGATE, THE
8458
a A very Interesting historical doom ol the use of
toe Old lAtin In the North of England la given by
iede, wbo says of Ceolfrld, a contemporary aobot,
WbUotbecam ntrlusque Monaster!! [Waarmouth
gal Jarrow] magna yanrinaste Industrie. Ita at ties
labors date from this epoch, and in examinlLg them
it will be convenient to follow the order of time
noticing (1) the Revision of the Old Latin Versio '
of the N. T.i (3) the Revision of the Old Latii
Version (from the Greek) of the O. T. ; (3) the New
Version of the 0. T. from the Hebrew.
(1.) The Revision of the Old Latin Version of
(he Jf. T. — 15. Jerome had not been long at
Rome (a. d. 383) when Damasus consulted him on
points of Scriptural criticism (Kp. xix. " DileetionU
hue est ut ardenti ilk) strenuitatis ingenio ....
vivo aensu scribas"). The answers which he re-
ceived (/■■pp. xx., xxi.) may well have encouraged
him to seek for greater services ; and apparently in
the same year he applied to Jerome for a revision
of the current Latin Tendon of the N. T. by the
help of the Greek original. Jerome was fully sensi-
ble of the prejudices which such a work would ex-
cite among those " who thought that ignorance
was holiness " (kp ad Marc xxviL), but the need
of it was urgent. " There were," he says, " almost
as many forms of text as copies " (" tot sunt ex-
emplaria pene quot codices," Praf. in Em.). Mis-
takes bad been introduced " by false transcription,
by clumsy corrections, and by careless interpola-
tion " (id ), and in the confusion which had ensued
the one remedy was to go back to the original
source (Gneca Veritas, Greece origo). The Gospels
had naturally suffered most Thoughtless scribes
inserted additional details in the narrative from the
parallels, and changed the forms of expression to
those with which they had been originally famil-
iarized (id.). Jerome therefore applied himself to
these first (" has pnesena prefatiuncula polhcetur
quatuor tantum Evangelia "). But bis aim was to
revise the Old Latin, and not to make a new ver-
sion. When Augustine expressed to him his grat-
itude for " his translation of the Gospel " (Kp. At.
i, " non parrss Deo gratias agimus de opera too
quo Evangelium tx Gram inttrprttntut ej"), be
tacitly corrected him by substituting for this
phrase " the correction of the N. T." (Kp. cxii. 30,
" Si me, nt dicis, in N. T. emtndaiione suscipis
. . "). For this purpose be collated early
Greek MSS., and preserved the current rendering
wherever the sense wss not injured by it (" . . . .
F.vangelia .... codicuiu Gnecorum emendate
collatione sed veterum. Qua) ne multum a lectionis
Latinn consuetudine discreparent, ita calamo tem-
peravimus (all. imperarimus) ut his tantum qua
aensura videbantur mutare, correct ia, reliqua manere
pateremur ut fuerant; " Praf. aid Aim.). Yet
although he proposed to himself this limited object,
the various forms of corruption which had been in-
troduced were, as he describee, so numerous that
the difference of the Old and Revised (Hieronymian)
text is throughout clear and striking. Thus in
Matt. v. we have the following variations: —
Film Jjitimafi
7 Ipns mismWnar Dtut.
11 dliarlnt ....
— propter jiutitittm.
13 ants vos paint somas
(Luke vL 38).
Tulgata aoaa (HVvoo.).
7 tpsl misrrUmdimm ten
ttqumtm.
U dlxerlnt ...
ni«.
— propter n*.
13 ants vos.
Pandrrtas novas tranalattonu, ad an am vetwue tmas-
latloola, quern de Roma attolerat, ipse supara plangent
. . . . » (Hat. Abbot. Wmmuth. ,t Oirmtw. Qaated
by nody, Dt Tat. p. 408).
In giving the readings of Telia L—tna »ue wittss
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8*60
VULGATE, THB
Vulgata tuna (BQaraa.).
17 non real solvere.
18
(and
Tthu fating,
17 boo veni solvere Ugtm
out prop/utas.
U flout : eoium tt Una
trmnsibma, ttrba
Urn mta non praUr-
• ibmmt.
22 thttrl sao liiw anus.
25 cf ram ills In In.
22 mi In gehennam.
87 quod aatem ampfees.
tt Ma atta duo.
42 erfi«.
mafeafcffai vobit tt
beneftclto.
Of these variations those in Ten. 17, 44, in only
partially supported by the old copies, but they
Illustrate the character of the interpolations from
which the text suffered. In St John, sa might be
expected, the variations are less frequent. The 8th
chapter contains only the following : —
22 ftatrlsno.
26 w In rla sum m
often).
20 mittatur In gchennsm.
87 quod autam kit aewt-
dantius.
41 Malta duo.
48 ttdio kaMrii.
41 TSStns bsnsnvolts.
2 sequebatur auttm.
21 (volebant)
28 (quern bsoedlxent
Dominus (alii alitor) ).
89 hsBO est eaim.
88 (Patois mel).
68 (manducare).
88 (a patre).
67 exhooero.
2 tt sequebatur.
21 (voluerunt).
28 (gratlss agents Domi-
no).
88 hsBO est auttm.
89 (Patris mel qui mitit
nit).
68 (ad mandueaudum).
08 (a patre awe).
87 ex hoe.
16. Some of the changes which Jerome intro-
duced were, as will be seen, made purely on lin-
guistic grounds, but it is impossible to ascertain on
what principle he proceeded in this respect (cotnp.
§86). Others involred questions of interpretation
(Matt. vi. 11, tupertubttantialu for eViowrior).
But the greater number consisted in the removal
of the interpolations by which the synoptic Gospels
especially were disfigured. These interpolations,
unless his description is very much exaggerated,
must have been far more numerous than are found
in existing copies ; but examples still occur which
show (he important service which he rendered to
the Church by checking the perpetuation of apoc-
ryphal glosses: Matt. ill. 8, 16 (v. 12); (ix. 21);
xx. 28; (xxir. 88); Hark i. 8, 7, 8; Iv. 19;
tri. 4; Luke (v. 10); fill. 48; ix. 43, 60; xi.
J6; xii. 88; xxiii. 48; John vi. 66. As a cheek
upon further interpolation be inserted in his text
he notation of the Eusebian Canons [New Tks-
rAMENT, § 21] ; but it is worthy of notice that he
included in his revision the famous pericope, John
vii. 63-viii. 11, which is not included in that
analysis.
17. The preface to Damasus speaks only of a
svislou of the Gospels, and a question has been
raised whether Jerome really revised the remaining
books of the N. T. Augustine (a. d. 403) speaks
wily of " the Gospel " ( Up. civ. 6, quoted above),
vx 1 there is no preface to any other books, such as
a elsewhere found before all Jerome's versions or
edition*. But the omission is probably due to the
somparatively pure state in which the text of the
net of the N. T. was preserved. Damasus had
.wquested (Pro/, ad Dam.) a revision of the whole,
las thraufnout eonOnsd himself to those which are
uppuled by a combination of authorities, avoidlng
VTJLGATK, THB
and when Jerome had faced the more invidious seal
difficult part of his work there k no reason to think
that be would shrink from the completion of it
In accordance with this view he enumerates (A. D.
898) among his works "the restoration of the
(Latin Version of the) N. T. to harmony with the
original Greek." ( Up. nd Litem, hori. 6 : « N. T.
Greece reddidi auctoritati, ut enim Veterum 14-
brorum fides de rlebneis voluminibus examinanda
est, ita novorum Graces: ( ?) aermonis norniam desid-
erat" D» Pir. 10. mm.: "N. T. Graces fidei
reddidi. Vetus Juxta Hebraicam trenstuli.") It
is yet more directly conclusive as to the fact of this
revision, that in writing to Harceila (dr. A. o. 38t) j
on the charges which had been brought against
him for " introducing changes iu the Gospels," he
quotes three psssagea from the Epistles in which
he asserts the superiority of the present Vulgate
reading to that of the Old I-atlii (Rom. xii. 11,
Domino servientes, for tanpori servientes; 1 Tim.
v. 19, add. nisi sub duobus aut tribus testibna;
1 Tim. I. 16, jUUUt senno, for humatnu sermo).
An examination of the Vulgate text, with the)
quotations of ante-Hieronymian fathers and the
imperfect evidence of MSS., is itself sufficient to
establish the reality and character of the revision
This will be apparent from a collation of a few
chapters taken from several of the later books off
the N. T.; but it will also be obvious that the)
revision wss hasty and imperfect; and in later
times the line between the Hieronymian and Old
texts became very indistinct Old readings appear
in MSS. of the Vulgate, and on the other hand no
MS. represents a pure African text of the Acta and
Epistles.
Aon L 4-25.
VertU) Vitus."
4 mm
Mis .... quod au-
dtsasams.
6 tingemmu
6 at illi eoDvenientes.
1 atitU rttpoudent dixit
8 tuptrvenitntt 8. 8.
10 Intenderent Gomp. lit
(4), 12; Tl.U;x.4;
(xlil. 9).
18 sscanderunt in tupt-
riora.
— grant habitanits.
14 peiseversntes unoiUma
orationi.
18 HU igitur adquvrirtt.
21 qui eonvtntrunt nobls-
eum vuis.
26 in. Oomp. xvtt. 80.
Igiturqui eon'
Dixit auttm.
t up ei vmi tntu 8.
Intasrentar.
18 m
•runt
14
oration*.
St hie qutdtm p i ss ssl ir .
26 ulabirtL
Acts xvll. 16-84.
18 euro tmuiatrum.
17 Judsjis.
18 ttminator.
22 superstitiotot
28 perambulani.
cuilurat vestres.
26 ex uno i
16 UaUatrim
17 cum Jucbets.
18 semtaivereias.
22 tuptntitunimm.
— timulaaa
28 ex una
KoslI.U-16.
18 Hon antem arbilror. |18 ««*» ausam.
16 qood In me utpmmjxiu 16 quod In sat
awn. | at.
the peculiarities of ams> MSS., sad (ft possible) a
single family.
o See note ». p. 84S9
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VULGATE, THB
1 Cam. x. 4-20.
VULGATB, THB
8461
Tirtfa rent*.
4 Mqnantl M (wqonit)
qj,(Cod. A«g. fy»
I idolorum eultorea (g
oorr.) afflclamur.
IS putet (g oorr.).
US stent pradeotas, Tobto
It qnem (f , g).
— eommnnioatto (alt) (f,
Si-
ll partidpan (f, g).
•Wr-
4 consequents an
6 In «gur» O. (g).
7 ldoloUtne (IdoUtrea, f).
eWHamlnl (flt
12 axtottmat (f>
It nt (stent, t; g) prudenU-
baa loquor (dteo, f, g).
UeuL
— partMpatlo.
21 paroelpss ease.
29 (aliaaa); aUa(f).
14 turn nvtlatwm (f)
18 a darilau m atari.
2 Cob. lU. U-18.
14 daws (fuorf g oorr.) noo
nertorsr (g oorr.).
18 A(ag) gto** ** gton-
om (g>
Su. Ui. 14-26.
14 bauMaumm <g). '14 poUicitationtm (f).
16 irritwm faciUMtat, g). 18 tptrnil (f).
K tmutmutuumjldc <gj.|26 .il *)M vtmtJUa (f).
2 nam*(g).
Beam... tcw sri la t e e,
tel-
ls diUetMmi (g).
Jt ssSiaSw (tmtUbatw, g).
0.2-80.
2 idipiwn(t).
d.
na(g).
1(f)-
1 iimaui (g oorr.).
2 dodHltm (g).
4
8
HjWaf tarn rtgtntw (g
oorr.).
12 MriHwii (f ).
2S iKeahu (f ).
28 futiiuuauu ergo (/k».
tjre, f :>«t. nam, g).
80 trodou
CO-
1 Tat. Hi. 1-11
1 >Mu (f ).
2 docunm (f ).
4 h»bent«ni«Wtlo»(r,g)
8 niret Iv9mn Hclmtti
(f ) (««r»«. ». g).
12 qmJUmt nil tttu sra*
<*(I)
(3.) 7%e Revision of the 0. T.from the LXX.
— 18. About the same time (dr. a. d. 883) at
which he waa engaged on the rerhion of the N. T.,
Jerome undertook also a lint revUion of the 1'sal-
ter. Thit be made by the help of the Greek, but
the work waa not Terr complete or careful, and the
worda in which he describee it may, perhaps, he
extended without injustice to the revision of the
later books of the N. T.s "Paalterium Romas
. . . enwodaram et jnxta LXX. Interpretee, n'ee*
ewttm magna iltud ex parte correxeram " (Prof.
m Lib. P:). This revision obtained the name of
the Soman Fuller, probably because it waa made
lor the use of the Koman Church at the request
of Damaaua, where it waa retained till the pontift-
tata of Piua V. (a. d. 1566), who Introduced the
Jallujan Psalter generally, though the Roman
raslter wai still retained In three Italian churches
Hody, p. 883J " in una Romas Vatieana ecdesia,
at extra urbem in Mediohnenmi et in eocletia 8.
Mara, Venetiia"). In a short time "the old
wtor prevailed over the new correction," and at
a The Uttn nadlnga of CM. Aug. hare been added,
sa oflerlng an Intarestlng example of the admixture
if a few old leadinp with tha revised text. TNws
•f Cod. Barn (g) dinar, aa will be aara, Tary wMetr
the urgent request of Faubt and Eustochium Jerome
commenced a new and more thorough revUiua
(Galilean Psalter).' The exact date at which this
was made is not known, but it may be fixed with
great probability very shortly after a. d. 387, wher.
he retired to Bethlehem, and certainly before 391,
when he had begun his new translations from the
Hebrew. In the new revision Jerome attempted
to represent aa far as possible, by the help of the
Greek Versions, the real reading of the Hcbiew.
With thia view he adopted the notation of Origan
[Septvagint; compare Prof, in Gen., etc.], and
thus indicated all the additions and omisaiona of
the LXX. text reproduced in the Latin. Tha
additions were marked by an obtlut (-t-)j the
omissions, which he supplied, by an asterisk ( • \
The omitted passages he supplied by a version of
the Greek of Theodotion, and not directly from the
Hebrew (" unuaquisqne . . . ubicunque viderit
virgubun prascedentem ( ♦- ) ab ea usque ad duo
pnncta ( " ) qua hnpreashnua, eclat in LXX
interpretibns plus haberi. Ubi autem Stella) ( • )
similitudinem perspexerit, de Hebrssis voluminibus
additum noverit, eque uaque ad duo puncta, jnxta
Thtudotionis dumtaxrtt eeStionem, qui timpliciiaH
lermonu a LXX. interpretibtu nun ditcordat,"
Prajf. ad Pi. ; compare Praff. in Job, ParnUp.
LObr. Solom. juxta LXX. JnIL, Ep. eri. ad Sun.
et Fret.). This new edition soon obtained a wide
popularity. Gregory of Tours is said to have
Introduced it from Rome into the public services in
France, and from this it obtained the name of the
GaUiean Psalter. The comparison of one or two
passages will show the extent and nature of tha
corrections which Jerome introduced into this
second work, aa compared with the Roman Paalter.
(See Table 0, on next page.)
How far he thought change really necessary
will appear from a comparison of a few verses
of his translation from the Hebrew with the earlier
revised Septuagintal translations. (See Table E.)
Numerous MSS. remain which contain the Latin
Psalter in two or more forms. Thus BibL Boat
Laud. 35 (Saw. x.?) contains a triple Psalter,
Galilean, Roman, and Hebrew: Cull. C. C. (hxm.
xii. (Swc. xv.) GaUiean, Roman, Hebrew: Id. x.
(Sax. xiv.) Gallican, Hebrew, Hebr. text with
interlinear F-atin: Brit Mm. Harl. 634, a double
Paalter, Gallican and Hebrew: Brit. Mm. Arnnd.
156 (Ssec. xi.) a Roman Paalter with Gallican
corrections: OA S3. Trin. Cambr., R. 17, 1,
a triple Paalter, Hebrew, Gallican, Roman (Sase.
xii.): Id. R. 8, 6, a triple Paalter, the Hebrew
text, with a peculiar interlinear Latin Version,
Jerome's Hebrew, GaUiean. An example of the
unrovised Latin, which, indeed, b not very satis-
factorily distinguished from the Roman, ia (bund
with an Anglo-Saxon interlinear version, Unit.
Ubr. Cambr. Ff. i. 88 (Ssec xi.). H. Stephens
published a " QnmenpUx Ptalt eriu m, 6'aflf-
cum, Rhomaicum, Ihbrnieum, Vetm, ConcUitttum
. . Paris, 1618,'' bat »e does not mention the
MSS. from whloh he derived his texts.
••8. From the second (Gallican) revision of tha
Psalms Jerome appears to have proceeded to •
revision of the other books of the 0. T., restoring
s In one vises Jerome seems so heluds mass two
rovanona m one work : " Psalterlum . . . eerss
esMDAnsamiam Jnxta IXC. tnterpretss neslro labors
ajum Kama suseraM" . . . {Ape*, md*. tXnf. n\
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8462
VULGATE, THB
TABLE D.
™ Tabtoe D, E, and t, the passages an taken front Martianer* end Sabetier'e texts, without my i*
MBS., io that the Tarletlons cannot to regarded u mora this approximately comet.
fan* Latin*.
(JWrJoWKT)
MM oma (qaod)
Pb.vUI.4-6.
ftalr. Jtomawtm.
Quonnun Tidebo cobIob, open dlgitorum tn-
lanani ct Stellas qau to fundastt.
Quid eat homo, quod memor 01 ejus?
eat Alius homlnut, qvoniam Tleita* eamf
Mimatti enm pmnlo minus eb angella ;
gloria ct hooore oonmeeti cum :
et eanetJtuletl earn eaprr open menuum tu-
ftaS. Qatocmxm.
Qaoniem Tidebo oaeloc * tuoa " open dagsl
ram tnoram J
lanem et Stellas qaej t tu " ftmdeett.
Quid est homo, quod memor cb ejue T
eat ftlioa hominfe, eeeniajn Tistces ecemf
MinuUti cam paulo minae eb engelie ;
gloria et hooore coranuti earn,
t et " eonetitaieti earn saper open naaaaxej
tneiiusu
Pb.xxx3x. 1-4.
in*.
•a.
Snpectem) exspsctaTl Dominan t
Ct rcMfxiil me ;
ct exaudiTit drjwtauionm mcem |
et aduxlt me de laeu miwiriei,
et de Into nscis.
Kt atatult enper petrun padee meoe ;
et direxit gronua meoe.
Kt muniiit in oe meum cantfcum noTum :
kymnum Deo nortro.
B atpeebm exspeetaTt
et intrndit mini ;
et tex"audlTit preces mi
et aduxlt me de leeu
tot "de into neeie.
St etetuit enper petrem
tet" direxit gran
Et Immiett in oe meum
eureun Deo nostra.
Ps. xvi. (rr.) 8-11 (Acre li. 25-88).
Prorldebam Damaium In eoutpeeta am
eem per,
qaoniem e dextrls eft mibi, ne eommoreer.
Propter hoc deteetatum ret cor meum,
et exsultaTlt lingo* mea :
Inenper et caro mea reqa l ee e et in spa.
Qaoniem non derelinquee enimem xneem in
inferno (-on) ;
nee debut Sanctum toum Tidere eorruptio-
NoUe mlhi fceistf tlas Tine) :
adlmpleblfl me Untitle eum Tultn too
dsaaotatfonea in dextn toe, usque in
Proridebeni Dorntwtm n ajotsBBsotai eeee
eunper,
qnonlem a dextria eat mibi, ne c
Propter hoe lattatum eft cor meum,
et exaultarlt lingua mea :
t raauper "Bt caro mea reqaleeeet In 1
Qnonlem non dereHnquea enimem m
inferno;
nee dabia Banctum toum TUen i
Notes mlhi feditl The Tine :
adlmnlebla me laelitta earn Tultn I
dalectaHonaa In dexten toa t I
P*
Tttut Latin*.
Qarta eat homo qui TUlt Titem,
K cvpit Tidere dtee bonoa !
CM'Ot llnguem toam a tnalo :
4t labia tua ne loquantur dolom.
Deverte a malo et mo bonum :
Inquire pacem et requtre earn.
Ocull Domini super Justos
et auras ejus ad preoea eorum.
Vottua Domini auper mdentea
TABLE E.
nsJtt. (xxxIt.) 18-16 (1 Fr. Ui.
Tuigata.
Quia eat homo qui Tult Tifaun,
ditigit dice Tidere bonoa?
Prohibt llnguem tuam a malo:
et labia toa ne loqueotor dolom.
Divert* a malo et lac bonum :
inquire pacem, et pcree q eert earn.
Ocull Domini auper Jostos
et anna ejua m pracee coram.
Taltua autetn Domini auper
10-19).
Jtronu't Trmui. from tie Bear.
Quia eat mr qui Telit Titem
diligent dlea rldere bonoa ?
Cutodi llnguem tuam a malo,
et labia tua ne loqnantor dolom.
Recede a malo et fan bonum :
qvevt peoem et penequen caae.
Ocull Domini ad Justos
et anrea ejus ad etamona eoroam.
Tultua Domini auper tenant*! an*
Ps. xxxix. (xl.) 6-8 (Hbb. z. 5-10).
•acrifldmn at oblatkmem nolulati :
auras autem peift c latt mini.
Boioeauata eusss pro defects son
poatnbutl.
Tunc cHxi : Boca vuulo
tn capita Ubri ecriptum eat da ma
at/oeiam Toluntatem team.
In ctam
rum:
at x* Jteatot orWa
Baerlflclum et oblationem nolulatt :
auraa autem parfjciatl mlhi.
Holooauatum at pro p mat o mm
poatulastt:
Tmwdlxl: Boot Tenlo.
In capita llbrl aerlptum cat da me,
utyuccram Toluntatem toam.
Pa. rrili (xix.) 6 (Box. x. 18).
I In omnem terrain exMt aonua eo-
terfaa Tetfca eo» let m^aes ofMa terra Tcrbe eorum
Tietima et oUatixme ntm
nnrm /oduti mihL
Holooauatum at pro pacnt t
petitti,
Tunodlxi
In ntonu ttbrl
me,
Ot"
et bi/fntm ribla i
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VtTLGATA THfc
•U, by the help of the Greek, to i general oon-
fannity with the Hebrew. In the preface to the
Revision of Job, he notices the opposition which he
had met with, and contrasts indignantly his own
labors with the more mechanical occupations of
■Bonks which excited no reproaches (" Si aut fisoel-
lam jonoo texerem aut palmarani folia eomplicarem
.... nullus morderet, nemo reprehenderet- Nunc
anient .... corrector vitiorum falsarius voeor " ).
Similar complaints, But less strongly expressed,
occur in the preface to the books of Chronicles, in
which he had recourse to the Hebrew as well as io
the Greek, in order to correct the innumerable
errors in the names by which both texts were de-
formed. In the preface to the three books of Solo-
mon (Proverbs, Kcclesiastas, Canticles) he notices
no attacks, but excuses himself for neglecting to
revise Ecclesiasticus and Wisdom, on the ground
that "he wished only to amend the Canonical
Scriptures " (" tantummodo Canonical Scriptures
vobia einendare desiderans"). No other prefaces
remain, and the revised texts of the Psalter and
Job have alone been preserved; but there is no
reason to doubt that Jerome carried out his design
of revising all the " Canonical Scriptures " (comp.
Ep. exil. ad August, (cir. A. o. 404), " Quod au-
tem in aliis quteris epistoli* : cur prior mea in ti-
bris Canonicii interpretatio asteriscos habeat et
virgulas pranotatas .... "). He speaks of this
work as a whole in several places (e. g. adv. Ruf.
U. 34, " Egone contra LXX. interpretes aliquid
sum locutus, quos ante annoa ■ plurimos diligentis-
aime emendatos men lingua etudiosis dedi ...'/"
Comp. Id. Hi. So ; Ep. lxxi. ad Lucin., " Septiuv-
ginta interpretum editionem et te habere non du-
bito, et ante annoa plurimos (he is writing A. D.
198) diligentissime emendatam studiosis tradidi "),
and distinctly represents it as a Latin Version of
Origan's HexapLv text (Ep. cvi. ad Sun. et Fret.,
u Ea autem que babetur in 'EfwrAais et quam non
vertimua "), if. Indeed, the reference is not to be
eonfined to the Psalter, which was the immediate
subject of discussion. But though it seems certain
that the revision was made, there is very great dif-
ficulty in tracing its history, and it is remarkable
that no allusion to the revision occurs in the pref-
ace to the new translation of the Pentateuch,
Joshua (Judges, Ruth), Kings, the Prophets, in
which Jerome touches more or less plainly on the
difficulties of Ms task, while he does refer to his
former labors on Job, the Psalter, and the books of
Solomon in the parallel prefaces to those books, and
also in his Apology against Rufinus (ii. 87, 39, 30,
31). It has, indeed, been supposed (Vallarsi,
Prof, m llier. x.) that these six books only were
Cblished by Jerome himself. The remainder may
re been put Into circulation surreptitiously. But
this supposition is not without difficulties. Au-
gustine, writing to Jerome (dr. A. D. 405), ear
neatly begs for a copy of the revision from the
LXX., of the publication of which he was then
only lately aware (Ep. xevi. 84, " Deinde nobis
nJttas, obsecro, Interpretationero hum de Septua-
ginta, quam U edidim ntsciebam; " com». § 34),
It does not appear whether the request was granted
or not, but at a much later period \cb. A. D. 416)
Jerome says that be cannot furnish him with " a
eopy of the LXX. (»*. e. the Latin version of it)
nnmshed with asterisks and obeli, as he had lost
•he chief part of his former labor by some person's
VT/WATB, THE
3408
treachery " (Ep. cxxxiv., '• Pleraque prions laboria
fraude cujuedam amisimus "). However this may
have been, Jerome could not have spent more than
four ( )r live) years on the work, and that too in the
midst of other labors, for in 491 he was already en-
gaged on the versions from the Hebrew which con-
stitute his great claim on the lasting gratitude of
the Church.
(8.) The Translation of tilt 0. T. from tl.e
Hebrew. — 30. Jerome commenced thn study of
Hebrew when he was already advanced in middle
life (cir. A. D. 874), thinking that the difficulties
of the language, as he quaintly paints them, would
serve to subdue the temptations of passion to which
he was exposed ,£p. cxxv. § 12; comp. Prof, ea
Am.). From this time be continued the study
with unabated zeal, aud availed himself of every
help to perfect his knowledge of the language. Ha
first teacher had been u Jewish convert; but after-
wards he did not scruple to seek the instruction of
Jews, whose services he secured with great difficulty
and expense. This excessive seal (as it seemed
exposed him to the misrepresentations of his ene-
mies, snd Rufinus indulges in a silly pun on tha
name of one of his teachers, with the intention of
showing thst his work was not " supported by the
authority of the Church, but only of a second Ba-
rabbas" (Rnf. ApoL 11. 13: Hieron. ApoL i. 13)
comp. Ep. lxxxir. § 3, and Pnrf. in Parol.). Je-
rome, however, was not deterred by opposition from
pursuing his object, and it were only to be wished
that he had surpassed his critics as much in gen-
erous courtesy as he did in honest labor. He soon
turned his knowledge of Hebrew to use. In soma
of his earliest critical letters he examines the fores
of Hebrew words (Epp. xviii., xx., A. D. 381, 883);
snd in A. r>. 384, he had been engaged for some
time in comparing the version of Aquila with He-
brew MSS. (Ep. xxxii. {1), which a Jew had suc-
ceeded in obtaining for him from tha synagogue
(Ep. xxxvi. § 1). After retiring to Bethlehem, be
appears to have devoted himself with renewed ar-
dor to the study of Hebrew, and he published sev-
eral works on the subject (cir. A. d. 389; Quasi,
flebr. in Uen. etc.). These essays served as a pre-
lude to his New Version, which he now commenced.
This leraion was not undertaken with any ecclesi-
astical sanction, as the revision of the Gospels was,
but at the urgent request of private friends, or
from his own sense of the imperious necessity of
the work. Its history is told in the main in the
prefaces to the several installments which were suc-
cessively published. The Books of Samuel and
Kings were issued first, and to these be prefixed
the famous Pivtogvs galeatus, addressed to Pauls
and Eustochium, in which he gives an account of
the Hebrew Canon. It is impossible to determine
why he selected these books for his experiment, for
it does not appear that he was requested by any
one to do so. The work itself was executed with
the greatest care. Jerome speaks of the transla-
tion at the result of constant revision ( ProL GaL,
" Lege ergo primum Samuel et Malachim mourn:
meum, inquam, meum. Quidquid enim crebrius
vertendo et emendando soUicitius et didirlmus et
tenemus nostrum est"). At the time when this
was published (dr. A. D. 891, 393) other books
seem to have been already translated (ProL Gal,
" omnibus libris quos de Hebneo vertimus"); and
in 898 the sixteen prophets • were in circulation,
« A «awtt«a has ban nhnd whether Denis! was net translated at a Merunw (seam, fit Murtm. ut.V
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6464
VULGATE, THE
and Joli bad lately been pat into the hands of hi*
moat intimate friends (^>. xlix. ad Pammach.).
Indeed, it would appear that already in 398 he had
in some sense completed a version of the O. T. (Dt
Kr. IIL chit., '• Vetus juzta Hebraieum trsns-
tuli." This treatise was written in that year) ; «
but many books were not completed and published
till some years afterwards. The next books which
he put into circulation, yet with the provision that
they should be confined to friends (Prttf. in En-.),
were Ezra and Kehemiah, which he translated at
the request of Dominica and Rogatiaous, who bad
urged him to the task for three years. This was
probably in the year 884 ( VU. Huron, xxi. 4), for
in the preface he alludes to bis intention of discuss-
ing a question which he treats in Ep. Ml., written
In 386 (Dt oplimo Gen. interpret). In the preface
to the Chronicles (addressed to Chromatius), he al-
ludes to the same epistle as "lately written," and
these books may therefore be set down to that year.
The three books of Solomon followed in 388,* having
been " the work of three days " when he had just
recovered from a severe illness, which he suffered in
that year (Pray. " Itaque longa SBgrotatione frac-
tus . . . . tridui opus nomini vestro [Chromatio
et Heliodoro] consecravl." Com p. Ep. luiii. 10).
The Oclateuch now alone remained (Ep. hod. 5,
t. e. Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, snd Es-
ther, Praf. in Jos.). Of this the Pentateuch (in-
scribed to Desiderius) was published first, but it is
eneartain in what year. The preface, however, is
VULGATE, THE
not quoted in the Apology against Rnfinns (a. t>
400), as those of all the other books whieh wen
then published, and it may therefore be set dowr.
to a later date (Hody, p. 867). The remaining
books were completed st the request of Eustachian,
shortly after the death of Paula, A. D. 404 (Prttf.
in Jos.). Thus the whole translation was spread
over a period of about fourteen years, from the six-
tieth to the seventy-sixth year of Jerome's lite. Bat
still part* of it were finished in great haste (e. y
the books of Solomon). A single day was suffi-
cient for the translation of Tobit (Praf. » Tab.);
and " one short effort " (una lucubratiuncula) for
the translation of Judith. Thus there an errors
in the work which a. more careful revision might
have removed, and Jerome himself in many places
gives renderings which he prefers to those whieh ha
had adopted, and admits from time to time that he
bad fallen into error (Hody, p. 862). Yet snch
defects are trifling when compared with what he
accomplished successfully. The work remained fee
eight centuries the bulwark of western Christianity;
and as a monument of ancient linguistic power
the translation of the 0- T. stands unrivaled and
unique. It was at least a direct rendering ol
the original, and not the version of a version.
The Septoagintal tradition was at length act aside
and a few passages will show the extent and cner-
acter of the differences by which the new 1
tion was distinguished from the Old Latin
it sup
TABLE F.
Tttut Latin*
at to Bethlehem domus Kphrata
Meoaoeicam minima es nl tit in muubus Jadss :
*x ts mini egradletur
wnin prmcipcm Israel,
et efieasui ejus ab Initio,
<x dutut taxuU.
Mio. t. a (Matt. 11. 6).
Tvltata Mesa
Et tu Bethlehem Ephrats,
pamthu a In mllubua Judas I
ax ts mltal egredietur
qui sit dominator in Israel,
st egrearas ems ab initio,
a dittw mumitata.
Vox in Wumut audita est,
lamentatio at netos et
Rachel ptorenus Alios
tt nobtit eonquittcert,
aula Don sunt.
. xxztuL (xxzi.) 16 (Matt. U. 18).
Vox In txalso audita est
lamentatkmls luctus st flefeaa,
Rachel ploranus Alios sues ;
tt nokntis [nolult] eontolari
super els [s. flllis suis], quia n
Hot prtmum bilm vtlocittr Jat
reglo Zabulon, terra Neptallm J
tt rthqui qui juxta mart tttit
trans Jordanem Qalilaas gentium.
Populus qui ambulabat In tmabrls
vldlt lucem magnsm t
■at hsMtatls In regions et umbra mortis
lux erittur vobls.
la. ix. 1, » (Matt. iv. 16, 16).
Prima umport atleviata est
tint Zabulon st terra NephthaH:
tt fummano aggravate at via aunt
trans Jordanem Oalllasst gentium.
Populus qui ambulabat In t
vMlt luoem magnam ;
habltantlbua In regions i
lux orta at els.
lata peseott nostra portal
et pre ntoit dokt.
la. B1L 4 (Mar. rill. IT).
I Van Umgutnt nostras Ipsa tout
et dalmt nostras tow ponmoit.
is Jerome doss not include him among the prophets In
the Prof. Gat. ; but In a letter written a. d. IB* (Ep.
IHL ad Paul.) he places him distinctly among the fcur
greater prophsts. The preface to Daniel contains no
(aark of Urns : it appears only that the translation
•as made after that of Tobit, when Jerome was not
fet •sniffer with Coaldsa
a Sophronlus (Dt Vh. III. exxxtv.) had i
translatad Into Greek Jerome's version of th
and Prophets.
* The data given by Hody (A. >. 888) I
(p. 866)
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VULGATE. THB VTTLG ATE. THE 8466
Zaoa. Iz. 9 (Matt. xtL 5).
YttMt
i nam j*
t In tons wU tibi Justue at eelTaos •
Ipm mammetmt at asoa n da ii e fupar
nbj*t<ilm at naoam mna.
TissUta n o a s .
Bxaolta aalb, film Ston,
/HMte Bib. JtraaUeu.
Boot Bex lm mat tlbl Jatni at mlrator :
lpm soaper at aagendena mpar
o iw Mi i at agar p uKum J U i m a ti m a .
propttr quod unxtt ma :
tvmtgelizart pmaperitm mfcB ma,
■man oontritoa oorde,
pcMdtonre eepojiie nMuaMnaffit,
at «ao» at of if mat ;
t o m m annum aooapmsfl i
ilnganaa.
H dWgjTit non populo BOOS
Fopulmi mens at ta-
in. Iri. 1, 8 CUnae ir. 18, 19).
Splrttoa Domini («L add. Dal) mpar ma,
ao quod nnxarlt Domlnuo ma :
ad amumdatubmn matuuttii malt ma,
at madam oontrltia oorde,
at prexttoarem eaptMs tudalgtrntiam,
at elautia aptrtiontm :
at pnadlcanm (aJL at annunoiarem) anas
11am Domino
at dlam ulaonia Deowartm:
at oooaolarar amnaa lnejantm.
Horn. IL 84 (Bom. iz. 96).
Et dloamnon populo man:
Populoa maoa at to.
Btlpoedtoet:
Dana maoa at to.
• arit la low «M dfctam art ah :
Son popoloa maoa real
r aeaaan n a- fUB Dal TtTanBa,
Hoa. L 10 (Bon. iz. 36).
I It erit In looo am i
Non popoloa maao rot :
JHtam «u: Kill Dal Tirana*.
U. ixrlU. IS (Bom. z. 11).
■eat ago tmmlttam tn fttndamanta 8km MpUam . . . i Boot ago mlttam la tasdamanUi I
at qui undldarll dob wn/anrfilar, | qui eredlderlt nonykatmai.
rtaiadta
lOloai
Hoa. zUt 1* (1 Cob. z». 68).
I Damortemdh
a,o
■ are,
Job hr. 16-91,
i mini uuuuiill,
Hocrnamnt oopOn mat at earaas.
juauiiazi K non oonoon.
Iaapazt, at non ant axons ante mcmm i
anl nnn tantnm at 1
Quid anlm ! Nonqnld homo <
dot arit,
sat ab o perlbua tola ana macula vh-t
81 ouolA enrros auua nou oxodlt,
at adranoa amjaha aooa praTom quid mperit
BabMaana aatam domoa lotaaa,
da anions at not as oodom Into eomas,
panuadtUloamnquamltnaa,
at • maoa naqoa ad faapanm olota bob aaat ;
at quod nan poaant albl Ipsa "
Amortt anlm aoa at araerant,
tatariaront, quia non habe bant aanlanttaia.
mhorruerunt pDl oamb) man)
Statu qnJdam, eajoa non i
hnafoaoram oeuUamala,
at Toetm qnanl aunt lama andM.
NanquU homo Dal oomperaoooe
ant motor* too pnzior arit Tbt
Boot qui aarrlont ai non aunt atabOaa
at In aofena aula mparlt prarltatain.
Quanta mafia hi qui habitant domaa
qui tarranum habcnt fundamantum,
oonamnantor Taint a ttnaat
Da mane naqoa ad
at qam naUaa lntalligtt in atonB
Qui autam mliqul fnarlnt auatontur
Momeotur, at non In aapteuna.
IT. Tbb Hibtort of Jbbomb's TiujnuL-
m to thb InvBjri'iua- or Pimrrmo. — 9L
The critical labors of Jerome ware reorrred, aa such
labors always an raoriTed by tbt multitude, with
m loud outcry of reproach. Ha was s uou as d of
disturbing the repose of tba Choroh, and shaking
tba foundations of faith. Acknowledged errors, at
ha complains, won looked upon aa hallowed by
ancient image (Prof, in Job &.); and few bad tba
w ia dtoa or oudor to a^btowladge the impofUnea
of amrlng for tba pnraat poanUa text of Holy
B orlptof . Eren Auguatine waa oarried away by
the porahr prajodiee, and endearored to dlaoom>
eg* Jerome ftom the talk of n M
(q>. dr.), which itemed to him to be dangenoj
and almost profane, Jerome, indeed, did little to
smooth the way for the reception of his work.
The Twlenee and bittemeai of his language is more
like that of the rinl eobolari of the 16th eentory
than of a Christian Father; and there ore few
more touching instances of hnmuity than that of
the young Angoattne bending himself In entire
mbmankm before the oontemptoons and impatient
reproof of the reteren eeholsr (Ep. ezU. ». /.).
Sat eren Aagnetine mold not orercome the force
of early habit To the- hat ha remained felthml
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8466
VULGATE, THE
to the IUlio text which he had lint need; and
while be notion in hie Stlradalionet several fault;
raiding* which be had formerly embraced, he shows
no tendency to substitute generally the New Ver-
sion for the Old." In such cases time is the great
reformer. Clamor based upon jgnoranoe soon dies
away; and the new translation gradually came into
nse equally with the old, and at length supplanted
it. In the 5th century it was adopted in Gaul by
Eucherius of Lyons, Vincent of Lerins, Sedufins
and Claudianua Mamertus (Hody, p. 398); but
the Old Latin was still retained in Africa and
Britain (8nd.). In the 6th century the use of
Jerome's Version was universal among scholars
except in Africa, where the other still lingered
(Junilius); and at the close of it Gregory the
Great, while commenting on Jerome's Version,
acknowledged that it was admitted equally with
the Old by the Apostolic See (Praf. in Job ad
Leandntm), " Novam translationetn dissero, sed at
eomprobationis causa digit, nunc Novara, nune
Veterem, per teatimonia assumo; ut quia sedes
Apoatolica (cui auctore Deo prsB&ideo) utraque
utitur mei quoque labor studii ex utraque fulcia-
tur." But the Old Version was not authorita-
tively displaced, though the custom of the Roman
Church prevailed also in the other churches of the
West Thus Isidore of Seville (De Offic Eecles.
1. IS), after affirming the inspiration of the LXX.,
goes on to recommend the Version of Jerome,
" which," he says, " is used universally, as being
more truthful in substance and more perspicuous
in language." " [Hieronymi] editione generaliter
omnes eccleshe usquequsque utuntur, pro eo qnod
vendor sit in sententiis et clarior in verbis:"
(Hody, p. 409). In the 7th century the traces of
the Old Version grow rare. Julianus of Toledo
(A. D. 676) affirms with a special polemical pur-
pose the authority of the LXX., and so of the
Old Latin; but still he himself follows Jerome
when not influenced by the requirements of con-
troversy (Hody, pp. 405, 406). In the 8th cen-
tury Bede speaks of Jerome's Version as " our
edition " (Hody, p. 408); and from this time it is
needless to trace its history, though the Old Latin
was not wholly forgotten* Yet throughout, the
New Veseion made its way without any direct
ecclesiastical authority. It was adopted in the
different churches gradually, or at least without
any formal command. (Compare Hody, p. 411 ff.
for detailed quotations.)
22. But the Latin Bible whieh thus passed grad-
ually into use under the name of Jerome was a
strangely composite work. The books of the O. T.,
with one exception, were certainly taken from his
version from the Hebrew; bat this had not only
been variously corrupted, but was itself in many
"» When ha quotas ft, ha stems to consider an ex-
planation m i u sssry (J* dottr. On'jt. It. 7, 15): "Ix
linns prophet* libra piittoslmiiin hoe fteaun ....
noa aatem esininliau LXX. m t sr p re ta s, evi ttiam
ipsa amino spirit* iaUrmrttati, at hoc mHur vUmHw
nonnulla dixit—, « ad tpintt i omn tmst sm metis aeV
montrttur Uclorit estmtt'o .... sad stent ax Hebrew
la iAtinom eloqnimn, xeeebytero Hltranjnio utrias-
ns lingua: psrHo lnterptetante, translate sunt" In
Us Rttroctationn there *• no definite reference, as Bur
as I have observed, to Jessme's critical labors. Be
noaeae, however, some ailae readings : lit. I. vB. ; Ps.
xftu. 21 (Ben. vUl. 06); Wled. rUI. 7; Keeks. 1. 2;
M.xht 4; Matt v.22,om. aUMoanaa; Lit H.,idl.;
flats, xx. 17 -.dmdmim Items*.
VULGATE, THE
particulars (especially in the PentateueL at van-
anee with his later judgment. Long use, however
made It impossible to substitute his Psalter frnr
the Hebrew for the GaDioan Psalter; and thus this
book was retained from the Old Version, as Jennie
had corrected it from the LXX. Of the Apocry-
phal books Jerome hastily revised or translated two
only, Judith and Tobit TTie remainder were re-
tained from the Old Version against his judgment,
and the Apocryphal additions to Daniel and Esther,
which he had carefuUv marked as apocryphal in bia
own version, were treated as integral parte of tba
books. A few MS8. of the Bible fiuthiuuy pre-
served the " Hebrew Canon," but the great mass,
according to the general custom of copyists to omit
nothing, included everything which had held a
place in the Old Latin. In the N. T. the only
important addition whieh was frequently interpo-
lated was the apocryphal Epistle to the Laodiceana.
The text of the Gospels was in the main Jerome's
revised edition; that of the remaining books his
very incomplete revision of the Old Latin. Tbna
the present Vulgate contains elements which belong
to every period sod form of the Latin Version —
(1.) Vnrnutd Old Latin: Wisdom, Ecclua., 1, S
Mace., Baruoh. (2.) Old Latin raised from tie
LXX.: Psalter. (».) Jerome' t fret translation
from Ike original teal: Judith, Tobit (4) Je-
rome's transition from Ike Original: O. T. ex-
cept Psalter. (5.) Old Latin revised from Greek
MSS. : Gospels. (6.) Old Latin cursorily re-
vised: the remainder of N. T.
The Revision of Atom. — 23. Mean while the
text of the different parts of the Latin Bible was
rapidly deteriorating. The simultaneous use of the
Old and New versions necessarily led to great cor-
ruptions of both texts. Mixed texts wen formed
according to the taste or Judgment of scribes, and
the confusion was further increased by the changes
whieh were sometimes introduced by those who had
some knowledge of Greek.' From this causa
scarcely any Anglo-Saxon Vulgate MS. of the 8th
or 9th centuries which the writer has "■■"'-H 'u
wholly free from an admixture of old readings.
Several rema rk able examples are noticed below
({ 89); and in rare instances it ia difficult to de-
cide whether the text la not rather a revised Veto*
than a corrupted Vulgata nova (e. g. Brit Una.
Reg. 1. E. vi. ; AdtSL 8,463). As early as the 6th
century, Cassiodorus a t te mp ted • partial revision
of the text (Psalter, Prophets, Epistles) by a colla-
tion of old MSS. But private labor was unable to
check the growing corruption; and in the 8th cen-
tury this had arrived at each a height, that it at-
tracted the attention of Cbaiagnagne. Charle-
magne at once sought a remedy, and uihuah.il to
Alcuin (eir. a. d. 802) the task of revisiag the
s Thus Bade, spssHnf of a contemporary abbes,
says that he increased the library of two BKnastsrlss
with peat seal, "its ut tret Pandntas" (the name
for the eouseaea of the Holy Berlpraret adopted by
Aknrin, la place of BMutktrm) "nova) traaslaBo-
nla ad name ntu s u a trawls Meals, qaam da Boms
attalarat, Ipse sn paiaujaiig erst . . . ." (Hody, a.
409).
e Jerome nonces tills fruitful soaree of srrar: "8!
quid pro studio ex latere addltnm eat bob debet pen.
In corpora, ne prlorem traaalstkaam pro scifbentttn
vehmtete eonturbat" (.&>. erl. ad San, st Fut.)
Bade, WalaMd 8trabo, and others, oomplaln of tat
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VUI/OATB, THB
Utin test for public on. This AJculn appears to
here done limply by the use of MSS. of the Vul-
rate, mud not by reference to the original texU
(Potion, Letter *i. to TVrrtu, p. 149). . The pas-
tures which are adduced by Hody to prove his fa-
miliarity with Hebrew, are in fact only quotation
from Jerome, and he certainly left the text unal-
tered, at lemat in one place where Jerome pointi out
Its inaccuracy (Gen. xxv. 8). a The patronage of
Charlemagne gave a wide currency to the revision
ef AknrJn, and aneral MSS. remain which claim to
date immediately from hit time.' According to a
wry hi— i table statement, Charlemagne waa more
than a patron of aacred criticism, and himself de-
toted the hut year of hie life to the correction of
the Gospea "with the help of Greeks and Syr-
ians " (Van Baa, p. 169, quoting Theganus, Script.
But. Franc, ii. »77).«
M. However this may be, it is probable that
Aferdn's revision contributed much towards pre-
terring a good Vulgate text. The best MSS- of
his r e c en si on do not diner widely from the pure
Hieronymian text, and his authority must have
done much to check the spread of the interpolations
which reappear afterwards, and which were derived
from the intermixture of the Old and New Versions.
VULGATE, THB
84G7
Examples of readings which aeem to be due to htm
occur: Deut i. 9, add. goHtvdmcm; vcniurtiuu.
for -ctit; id. 4, atctndiimu, for atcauUvnu; ii
24, in nvmu (eyi, for in mnnut turn ; lv. 83, viditti,
for vixitti ; vL 13, ipti, add. toU ; xv. 9, oculot, om.
(not.- xvii. 30, JUiiu, tarJUU: xx. 6, add. vementr
xxvi. 16, at, for tt But the new revision was
gradually deformed, though later attempts at cor-
rection were made by Lanfranc of Canterbury (a. d.
1089, Hody, p. 416), Card. Nicolaus (A. d. 1160),
and the Cistercian Abbot Stephanus (cir. A. D.
1160). In the 13th century Corrtctoria were
drawn up, especially In France, in which varieties
of reading were discussed ; d and Roger Bacon com-
plains loudly of the confusion which was iutroduced
into the » Common, that is the Parisian copy,"
and quotes a false reading from Hark viii. 38,
where the correctors bad substituted confeuut for
cmfumt (Hody, pp. 419 IE). Little more was done
for the text of the Vulgate till the invention of
printing ; and the name of Leurentius Valla (cir.
1460) alone deserves mention, as of one who de-
voted the highest powers to the criticism of Holy
Scripture, at a time whan such studies were litthj
esteemed.*
V. THB HlSTORT OF THB PBDtTBD TEXT. —
■ Hieroa. Quail, in Gen. xxv. 8 ; Comm. At Be-
an. Ix. 466; ibid. xtl. 490.
• Among than Is that known as Oharlemagns's Ill-
Ms, Brit. Mum. Add. 10,646, which has been described
by Hag, Stmt. } 131 Another Is In the library of the
Oratory a* Borne (comp. { 80, Cod. D). A third U in
the Imperial library at Paris. All of these, however,
in later than the age of Charlemagne, and date prob-
ably from the time of Charles the Bald, a. b. 876.
' Mr. H. Braeshaw suggests that this statement de-
rives seme oonnrmaoon from the prelkee which Charle-
magne edited to the octlecaon of Homluas arranged
bjr Paolo* Dhwonus, fat which bespeaks "of the pains
which be had taken to set the church books to
rights." A copy of this coUecoon, with the Preface
(xlth cent.), I* pi u e ui le d In the Library of St. Peter's
CeiLOambr.
• Vereeuooe has given the leadings of three VaU-
esa Comturim, and refers to his own essay upon
them hi Ami ante ftmlif. JLcmd. Rom. «fi Atdtmlogia,
xtv. Them Is a Cemcloriar* la Brit. Am*. Beg. 1 A,
vUL
• The divisions of the Latin Versions Into atpitulm
wen very various. C s ssl od o rns (t 680 A. »■) mentions
an ancient division of some books existing in his time
C Oeteteueh! [■'. «. Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, Ruth]
Utulee . . . ercdldunus Imprlinandos a majorlbus nos-
Ms ordme eurrente descriptor " Be hut. Div. Litl.
.), end In other books (1, 2 Chron., the books of Solo-
jam\ he himself made a corresponding division. Je-
rome mennoas capitate, bat the ssetlons which he In-
dkaesj do not seem to establish the existence of say
generally received arrmagemeat; and the variety of
the i lalhrisHie la the bast editing MSB. of his ver-
slsa proves that no one method of subdMakm could
ekest hie authority. The divisions which an given
la MSB. oorrevpood with the summary of contents by
which she several books em pranced, and vary eoa-
ejserahtr m length. They ere called lDduorlmmatelT
r m/ it u lm , tnret, KraR. MarrJsnay, in hie edition of
the Banssstsea, gfves a threefold arrangement, and se-
nt tense le the three ssveral divisions .
1 timet, xrrl brevet lxxxil («
But while Jerome doss not appear to
■are Ixed eay division of the Bible Into chapters, he
ilisngsl she text la Once (eersw, e-Wgot) for oonven-
eaes at reading and mt wpretatt on ; and the lines
I fat marked groups (mnnftra, «Aa|. In
it farther arrsngiieset marked the
psrelleUsm of the answering el s u s e s (Martianey, IV*»
Its lv. Jd Die. BM.). The number of Unas ( utiles )
Is variously given in difhraat MSS. (Oomp. Vercellone,
Vmr. Lett. App. ad Jot.) For the origin of the preeeat
division of the Vulgate, see Bou, 1. 807 aw
An abstract of the capituUt and ecraw given In the
Alouin MS., known as " Charlemagne's Bible" (Brit.
Mos. Addlt 10,8*8), wUl give a saasfiutory Idee, of the
contents, nomenclature, and arrangement of the best
copies of the Latin Bible.
BpistoU ad Peullnum. Pnefhoo.
Brrtii, i. e. OeacsM, eapp. Ixxxil. babet verses BL ma.
SUamotk, I. e. Bad—, eapp. cxxxvllil. V. HI
l*ri tiau, Uebralce
foucra- . eapp. lxxxrUli. V. B. OOO.
Numeti . . eapp. lxxvUli. habst vera, nusar. Is.
Addabanm, Grace
D tmtm miomimn eapp. dv. habst vers. tt. SO.
Pnenvrlo Jeau Nana at Judicnm.
Jomtn Bm Nun . eapp. xxxUI. habet vers. L souk
Sofiwt, 1. e. AdM em ,
(liber) . . . eapp. xvlll. habst vera. nunv.
I. DOOL.
Ruth nose, habst ver. nam. eSV
Presfkuo (Prologue galeetus).
Samidul {Region), Ub.
prim. . . . eapp. xxvt habet I em as, B. ess.
SumuM {Return), lib.
see. ... eapp. xvlll. habet venros, n. OS
■Miilwsaii, 1. e. Rtgum,
Ub. tart. eapp. xvUU.
(fee xvtU.) habst vers. E. >.
MmlaeMm, L e. Rtgum,
Ub. quart. . cess. xvn. habet leases S. ocv
Prologns.
ieatas
Prologas.
gmeiiei (with Urn. sad
Prayer) . .
Prologue.
Hirterkett (-W)
iMM ,
Out, JoHel, Amot, Ascites,
Jonat, Mteku, Naum,
Jtatut, SopJkcniat, At-
geut, Zeeeartet, Jsa'a-
ce>a> am
Protogat.
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8468
VULGATE, THE
■5. It wh a nolile omen for the future progress of
printing that the first book which issued from the
press was the Bible; and the splendid pages of the
Mazarin Yulgste (Mainz, Gutenburg and Fust)
stand yet unsurpassed by the latest efforts of typog-
raphy. This work is referred to about the year
1465, and presents the common text of the 16th
century. Other editions followed in rapid succes-
sion (the first with a date, Mainz, 1462, Fust and
Schoifler), but they offer nothing of critical interest.
The first collection of various readings appears in a
Paris edition of 1504, and others followed at Venice
and Lyons in 1511, 1513; but Cardinal Ximenes
(1503-1517) was the first who seriously revised the
Latin text (".... contulimus cum quamplu-
riniis ezemplaribus venerande vetustatis; ted his
maxime, qua: in publics Complutensis nostra
Universitatis bibliotheca reconduntur, qua supra
ootingentesimum abhino annum litteris Gothicis
conscript*, ea sunt sinceritate ut nee apicis lapsus
noasit in eis deprehendi," Praf.)*, to which he
assigned the middle place of honor in his Polyglott
Jet none. v. L boo.
Orlgo Froph. David, Prssfatio.
liber Ptaknontm (Qallkan)
sons, habst tt. t.
Xpist. ad Ohrool. et Heltod.
liber Brnvertriontm capp. lx. habet versus I. ooexx.
Eeclttiattci . . capp. xxxl- none.
Cantica Canticontm . none, habat Terras ocixxx.
Iibar SapUntut capp. xlrlil. habst Terras I. SCO.
EccUsituticui . capp. exxrU. habet Terras a. booo.
Prattatlo.
Dabmamm, lib. prim. none. nab. (ale)
Prntdypominon (lib.
>•>
nous, habst Tsrsus f . son.
■ habet
1x1.1
It. -
VULGATE, THE
between the Hebrew and Greek texts [coop. Xa.»
TESTAMsarr, Bi. 2128 1], The Complolsnslia text
is said to be more correct than those which pre.
ceded it, but still it is rery far from being pore.
This was followed in 1628 (id edition 1689) by an
edition of K. Stephens, who had bastowed great
wins upon the work, consulting three MSS. of
ligh character and the earlier editions, bat as yet
the best materials were not open for use. About
the same time various attempts were made to cor-
rect the Latin from the original texts (Erasmus,
1516; » Pagninus, 1518-88; Card. Cajetanua;
Steuchlus, 1639; CUrlus, 1649), or area to make
a new Latin version (Jo. Campensis, 1588). A
more important edition of R. Stephens foll owed is
1540, in which he made use of twenty MSS. and
introduced considerable alterations into his former
text. In 1541 another edition was published by
Jo. Benedictus at Paris, which was based on the
collation of MSS. and editions, and was often
reprinted afterwards. TereeUone spa "
more highly of the BibSa Ordmaria, with |
Fnsfatio.
liber Ana . . .
Prologus.
Hour (with sdd.)
PisHstln
Tooiai ....
Prologue.
Juditk ....
liber tkaekabr. prim.
Maekatr. liber sec.
Pnsf. sd Damssum.
Argumsntum.
Osnonati
iPrologos.
Kauktut . . capp. lml. habet vers. B. BOO.
Mareut . . . capp. xlvt habet v. I. BOO.
, • capp. lxxIB. Ten. Til. BOOS.
> . eapp. xxxT. van. I. boos.
lib. Actuam Apost. capp. lxxiltt. habet vara. ST. BO.
Prologus esptem Bpistolarom Oan.
■pilU. Sd. Joxobi . eapp. XX. none.
Bptstl. Set. Pttri prim. eapp. xx. —
Bplatl. Set. Petri tee. eapp. xt
Kpistl. Set. Jok. print, espp. xx. —
Epiitl. Bel. Jok. tte. . eapp. T. —
Bplatl. Set. Jok. tert. . eapp. vi.
Bplatl. &l. Jvd. . . capp. Til.
Bpla. ad Romano* eapp. II. habet Terras BOOOUU.
Bpla. ad Cor. prim. eapp. lxxll. none.
Bpla. ad Cor. tee. capp. ixrlll. habet vers, osxon.
Bpla. ad Qalatkat eapp. xxxril. habet Terras oaxm.
Bpla. ad EpKaioe eapp. xxxl. habet Tarsus oocxrn.
Bpla. ad Fk&ppenta eapp. xvttH. none.
■ph. ad Tkeu. prim. eapp. xxr. habst Terras cexm.
Behf ad Tkeu. tec eapp. TflU. none.
Bpla. ad CoUamttt eapp. xxxl. none.
Bpla. ad Tim. prim. eapp. xxx. vers, ccxxx.
Sola, ad Tim. tte. eapp. xxr. none.
Bpla. ail TU. . . . eapp. x. none.
Bpla. ad PmOem. . eapp. ML l
Bpla. ad Htbr. eapp. xxxviBI. none.
Bpla. ad L a o di m mtn none. none.
Apocalypta . . eapp. xxr. habst Terras I. :
An argvmeniam Is glreo beftn* each at the hooka
of the N. T. except the Catholic Bpistlas and the Bpts-
tla to the Taortlnsans, sad the whole MS. elosas wKa
sixty-eight hexameter Latin veisss
The divisions sgres generally with Ait. Mat. Hart.
2806, sad Lamottk 8, 4. In the TaUiealnsn Ateafa
MS. (eomp. p. 8474 B) the apoerjphal A>. » ato Lao-
dicean* is not found ; but It oeems ia the same posi-
tion in me gnat Bible la the King s library (1 B. tB.
viiL), with four eapitmla.
Many examples of the varloaa giat uu s into capitulm
an given at length by Tbomssins, Optra, i. ad. Tea-
ms!, Romrn, 1747. The difisicas of the principal
M88. which the writer has arammed an given be-
low, { 80.
Bentley gtvas the Billowing stWiisushj fossa Cast
S angerm . (g) : —
Bp. ad Bom., Str&ta dt Ckmiatka. Ttr
(so two other of B.I MSB.),
ad Oor. L, Seriate dt PUbpu. •arse
ad Oor. U., ccneta ah mafdomia. Yet
mix. (iao).
ad Galai.,
oclxiuxo. (ale).
ad Bpbaa,
ad Bebr., StrOta dt Soma.
No Tarsal an given from this MB. far the etnas
books.
a The copy which Is hen aDodsd to is stm In me
Horary at Alexia, bnt the wrUar la net awan that f
has bean raixamlned by any soholax. Then is alas a
second copy of the Vulgate of the 19th cent A Bat
of Biblical MBS. at Alexia Is given la Dr. Ti ageism
Priaud Tax of K 1\, pp. 16-18.
6 Brssmus Umself wished to publish the lathe text
as he found tt in MSS. ; bat be was daawaded by the
sdvke of a friend, " urgent rather theu win » (« aaaav
eooaUUs trnpsebat Tanas easts Mb/bas "l
Philip, KraXa ah arts Berne, fttwi
Ooloss., Scribta dt arts Bamo. Ttnt
These. L, Soipta dt Atamss. ferai
These. B., Script* e» arts Soma. Fi
ovm.
Tim. i., ScriUa dt Umditia. Tern
Tim. IL, Script* a Ktma. Tan
Tit., Seripta dt Hitopotm. Ym
PhDsm., Strata dt arts Bama. Yi
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VULGATE, THE
etc., published at Lyons, 1546, m giving readings
in accordance with tin oldest MSS., though the
sources from which they are derived are not given
(Carta Ltd. xcix.). The course of controversy
to the 16th century exaggerated the importance of
the difleraneea in the text and interpretation of the
Vulgate, and the confusion called for aome remedy.
An authorised edition became a neenaity tor the
Romiah Church, and, however gravely later theo-
logiana may hart erred in explaining the poller or
Intention* of the Tridentine Fathers on this point,
there can be no doubt that (letting aside all refer-
ence to the original texts) the principle of their
eesJaton — the preference, that is, of the oldest
Latin text to any later Latin Tendon — was suh-
stautlaly right"
Tkt Sixth* and CUmtmlint Vulgata.— 26.
The first session of the Council of Trent was held
on Dee. 11th, 1548. After some preliminary
ansageaoents the mesne Creed was formally pro-
mulgated as the foundation of toe Christian faith
on Feb. 4th, 1646, and then the Council proceeded
to the question of the authority, text, and inter-
pretation of Holy Scripture. A committee was
appointed to report upon the subject, which held
private meetings (ram Feb. 90th to March 17th.
Considerable varieties of opinion existed as to the
relative value of the original and Latin texts, and
the final decree was intended to serve as a com-
prombe.* This was made on April 8th, 1546, and
consisted of two parts, the first of which contains the
list of the canonical books, with the usual anathema
on those who refuse to receive it; while the second.
'• On the Edition and Use of the Sacred Books,"
contains no anathema, so that its contents are not
articles of faith.* The wording of the decree itself
contains several marks of the controversy from
which it arose, and admits of a for more liberal
construction than later glosses have affixed to it.
In affirming the authority of the ' CMd Vulgate ' it
contains no estimate of the value of the original
texts. The question decided is simply the relative
merits of the current Latin versions ("si ex
omnibus Latinis venionibus quae eirenmferuntur
...."), and this only in reference to public
exercises. The object contemplated is the advan-
tage (utilitas) of the Church, and not anything
essential to its constitution. It was further en-
acted, as a check to the license of printers, that
" Holy S c riptur e, bat uptaiaUy the old sad com-
mon (Vulgate) edition (evidently without excluding
toe original texts), should be printed as correctly
as possible." In spite, however,, of the compara-
tive caution of the decree, and the interpretation
which was affixed to It by the highest authorities,
it was received with little fovor, and the want of a
standard text of the Vulgate practically left the
VULGATE, THE
8469
question ss unsettled as before. The decree itself
was made by men little fitted to anticipate the
difficulties of textual criticism, but afterwards these
were found to be so great that for some Line it
seemed that no authorized edition would appear.
The theologians of Belgium did something to meet
the want. In 1647 the first edition of Hentenius
appeared at Louvain, which had very considerable
influence upon later copies. It was based upon
the collation of Latin MSS. and the Stephanie
edition of 1540. In the Antwerp Polyglott of
1668-1573 the Vulgate was borrowed from the
Coniplutensian (VeroeUone, Var. Lea. ci.); but
in the Antwerp edition of the Vulgate of 1678-74
the text of Hentenius was adopted with copious
additions of readings by Lucas Brugenus. This
last was designed as the preparation and temporary
substitute for the Papal edition : indeed it may be
questioned whether It was not put forth aa the
"correct edition required by the Tridentine de-
cree" (comp. Lucas Brag. ap. VeroeUone, oil.).
But a Papal board was already engaged, however
desultorily, upon the work of revision. The earliest
traee of an attempt to realise the recommendations
of the Council is found fifteen years after it was
made. In 1561 Paulus Hanutius (son of Aldus
Manntius) was invited to Rome to superintend the
printing of -Latin and Greek Bibles (Vereellone,
Var. Led. etc., i. Prol. xix. n.). During that
year and the next several scholars (with Suietus
at their head) were engaged in the revision of the
text. In the pontificate of Pius V. the work was
continued, and Si rictus still took a chief part in it
(1669, 1670, VerceUoue, U e. xx. n.), but it was
currently reported that the difficulties of publishing
an authoritative edition were insuperable. Nothing
further was done towards the revision of the Vul-
gate under Gregory XIII., but preparations were
made for an edition of the LXX. This appeared
in 1587, in the second year of the pontificate of
Sixtus V., who had been one of the chief promoters
of the work. After the publication of the LXX.,
Sixtus immediately devoted himself to the produc-
tion of an edition of the Vulgate. He was him-
self a scholar, and his imperious genius led him to
face a task from which others had shrunk. " He
bad felt," he says, " from his first accession to the
papal throne (1685), great grief, or even indigna-
tion (indigne fereutea), that the Tridentine decree
was still unsatisfied ; " and a board was appointed,
under the presidency of Card. Carafe, to arrange
the materials and oner suggestions for an edition.
Sixtus himself revised the text, rejecting or con-
firming the suggestions of the board by his absolute
judgment; and when the work was printed ho
examined the sheets with the utmost oars, and
oorrected the errors with his own hand.'' The
a BeUararin Justly Insists on this fast, which haa
lean strangely overlooked in later controversies (£•
Fiteo Dti, x. ap. Tan las, J 27): "Nee entm Fatres
tridental] (bottom ullam mentionem fecerunt- Bed
solum ex tot latinis versUmlbufl, qua) nunc otrcma-
ajruntar, unam dswgerunt, quam ceteris anteponemt
.... anttqaam norls, probatam loago usa reosottr
bns adhne, ee at sis loquar, crudls . . . . "
ft The original authorioes an collected and given
as length by Van has, f 17.
• Insnpsr aadnn Suroaaneta Synodus eonsktsrans
job panim utXtatu acoeder* posse eccleahs Dei, si ex
snusfbus ftstmis editioolbns, qua ctrenmfcrantur
■aaroram llbroram, qasjaam pro anthenaee habenda
sit, hsnotescat, ststoit st declare*, at haw ipsa vstus
at vulgata sdido, qua) longo tot seealorum usa in Ipsa
ecoktsla probata est, In jmoJuif lecttoolbus, dlsputa-
tfcmlbus, pnedloatlonlbos at exposloonlbus pro aa-
thentica habeator ; et nt nemo luam rejfeera quovte
prastextu audeat vel prasnunat, . . . . Bsd at lmpres-
soribus modam. .... imponere volens. • . • * do
merit et statuit at posthao sacra scripture potiummm
I vero ban Ipsa vetoa et vulgata •ditto qaam ernsmta-
destine Imprimatur. . .
a° The original words are both intsrastlng and ha
portent: "Nos .... Iperas Apostolorum Principal
aoctoritale oouW . . . naudqnaquam gravael
sumua .... hunc qnoqus non uM&wrrsm seeurata
locubrationls laborsm soscipsre, atqos ea onusa
parlegsn qus> ahi mllacsrant ant asnssrsnt, diver
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8470
VULGATE, THB
tdition appeared in 1690. with Ike famous consti-
tution j£ttrmu iUa (dated Much lit, 1589) pre-
fixed, in which Sixtus affirmed with characteristic
decision the plenarj authority of the edition for all
future time. '• By the fullneei of Apostolical
power " (such are his word*) " we decree and de-
clare that this edition .... approved by the
authority delivered to n* by the Lord, la to be
received and held as true, lawful, authentic, and
unquestioned, in all public nnd private discussion,
reading, preaching, and explanation." « He further
forbade expressly the publication of various read-
ings in copies of the Vulgate, and pronounced that
all readings in other editions and MSS. which vary
from those of the revised text " are to have no
credit or authority for the future " (ea in iis quae
huic nostra edition! nan .oonsenserint, nullam in
posterum fidem, nullamque auctoritatem habitura
esse deeernimus). It was also enacted that the
new revision should be introduced into all missals
and service-books; and the greater excommunica-
tion was threatened against all who in any way
contravened the constitution. Had the life of Sixtua
been prolonged, there is no doubt but that bis iron
will would have enforced the changes which he
thus peremptorily proclaimed; but he died in Aug.
1690, and those whom he bad alarmed or offended
took immediate measures to binder the execution
of his designs. Nor was this without good reason.
He had changed the readings of those whom he
had employed to report upon the text with the most
arbitrary and unskillful hand ; and it was scarcely
an exaggeration to say that his precipitate " self-
reliance had brought the Church into the most
serious peril." * During the brief pontificate of
Urban VI I. nothing could be done; but the reaction
was not long delayed.
On the accession of Gregory XIV. some went
so far as to propose that the edition of Sixtus
should be absolutely prohibited; but BeUarinin
suggested a middle course. He proposed that
serum lectionum ratfones perpendere, sanctorum doo-
torum sentential reeognoecen : quss quibus antefe-
renda assent dfjudlcan, adeo ut In hoc labortoelaalma)
emendatioiiis eurriculo, in quo opersm quotjdianam,
samque pluribus hoiis collocandam daxunus, aUorum
qutdem labor fuerlt in coosulendo, nostar autem in eo
quod ex plurtbus asset optimum deligendo ; Its tuneo
ut veterem mulus In Boekwia abhlno iseenlis nceptam
leottanem omnino rstinuerlmus. Novam tnfeena Tvpo-
gxephiam In Apostolico Vatieeno Palatio nostro ....
sxstruxlmus . . . . ut In sa mmsnitatum Jam Biblio-
rum volumen exoudsratur ; eaque res quo magts
lncorrupte parnoeratur, nostra nos lpst mann eorrexl-
mus, si qua pnelo vltla obrspaerant, at qua confuaa
sut Stella eonfundt poeae videbantur .... disunxi-
nos" (Body, p. 486 ; Van a», p. 278).
a " .... ex carta nostra sclentte, deque Apes-
olfec potastatts plenitudrae ststutmus ae declaramua,
asm Tulgatam aacne, tarn vetsrn, quam novi Tasta-
msntl paginal Lacinam sdltionem, quss pro autbanttea
s ConoiUo Trldentlno rsoapta est, etna ulla dubitatiooa,
aut eontroversla oenasndam ease banc Ipsam, quam
auno, prout optima fieri poterft, emendatem et In
Taticana Typogrephia impraasam In univeraa Chrkv
uena BepubUca, atque In omnibus Chrieuanl orUs
BoclasUa lagandam evulgamua, deoamsntaseam . . . .
pro vara, logiuma, auttaantka at Indubitata, tu omnl-
bua pubUrts prlvattaqoa dlsputetlonlbus, Iscttoolbus,
prasdtraUonibus, et axplanaaontbui rsclplendses et
b Bellaimln to Clement Tin. : « Novtt baatitudo
reefem cul sa totamque acclasiam dlscrlmtni oonualaerit
SUtos Y. dum juaua propria Hottrwe jmsas saoromm
VULGATE, THE
the erroneous alterations of the text which him
beau made in It ("qua* malt mutnta cant")
u should be corrected with all possible speed and
the Bible reprinted under the name of Sixtua, with
a prefatory note to the effect that errors (ahquat
errahi) had crept into the former edition by txae>
carelessness of the printers." • This pious tread,
or rather daring falsehood, 1 * for it can be called by
no other name, found Savor with those in power.
A commission wss appointed to revise the Sixtine
text, under the presidency of the n.»«tm.l Oolounsv
(Columna). At first the oomnussionen made but
slow progress, and it seemed likely that •
would elapse before the revision was
(UngarelU, in Vercellone, Proleg. bin.). " That
mode of proceedings was therefore changed, end thai
commission moved to Zagarolo, the co un try atari
of Colonna; and, if we may believe the inscription
which still commemorates the event, and the car
rent report of the time, the work was completed in
nineteen days. But even if it can be shown that
the work extended over six months, it is obvious
that there wee no time for the ■— i— "frn of new
authorities, but only for making a rapid revision
with the help of the materials already <«Jlf«*/»<
The task was hardly finished when Gregory died
(Oct 1691), end the publication of the revised text
was again delayed. HI* successor, Innocent IX,
died within the same year, and at the '"y*"""?.
of 1693 Clement VIII. was raised to the popedom.
Clement entrusted the final revision of the text to
Toletus, and the whole was printed by Aldus
Hanutius (the grandson) before the end of 1594.
The Preface, which is moulded apon that of Sixtaa,
was written by Bellarmin, and is favorably distin-
guished from that of Sixtus by its temperance and
even modesty. The text, it is said, had been pre-
pared with the greatest care, and though not abso-
lutely perfect was at least (what is no idle boast)
more correct than that of any former edition.
Some readings indeed, it it allowed, had, though
MbUorum amendattow
an graviue unquam parleulum oecurrarlt " (Tan ens,
p. 290).
e The following- 1* the original passage quoted by
Tan Ess from the mat edition of BaUamma Aadtt-
Moanmay (p. 891), anno 1691 : "Com Oregorros XJT.
ocgltarst quid agendum asset da bJblne a Stats T.
edicts, in quibus scant | a vm fmptrem axetfato, ana
descent vlrf graves, qui oeeaarat aa buna aasa pnb-
Um prahibenda, sad N. (Bailaisalaas) euraaa pontmca
dsDxmatnvit, btbUa lua nan ssss ptymlbanda, est esss
its corrigenda, ut salvo honors Burtl Y. prniaMcte bibba
Ula wnandata proaerantur, quod Herat si quam ceier-
lima tollerentur esas male auKala eramt, el bibtta
racuderentur sub nomine ajuadaan 8UU,
pnanHncw qua s lg ii Hus ieini in ;
era ftttmmiuMt irrrmmem etjswe mat*, vol t is taua -
pnorom vel alicrum mettrla, at ale BJ. taaatent antes
pontiflci bona pro malls." The last were* saser to
8Uta»'annrtaniiaitinnafatbaakofBalBirinhi,mwBkai
he denied "Pepsin esss donunum i llii ss s n toons
orbls ; " and it was this whole pssssge, and not the
Prefcee to the Clemen tins Vulgate, which cost Bellar-
min bis oanooisaaon (Tan Baa, Iran the arlgbasl doc-
uments, pp. 291-S18). tt will be obasrrad that Bel
larmln first daserlbss the errors of the BUone edinar
really as dehaemte alteration*, and then prepssss tt
raprsaant tbam as oven.
d The evidsnes ro lle r t ad by Tan Bas {pp. 385 fiV
and even tba cautious adma a uon* of UnaarHH aad
Vercellone (pp. xxxtx-xllv.), wttl pram that this hut
guaga is not too strong.
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VULGATE, TUB
nong, teen loft unchanged, to avoid popular
iflenat* Bat yet even ben BeHarmin did not
scruple to repeat the notion of the intention of
Sixtus to recall nil edition, which itill disgraces
the front of the Soman Vulgate by an apology no
Ion needless than untrue. 6 Another edition fol-
lowed in 1693, and a third in 1598, with a triple
Bat of errata, one for each of the three edition!
Other editione wen afterwards published at Rome
(camp. Veroellone, civ.), but with then corrections
the history of the authorised text properly oon-
VULGATB, THE
3471
97. The respective merits of the Sixtine and
Clementine edition! ban been often debated. In
r° it of mechanical accuracy, the Sixtine Menu to
clearly luperior (Van Eat, 865 ff.), but Van
En baa allowed himself to be misled in the esti-
mate which he gins of the critical value of the
Sixtine reading!. The collections lately published
by VereeUone « place in the clearest light the strange
and uncritical node in which Status dealt with the
evidence and results submitted to him. The rec-
ommendations of the Sixtine correctors an marked
by singular wisdom and critical tact, and in almost
every ease where Sixtua depart! from them he is in
error. Thia vrfll be evident from a collation of
the reading! in a few chapter! as given by Vered-
lone. Thus in the first four chapters of Genesis
the 8ixtine correctors an right against Sixtua : i.
8, 97, 81; U. 18, 90; iii. 1, 11, 19, 17, 91, 92; ir.
J, 5, 7, 8, 9, 18, 18, 19; and on the other hand
a This fact Bsllarmin puts in stronger light when
writing to Lucas BrugensU (1608) to acknowledge bin
eritlosl ooUaoons on the text of the Vulgate ; " De
Uballo ad me misao gmtiaa ago, sed solas velim biblla
vulgata mm esse a nobis accar&uastme oastigata, multa
enim de Industrie Justis de canals pertranalrimus, qua)
correction* Indigere videbantur."
» The original text of the passages hen referred to
la fall of internet: « Sixtua T opus tandem
eonreotum typU mandarl Juasit. Quod oum Jam •
ueusum at at in lueem emltteratur, Idem Pontitex
operam daret [implying that the edition was not pub-
Hahed], anlmadvartens non pauoa In Sacra Biblla preli
vitta Irrapoisse, quae iterate diUgenUa indigere videren-
tur, totnm opus sub Inoudem revooandum cenaolt
Oqua decravtt [of this there Is not the faintest shadow
ef proof] Aeetpe igitur, Christiana leotor
.... ax Vatican* typographia vetaram ae vulgatam
i aerlpturae edlttouem, quanta fieri potull dili-
quam quldem stout omnibus
numeria aheolutam, pro humane ImbeoUUtate agtrmara
draVUe est, ita ceteris omnibus quae ad banc usque
diem prodierunt cmeudattorem, purioramque esse,
minima dnbitandum In bao tamen parvulgata
lectiooe siout nonnulla oonaulto mutate, ita etiam
alia, quae mutanda vMebantur, oonaulto Inunuteta
raUeta sunt, torn quod ita faciendum esse ad ofiknslo-
nam popalorum vttandam 8. Hteronymus non semel
admoouit turn quod . . . ." The candor of these
words eon treats strangely wish the ftUy of later efcass-
pknsaf the edition.
In aonsequenoa of a very amusing mistranslation
•fa-phrase of Hug, It has bean commonly stated in
xtngland mat this Preface goaastf, Instead of coal,
tallanam his oanonisatton: (Hug, SmL 1. 400,
"Welohe ihn urn seine Heiugspreohung gebraoht
aaban soil"). The real offense lay in the words
lasted above (p. 8170, note c).
c The most Important of usee is the Codex Cora-
.Io n m , a copy of the Antwerp edition of 1688, with
(as MS. oormotioao of the Sixtine board. Tnis was
Sixtua Is right against the correctors in L 15. Tat
Gregorian correctors, therefore (whose results an
given in the Clementine edition), in the main aim
ply restored readings adopted by the Sixtine board
and rejected by Sixtua. In the book of Deuteron-
omy the Clementine edition follows the Sixtine
correctors when it diners from the Sixtine edition :
i. 4, 19, 31; ii. 91; Ir. 6, 89, 98, 80, 33, 89; v.
94; vi.4; viii.l; is. 9; x.8; jd. 8; xli. 11, 12,18,
etc.; and every change (except probably vi.4; xil.ll,
19) is right; while on the other hand in the same
chapters then are, as far as I have observed, only
two instances of variation without the authority of
the Sixtine correctors (xi. 10, 89). But in point
of fact the Clementine edition em by excess of cau-
tion. Within the same limits It follow! Sixtua
against the correctors wrongly in ii 83; lit. 10, 12.
18, 18, 19, 90; iv. 10, 11, 38, 42; vi. 8; xl. 28;
and in the whole book admits In the following pae-
sagee arbitrary changes of Sixtus: iv. 10; v. 24;
vi. 18; xil. 16, 83; xviii. 10, 11; xxix. 23." In
the N. T., as the report of the Sixtine correctors
has not yet been published, it is impossible to say
how far the same law holds good ; but the follow-
ing comparison of the variations of the two editions
in continuous passages of the Gospels and Epistles
will show that the Clementine, though not a pun
text, is yet very far purer than the Sixtine, which
often gives Old Latin readings, and sometimes
appears to depend simply on patriatie authority •
(i. e. pp.IL): —
found by Ungaralll In the library of the Roman Col-
lege of 88. Blaise and Charles. Comp. TarsaUons,
Pr*J XL
•I The common statement that the Clementine edi-
tion follows the revision of Alouin, while the Sixtine
glvee the true text of Jerome, is apparently a man
conjectural a s se rti on. In Deuteronomy, Sixtus gives
the Alcuinlan reading in tee following passages: 1. 19 ;
lv. 80, 88 ; xxf . 6 ; and I have not observed one pas-
sage when the Clementine text ogress with that of
Aiculn unless that of Sixtus does also.
Paseeges have been taken from the Pentateuch, be-
cause In that VereeUone has given complete and trust-
worthy matsrlsls. The first book of Samuel, in which
the later corruptions en very extensive, gives results
generally of the same character. Gnat and obvious
interpolations an prop on ed both in the Sixtine and
Clementine editions: lv.l; v.fl; x.1; xlll.16; xtr
22, 41; xv. 8,12; xvtt.88; xx. 16 (chiefly from the
LXX.). The Sixtine text gives the old reeding dis-
placed from the Clementine: 111. 2,8; Iv 1, 4; vn.
10 (I) ; Ix. 1 (f ), 26- The OlemeathM Ketone the old
reading against SUtusi L9.19; ii. 11, 17, 26, 80 ; tv.
9(1), (21); vt 9; lx.7; x.12; xU. 8,11, 16, 28; xitt.
18; xlv. 2 ft), 14, 16. Thus In fifteen ehapten Clem-
ent alone (Ives the old readings sixteen tunes, Sixtus
alone fin tunes. VereeUone, In the second part of
hie Variss Leotionoo, which wee published after this
article was printed, promises a special discussion of the
Interpo lations of 1 Sam., which warn, aa might have
been /tQ/txJ*A~ expunged by the Sixtine oomctors.
Vsqffollona ad 1 Beg. It. 1.
' The variations between the Sixtine and Clemen
tine editions wan collated by T. Jamas, BcUum papal*,
s. concordia diteon .... Land. 1800 ; and mom com
pletely, with a collation of the Clementine editions,
by H. de Bukratop, Ita eh hue, lib. 111. pp. 816 ff.
VereeUone, correcting earlier orlttes, reckons that Use
»_ol« number of variations b e t wee n the two nvtei:ss)
U about 8,0% (ProUfg. xlvUL ■»«-).
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8472
VULGATE, THH
Matt. LB voeautur (pp. ILL
— Toeabnnt
tt. e,Juda(gat M. ate.).
— Jod*.
18, eurge, aeeipe (•).
— eurga at aeeipe.
ML 2, approplnquebit (It.
— anproptsquavlt.
17), (MSB. Gelllo.
PP-1L).
8, da qno dictum eat
— qal dletaa eat
(ml. It).
M, amorle (Text.).
^MMno.
tr. 8, ut tollant (Jt).
—at. . . .tolknt
7, Jeeus rarjom.
—Jama: Buraum.
It, naHhaaqtam. etc.).
— Gallia*.
NLambuaibettf).
— aadabat
v. 11, voble nominee (sat
— voble.
dud. ate.).
SO, abided* (T).
— abaekle.
49, injodlelo(lt).
— judkao.
Tt 7, ath. nuslunt (It).
— atbnleL
80, «nlm (It.).
— antam.
— nt non JudkamlnL
nollt* oondemnan
at noa coMcmna-
Mmlnl (TL
4, Una, ftatat (It pp.
— sine.
u>
St, a dm omnae (it pp.
— a em.
IL).
36, eupn (pp. U. toL
— super.
ate.).
SB, eorlbe> (U.).
— eerlba aunuu.
vat ft, alio (It am. etc).
— ant.
U, ubt (pp. 11.).
— IbL
lgjuaattdleelpnloe (tt.).
— Joant
30, caput ramn (Ik toL).
— oapnt
28, venlant Jama (It.).
— Tanuaat
83, magna lmpatn (It).
— bnpatn.
88, ban omnia (f).
— omnia.
M, logabant anm at Ja>
— rogabant at
*U*fl).
■has*. L 16, In Chrlsto J. (pp. IL
— In Domino J.
Bad).).
21, domlnatlanem <T).
__ at dmnlnatlonam.
tt. 1, Toa eoovlviBcevU
— TO*.
(pp. ILL
U, Toa ana* (pp. 11.
— Toa.
BodL ate).
— , dtoahamlnl (pp. U.).
— dklmbu.
12, qui (pp. IL BodL
— quod.
ate.).
28,Spirita gnneto (pp.
^■opMtVL
IL Sang. ate.).
at 8, mini anlm (pp. ILL
— mlbL
16, virtutem (ft).
— virtute.
— , In Interion i««tM
— muterlenmhom-
(pp. U. BodL).
mam.
It. 22,aeponlto(lt).
— dtponen.
80, India (pp. IL BodL
—la dkan.
ate.).
T. 98, mundan* aam (pp.
— mnndana.
11.L
17, In glorlcoam (f).
— gkntaam.
Tt. 16, In pnapantloiiani
— In prespezettone.
(It).
10, In eatana at* <MJL
—In eatana las.
(Same of the nedinav of Bi
MX (J18, (8) a,) an
tddad. It. la uaei, at la eommr
sly dona, for tha old
antts generally ; and the noMloi
a .f the MBS. M that
cavalry followed.)
a Iha ma tanal* which Banuey counted (aaa p. 8*74,
uota •) are an invaluable help ft* tavaaogatlon, bat
they will not lupenede It It la, Indeed, Impoairibla
to aaaoiinliia on what principle be Inserted or omlttad
Tarlaaona. Bomeumoc ha notae with the gi eal aat can
tVaenpenelaa of orthography, and at other tlmee ho
naglarta Important dlflereneca of text Thoa In John
L 18-81 he clvee oomotly 28 Tarlationa of tba Cam-
*Mg» MS. (Kk. 1, SI) and omlta 61 j and in Lake 1. 1
VULGATE, THIS
SB. WluTe the CVmrnthM edition we* etii' neea
aome thougbta eeam to have ban entertained of r»
vtaing it Lneaa Bruges** made important eoDee-
tlona far tha purpose, bat tot praetieal Hies— tn^
were found to be loo great, and thestodyof various
reading* wa* r ie u ml far acholaia (Bahrain, ad
Lueam Brag. 1606). la the next generation oae
and controversy gave a aanetity to tba a i itb ori ic d
text Many, especially in Spain, ptrmoniwed it to
have a Talua superior to the original*, and to be
intplred in every detail (camp. Van Ess, 401
402; Hody, in. U. 15); but it U taeleae to dweD.
on tba history of such extravaganeaeo, from which
the Jesuit* at leant, following their great champion
Bellennu,wiaely kept aloof. It was a mora aeriom
matter that tba universal ac ce pt an ce of the papal
text cheeked the critical atody of tba materia*) on
which it wa* proicaeedly baaed. At length, how-
ever, in 1706, Martlanay pubosbed a new, and in
the main batter text, chiefly from original Mm, to
hie edition of Jerome. Vattanri added fttah eola-
tion* in hi* reviaed iaana of atartianaty'a work, bat
in both caees the coll at iona era imperfect, and it ii
impossible to determine with accuracy on what MS.
authority tba text whieh b given depend*. 8a-
batiar, though |»nfce*iiig only to deal with the
Old latin, pubuebed important materia* far the
orittciem of Jerome'a Venion, and gave at length
the reading* of Luce* Brnpaaia (1743). More
than a century eUpeed before anything more of im-
portance wa* done for the Text of the Latin veraon
of the O. T., when at length the fortunate daeorery
of the original revision of the Sl^tin« eorreeton
aeain directed the attention of Roman aehoau* to
their authorixed text Tba Drat-frnit* of then-
labor* am given in the volume of Verodkoi
already often quoted, which baa thrown mora Eghl
upon the hiatory and criticism of the Vulgate than
any previous work, lucre are aome defect* in the
amogement of the material*, and it i* anfortonata
that the editor ha* not added either the autborbvd
or corrected text; but (till the work ie each that
every student of the Latin text mutt wait aniiooaly
for it* completion.
29. The neglect of the Latin text of the 0. T.
la but a consequence of the general neglect of the
criticism of the Hebrew text. In the N. T. for
more ha* been done for the correction of the Tul-
gate, though even here no critical edition ha* yet
bean published. Numerous eollatione of MS&,
more or kas perfect, have been made. In this, ai
in many other points, Bentiey pointed oat the true
path which other* have followed. Hie awn colla-
tion of Latin MS8. was extensive and important
(eomp. Ellis, BaUleU Critica Sacra, xxxv. fl*.).*
Griesbeeh added new collations, and arranged thorn
which other* had made. Laebmaun printed tha
Latin text in his larger edition, having collated the
Codes FtJdmmt for the purpoae. Tiaebendorf ha*
labored among Latin M8S. only wtth lea* seal thae
among Greek. And TregeUa* has given In ha
edition of the » . T. the text of Cod. Awuntam
from hi* own collation with the variatioa* of tbt
1-88 ha gives 18 varkaona of 8t fjbad* Ooapaui aai
80; and then I* nothing In the character af
tha raadlnga recorded which can have datctmlnad ta*
aalactioa, aa the varlattona which an neglected an
imce natal ftom other MSB., end an at thaa
advea of every dagm of fanponaooa. A aaa anil
Iron each of tha volumee whfch contain hk cauaaoaf
will abow tha snat amount tt labor which ha be
stowed upon the work; and, hitherto, no rpaclarm
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VULGATE, TffB
Clementine edition. Bat in ill th«e coses the
itudy «f the Latin tu merely ancillary to that of
the Greek text Probably from the greet antiquity
and parity of the Codd. Awiatma and FuldentU,
there h) comparatively little aeope for criticism in
the revision of Jerome'! Veraion ; but it oouid not
be an unprofitable work to examine more in detail
than hat yet been done the teraral pham through
erhieh it baa paaaed, and the oenaee whioh led to
tta gradual corruption. (A full account of the
edition* of the Vulgate is given by Hatch [Le
Long], Bibliotheca Sacra, 1778-00. Oopiaa of the
Sixtioe and Clementine editions are in the library
jf the British Museum.)
VI. True Matsxials fob tub Rbtisioh op
Jkbomb's Taxr. — M. Very few Latin HSS. of
the O. T. hare been collated with critical accuracy.
The Pentateuch of VerceUone (Anno, I860) is the
first attempt to collect and arrange the materials
far determining the Hieronymian text in a manner
at all corresponding with the importance of the
subject. Even in the N. T. the criticism of the
Vulgate text has always been made subsidiary to
that of the Greek, and most of the HSS. quoted
have only been examined cursorily. IntbefoUow-
ing list of H83., which is necessarily very imper-
fcat, the notation of Vereelkme (from whom most
of the details, as to the HSS. which be has ex-
VTTMJATB, THB
8478
amined, are derived) has been followed as far at
possible; but it is much to be regretted that he
marks the readings of HSS. Corrector!* and edi-
tions in the same manner.
(i.) if SS. of OH Tot. imd Apocrypha.
A (Code* Aw'Mmu, Bibl. Laurent Florist
Florence, writter about toe middle of the 6th cent
(dr. ML, Tisetdf.) with great accuracy, so that
both in age and worth it stands first among the
authorities for the Hieronymian text It contains
Jerome's Psalter from the Hebrew, and the whole
Latin Bible, with the exception of Baruch. The
variations from the Ctemeotine text in the N. T.
have been edited by F. F. Heck (1840); and
Tisohendorf and TregeUes separately collated the
N. T. in 184* and 1846, the former of whom pub-
lished a complete edition (I860; 3d ed. 1864) of
this part of the MS., availing himself also of the
collation of TregeUes. The O. T. has been now
collated by VerceUone and Palmier! for Veroel-
lone's Vnria Lecthnei (VerceUone, i. p. Ixxxiv.).
The MS. was rightly rained by the Sixtine cor-
rectors, who In many places follow its suthority
alone, or when only feebly supported by other evi-
dence: e. g. Gen. ii. 18, v. 28, vi. 21, vil. 8, 5, be.
18, 18, x. 1.
B (CMe» Toletana, Bibl. Eocks. Tolet), at
Toledo, written in Gothic letters about the 8th
has bean published. The student may nod it inter-
esting to compare the variations noted with those in
Table B.
OA SS. Tria. Camer., Hark tab 46-40.
B. 17,6.
»* 1
12»s>{ ttri pes tans tesoandal-
♦
«aaa • hat, amputs ilium: bonnm
2 4,^1 4
12e*yt0ch>» est ttU elsadum Inrnire in
vtlam astamam, qaam duos
pedes babentsm mltti hi
gehennani ignis mexttngui-
t ] <UL t bills: (not vermis eornm
K*
rlsejyO A eorum T V nan mon'tar, at Ignis A non
gneeayO exangwftur. Qnodsloealas
del. ««.«*« tkm teas aaandaliast ts <fl»s
***
1»#0 f—x smn:bonumesttiblaMsam
Introtrs in regnum Del,
qaam dace eeales hahentem
mltti In gahonnam Ignis:]
♦.
fit p **. g p tt ^ " nn l* •oruui non mon-
♦ *
■Mtpsi^' *«r, et Ignis non tzHngm-
at
a%t,{ A alea- tar. Ommt [anta) IgM
<* 2
[laU aaarrddMBe jrpy [sale] esHetur. Benomsst
120 sal : quod deal Insulsumm-
erlt, In quo Iliad ountletisr
(B. 17.6.) Ma
t aw X M/::;:+rtj Hebsts ln A tools eat, et
atlew mi twrrB (x psesin habeas Inter vos.
enter »
b this savant « — 4 (except y) i spneent French
MM. collated chiefly by T. Walker; M, H, the MM
k Iks Brit Una. market Hart. 2788, JifarJ. 2828 re-
spectively ; |, the Gospels of Bt Chad ; x, toe Gos-
pels of Mae Bagol ; y, the Gospels of Bt. John 0. Oxon
(eomp. the lists p. 8468, f.).
Coll. SS. IHa. Comer. Mark Ix. 46-40.
(B. 17, 14.)
2BH0TD1
*£12PK Bt si pes tout ta scandal-
last, amputa ilium : bosom
2 1V
13D do* est tfU etavdnm lntrctn In
vitam aeternem, quam does
pedes babentsm mltU in ge>
IKIP1 (Samper) honnam Ignis Inexatingak
Mils: not ramie eorumnon
risS. mon'tar, et ignis non exstin-
f
(nZ. [ ] dtL Z. gMtnr. [Quod si ooulns •«•
us eoandalisat ta, ejlee sum :
bonum eat Ubi lusenm hi-
troize in reguum Del, quam
A K InearthujufbUs (erased) duos oonlcs habentem mltti
ri* S (erased) em Y In gehsmum Ignle^ ubt
gin Z (erased) vermis •Oram non mon'tar,
jtaram K (erased) et Ignis* non east la gin tu r.]
YBB-BPBF
mi oik' H B (ale) Omnia enlm Igiuaafcotnr.ot
B
D4T|BrsM.0BPaKomnle vfenma [sals] saNs-
tur. Bonnm ast aal:qnod at
hast P sal P K sal Inmlnem faerit, In que
DEKHOY
rfi*far(eonr. -ttJB. Uatd cmUttitT Babetela
THPDKfY*
2 B salem B B B totals mt, et paesm habeas
Inter vos.
The eoOaaons In this volume are, as will be sesni
somewhat confused. Many am In Bentley's hand,
wbo has added nnmerons emendations of the latin
text In B. 17, 14. Thus, on the suae page from which
this example la taken, we find : Mark ix. 20, a* fe>
fnXa. ft. leg. a* <*/&*«. eaitieear. x. 14, Qkm
evMin Mtrtt. forte leg. Qnod cfl vMarel (sac a p. m
: a later note), a. 88, A baptitmum en* ego. Ieg>
Aut baptuma, quod ago. >u> the M88. qnoted, eae
the lute already referred te
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3474
VULGATE, THB
ecnt. The text is generally pure, and closely ap-
proaches to that of A, at lent in 0. T. A colla-
tion of thia MS. with a Louvain edition of the
Vulgate (1569, foL) wai made by Christopher Pe-
lomarei by the command of Sixtus V., and the
Sixtino correctors art a high value upon iu read-
ings: e. g. Gen. Ti. 4. The eoUatkm of Palomarei
was published by Bianehini ( (Tmnoio, p. lv. ff.),
torn whom it has been reprinted by Higne (Hieron.
Opp. x. 876 ff.). Vereellone has made use of the
original collation p re ser v ed in the Vatican Library,
which is not always correctly transcribed by Bian-
ehini; and at the same time he had noted the vari-
ous readings which have been neglected owing to
the dinerence between the Louvain and Clementine
texts. The MS. contains all the Latin Bible (the
Psalter bom the Hebrew), with the exception of
Baruoh. A new collation of the MS. is still de-
sirable; and for the N. T. at least the work is one
which might easily be accomplished.
C (Codex Paiitimu, v. CaroSnui, Romas, Hon.
8. Benedict, ap. Basil. S. Paulli extr. mcsnia), a
MS. of the whole Latin Bible, with the exception
of Banish. Vereellone assigns It to the 9th cen-
tury. It follows the recension of Alcuin, and was
jne of the MSS. used by the original board ap-
pointed by Pius IV. for the revision of the Vulgate.
It has been collated by Vereellone.
D (Codex VaWceJIiamu olim Statiatuu, Romas,
Bibl. VallioeU. Orat B. vi.), an Alcuinian MS. of
the Bible also used by the Roman correctors, of the
same date (or a little older) and character as C.
Comp. Valiarsl, Prof, ad Hieron. ix. 16 (ed.
Higne), and note 4, p. 3407. Collated by Ver-
eellone.
E (Codex OUobonianut olim Cerviniamu, Vatic
60), a HS. of a portion of the 0. T., imperfect at
the beginning, end ending with Judg. xiii. 90. It
is of the 8th century, and gives a text older than
Alcuin's recension. It contains also important
fragments of the Old Version of Genesis and Ex-
odus published by Vereellone in his Varia Lee-
timet, i. Coll. by Vereellone.
F (Roma!, Coll. SS. Blasii et Carol!), a HS. of
the entire Latin Bible of the 10th century. It
follows, in the main, the recension of Alcuin, with
some variations, and contains the Roman Psalter.
ColL by Vereellone.
G (Romas, Coll. SS. Blasii et Cerou), a HS. of-
the 18th century, of the common lata type. ColL
by Vereellone.
H, L, P, Q, are used by VeroeDone to mark the
readings given by Martianay, Hentenlus, Castel-
lanus, and R. Stephanos, in editions of the Vul-
gate.
I, Sssc xliL Coueted In part by C. J. Bauer,
Elchhorn, Repertoritm, xvtt.
K (Honest SS. Trin. Caves), a most important
HS. of the whole Bible, belonging to the monas-
tery of La Cava, near Salerno. An exact copy of
It was made for the Vatican Library (num. 8184)
by the command of Leo XIL, and this has been
wed by Vereellone for the books after Leviticus.
a Bandar procured collations of upwards of sixty
■ngttsh and trench Latin MBS. of the N. T , which
are atJU pi eas i i id among his papers in Trln. OoU.
Oembridge, B. 17, 6, and B. 17, 14. A Hot of than,
as given by Benttsy, Is printed In Bub's BenlltU
Critics Aura, pp. xxxv. ft I have Identified and
Bestead the BngUsh MSS. below (comp. p. <476 ft).
3f Bibles Banter gives more or leas complete collations
VULGATE, THE
For the three first books of the Pentateuch he haj
only an imperfect oollatko. The HS. belongs Is
the 6th or 7th century (Mai, Nova Patnm Oil
i. 9, 7; BpieU. Rom. ix. Prasf. xxlii.), and presents
a peculiar text Tiaehendorf baa quoted it on 1
John v. 7, 8.
H, N, O, areContetoria in the Vatican Library.
R, S (Romas, ColL SS. Blaaii et Ceroli), Sac
xiv., of the eommon late type given in the editions
of the 15th century.
T, Saw. x., xi.; D, Sate. xtL, two MSS. of the
type of the recension of Akron.
V (Romas, ColL SB. Blaaii et Cmroli), Sec xiii.,
akin to F.
These MSS., of which Vereellone promises eom-
plete collations, thus repre se n t the three greet types
of the Ilieronymian text: the original text in vari-
ous stages of decadence (A, B, K); the reomsion
of Alcuin (C, D, F, T, D, V); and the current
later text (£, G, R, 8). But though perhaps no
HS. will ever surpass A in general purity, it a to
be hoped that many more MSS., representing tbs
ante- Alcuinian text, may yet be examined.
81. Harbanay, hi hi* edition of the Daita
Bibtiotkeoa, quotes, among others, the following
HSS., but be uees them in sneh a way that ah
impossible to determine throughont the reeding of
any particular MS.: —
Codex Afemmiamu, Sac x.
Codex Caramonauit, Ssbc x.
Codex Sangermanetmt (1), Ssbc x.
Codex Reghu, 3563-64.
Codex Sangermanetuie (8), st fragment.
Codex Naroometuit. (Index MSS. CM
Hieron. ix. pp. 135 ff ed. Mlgne.)
To these, Vallarsi, in Ma revised edition, ados s
collation, more or less complete, of other MSS. *»
the Pentateuch (Joshua, Judges) — of
Cod. Palatums, 8.
Cod. Urbinae.
For the books of Samuel and Kings.
Cod. VeronauU, a MS. of the very highest
value (Comp. Vauarsi, Prtf. 1* ft el
Higne)
For the Psshnc
Codd. Reg. Suee. B. 1886.
Cod. Vatic 184.
Coat & Ouois (or 104, Csstmaeesif), (He
mast valuable).
For Daniel
God, Palat.t.
Cod. Fade. 833.
For Esther, Tobit, and Judith.
Cod. Reg. Buec 7.
Cod. Vatic PulaL 84.
But of all these only special readings are knows.
Other MSS. which deserve examination are : —
1. BriL Mm*. Addit 10, 546. Sssc b>
(Charlemagne's Bible), an Alcomian eopy. Ocmp
p. 8467, note c
9. BriL Mui. Reg. 1 E, viL, viiL Saw. it,*.
(Bentby's MS. R).«
3. BriL Mm. Addlt 84448. Sasc ix, *
of tbs N. T. from Palis. BUd. Jtqr. SS6S (A. »■ WW
8581, Saw. ix. ; 8568-64, Ban. Ix. ; BOB, Swell.,*
ki\ %mtn\r to bi AltrahisjMk*
Sir F. Madden has given a list of On oMaf BBS o
the Latin Bible (19 metes) m the Omlemm't Msjs.
saw, 1816, pp. 590 ft This oat, hewevar, adfki k
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]. Brit Mus.—Harl. 1775. _- T
Vol EC rl.1.
coflfRe
eTNONTBIT
• luMTArectvp atots
DlCUNTMOU'plUnmS
a «r>ej**>ico « oi> i s
(iu iApuJ»U c a >j leiwe
2. Brit Mm. — Addic &MB.
XTT GOT>NB
GTNONTJBTT
c^SGXoac»'"peQTao
ljIMTATGcr>pXTR7S
r>jca;srr, MoajssrcDus
3. Stonyhnnrt. — (St Cuthberf», St John.,
nou binefinus feeder?
n«$i c*es*Rem
lUMceR^OTRAdldlt'eiS ilium
UTCRUCIpl^CReTtiR ^
^uscepeRUNT Xurrcm iJvw
crduxeiuiNT
err baioI jn& sibj CRuccn
4. Oxon. BobX — 048. (SeM. 30.)
erMreuNucbus ©oce^qtivqtn^aoe-
pRObiBCT BApTIZA»T T>paTplllLtppwf
sicR0Di3 qJCTOTocoR^jeLicer^
6TRespoND6M3 *JT CReOoT>ipLLi«
esse iHa> ;*P?x> *2ttos sit sixRe
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SPECIMENS OF UNCIAL MSS. OF THE LATIN BIBLE.
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VULGATE, THK
,'Important : apparently taken from a much older
jupy. The I'salter is Jerome's Version of the
Hebrew. The Apocryphal book* are placed after
the Hagiographa, with the beading: JnapU quartm
ardo torum Ubrornm qui in Veteri Tettamento
extra Canonem flebrattirum ml, The BIS. be-
gins Gen. xlix. 6.)
4. Brit. Slut. Hart 2,805 to FaJms with some
lacunas. Siec ix.
5. Brit. Afia. Egerton 1,046. Saw. viii. Pror.
Zccles. Cant. Sap. Kcclns. (with some lacuna).
Good Vulgate.
6. Lambeth, 3, 4. Seso. xiL
88. ii MSS. of the JV. T.
A, B, C, D, F, eta., as enumerated before. To
these must be added the Codex FuldetuU of the
whole N. T., which, however, contains the Gospels
in the form of a Harmony. The text of the MS.
is of nearly equal value with that of A, and both
seem to hare been derived from the same source
(Tischdf. Proltgg. Cod. Am. p. xxiii.). The MS.
has been collated by Lachmann and Buttmann,
and a complete edition is in preparation by E.
Ranks.
Other Vulgate MSS. of parts of the N. T. hare
been examined more or less carefully. Of the
Gosptlt, Tlachendorf (Proleg. eexlix. ff.) gives a
list of a considerable number, which have been ex-
amined very imperfectly. Of the more important
of these the best known are: —
For. Prag. (at Prague and Venice). Published
by Bianchini, in part after Dobrowsky.
VULGATE, THE
8475
ffarl (Brit Mus. Harl 1,775). Ss9e.vtt.CoB
in part by Grieabach (8ymb. CriL I 805 ff.).
Per. Fragments of St. Luke, edited by Biau-
chini.
Brit Mus. Cotton. Nero D, ir. Saw. vffl.
(BentL T). The Llndismrna (St Cuthbert) Gos-
pels with interlinear Northumbrian gloss. Ed. by
Stevenson, far Surttet Society (St Matt; St
Mark). The Northumbrian gloss by Bouterwek,
1857. Stevenson has added a collation of the
Latin of the Kushwortb Gospels « (p. 8467, No.
I).
The following, among many others in the United
Kingdom, deserve examination : * —
(1.) Of the Gospels.
1. Brit Mas. Harl 1,775, Saw. vtt. (Gnes-
bach's HarL Bentley's Z). A new and
complete collation of this most precious
MS. is greatly to be desired. It contains
the Prefaces, Canons, and Sections, with
blank pieces far the Capitula.' (Plate I.,
fig. 1.)
9. Brit Mus. Beg. 1 E. vL Sew. vii. (Bent-
ley's P). A very important English MS.,
with -many old readings, Prof. Can. (no
Sections), Cap- Mt xxviiL Me. xU (?) Lc.
xx. Job. xiv. Supposed to have formed
part of the BibUa Grtgoriana : YVestwood,
Archaological Journal, xl. p. 298.
8. Brit Mus. Reg. 1 B. vii. Saec viii. (Bent-
ley's Hi. Another very important MS.,
preserving an old text' Prof. Cam. (Sect)
« for all critical purpo ses the Latin tuts of this
edition an worthless. In one chapter taken at ran.
dom (Mark van.), thenars temteen errors In the text
of the Lindistame US., Including the omission of one
line with the corresponding gloss.
t> The accompanying Plates will give a good idea
of the •sternal character of some of the most ancient
and precious Latin MSS. which the writer has exam.
Ined. For permission to take the tracings, from
which the (ko-sunilM wen made, his sincere thanks
an das .to the various Institutions In whose charge
the MSS. an placed.
Pl.Ljtj. 1. Ait. Mm. HarL 1,775, Matt xxL 80,81,
B» domtnt — tt me\ntriett\. This MS. (llks ngs. 2, 8)
exhibits the amngement of the text In lines (vtrtm,
rrijroi). The original reading novinimut has been
changed by a late hand Into prima*. A characteristic
error of sound will be noticed, Iblt tor lvit (6 for «),
which oesurs also In fig. 2.
Fig. 2. Brit. Mm. Add. 5,488. Matt xzl. 80, 81,
nit— noeitnimn. This magnlBeent MS. shows the
heglmilng of eontracdon (duob') and punctuation.
Fig. 8. Stonykmt. John xlx. 15-17, non kaotmm
— trucem. This MS., nnlike the former, seems to
have been prepared tor private use. It Is written
throughout with the grea t e st regularity and can.
The large capitals probably Indicate the beginnings of
rumtro (seWta). The words an hen separated.
Fig. 4. Or/. Bodt. 8,418. Acts vat. 88, 87, t ail —
fan.
PL IL Wig. 1. Combr. Xhtiv. Libr. Kk. I. 24. John
v. 4, saenu JUbat — homo tN. This MS. offers a line
example of the seml-undal " Irish " character, with
the oharactsrlstie dotted capitals, which seems to have
been used widely in the 8th century throughout In-
land and central and northern Bngland. The text
lontaina a most remarkable Instance of the incorpora-
tion of a marginal gloss Into the body of the book
(see m Oreeu txemplmribm non toaster), without any
saark of Separation by the original band. This claun
aiso often a distinct proof of the nvlsion of the copy
ton which the MS. was derived by Greek MSS. The
I tor arum is worthy of notice.
Fig. 2. Brit. Mm. Btg. 1 B. vii. Another type of
"Saxon "writing.
Figi. 8, 4. Brit. Mm. Harl. 1,028. Matt xxvli. 49,
with the addition Alim aulem — tt tanguti. Ibid.
1802. Matt xxL 80, 81, el non iit—pupU[canil.
Two characterlstio specimens of later Irish writing.
The contractions for cum, outem, eyas, tt, aqua, in
flg. 8, and for tt, non, sunn, quia in ng. 4, arc notice
able.
Fig. 6. Hereford OotpeU. John 1. 8, 4, Juenm at
— eompraecJundtrmt. Probably a British type of toe
" Irish " character. The symbol for sst (j-), and the
ck for a, an to be observed. .
e The varying divisions into empttula probably indi-
cate different nunlliee of MSS., and deserve attention
at least In important MSS. The forms brenarium,
capitula, brevet, appear to be used quite Indiscrim-
inately. One farm Is often glnn at the b egi nn ing and
another at the end of the list Ail. Mas. Addit 9,881
gives tituli (a division Into small* sections) as well at
capitntl&,
d This MS. eontalns the addition, after Matt a*
28, In the following form : —
Tee autem qnaerins de modfae
ensoen et de maxima mimui
Cum auttm introientit
ad cotnam vocati
Noun rectunben In tup*
rioribm lode [venlet
Ne forte dignior to super
et socedens it qui te in vil m tll
Heat ttbi adhuo in/trim
accede et oonrandarls
Si autem recubmri* in in
feriori loco et ventrit ha
minor ts
Meet ItA qui te mvitaiit
Accede adhue tuperim at
erl' SM hoe utUlus.
The same addition is given In the first hand of Oxford
Axil. 867, and la the second hand of B.M. Add. M44t.
I with the following variations • intrtitriiit ttdv t nmrit,
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84T6
VULGATE, THE
Cap. Mt lxxxvU. (aie). Mo. xlri. Le. zdr.
Job. xlr. (Plate II., fig. 2.)
4. Brit. Mna. Cotton. Otho C V. Saw. riii.
(Fragmenta of Matt, and Mark. Bentley'i
a))- Injured by fire: restored and mounted,
1848. The complement of 34.
I. Brit. Mua. Addit. 5,463. Saw. riii (Bent-
ley'i F). A magnificent (Italian) uncial
MS. with man; oil reading!. Praf. Can.
(Scot.) Cap. ML xxriii. Me. ziii. Le. zz.
Joh. ziv. (Plate I., fig. 9.)
«. Brit Mua. HarL 2,788. Saw. riii., iz.
(Codex annua i. Bentley'i M,). Good Vul-
gate.
T. Brit Hue. HarL 2,797. Saw. riii., iz.
(Codez aureui ii.) Vulgate of lata type.
8. Brit Mna. Reg. 2 A, zz. Saw. riii. (Lec-
tionee quedam ex Evangdiia.) Good Vul-
gate.
t. Brit Mua, HarL 2,790, dr. 860. A fine
eopy, with aoma okl reading*.
10. Brit Mna. HarL 2,795. Sew. iz. (In red
letter*.) Vulgate of late type.
II. Brit Mna. HarL 2,823. Saw. iz. Good
Vulgate, with vtrtut.
19. Brit Mua. HarL 8,896. Saw. iz., riii.
(Bentley'e H,). Good Vulgate.
18. Brit Mua. Rtg. 1 A, zviii. Saw. iz., z.
(Cod. AthelatauL Bentley'i 0). Many old
and peculiar readings.
14. Brit Mua. Rtg. 1 D, iii. Saw. z. Like
13, bat moat carelessly written.
15. Brit Mua. AddiL 11,848. Saw. iz. Can-
rally written and corrected. Cloeely re-
aembling 20.
16. Brit. Mu>. Addit. 11,849. Saw. iz. Vul-
gate of late type.
17. Brit Mua. EgerUm, 768. Saw. Iz. (St
Lake and St John. ) Some important read-
inga.
18. Brit Mua. Egerton, 873. Saw. iz. Good
Vulgate. Praf. Can. (Sect.) Cap. Matt
xxriii. Me. ziii. Le. zxl. Joh. xiv.
■19. Brit Mua. AddiL 9,381. Saw. ix. From
St Petroc'a, Bodmin. Some peculiar read-
inga. Praf. Can. (Sect.) TituU. Mt ccliL
( Cap. lzxzhr. verm nucc.). Mc clxzzri.
La. ecczl. Joh. cexxvi.
10. Brit Mua. Cotton. Tib, A, ii. Saw. z.
(The Coronation Book. Bentley'eE). Many
old readinga in common with 1, 8, 6, bat
without great interpolation*."
91. Brit Mua. Rtg. 1 D. ix. Saw. zl. (Ca-
nute'a Book. Bentley'i A). Good Vul-
gate.
awboeft. In B. M. Reg. A. xrlil. the Tariationa are
auaoh mora eonalderable : putiBa,majori minor** ease,
mtro n m t ei tmum a rogati ad contain, leaf mthun-
tiaritwa, darior, am. if , ad eoettam vocamt, dtortum, «
' inf. rue., tnpmentrit, ad amam votavit, adkuc
mwimn accede, om. hoe.
a Bsntley baa alao given a collation of another Cot-
Ionian MS. (Otho, B ix.) wry similar to this, wbioh
atancat pariahed In tha lira In 1781. Mr. B. A. Bond,
twenty Kaapar of the MSS., to whoaa kindness the
writer la greatly indebted for Important help In exam-
ining the magnificent collection of Latin MSS. in the
Moan Museum, has ahown him fragments of a sr«r
leaves of this US. which were i s w tc i e d from the
wreak of the lire. By a singular error Bsntlry calls
mis MS., and not Tib. A. Ii., the Coronation Book.
Damp, smith, Cotton. Cat.
VTJLGATE, THE
22. Cambridge Una. Libr. LL i. 10. (Paask
et Kesurrectio ex iv. Err.). S*c riii
Written (apparently) for Ethehrald, Bp. of
Lindiamrne.
28. Cambridge, C. C. C. Libr. odxxxvi. (lv
Gospels, with Eosebian Canona.) Saw. vi,
riL Supposed by many to bare been seal
by Gregory the Great to Augustine. Cap.
Villi, xxriii. Mark ziii. Luke zz. John xir.
Vulgate with many old readings. It hat
been corrected by a very pun Vulgate text
Described and aoma readings given by J.
Goodwin, PnbL of Camir. Antiquarian
Society, 1847.'
24. Cambridge, C. C. C. Ubr. exerfi. (Frag-
menta of St John and St Luke, extending
over John i. 1-x. 29, and Luke hr. 6-zziiL
28, with Eosebian Canona.) Saw. riii.
The fragments of St John wen pubEshed
by J. Goodwin, L e. A curiously mixed
text, forming a connecting link between tha
" Irish " text and the Vulgate, but with-
out any great interpola ti ons See No. 4.
Comp. p. 8457.
95. Cambridge, Trtn. Cott. B. 10, 4, iv.
Gospels, Saw. iz. (Cap.) Matt xxriL Me.
ziii. Lc zxi. Joh. ziv. Good Vulgate, with
some old readings. (Bentley'i T.)
28. Cambridge, ColLD.Jok.Cn. Tha
Bendish Gospels, Saw. iz. Good Vulgate,
very carefully written.
27. Oxford, BodL 857 (D. 9, 14). Saw. vfl.
Begins, Matt iv. 14, ut adim ends John
xxi. 15, with a lacuna bom Matt riii. 90
dicentes — ix. 18, defuncta eat Beet.
Praf. (Cap.) Me. ziii. La. zz. Joh. sir.
Closely akin to 23.«
28. Durham, "Codez ErangeUorum pins
mills annorum, litteria eapitallbus ez Bihfi-
otheca DuneJmensi.'' (Bentley'i K.) Soda
Johnl. 27.
29. Durham, "Codex Erangeliarum pins
mille annorum, aed imperfectus." (Bentley'i
{.) Begins Mark i. 12. Two rery uupor-
taot MSS. Both ban many old readings
in common with 1, 8, 4, 6.
80. Stonyhurat St. CnMtwt* St. John, foond
in 1106 at the head of St Cutbbart whan
bis tomb was opened. Saw. ril. Very pan
Vulgate, agreeing with Cod. Am. in many
rery remarkable readings: e. g. L 18, oSn
toMa; ii. 4, tibi et wtM; ir. 10, retptmdk
Jens dixit ; ir. 16, et nan, om. hue, eta.*
(Plata I. fig. 3.)
» A ecsnpiste edition of thai text, with conations of
London Ait. Mui. Hart. 1,776 i Rtg. 1 B. rt 1 B.
rn. ; Addit. 6,468 ; Oxford, BodL 857, is, I betters, In
preparation by tha Bar. G. Williams, fallow of King's
Collage, Cambridge.
• By a rery strange mistake Ttahendorf laesnrfhea
thia MS. as " multomm Nl. Ti. tragmeoterum."
d It may be Interesting to give a rough classification
of these MSS., all of which the writer baa eiamlnad
with more or leas cam. Many others of laser dale
may be of eejual value ; and there am several early
copies In private collections (as at MkMhhni) and ai
Dublin (e. g. the (Yulgets) Book of St. Columta, Sam.
vB (Weatwood) Put. Sacra), which ha has beau obliged
to leave unexamined.
Group L Vulgate tat appro achi ng rintlf av ate
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VULGATE, THB
(S.) Of the Acta and Epistles and Apoc.: —
1. Oxford, Bodl. add. 30 (Acts). See § 18,
(8). (Plata I. OK. 4.)
5. Oxford, BodL Load. E, 67 (Epp. Pud).
See i 12, (8).
A Brit. Mas., Hurl 1,772. (Epp. Paul, et
Oath, (ezeept 3 Jo. Jud.). Apoc) Saw.
Tifl. Griesbach, Spnb. OriL i. W C, t
moat important MS. (Bentley's M.) See
i 1», («)•
4. Brit Hus. Burl 7,661. (Fragm. of Cath.
Epp. and St Luke.) Saw. viU. (Bentley's
6. Brit Mas. AddiL 11,862. Saw. ix. Epp.
Paul Act Cath. Epp. Apoc. Good Vul-
gate."
«. Brit Mas. Reg. 1 A.xvi. Saec xi. Good
Vulgate.
7. Cambridge, CoO. 88. Trin. B. 10, 6.
8bm. ix. (Collated by F. J. A. Hort
Bentley's S.) In Saxou lettari: akin to 2.*
8. Cambridge, OM. 88. Trin. Cod. Aug.
(r-,). Published by F. H. Scrivener, 1869.*
9. "Codex eccletis LineolnlensU 800 an-
norum." (Bentley's {, Act Apoc.)
10 Brit Hus. Reg. 8 F. i. Saw. xii. (Bent-
lej's B.) PauL Epp. xIt. eum oommentsria
Man; old readings.
A Lectmnarj quoted by Sabatier (Sax. viii,),
and the Moaanbie Liturgy, are also of great criti-
cal value.
In addition to MSS. of the Vulgate, the Anglo-
Saxon Version which was made from it is an im-
portant help towards the criticism of the text Of
this the Heptateuch and Job were published by E
Thwaitea, Oxfd. 1699; the (Latin-Saxon) Pealter,
by J. Spelman, 1640, and & Thorpe, 1836; the
Goepele, by Arohbp. Parker, 1671, T. Marshall,
1865, and more satisfactorily by B. Thorpe, 1848,
and 8L Matt, by J. M. Kemble (and C. Hardwick),
with two Angk>-Saxon texts, formed on a collation
of Ave MSS. and the Iindia&rne text and gloss.
Comp. also the Franldsh Version of the Harmony
of Ammonius, ed. Schmeikr, 1841.
VU. Trx Ckttical Valok of the Lath
VULGATE, THB
8477
aWtmiii CM. Ami*.: 6, 8, U, 13, 18, 21, 22,
• 26,88,80.
Group tt. rmlfatt text of a later type : 7, 10, 16.
Group IB. A Tulfau uxt maMy wit* oUnmdnct:
1,9,17,19,28,87.
Group It. A mixed text, m wUck Ike old muring*
are numeroue and important : 2, 8, 4 (24), 6, 18,
14,16,20,28,29.
A mors complete collation might modify thla er-
rtngement, bo* it Is (I batten) approximately true.
a This MS. eontalna the SnUti* to the laodleenes
after that to the Habnws, and also tha addition 1 Job.,
v. 7, in the tallowing Jbnn: Quia tree emit pd teett-
nanitem data epe, el aqua, et eemguie, et tree unum
una. Sunt in eaelo tree eunt, pater verbmm et ep$, et
at unum eunt. It Is rem art ahlo that tha two ottar
kldest authorities in support of this addition, also sup-
port tha BaMIe to law Laodloensa — tha MS. of La
Cava, and the apeemlem pabUsbed by hud.
» A f rag men t oonhtfnjng praMorr axoarpts to a
espy of St. Pauls epletlea written In a hand closely re-
mbUng thla la found B. M. Cotton. TitaU. 0. vUL
* Iron an examination of Bentley's unpublished
loflanooa, tt may be wall to add that of the eighteen
French MSS., which ha causal to be compared with
la* Clementine text (Lutet. Parie. apod Qawliiim
Sse Tib. Ooil. Oamb. B. 17, oh
Vkbsiohs. — 38. The Latin Version, In its various
forms, contributes, as has been already seen, more
or leas important materials for tha criticism of tbe
original texts of the Old and New Testaments, and
of the Common and Hexaplario texts of the LXX.
lie having of the Vulgate on the LXX. will not
be noticed here, as the points involved in the in-
quiry more properly belong to the history of the
LXX. Little, again, need be said on tbe value of
tbe translation of Jerome for the textual criticism
of the O. T. As a whole his work is a remarkable
monument of the substantial Identity of the Hebrew
text of tbe 4th century with the present Masoretie
text; and the waut of trustworthy materials for
the exact determination of the Latin text itself, has
made all detailed Investigation of his readings im-
possible or unsatisfactory. Tbe paaaagea which
were quoted in the premature controversies of tha
16th and 17th oentnriee, to prove the corruption of
the Hebrew or Latin text, an commonly of little
importance as far as tha text is concerned. It will
be enough to notice those only which are quoted
by Whitaker, the worthy antagonist of Bdlarmia
(Disputation on Scripture, pp. 168 ft, ed. Park.
Sac).
Gen. 1. 30, om. all green herbs (in Vet L.); iii.
16, Jpea oonteret caput tuum. There aeems good
reason to believe that the original reading was ipee.
Comp. Vercellone, ad foe. See also Gen. It. 16.
ill. 17, in open too. TTU92 for "P^S.
iv. 16, om. Nod, which Is specially noticed in
Jerome's Quant ffebr.
vi. 6, oak. et prswevens in futurum. The words
an a gloss, and not a part of tha Vulgate text
will. 4, victeimo septimo, for aeptimo dedmo.
So LXX.
Id. 7, egrediebatnr et non nvertebatnr. Tha
no* is wanting in the best MSS. of tbe Vulgate,
and hat been introduced from tbe LXX
xi. 13, treeentie tribus, for quadringentia tribns.
So LXX
ix. 6, fundetur sanguis illius. Om. «• by man."
xxxtU. 2. Sedecim for nptemdeclm. Probably
a tranaeriptural error.
tha following am the moat Important, and would repay a
complete collation. The writer baa retained Bentlej's
notation : some of the 1188. may probably have passed
into other collections.
a. & Oermani a Pratie. Ban. viH. Gold nodal* on
purple vellum. Matt. vi. 2, ut — to end. Mark
Ix. 47, eke — xL 18, nmteel. xU. 28, re emr e xeiin t
— to end. Good Vulgate.
n. 8. Oermani a Pratie. (a/ of Tisohdf. ate.) A
Tory Important MS., containing part of O. T., tha
whole of N. T. (of Galilean text f), and « wis
folia Paetarie." Existing oouations an very
Incomplete. At the end of tha Bpistle to the
Hebrews, which preoeda* tha Shepherd, the MS.
has (according to Bentley) the following nots ;
Explicit ad H tb rae e e, Lege eum pate. BMi»
tktca Hirronvni Preeoiteri BetUeem t n un dum
(aleX
». 8. Otrmtmi a Pratie, 1, 2, a. D. 809.
a. BOL Seriet, Paris. 8,706. 4 Qosp. Sen. ix.
BCeUlT Old IVXadllUB.
w. X*. Begiet, Paris. 8,706 (2, t\ 4 Goep, with
some lacuna). Saw. vul. Many old readings.
p. 8. Martini Turoneneie. lit auml*. Saw. TBI
An important MS. (OaUleant). Oomp. p. 8488,
note/.
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8478
VULGATE, THB
xxxix. 6, om. "WlenftnUkft- Joseph."
xL 6, om. " The butler — priaon."
xllx. 10. Comp. Vereellone ad he.
88, on.
In xxiv. 6, xxvii. 6, xxxlv. 89, the variation U
probably in the rendering only. The remaining
passages, ii. 8; iii. 6; ir. 6, 13, 26; vi. 8; xiv. 3;
xvii. 16; xix. 18; xzL 8: xx!t. 32; zxt. 34; xiril.
83; xxxi. 82; xxxviii. 6, 28; xlix. 22, contain dif-
h i e n oea of interpretation ; and in xxxvi. 24, xli. 46,
the Vulgate apptan to have preserved important
traditional renderings.
84. The examplea which have been given show
the comparatively narrow limits within which the
Tulgate can be used for the criticism of the Hebrew
tat. The Venion waa made at a time when the
praeent revision waa already eatablished; and the
freedom which Jerome allowed bimielf in rendering
the eeuae of the original, often leaves it doubtful
whether in reality a various reading is represented
by the peculiar form which he gives to a particular
passage. In the N. T. the case is far different.
In this the critical evidence of the Latin is separable
into two distinct elements, the evidence of the Old
Latin and that of the Hieronymian revision. The
latter, where it differs from the former, represents
the received Greek text of the 4th century, and so
far claims a respect (speaking roughly) equal to
that due to a first-class Greek MS. ; and it may
be fairly concluded, that any reading opposed to the
combined testimony of the oldest Greek HSS. and
toe true Vulgate text, either arose later than the
4th century, or was previously confined within a
very narrow range. The corrtctumi of Jerome do
not carry us back beyond the age of existing Greek
HSS., but, at the same time, they supplement the
original testimony of MSS. by an independent wit-
ness. The tuiuUmce of the Vulgate, and the copies
of the Old Latin, have a more venerable authority.
The origin of the Latin Version dates, as has been
seen, from the earliest age of the Christian Church.
The translation, as a whole, was practically fixed
and current more than a century before the tran-
scription of the oldest Greek MS. Thus it is a
witness to a text more ancient, and therefore,
casterii parHmt, more valuable, than is represented
by any other authority, unless the Pesbito in its
present form be excepted. This primitive text was
not, ai far as can be ascertained, free from serious
corruptions (at least in the synoptic Gospels) from
the first, and was variously corrupted afterwards.
3ut the corruptions proceeded in a different direc-
tion and by a different law from those of Greek
MSS., snd, consequently, the two authorities
mutually correct each other. What is the nature
»f these corruptions, and what the character and
value of Jerome's revision, and of the Old Latin,
will be seen from some examples to be given in
detail.
35. Before giving these, however, one prelimi-
nary remark must be made. In estimating the
critical value of Jerome's labors, it is necessary to
draw a distinction between his different works.
His mode of proceeding waa by no means uniform ;
and the importanoe of his judgment varies with the
jbject at which he aimed. The three versions of
the Psalter represent completely the three different
methods which he followed. At first he was eon-
tented with a popular revision of the current text
(the Roman Psalter); then he instituted an ac-
suate comparison between the current text and
the original (the GaOkxm Psalter); and in the next
VULGATE, THE
place he translated Independently, giving a And
version of the original (the Hebrew Psalter). These
three methods follow one another in ehronobgieal
order, and answer to the wider views which Jerome
gradually gained of the functions of a Biblical
scholar. The revision of the N. T. belongs unfor.
tunately to the first period. When it was made,
Jerome waa as yet unused to the task, snd he was
anxious not to arouse popular prejudice. His aim
was little more than to remove obvious interpola-
tions and blunders; and in doing this he likewise
introduced some changes of expression which soft-
ened the roughness of the Old Version, and some
which seemed to be required for the true ripiassion
of the sense (e. g. Matt. vi. 11, npembttnntinltm
for quotidiamm). But while he accomplished
much, he failed to carry out even this limited par-
pose with thorough completeness. A rendering
which he commonly altered was still suffered to re-
main in soma places without any obvious reason
(e. e. /uitrripuni, Sotdfa, ifari(»)\ and the
textual emendations which he introduced (apart
from the removal of glosses) seem to have been
made after only a partial elimination of Greek
copies, and those probably few in number. Taw
result waa such as might have been expected. The
greater corruptions of the Old Latin, whether by
addition or omission, are generally corrected in the
Vulgate. Sometimes, also, Jerome gives the true
reading in details which had been lost in the Old
Latin: Matt. i. 26, cognotcebat; ii. 23, propktiat ;
v. 22, om. t'ucTJ; ix. 16, htgert ; John iii. 8; Lake
ii. 33, o Tarvjp; iv. 12: but not rarely he leaves a
false reading uncorrected (Matt ix. 28, coots ; x.
42), or adopts a false reading where the fane one
was also current; Matt. xvi. 6; xviii. 29; xix. 4;
John 1. 8, 16; vi. 64. Even in graver variations
he is not exempt from error. The famous periapt,
John vii. 63-viii. 11, which had gained only a
partial entranoe into the Old Latin, is certainly es-
tablished in the Vulgate The additions in Matt.
xxvii. 36, Luke iv. 19, John v. 4, 1 Pet. iii, 22,
were already generally or widely received in the
Latin copies, and Jerome left them undisturbed
The same may be laid of Mark xvi. 9-20; but the
" heavenly testimony " (1 John v. 7), which is
found in the editions of the Vulgate, is, beyond all
doubt, a later interpolation, due to sn African glass;
and there is reason to believe that the interpolations
in Acts viii. 87, ix. 6, were really erased by Jerome,
though they maintained their place in the mass of
Latin copies.
36. Jerome's revision of the Gospels waa far
more complete than that of the remaining parte of
the N. T. It is, Indeed, impossible, except in the
Gospels, to determine any substantial difference in
the Greek texts which an represented by the Old
and Hieronymian Versions. Elsewhere the differ-
ences, as far as they can be sa tisf ac tori ly estab-
lished, are differences of expression and not of text,
and there is no sufficient reason to believe that the
readings which exist in the best Vulgate MSS.
when they are at variance with other Latin author-
ities, rest upon the deliberate judgment of Jerome.
On toe contrary, his Commentaries show that he
used copies differing widely from the ncenslot:
which passes nnder his name, and even expressly
condemned as faulty in text or rendering many
passages which are undoubtedly part of the Vulgate.
Thus in bis Commentary on the Gala Hens he con-
demns the additions, iii. 1, vtrtiati ncm obtdir*
v. 81, homicidial and the translations, L 16. ■»
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VULGATE, THE
tcquini eurm it tanguini (for turn eontua am I
earae ct eanguine); v. 9, modicum fermentmn to-
lorn mamam commpit (for modicum fermentmi
lotam amipernonem fermentat); v. 11, etacuatum
at (for ceuarit); vi. 3, tapntm (seipee) leducit
(for menttm mum dtdpit). And in the text of
the epistle which he gives there are upwards of fifty
reading* which differ from the beat Vulgate text,
ef which about ten are improvement! (ir. 21; t.
18, S3; vi. 18, 15, 16, Ac.), aa many more inferior
readings (iv. 17, 26, 80, Ac.), and the remainder
differences of expression : malo for neauam, recto
P»de meedunt for recta ambulant, rurtum for
Kerwm. The same di f ferences are found in his
Commentaries on the other epistles: ad Eptia. i.
6; ill. 14; ir. 19 ; t. 22, 81 ; ad TU. iii. 16. From
this it will be evident that the Vulgate text of the
Acta and the Epistles does not represent the crit-
ical opinion of Jerome, even in the restricted sense
in which this is true of the text of the Gospels.
But still there are some readings which may with
probability be referred to his revision : Acta xtiL
18, mores coram nutuuut fat mitriit (aluit) cos.
Bom. xli. 11, Domino for tempori. Eph. iv. 19,
ilhminabit u Chruttu for continga Chrutum,
Gal. li. 5, ntove ad horam ettrimui for ad horam
cesnniw. 1 Tim. v. 19, add. nut tub dxtobui out
(ritmt tatibui.
37. The chief corruptions of the Old Latin con-
sist in the introduction of glosses. These, like the
corresponding additions in the Codex Ban (l>i),
are sometimes indications of the venerable antiq-
uity of the source from which it was derived, and
seem to carry us back to the time when the evan-
gelic tradition had not yet been wholly superseded
by the written Gospels. Such are the Interpola-
tions at Matt iii. 16; xx. 98; Luke iii. 22 (com-
pare also Luke i. 46; xii. 88); but more frequently
they are derived from parallel paasages, either by
direct transference of the words of another evangel-
ist, or by the reproduction of the substance of them.
These interpolations are frequent in the synoptic
Gospels; Matt Iii. 3; Mark xvi. 4; Luke I 29,
vi. 10; tx. 43, 60, 64; xi. 2; and occur also in
8t John vi. 68, Ac. But in St John the Old
Latin more commonly errs by defect than by excess.
Tins it omits clauses certainly or probably genuine :
H 81; iv. 9; v. 86; vi. 28; will. 68, Ac. Some-
times, again, the renderings of the Greek text are
free: Lake L 99; U. 16; vi. 21. Such variations,
however, are rarely likely to mislead. Otherwise
the Old Latin text of the Gospels is of the highest
tame. There are eases where some Latin MSS.
combine with one or two other of the most ancient
witnesses to support a reading which has been ob-
literated In the mass of authorities: Luke vi. 1;
Mark xvi. 9 ft; v. 3; and not unfrequentr/ (comp.
i 86) it preserves the true text which is lost in the
Vulgate: Luke xiii. 19; xiv. 6; xv. 28.
88. But the places where the Old Latin and the
Vulgate have separately preserved the true reading
are rare, when compared with those in which they
combine with other ancient witnesses against the
gnat mass of authorities. Every chapter of the
Gospels will furnish instances of this agreement,
which is often the more striking because it exists
snly in the original text of the Vulgate, while the
later copies have been corrupted in the same way aa
lbs later Greek MSS.: Mark ii. 16; iii. 96 (?);
rilL13, Ac.; Kom. vL8; xvi. 24, Ac. In the first
few chapters of St Matthew, the following may be
" I 18 (6w); IL 18 ; iii. 10 ; v. 4, 6, 11,
VULGATE, THE
34? 9
80, 44, 47; vi. 6, 13; vii 10, 14, 99; viU. 12
(x. 8), Ac It is useless to multiply examples
which occur equally in every part of the N. T.-
Luke ii. 14, 40; iv. 2, Ac; John i. 62; iv. 49,
61; v. 16; viii. 69; xiv. 17, Ac: Acta ii. 80, 81,
87, Ac; 1 Cor. i. 1,16, 22, 27, Ac Ontheother
band, there are passages (comp. J 88) in which
the Latin authorities combine in giving a false read-
ing: Matt. vi. 16; vii. 10- viii. 28 (?), Ac; Luke
iv. 17; xiii. 28, 27, 81, Ac; Acts 111. 20, Ac; 1
Tim. iii. 16, Ac But these an comparatively few,
and commonly marked by the absence of all East-
ern corroborative evidence It may be impossible
to lay down definite laws for the separation of read-
ings which are due to free rendering, or careless-
ness, or glosses, but in practice there is little diffi-
culty in distinguishing the variations which are due
to the idiosyncrasy (so to speak) of the version
from those which contain real traces of the original
text And when every allowance has been made
for the rudeness of the original Latin, and the haste
of Jerome's revision, it can scarcely be denied that
the Vulgate Is not only the most venerable but also
the most precious monument of Latin Christianity.
For ten centuries it preserved in Western Europe
a text of Holy Scripture far purer than that which
was current in the Byzantine Church ; and at the
revival of Greek learning, guided the way towards
a revision of the late Greek text, in which the best
Biblical critics hare followed the steps of Bentley,
with ever-deepening conviction of the supreme im-
portance of the coincidence of the earliest Greek
and Latin authorities.
39. Of the interpretative value of the Vulgate
little need be said. There can be no doubt that
in dealing with the N. T., at least, we are now
in possession of means infinitely more varied and
better suited to the right elucidation of the text
than could have been enjoyed by the original
African translators. It la a false humility to rate
as nothing the inheritance of ages. If the inves-
tigation of the laws of language, the clear per-
ception of principles of grammar, the accurate
investigation of words, the minute comparison of
ancient texts, the wide study of antiquity, the
long lessons of experience, have contributed nothing
towards a fuller understanding of Holy Scripture,
all trust in Divine Providence is gone. If we are
not in this respect for in advance of the simple
peasant or half-trained scholar of North Africa, or
even of the laborious student of Bethlehem, wa
have proved false to their example, and dishonor
them by our indolence It would be a thankless
task to quote instances where the Latin Version
renders the Greek incorrectly. Such faults arias
most commonly from a servile adherence to thai
exact words of the original, and thus that which
is an error In rendering proves a fresh evidence of
the scrupulous care with which the translator
generally followed the text before him. But while
the Interpreter of the N. T. will be fully justified
in setting aside without scruple the authority of
early versions, there are sometimes ambiguous
passages in which a version may p reser v e the
traditional sense (John i. 3, 9, viii. 26, Ac) or
Indicate an early difference of translation; and the*
its evidence msy be of the highest value Bat
even here the judgment must be free. Versions
supply authority for the text, and opinion only for
the rendering.
Vin. Tin Lahouags or Tint Latin Vbbv
uoaa. — 40. The characteristics of Chrlatiaa
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W80
VULGATE, THE
Latinity have been most unaccountably neglected
»y lexicographers and grammarians. It is, indeed,
only Uel; that the full importance of provincial
dU.rvta in the history of languages has been fully
r*ngnixed, and it may be hoped that the writings
Tertulfiau, Arnoblus, and the African Fathers
generally, will now at length receive the attention
which they justly claim. But it is necessary to go
back one step further, and to seek in the remains
of the Ok) Latin Bible the earliest and the purest
traces of the popular idioms of African Latin.
It is easy to trace in the patristic writings the
powerful influence of this venerable Version ; and
on the other hand, the Version itself exhibits nu-
merous peculiarities which were evidently borrowed
from the current dialect. Generally it is necessary
to distinguiih two distinct elements both in the
Latin Version and in subsequent writings: (1)
Provincialisms and (9) Unecisnw. The former
are chiefly of interest as illustrating the history of
the Latin language; the latter as marking, in some
degree, its power of expansion. Only a few re-
marks on each of these heads, which may help to
guide inquiry, can be offered here; but the care-
ful reading of some chapters of the Old Version
(«. g. Psalms, Ecclus-, Wisdom, in the modern
Vulgate) will supply numerous illustrations."
(1.) Prvvinctohsms. — 41. One of the most in-
teresting bets in regard to the language of the
Latin Version is the reappearance in it of early
tonus which are found in Plautus or noted as
archaisms by grammarians. These establish in a
signal manner the vitality of the popular as dis-
tinguished from the literary idiom, and, from the
great scarcity of memorials of the Italian dialects,
possess a peculiar value. Examples of words, farm*,
and constructions will show the extent to which this
phenomenon prevails.
(a) Word,:
SUdtUoquksm, muttUoquium, vaniloquus
(Plaatns); itabilimenlum (id.); datus
(subst id.); condignus (id.)i aratiun-
eula (id.); versipelks (id.); saturitas
(id.); static (id.),- eoraatus (Ennltu);
eust o diti o (Foetus) ; dtetpula, dejero
(Plautus); tsentero Q&.); seiusQ&c.);
mino (to oVire, Festus).
(J) Forms i
Deponents as Passive: consular, hortor,
promtreor (Heb. xiii. 16); minittror.
Irregular inflections : partibor absconsus ;
conversely, exist, etc
iapttin (Plautus), hoc (fern. pi.).
Unusual forms: pntcua (fern.); murmur
(masc) ; sal (neut.) ; rttia (sing.);
certor, odh, eornum, pheor (subst),
dulcor.
y) Constructions:
Emigro with ace. (Ps. lxi. 7, emlgrablt te
de tabernaculo) ; dominor with gen. ;
moceo with ace. ; sin, sunt, for gut, etc. ;
turn for M prohibitive; capit inipers.
49. In addition to these there are many other
VTJLGATB, THK
pe cul ia rit ies which evidently belong to the Afrieas
(or common) dialect, and not merely to the Chris-
tian form of it. Such are the words ssmorore,
maaoracto, improperum, framta (a sword), nbloe-
tatio, atMtiahs, aUetiare, ptcUsseukmt, antemmraU
pauffica, paraatra, lortssra, tribular* (met.), **•
ulutio, vaUfactre, veredarius, mart, tictuoha, si-
rtctum (viretum), wttulanun, volatsHa (subst),
quatermo, reeSaatorium, scrtshmum, spons ors ,
straloria (subst), sufferentia, mfficssntia, super-
abundantia, sustaeniia, cartalkts, eassidiU, coUac
taneus, eomdnlcare, gasmen, gnssitudo, nftetii
(wrrdAupa), eztermmsum, dtfumeHo (decease), sw6-
sttmlia (aba.), incolatus.
New verbs sre formed from adjectives : postman,
proximare, approzimare, assUuart, pigrHart,
takare (sahator, snhatio), obviare, juemdnrt,
and especially a large class in -fico : nortifico, vm~
Jioo, mnctifico, glorifico, clnrijico, btatyfat, easti-
fieo, gratified, fruetifico.
Other verbs worthy of notice are: ap pi a u riare,
apprttiare, tentbrescere, mauleare, implamara,
(pianos), mamenre.
In this class may be reckoned also many
(1. ) New substantives derived from adjectives :
posstbiliuts, pnsdarUas, patermtat, prascUutsa,
rttigiotHas, natmias, tupertacuUas, magnolia.
Or verbs: reqwetio, resptcHo, crtatura, sssbi-
tatio, extolkntia.
(9.) New verbals: occensibiHs, aceepiabiSt, db-
cibiUs, productihs, p as s i b ilis , rteepUbUis, rcprtken-
sibilis, suadabilis, subjtctibHis, arreptitius; and
participial forma: pudoratus, angumHatus, ttstorev
lut, tentrrtui, disdpHnatut, magnatus, unguatus.
(3.) New adjectives: ommatouus, ttmporaneus,
unigtnitus, queruiosus ; and adverbs, terribUiter,
unam'mUer, spiritualiter, eognoscibiSier, fidu ci al-
iter.
The series of nepotist oomponnds is peculiarly
worthy of notice: bnmemorath, increditio, uuxxs-
summntio ; inkonorare ; im iuxiKnki s, Mtjicisns,
nuxmfusibiUs, importabiSs.
Among the characteristics of the late stage of a
language must be reckoned the excessive frequency
of compounds, especially formed with the preposi-
tions. These are peculiarly abundant in the Latin
Version, but in many cases it is difficult to deter-
mine whether they sre not direct translations of
the late I.XX. forms, and not independent forms:
e. g. addecimart, admtmre -ntio, aoHncrescers,
pereffluere, ptr mundar t, prepurgare, suptrtxaU
tare, superinmlescere, supererogare, remmlart,
rtmemoratio, rtpropiHori, subin/err*. Of then
many are the direct representatives of Greek words:
superadtdta (1 Cor. vil. 86), supersemmare (Hast.
xiii. 95), eompartieipes, coneaptmis, eemplnntatus,
etc (supertubstasatahs. Matt. vi. 11); and others
sre formed to express distinct ideas: subdna-ichu,
subnertart, etc*
(9.) Gromsms. —48. The « simpHeity" of the
Old Version necessarily led to the introduction of
very numerous Septnaitintal or N. T. forms, many
of which have now passed into common use. Is
this respect it would be easy to point out the dif
a Cardinal Wiseman ( Ttoo iMtm, ete., lepnbllshsd
i JEnoyx, I. pp. 46-64) has examined this subject In
torn* detail, and tha writer has fully availed himself
sf bis examples, In addition to those which hs hsd
nimadf eolketed. Ths Tkismms of laber (ed. 1740)
S) ths most complete for ■cc l es last t cal liSltn ; and Do-
tripon'i Comcordanrt Is, as fsr as the writer has ob-
served, complete for the authorised Oiemnttne text.
° It would be interesting to trass the many strsx-
mg parallelisms between the Tolfate and the AMeas
Appolaius (e. g. mcrvtibilis (eel.) msfmfibitis, male*
tan, ete ), or the Spanish Ssneea (e. g. Ufaurade. m
pmitius, ete.).
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VULGATE, THB
ference which exists between Jerome'i own work
lud the original translation, or hU revision of it
Example* of Greek worth an: ttlnrt, perizoma,
python, pythuniua, prvetlyha, jirvplitttx -lino
•attire -Ltre, paderu, pum/ntict. themmrixare,
anatAematizitre, ayunwire, ayoaia, onmilwiri,
angebu -iau, prribolm, pisticm, probatica, pa-
pyrio, pattophoria, teltmium, enchant, ocharit,
rotnphaa, bravium, dithal tuut, dom-i (thromu),
thymialorium, trutega, tcundiauu, eitarcia, blat-
pkemart, etc., beside* the purely technical terms:
patriarchs, Paratoevt, Putcha, PmacUtut. Other
words based on the Greek are: upoiior, angaria,
mpottatare, apottol I/at, acediur (jjcnila).
Some close rendering* are interesting: amodo
(*■* roirov), propitialorium (Uoff-rtjpioW, »*•*■
»>«*» iiwl re aire), rationale (Amur, Ex. xxviii.
16, 4c), tctnn/actoriut (Acts xviii. S), itmimer-
bim (Acta nil. 18), tttbintroductut (Gal. ii. 4), *n-
nererrtViri (Jude 8), cuititat (Acta xxii. 38), •'»#»»-
tntw Malorum (James i. 13). To this head also
must be referred such constructions as selnrs with
ocen». ((nKovy tow): /ncere with inf. (woitly
.... 7«^<r»ai); poUttat with is/, (i^ovaia
•aWrat); the use of the in/*, to express an end
(Acta rii. 43, tuoifiaari tpoamvuv) or a result
(Luke I. 86, MOtr bjpf\fif, ret/itxit au/rrrt);
the introduction of qnii for tiri in the sense of that
(Luke i. 68, cwdieiiml .... quia), or for Jti
redtativum (Matt. vii. S3, ConfiUbor Wit quia
....); the aV>& with auequi (Luke i. 3, wapato-
Koutiir V. L.); the use of the yrn. with the
eompsratiTe (John i. 60, mnjora hovum); and
such Hebraisms ss rir mortu (1 K. U. 26). Conip.
Generally it niay be observed that the Vulgate
Latin bears traces of a threefold influence derived
from the original text; and the modifications of
form which are capable of being carried back to
this source occur jet more largely in modern lan-
guages, whether in this case the; are to be referred
to the plastic power of the Vulgate on the popular
dialect, or, as is more likely, we must suppose that
the Vulgate has preserved a distinct record of pow-
ers which were widely working in the time* of the
Empire on the common Latin. These are (1) an
extension of the use of prepositions for simple cases,
«r. y. in the renderings of /», Col. Hi. 17, iacere in
verbo, etc.; (2) an assimilation of pronouns to
the meaning of the Greek article, «. g. 1 John i.
2, ipta vita; Luke xxir. 9, iltit undecim, etc.;
and (8) a constant employment of the definitive
and epithetic genitive, where classical usage
would have required an adjective, e. g. Col. i.
18, Amis earitatu turn; iii. 12, viscera miteri-
sannVs,
44. The peculiarities which have been enumer-
ated an found in greater or less frequency through-
out the Vulgate. It is natural that they should be
most abundant and striking in the parts whioh have
been preserved least changed from the Old Latin,
the Apocrypha, the Acts, Epistles, and Apocalypse.
Jerome, who, as he often says, had spent many
years in the schools of grammarians and rhetori-
lians, could not nil to soften down matiy of the as-
perities of the earlier version, either by adopting
variations already in partial use, or by correcting
VUIiOATB, THB
8481
a Probably the moat remarkable example of the iu-
dnmoe of theology upon popular languagv, Is the to-
ut* sapctearion of the eomlattns of <wew Id all -be
t —i nn i larurnafis. Tb* tonus occur m m* leagues
SIB
faulty expression* himself as he revised the text,
An examination of a few chapters in the Old and
New Versions of the Gospels will snow the character
and extent of the changes which he ventured to in-
troduce: Luke i. SO, ovgf, nun, Vet. L., nequu-
quam, Vulg.; id. 85, iy 8Ap rp ipttvp, m onsi
Montana, Vet. L., taper omnia montama, Vulg.;
ii. 1, profiteretw, proftmo, Vet. I., detcriberetmr,
ducriptit, Vulg.; id. 13, extrclhu cmlettit, Vet.
L., militia amettit, Vulg. ; id. 84, quod amtradiot-
tur, Vet. L, cui amtr. Vulg.; id. 49, in propria
Patrit met, Vet L., in *u qua patrit ma sent,
Vulg. Some words be seems to have changed
constantly, though not universally: e. g. obauditio,
obaudio (obedientia, obedio); mewurare (metiri);
dilectio (earitas); tacramentam' (rajtUxiam), etc
And many of the most remarkable forms are con-
fined to books which he did not revise: elucidare,
inaUare (jueundarl); fundgabundut, illamentatut,
mditciptinatm, intutpicabiHt ; extecrnmenum (ex-
terminimn), gaudimonium; extoUentia, kottori/i-
etntia: horripiUttio, inlionoratio.
45. Generally it may be laid that the Scriptural
idioms of our common language have come to us
mainly through the Latin; and in a wider view
the Vulgate is the connecting link between ekuav
cal and modern languages. It contains elements
which belong to the earliest stage of Latin, and ex-
hibits (if often in a rude form) the flexibility of the
popular dialect On the other hand, it has fur-
nished the source and the model for a large portion
of current Latin derivatives. Even a cursory ex
animation of the characteristic words which have
been given will show bow many of them, and bow
many corresponding forms, have passed into living
language* ° To follow out this question in detail
would be out of place here; but it would furnish a
chapter in the history of langusge fruitful in result*
and hitherto unwritten. Within a more limits,
range, the authority of the Latin Versions is unde-
niable, though its extent is rarely realised. Thai
vast power which they have had in determining the
theological terms of western Christendom can
hardly be overrated. By far the greater part of
the current doctrinal terminology is based on the
Vulgate, and, as for as can be ascertained, was
originated in the Latin Version. Predestination
justification, supererogation (supsrerogo), tanetifi-
cation, saltation, mediator, regeneration, rent lo-
tion, mutation (met), propitiation, first appear la
the Old Vulgate Grace, redemption, election,
reconciliation, satisfaction, inspiration, scriptrjrt,
were devoted there to a new and holy use. Sat*
ratnent (pwrrtpiov) sod communion sre from the
same source; and though baptism is Greek, it
comes to us from the Latin. It would be easy to
extend the list by the addition of orders, penance,
congregation, print But it can be seen from the
forms already brought forward that the Latin Ver-
sions have left their mark both upon our language
and upon our thoughts; and If the right method
of controversy is based upon a clear historical per-
ception of the force of words, it is evident that the
study of the Vulgate, however much neglected, can
never be neglected with Impunity. It was the Ver-
sion which alone they knew who handed down to
the Reformers the lion, stores of mediatval wisdom)
•technical sens* (tb* Word), but otherwise they an n
placed by the npnaeotatlvai of parabola (parole, an
role, ete.l Comport Met, Sam. «"»rts. p 268.
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8482
VULTUBB
the Version with which the greatest of the Reform-
in were inert familiar, and from which they had
drawn Uieir earliest knowledge of Divine truth.
B.F. W.
* Recent Literature. — First of all should be
named the excellent article Vulgata, by O. F.
Fritzsche, in Heraog's Retd-Encgk. xvii. 422-460
(1863). See also 0. Zockler, Bieronymut, km
Leben u. Wirizn, Gotha, 186$; L. Diestd, 6'escA.
d. Allen Test, in dtr cliritlL Kirche, Jena, 1869,
p. 94 ff.; V. Kaulen, Getch. der Vulgata, Mainz,
1869; and H. Bonseh, Ihila u. Vulgata. Dm
Bprachidiom .... trUutert, Marb. 1869. See
also Ronsch, Die lot. Bibtlabertetzungen im
cliritU. Afrika tur Zeit det Auguttinut, in the
ZeUtehr. f.tiltU. Thtui, 1867, pp. 606-634;
and Beitrdge tur paii-utUclten Beteugung d. bibL
TexlgtttfiU it. Latinitat, I. At Ambrotiut, ibid.
1809, pp. 434-479, and 1870, pp. 91-145. Por-
tions of the Old Latin versions have been published
by V. Mone. De librit palimpttttit, Carlsr. 1855,
p. 49 ff. (Prov.); K. Rauke, Emgmenta Vers. tac.
Script. Lot. Antehiermym. e Cud. MS. truit, etc.
Ed. Libri repetitu, cut accetSt Appendix. Wien,
1868 (1st ed. 1856-58); 0. F. Fritzsche, Frngm.
Jnttrp. ttt. L>it (.lodges), appended to his Liber
Judicum tec. LXX., Tur ci. 18(17: A. VogeL Bei-
trdt/e zur HersUtluny d. nit. Uit. Bibciubertetzung.
Wien, 1868; and especially' lMtrurum IjmL tt
Nma. I trsio imtujun lUiln e Cud. perantiquo in
BiMi'Ui. Athlmi-n/imn. cuturrvibi mute primum
tij/iit tdila, Lond. 18 r )8. foL (pri ately printed).
Tlii Si-Ao/Dter (p. 3457, 0) has been edited by
John Stuart, Edin. 1869. A.
VULTURE. The rendering in A. V. of the
Heh. n*.^ (dayyali) and HKIj and also in Job
sxviii. 7, of njS, nyyih ; elsewhere, in Lev. xi.
14, and Deut. xiv. 13, more correctly rendered
•'kite": LXX. yi*y and frrtrot: Vulg. ndtur :
except in Is. xxxiv. 15, where LXX. read Ikwpot,
and Vulg. correctly milcut.
There seems no doubt but that the A. V. trans-
lation is incorrect, and that the original words re-
fer to some of the smaller species of raptorial birds,
as kites or buzzards. H*^ is evidently synony-
nous with Arab. Hi JjC. n'daynh, the vernacular
'or the " kite " in North Africa, and, without the
epithet " red," for the black kite especially. Bo-
cl'art (Hieroz. ii. 9, 195) explains it Vultur niger.
The Samaritan and all other Eastern Versions sgree
In reodering it "kite." rW (nyyih) is yet more
jertalnly referable to this bird, which in other pas-
sages it is taken to re pres ent Bochart (Hitrot. ii,
b. 2, c. 8, p. 193) says it is the same bird which
the Arabs call LgU (yaya) from its cry; but does
not state what species this is, supposing it appar-
ently to be the magpie, the Arab name for which,
Sowerer, is ^VjlOJlII, el aqaaq.
There are two very different species of bird com-
prised under the English ham vulture: the griffon
Heb.
(Gypt fuhmt, Sav.), Arab. w*uj
"T^'j, nether. • invariably rendered "eagle" by A.
V.; and the perencpter, or Egyptian vulture (JVe-
tpkronptrencpterut, Sav.), Arab. B i^-i l rakhma :
VULTUEK
Heb. QPn, racn&m: rendered " gler-esgb " by
A. V.
The identity of the Hebrew and Arable terms hi
these eases can scarcely be questioned. Howevei
degrading the substitution of the ignoble vulture
for the royal eagle may at first sight appear in
many passages, it moat be borne in mind that the
griffon is in all its movements and characteristics a
majestic and royal bird, the largest and most pow-
erful which is seen on the wing in Palestine, and
far surpassing the eagle in size and power. Ita
only rival in these respects is the bearded vultara
or lammergeyer, a more uncommon bird every-
where, and which, since it is not, like the griffon,
bald on the head and neck, cannot be n- far ed to aa
nether (see Hie L 16). Very different is the slov-
enly and cowardly Egyptian vulture, the familiar
scavenger of all oriental towns and villages, pro-
tected for its useful habits, but loathed and de-
spised, till its name has become a term of reproach
like that of the dog or the swine.
If we take the Heb. ayy&k to refer to the red
kite (inifotu regaiit, Temm.), and dayy&h to the
black kite (nufoui ater, Temm.), we shall find the
piercing sight of the former referred to by Job
(xxviii. 7), and the gregarious habits of toe latter
by Isaiah (xxxiv. 15). Both species are inhabit-
ants of Palestine, the red kite being found all over
the country, as formerly in England, but nowhere
in great numbers, generally soaring at a great
height over the plains, according to Dr. Roth, and
apparently leaving the country in winter. The
black kite, which is so numerous everywhere aa to
lie gregarious, may be seen at all times of the year,
hovering over the villages and the outskirts of
towns, on the lookout for offal and garbage, which
are its favorite food. Vulture-like, it seldom, un-
less pressed by hunger, attacks living animals tt
is therefore never molested by the natives, and
builds its nest on trees in their neighborhood, fan-
tastically decorating it with as many rags of col-
ored cloth as it can collect.
There are three species of vulture known to in-
habit Palestine: —
1. The Lammergeyer {GupaiUn barbntut. Cor.),
which is rare everywhere, and only found in deso-
late mountain regions, where it rears its young in
the depth of winter among I nacce ss i ble precipices.
It is looked upon by the Arabs as an eagle rather
than a vulture.
2. The Griffon ( ypt fukmt, Sav.), mentioned
above, remarkable for its power of vision and the
great height at which it soars. Aristotle (Anim.
HitU vi. 6) notices the manner In which the griffon
scents its prey from afar, and congregates in the
wake of an army. The same singular instinct was
remarked in the Russian War, when vast numbers
of this vulture were collected in the Crimea, and
remained till the end of the campaign in the neigh-
borhood of the camp, although previously they nod
been scarcely known in the country. " Whereso-
ever the carcass is there will the eagles be gathered
together " (Matt. xxiv. 28); " Where the akin are,
there is she " (Job xxxix. 80). The writer observed
this bird universally distributed in all the moun-
tainous and rocky districts of Palestine, and espe-
cially abundant in the southeast. Its favorite
breeding-places are between Jerusalem and Jericho,
and all round the Dead Sea.
The third species is the Egyptian vulture (.Wee.
phron percnopttrvt. Sav.), often celled Pharaoh
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WAGES
km, observed id Palestine by Hsaselquist and all
ubsequent travellers, and very numerous every-
where- Two other specie* of very large sin, the
sand and cinereous vultures ( Vitttw mbicut.
Smith, and Vultur cinercus, I.), although inhab-
itants of the neighboring countries, and probably
also of the southeast of Palestine, have not yet
bean noted in collections from that oountry.
H. B.T.
w.
WAGES.' The earliest mention of wages is
cf a recompense not in money but in kind, to Jacob
from Latum (Gen. xxix. 15, 20, xxz. 28, xxxi. 7,
8, 41). This usage was only natural among a
pastoral and ohanging population like that of the
tent-dwellers of Syria. In Egypt, money payments
by way of wages were in use, but the terms cannot
now be ascertained (Ex. ii. 9). The only mention
of the rate of wages in Scripture is found in the
parable of the householder and vineyard (Matt. xx.
2), where the laborer's wage* are set at one denarius
per day, probably = 7Jd., a rate which agrees with
Tobit v. 14, where a drachma is mentioned as the
rate per day, a sum which may be fairly taken as
equivalent to the denarius, and to the usual pay of
a soldier (ten ours per diem) in the later days of
the Roman republic (Tac. Ann. i. 17; Polyb. vi.
30). It was perhaps the traditional remembrance
of this sum as a day's wages that suggested the
mention of (t drachmas wrung from the hard hands
of peasants" (Shakespeare, Jul. Ccn. iv. 3). In
earlier times it is probable that the rata was lower,
as until lately it was throughout India, In Scot-
land we know that in the last century a laborer's
daily wages did not exceed sixpence (Smiles, Live*
of Engineers, ii. 96). But it is likely that labor-
ers, and also soldiers, were supplied with provisions
(Michaelis, Lam of Motes, § 130, vol. ii. p. 190,
ed. Smith), as is intimated by the word ttkuyia,
used in Luke iii. 14, and 1 Cor. ix. 7, and also by
Polybiua, vi. 39. The Mishnah (Baba mttzia,
vii. 1, $ 5), speaks of victuals being allowed or
not according to the custom of the place, up to
the value of a denarius, <*. t. inclusive of the pay.
The law was very strict in requiring daily pay-
ment of wages (Lev. xix. 13; Deut. xxiv. 14, 15);
and the Mishnah applies the same rule to the use
if animal* (Baba metzin, ix. 12). The employer
who refused to give bis laborers sufficient victuals
Is censured (Job xxiv. 11), and the iniquity of
withholding wages is denounced (Jer. xxii. 13;
UaL iii. 5; James v. 4).
Wages in general, whether of soldiers or labor-
er*, a* mentioned (Hag. i. 6; Es. xxix. 18, 19;
John iv. 36). Burckhardt mention* a case in
Syria resembling closely that of Jacob with Laban
— a man who served eight years for his food, on
■ L "1^, rTlbtjTQ : »wMt : ami.
2. nv3<3: luottt; opus.' wages for work dons,
n*n bjS, "work » (Oes. p. 1117)
* 1. nj-lWH: gopr/in: sum'.' only In stem v. 8.
i. (*» "Tf|: «Vpfc : wwssrta. (») -rj»-
W iTTfi) : fcavrsjM, s-wyaec:
WALLS 8488
condition of obtaining his master's daughter in
marriage, and was afterwards compelled by hit
father In-law to perform acts of service for him
(Sy1a, p. 997). H. W. P.
WAGON. [Cabt and Chariot.] Th*
oriental wagon or arabah is a vehicle composed
of two or three planks fixed on two solid circular
blocks of wood, from two to fire feet in diameter,
which serve as wheels. To the floor are sometime*
attached wings, which splay outwards like the sides
of a wheelbarrow. For the conveyance of passen-
gers, mattresses or clothes are laid in the bottom,
and the vehicle is drawn by buffaloes or oxen
(ArundeU, Asia Minor, ii. 191, 235, 238; Olearius,
T11 iv. p. 309; Ker Porter, Trap. ii. 533.) Egyp-
tian carts or wagons, such as were sent to con-
voy Jacob (Gen. xlv. 19, 81, 27), are described
under Cabt. The covered wagons for conveying
the materials of the Tabernacle were probably con-
structed on Egyptian models. They were each
drawn by two oxen (Num. vii. 3, 8). Herodotus
mentions a four-wheeled Egyptian vehicle (jLviafo)
used for sacred purposes (Her. U. 63).
H. W. P.
• Under this head belong* « litters " Is. lxvi.
20, the Hebrew word being the same as that for
" wagons " in Num. vii. 3, 8. Litters occurs
only this once in the A V. H.
• WALL OP PARTITION. [Pabtitkw
Wall.]
WALLS.' Only a few points need be noticed
in addition to what has been said elsewhere on
wall-construction, whether in brick, stone, or wood.
[Bricks; Handicraft; Mortar.] 1. The prac-
tice common in Palestine of carrying foundation*
down to the solid rock, as in the case of the Temple,
and in the present day with structures intended to
be permanent (Joseph. AM. xv. 11, § 8; Luke vi.
48; Robinson, ii. 338; Col. Ch. Chron. (1857),
p. 459). The pains taken by the ancient builder*
to make good the foundations of their work may
still be seen, both in the existing substructions
and in the number of old stones used in mors
modern constructions. Some of these stones —
ancient, but of uncertain date — are from 20 feet
to 30 feet 10 inches long, 8 feet to 6 feet 6 inches
broad, and 5 feet to 7 feet 6 inches thick (Rob. I.
233, 282, 286, iii. 228). As is the case in num-
berless instances of Syrian buildings, either old or
built of old materials, the edges and sometime* the
faces of these stones are " beveled " in flat groove*.
This is commonly supposed to indicate work at
least as old as the Roman period (Bob. L 961, 286,
ii. 75,- 76, 978, 353, ill. 59, 58, 84, 299, 461, 493,
511; Ferguson, Hdbk. of Arch. p. S88). 0»
the contrary side, see Col Ch. Ckran. (1858), p.
350.
But the great size of these stones is for exceeded
by some of those at Baalbek, three af which are
8. nphrt: Mixes i Mara*.
l-TII: «ilwMu« 1 *»*— > also r t onfa tpu: apt
6. Yin and yyi: vsijpt: »*•*».
6. ynn ; nptrt%x<>t. «mw* ■* only in Dan. nt- 9b
7. (a)bni. <»)Vi;p, ChaH.: mmnoiio
8. T*|J • Tctgot : pariu.
•> "W vngei:
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8484
WANDERING
■Kb about 63 bet long ; and one, still lying in the
quarry, measure 68 feet 4 Inches in length, 17 feet
8 inches broad, and 14 feet 7 inchea thick. It*
weight can scarcely be leas than 600 tons (Sob. iii.
605. 612; Volney, Trav. ii. 841).
2. A feature of some parts of Solomon's build-
ings, as described by Josepbus, corresponds re-
markably to the method adopted at Nineveh of
encrusting or veneering a wall of brick or stone
with slabs of a more costly material, as marble or
alabaster (Joseph. Ant. vili. 6, $ 2; Fergusson,
Bdbk. 202, 203).
3. Another use of walla in Palestine is to sup-
port mountain roads or terraces formed on the
sides of hills for purposes of cultivation (Rob. ii.
498, iii. 14, 46).
4. The •' paths of the vineyards " (Num. zxii.
21) is illustrated by Robinson as a pathway through
vineyards, with walls on each side {BiU. Set. ii. 80;
Stanley, 8. and P. 102, 420; Lindsay, 7Vat>. p.
239; Maundrell, Early Trav. p. 437). [Win-
dow.] H. W. P.
WANDERING IN THE WILDER-
NESS. [Wilderness of Wakdekino.]
WAR The most important topic in connec-
tion with war is the formation of the army, which
is destined to carry it on. This has been already
described under the head of Army, and we shall
therefore take up the subject from the point where
that article leaves it. Before entering on a war
of aggression the Hebrews sought for the Divine
sanction by consulting either the Drim and Thum-
mim (Judg. 1. 1, zx. 27, 28; 1 Sam. ziv. 37, xxiii.
2, xxviii. 6, xzx. 8), or some acknowledged prophet
(1 K. xxii. 6; 2 Chr. xviii. 6). The heathens
betook themselves to various kinds of divination
for the same purpose (Ex. xxi. 21). Divine aid
was farther sought in actual warfare by bringing
into the field the Ark of the Covenant, which was
the symbol of Jehovah Himself (1 Sam. iv. 4-18,
xiv. 18), a custom which prevailed certainly down
to David's time (2 Sam. xi. 11 ; comp. Pa. ixvlil.
1, 24). During the wanderings in the wilderness
the signal for warlike preparations was sounded by
priests with the silver trumpets of the sanctuary
(Num. x. 9, xxxi. 6). Formal proclamations of
war were not interchanged bettreen the belligerents ;
but occasionally messages either deprecatory or
defiant were sent, as in the* cases of Jephthah and
the Ammonites (Judg. xi. 12-27), Ben-hadad and
Ahab (1 K. xx. 2), and agiin Amaziah and Jehoaah
(2 K. xiv. 8). Beforj entering the enemy's die-
trict spies were sent to ascertain the character of
the country and the preparations of its inhabitants
for resistance (Nu>n. xiii. 17; Josh. ii. 1; Judg.
til. 10; 1 Sam. xxvi. 4). When an engagement
• -1129, Mt. •*> ".neloatog" or " budegmg,''
and bane* appttW a to* wall by which tb* slags was
• JlV^D. r>«lMbats(^rc*dof.U.6M)imdBntBiKls
Jus tsrm of the K<ag-lsddttr, comparing the cognate
lulUm (Q*n. xxvtil 12). and giving tb* verb thipkoe,
which ucomyinlM MoUik, tb* ana* of a " hurried
advancing " of the ladder.
e p*^T. Some doubt exists as to tb* maanlng of
hi* total. Tb* s*na* of » turrats '•" aestgned to it by
.Imunm ;Ti«. p. 880) has been objected to on tb*
{roan4 'J>at tb* word always appear* In the singular
lumbar, and In connection with the expression " round
WAR
was imminent a aaerinas was ((lend (1 Sam. vfl
9, xiii. 9), and an inspiriting address delivered
either by the oommander (2 Chr. zx. 20) or by a
priest (Dent. xx. 2). Then followed the battle
signal, sounded forth from the silver trumpet* as
already described, to which the host responded by
shouting the war-cry (1 Sam. xvii. 52; Is. xiii.
13; Jer. L 48; E*. xx. 28; Am. L 14). The
combat assumed the form of a number of hand-to-
hand contest*, depending on the qualities of the
individual soldier rather than on the disposition of
masses. Hence the high value attached to fleet-
neas of foot and strength of arm (2 Sam. i. 83, ii.
18; 1 Chr. xii. 8). At the same time various
strategic devices were practiced, such a* the am-
buscade (Josh. viii. 2, 12; Judg. zx. 36), surprise
(Judg. vil. 16), or circumvention (2 Sam. v. 23)
Another mode of settling the dispute was by the
selection of champions (1 Sam. xvii. ; 2 Sam. ii.
14), who were spurred on to exertion by the offer
of high reward (1 Sam. xvii. 26, xviii. 86; 3 Sam.
xviii. 11; 2 Chr. xi. 6). The contest having been
decided, the conquerors were recalled from the pur-
suit by the sound of a trumpet (8 Sam, ii 88,
xviii. 16, xx. 82).
The siege of a town or fortress was conducted in
the following manner: A line of drcumvallation "
was drawn round the place (Ex. iv. 2; Hie. v. 1),
constructed out of the trees found in the neighbor-
hood (Deut xx. 20), together with earth arid any
other materials at hand. This line not only cut
off the besieged from the surrounding country, but
also served ss a base of operations for the besiegers.
The next step was to throw out from this line one
or more " mounts " or •• banks " * in the direction
of the city (2 Sam. xx. 16; 2 K. xix. 32; Is. xxxvii.
33), which was gradually increased in height uutO
it was about half as high as the city wall. On
this mound or bank towers' were erected (2 K,
xxv. 1; Jer. Iii. 4; Ex. iv. 8, xvii. 17, xxi. 22,
xxvi. 8), whence the stingers and archers might
attack with effect. Battering-rams <* (Ex. iv. 8, xxi.
22) were brought up to the walls by means of the
bank, and scaling-ladders might also be placed on
it. Undermining the walls, though practiced by
the Assyrians (Layard, Win. ii. 371 ), is not noticed
in the Bible ; the reference to it in the LXX- and
Vulg., in Jer. Ii. 58, is not warranted by the orig-
inal text Sometimes, however, the walla wen
attacked near the foundation, either by individual
warriors who protected themselves from above by
their shields (Ea. xxvi. 8". or by the further as* of
such a machine as the lldepoliif referred to in
1 Mace. xiii. 43. Burning the gates wss another
mode of obtaining ingress (Judg. ix. 52). The
water-supply would naturally be cut off, if it wen
about" the city. Hsnes tb* asna* of "eiroumvalav
Ooo " ha* been assigned to it by auohaaUa, KaU
( Anhoot B. 808), and other*. It It difficult, however,
In this can, to see any distinction between the tsnua
daytk and m&txCr. Tb* expression " round aboo* *"
may refer to tb* custom of outing up banks at atStr-
ent points ; the us* of tb* singular la a aollastrf*
•sow forms a greater difficulty.
* wnt.
• This is described by Ammlanns M*roelnnns(xxui
4, 1 10) a* a combination of to* tettudo and tb* bat.
taring-ram, by mean* of which tb* b esie g ers brokr
through the town part of the wall, ana thus ™ leaps*
into the city," not from above, as tb* words print i
fade imply, but from below.
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WAR
josaitle (Jnd. vlli. 7). The besieged, meanwhile,
itrengtfaened and repaired their fortifications (Is.
cxii. 10), and repelled the enemy from the wall by
Missiles (8 Sam. xi. 24), by throwing over beams
and heavy stone* (Judg. ix. 53 ; 3 Sam. xi. 91 ;
Joseph. B. J. v. 3, § 8, 6, § 3), by pouring down
boiling oH (0. J. ill. T, § 88), or lastly by erecting
fixed engines for the propulsion of stones and arrows
(3 Chr. xxri. 18). [Ehgisk.] Sallies were also
made For the purpose of burning the besieger*'
works (1 Mace. vi. 81; B. J. v. 11, $ 4), and
driving them away from the neighborhood. 'Die
{ongoing operations receive a large amount of illus-
tration from the representations of such scenes on
ths Assyrian slabs. We there see the " bank "
thrown up in the form of an inclined plane, with
the lattering-ram hauled up on it assaulting the
walls; movaole towers of considerable elevation
brought up, whence the warriors discharge their
arrows into the city; the walla undermined, or
attempts made to destroy them by picking to pieces
the lower courses ; the defenders actively engaged
in archery, and averting the force of the battering-
ram by chains and ropes; the scaling-ladders at
length brought, and the conflict become hand-to-
hand (Uyard's Ifm. ii. 380-374).
The treatment of the conquered was extremely
severe in ancient times. The leaders of the host
were put to death (Josh. x. 36; Judg. vii. 36),
with the occasional indignity of decapitation after
aeath (1 Sam. xvii. 51; 3 Mace. xv. 80; Joseph.
B. J. i. 17, § 3). The bodies of the soldiers killed
h action were plundered (1 Sam. xxxi. 8; 3 Mace.
iii. 37); the survivors were either killed in soma
avage manner (Judg. ix. 45 ; 3 Sam. xii. 31 ; 3
)hr. xxv. 13), mutilated (Judg. i. 6; 1 Sam. xi.
3), or carried into captivity (Num. xxxi. 36; Dent
xx. 14). Women and children were occasionally
put to death with the greatest barbarity (3 K. viii.
13, xv. 16: Is. xiii. 16, 18; Hos. x. 14, xiiL 16;
Am i. 18; Nah. ili. 10; 3 Mace v. 18): but it
was more usual to retain the maidens a* concubines
or amenta (Judg. v. 30; 3 K. v. 3). Sometimes
the bulk of the population of the conquered coun-
try was removed to a distant locality, as in the
case of the Israelites when subdued by the As-
syrians (3 K. xvii. 6). and of the Jews by the
Babylonians (3 K. xxiv. 14, xxv. 11). In addition
to these measures, the towns were destroyed (Judg.
ix. 45; 3 K. iii. 35; 1 Mace. r. 88, 51, x. 84), the
idids and shrines were carried off (Is. xlvi. 1, 3),
or destroyed (1 Mace. v. 68, x. 84); the fruit-trees
were cut down, and the fields spoiled by over-
spreading them with stones (3 K. Hi. 19, 35); and
the horses were lamed (3 Sam. viii. 4; Josh. xi. 6,
I). If the war was carried on simply for the pur-
pose of plunder or supremacy, these extreme meas-
ures would hardly be carried into execution; the
eonqueror would restrict himself to rifling the traas-
urla (1 K. xiv. 26 ; 8 K xrr. 14, xxiv. 13), or
levying contributions (3 K. xviil, 14).
The Mosaic Law mitigated to a certain extent
the severity of the aucient usages toward* toe con-
quered. With the exception of the Canaanites,
who were delivered over to the ban of extermina-
tion by the express command of God, It was for-
uidden to the Israelites to put to death any others
ban mauea bearing arms: the women and children
were to be kept alive (Dent. xx. 13, 14). In •
similar spirit of humanity the Jews were prohib-
ted from felling fruit-trees for the purpose oi mak-
ng siege-works (Deut. xx. 19). The Law further
WASHING HANDS AND FBBT 3485
restricted the power of the conqueror over female*,
and secured to them humane treatment (Deut. xxL
10-14). The majority ot the savage acts recorded
as having been practiced by the Jews were either
in retaliation for some gross provocation, as in-
stanced in the cases of Adoni-bezek (Judg. i. 6,
7), and of David's treatment of the Ammonites
(2 Sam. x. 3-4, xii. 31; 1 Chr. xx. 3); or els*
they were done by lawless usurpers, as in Menv-
beni's treatment of the women of Tiphsah (3 K.
xv. 16). The Jewish kings generally appear to
have obtained credit for clemency (1 K. xx. 31).
The conquerors celebrated their success by the
erection of monumental stones (1 Sam. vii. 13;
3 Sam. viii. 13, where, instead of "gat him a
name," we should read "set up a manorial"), by
hanging up trophies in their publio buildings (1
Sam. xxl. 9,. xxxi. 10; 2 K. xi. 10), and by tri-
umphal songs and dances, in which the wfcuai
population took pan (Ex. xv. 1-31; Judg. v.; 1
Sam. xvilL 6-8; 3 Sam. xxii.; Jud. xvi. 3-17; 1
Mace. Iv. 24). The death of a hero was com-
memorated by a dirge (8* Sam. i. 17-37; 3 Chr.
xxxv. 25), or by a national mourning (2 Sam. iii.
31). The fallen warriors were duly buried (1 K.
xi. 15), their arms being deposited in the grave
beside them (Ex. xxxii. 37), while the enemies'
corpses were exposed to the beast* of prey (1 Sam.
xvii. 44; Jer. xxv. 33). The Israelites were di-
rected to undergo the purification imposed on those
who had touched a corpse, before they entered the
precincts of the camp or the sanctuary (Num. xxxi.
19). The disposal of the spoil has already been
described under Booty. W. L. B.
• WARDROBE, 9 K. xxii. 14, where, as
rendered in the margin, the Hebrew signifies "gar-
ments." The vestments of the priests are prob-
ably meant, said there to have been under the care
of SHALLtm. The same notice occurs in 3 Chr.
xxxiv. 23. [See Vestbt, Amer. ed.] H.
* WARES. [Commebck; Merchant.]
WASHING THE HANDS AND FEET.
The particular attention paid by the Jews to the
cleansing of the hands and feet, as compared with
other parts of the body, originated In the social
usages of the East. As knives and forks were dis-
pensed with In eating, It was absolutely necessary
that the hand, which was thrust into the common
dish, should be scrupulously clean; and again, a*
sandals were ineffectual against the dost and heat
of an eastern climate, washing the feet on enter-
ing a house was an aet both of respect to the com-
pany and of refreshment to the traveller. The
former of these usages was transformed by the
Pharisees of the New Testament age Into a matter
of ritual observance (Mark vii. 8), and special role*
were laid down as to the times and manner of it*
performance. The neglect of these rule* by our
Lord and his disciple* drew down upon Him the
hostility of that sect (Matt. xv. 3; Luke xi. 88).
Whether the expre s si on wirwtfi used by St. Mark
has reference to any special regulation may per-
haps ba doubtful; the anas* "oft" (A. V.), and
"diligently" (Alford), have been assigned to it,
but it may possibly signify "with the fist," a*
though it ware necessary to close the one hand,
which had already been cleansed, before it was
applied to the andean one. This sense appear*
preferable to the other interpretation* of a similar
character, such as " up to the wrist " (Lightfoot);
» up to the elbow " (Theophylaet) j " having i "
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3486
WASHPOT
the hud •' which is undergoing the washing (Grot. ;
Scaiig.). The Pharisaical regulations on this sub-
ject are embodied in a treatise of the Mishnah,
mtitled 1'adiiim, from which it appears that the
ablution was confined to the hand (2, § 3), and that
great nare was needed to secure perfect purity in
the water used. The ordinary, as distinct from the
ceremonial, washing of hands before meals is still
universally prevalent in eastern countries (Lane, i.
190; Burckhardt's Notee, 1. 63).
Washing the feet did not rise to the dignity of
a ritual observance, except in connection with the
services of the sanctuary (Ex. xxx. 19, 81). It
held a high place, however, among the rites of
hospitality. Immediately that a guest presented
himself at the tent-door, it was usual to offer the
necessary materials for washing the feet (Gen. xriii.
4, xix. 2, xxiv. 32, xliil. 24; Judg. xix. 21; comp.
Horn. Od. if. 49). It was a yet more compli-
mentary act, betokening equally humility and affec-
tion, if the host actually performed the office for
hit guest (1 Sam. xxv. 41 ; Luke vii. 38, 44; John
xiii. 6-14; 1 Tim. v. 10V Such a token of hos-
pitality is still occasionally exhibited in the East,
either by the host, or by his deputy (Robinson's
Bib. Rti. ii. 229; Jowett's Ret. pp. 78, 79). The
feet were again washed before retiring to bed
(Cunt v. 3). A symbolical significance is attached
in John xdii. 10 to washing the feet as compared
with bathing the whole body, the former being
partial (vdrrv), the latter complete (\o6ai), the for-
mer oft-repeated in the course of the day, the latter
done once for all; whence they are adduced to
illustrate the distinction between occasional sin and
a general state of sinfulness. After being washed,
the feet were on festive occasions anointed (Luke
vii. 88; John xii. 3). The indignity attached to
the act of washing another's feet, appears to have
been extended to the vessel used (Ps. Ix. 8).
W. L. B.
• WASHPOT. [See the article above.]
WATCHES OF NIGHT (rnoi^: d*r
Kax4\)- The Jews, like the Greeks and Romans,
divided the night into military watches instead of
boars, each watch representing the period for
which sentinel* or pickets remained on duty. The
proper Jewish reckoning recognised only three such
watches, entitled the first or " beginning of the
watches " « (Lam. ii. 19), the middle watch » (Judg.
vii. 19), and the morning watch c (Ex. xiv. 24;
1 8am. xi. 11). These would last respectively from
sunset to 10 P. n.\ from 10 P. v. to 2 A. m. ; and
from 2 A. ii to sunrise. It has been contended
by Lightfoot {Hot. Heb. ij Matt xiv. 26) that the
Jews really reckoned four watches, three only of
which were In the dead of the night, the fourth
• -i,7.3rT irfijfo. » Tjrri .
* Tet being an offering to " bring iniquity to re-
ejembrenee" (ver. 16), It Is esremonially rated as a
"eta offering; "hence no oil Is to be mixed wHta the
steal before burning It, nor any frankincense to be
placed upon it when bunt, which same rule was ap-
plied to " sin offerings " generally (Uv. v. 11). With
asset offerings, on the contrary, the mixture of oil and
fee imposition of frankincense were prescribed (Ii. 1.
«, 7, 14, 16).
/ P rssa ely not the '' water of ssparatkm" lor puri-
WATER OF JEALOUSY
being in the morning. This, however, is ret i
improbable by the use of the term " middle," and
is opposed to Rabbinical authority (Mishnah, Be-
rnch. e. 1, § 1; Kimchi. on Pa. lxiii. 7; Rashi,
on Judg. vii. 19). Subsequently to the establish-
ment of the Roman supremacy, the number of
watches was increased to four, which were described
either according to their numerical order, as in the
case of the '• fourth watch " (Matt. xiv. 25; comp.
Joseph. Ant. v. 6, § 6), or by the terms » even,
midnight, cock-crowing, and morning " (Hark xui.
86). These terminated respectively at 9 p. U-,
midnight, 3 A. M., and 6 A. X. Conformably to
this, tin guard of soldiers wss divided inlo four
relays (Acts xii. 4), showing that the itrnuui
regime was followed in Herod's army. Watchn.en
appear to have patrolled the streets of the Jewish
towns (Cant. iil. 3, v. 7 ; Pa. cxxvii. 1,* where for
•' waketh " we should substitute " watcbeth ; " Ps.
exxx. 6). W. L» B.
•WATCHMAN. [WATCHsa of Nioht.]
WATER OF JEALOUSY (Num. v
11-81), D^T^n *•£, "waters of bitterness,"
sometimes with D v "TTKttrj added, as "causing
a curse " ("Hf^ Ststa rev Arvpoi; Philo, ii. 810,
woVet A«tx»»). The ritual prescribed consisted
in the husband's bringing the woman before the
priest, and the essential part of it is unquestion-
ably the oath, to which the "water" was sub-
sidiary, symbolical, and ministerial. With ber he
was to bring the tenth part of an ephah of barley-
meal as an offering. Perhaps the whole is to be
regarded from a judicial point of view, and this
" offering " in the light of a court-fee.* God him-
self was suddenly invoked to judge, snd his pres-
ence recognised by throwing a handful of the
barky-meal on the biasing altar in the course of
the rite. In the first instance, however, the priest
" set her before the Lord " with the offering in
her hand. The Mishnah (Sotak) prescribes thst
she be clothed in black with a rope girdle around
her waist; and bom the direction that the priest
'• shall uncover her head " (ver. 18), it would seem
she came in veiled, probably also in black. As aha
stood holding the offering, so the priest stood hold-
ing an earthen ve ss e l of holy water/ mixed with
the dust from the floor of the sanctuary, and de-
claring her free from all evil consequences if inno-
cent, solemnly devoted her in the name of Jehovah
to be "a curse snd an oath among ber people," if
guilty, further describing the exact consequences
ascribed to the operation of the water In the " mem-
bers" which the had "yielded as servants to un-
deanness " > (w. 21, 93, 87; comp. Bom. vi. IS
and Tbeodoret, Quest, x. in JvW). He then
aeetaon, mixed with the ashes of the red hetfar, to
as Its ceremonial property was to defile the pure snd
to purify the unclean (Mom. six. 21) who touched n,
It oould hardly be used In a rite the object of whW>
was to establish the Innocence of the upright or die*
oover the guilt of the sinner, without the aymboUam
Jarring. Perhaps water from the uwer of the sanc-
tuary Is Intended.
t The words H^b, Vljjb, l"!^., render*
In the A. T. by use word « rot," rather Indicate, aa>
cording to (keen «. e. /M, to " become or make
lean." Htchaslls thought ovarian dropsy was tsteudatf
by the symptoms. Jaaoehas says, ni n ***> «>
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WATER OF JEALOUsr
'■ wrote these cans in a book, and blotted than
■at with the bitter water," and, hiring thrown,
probably at this stage of the proceedings, the hand-
ful of meal qn the altar, " caused the woman to
drink " the potion thus dragged, she moreover
answering to the words of his imprecation, " Amen,
Amen." Joeephus sdds, if the suspicion was un-
founded, she obtained conception ; if true, she died
infamously. This accords with the sacred text, if
she " be clean, then shall she be free and ihali con-
cave teed " (rer. 28), words which seem to mean
that when restored to her husband's affection she
should be blessed with fruitfulness ; or, that if con-
ception had taken place be/ore her appearance, it
would hare its proper issue in child-bearing, which,
if she had been unfaithful, would be intercepted by
the operation of the curse. It may be supposed
that a husband would not be forward to publish
his suspicions of his own injury, unless there were
symptoms of apparent, conception,' and a risk of a
child by another being presented to hlin as. his
own. In this case the woman's natural apprehen-
sions regarding her own gestation would operate
rery strongly to make her shrink from the potion,
if guilty. For plainly, the effect of such a cere-
monial on the nervous system of one so circum-
stanced, might easily go far to imperil her life, even
without the precise symptoms ascribed to the water.
Meanwhile the rule would operate beneficially for
the woman, if innocent, who would be during this
interval under the protection of the court to which
the husband had himself appealed, and so far secure
against any violent consequence of his jealousy,
which had thus found a vent recognized by law.
Further, by thus interposing a period of probation
the fierceness of conjugal jealousy might cool. On
comparing this argument with the further restric-
tions laid down in the treatise Sotak tending to
limit the application of this rite, there seems grave
reason to doubt whether recourse was ever had to
It in fact. [Adoltebt.] The custom of writing
on a parchment words cabalistic or medical relating
to a particular case, and then washing them off,
and giving the patient the water of this ablution
to drink, has descended among oriental supersti-
tions to the present day, and a sick Arab would
probably think this the most natural way of •• tak-
ing " a prescription. See, on the general subject,
Groddeck de vttt. Hebr. purgaL caitiintu In Ugol.
Theeavr. (Winer). The custom of such an ordeal
was probably traditional in Hoses' time, and by
fencing it round with the wholesome awe inspired
by the solemnity of the prescribed ritual, the law-
giver would deprive it to a great extent of its bar-
barous tendency, and would probably restrain the
husband from some of the ferocious extremities to
which he might otherwise be driven by a sudden
tt of jealousy, so powerful in the oriental mind.
)o the whole it is to bo taken, like the permission
o divorce by a written instrument, rather as the
WAVE-OFFERING
8487
tntto irm «Afjj, <ol v)|» awAfar seVpsv «arn>n»)Mn>r-
*c (Ant. m\ 11, | 8).
• This Is somewhat supported by the rendering la
b» A. T. of the words TV
Ip^rSbHin^v.u,
sy "neither she be taken v>ith tht maasw," the list'
4Stsd words being added as explanatory, without any
to o u t l ipoi d In ton original, and pointing to the
ssddsn cassation of the manner" or "custom of
voasett " (Sen. xvili. .1, xxxl. 86), i. : the menstrual
■ting, In lbs ease of a woman net past the
mitigation of a custom ordinarily harsh, and ae a
barrier placed in the way of uucalculating vindle-
tiveneas. Viewing the regulations concerning mat-
rimony as a wbnle, we shall find the same principle
animating them in all their parts — that of pro-
viding a legal channel for the course of natural
feelings where irrepressible, but at the same time
of surrounding their outlet with institutions apt to
mitigate their intensity, and so assisting the grad-
ual formation of a gentler temper in the bosom of
the nation. The precept was given " because of the
hardness of their hearts," but with the design and
the tendency of softening them. (See some re-
marks in Spencer, de Leg. Hebr.) H. H.
WATER OF SEPARATION. [Pon»v
CATION.]
• WATERCOURSE. [CoitDcrr.]
• WATERING WITH THE FOOT.
[Rardkh; Foot, Watebihu with the.]
•WATER-POT. [Port Weiohis awd
Measures-]
• WATER-SPOUT. [Qf/fTBii, Amer. ed.]
WAVE-OFFERING (HOW), «a wav-
ing," from *1T3, «to wave," ^B 1 ? TOWI
mrP, u a waving before Jehovah"). This rite,
together with that of " heaving " or " raising " the
offering, was an inseparable accompaniment of
peace-offerings. In such the right shoulder, con-
sidered the choicest part of the victim, was to be
" heaved," and viewed as holy to the Lord, only
eaten therefore by the priest) the breast was to bo
waved," and eaten by the worshipper. On the
second day of the Passover a sheaf of corn, in the
green ear, was to be waved, accompanied by the
sacrifice of an unblemished lamb of the first year,
from the performance of which ceremony the days
till Pentecost were to be counted. When the feast
arrived, two loaves, the first-fruits of the ripe com,
were to be offered with a burnt-ofiering, a sin-offer-
ing, and two lambs of the first year for a peace-
offering. These likewise were to be waved.
The Scriptural notices of these rites an to ha
found in Ex. xxix. 24, 87 1 Lev. vii. 30, 34, viii. 87,
ix. 21, x. 14, 16, xxiii. 10, 15, 20; Num. vi 20,
xvili. 11, 18, 26-29, etc
We find also the word rtBWl applied hi Ex.
xxxviii. 24 to the gold offtted by the people for the
furniture of the sanctuary. It is there called
nDT3nn 3JTt. It may have bean waved when
presented, but It seems not impossible that nfilSH
had acquired a secondary sense so as to denote
11 free-will offering." In either oase we must sup-
pose the ceremony of waving to hare been known to
and practiced by the Israelites before the giving of
the Law.
age of chDd-bsarmf, that eonespUon had taken place.
If this be the etnas of the original, the suspicions of
the hatband would be to xtr based upon a met It
however, also possible that the words may
be an extension of the state of toast Inwnsmately
preceding, PT^ ] s tf "fffy wtMD <na ""orated tsnot
would be, "and than be no witness against her, and
she be not taken," i. e. taken la the met : soap. Jobs
vili. 4, «£rs 4 V*l Tt*Aa(4#a, It— radt fi p sj «•»*;«*•
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WAY
It seems not quite certain from Ex. xxlx 46. 27,
whether the waring was performed by the priest or
by the worshipper with the former's assistance.
The Rabbinical tradition represents It as done by
the worshipper, the priest supporting his bands
from below.
In conjecturing the meaning of this rite, regard
oust be had, in the first instance, to the kind of
lacrifioe to which it belonged. It was the accom-
paniment of peace-offerings. These not only, like
he other sacrifices, acknowledged God's greatness
md his right over the creature, but they witnessed
o a ratified covenant, an established communion
wtween God and man. While the sin-offering
nerely remored defilement, while the burnt-ofier-
ng gave entirely over to God of his own, the
Ictini being wholly consumed, the peace-ofiertng,
is establishing relations between God and toe wor-
shipper, was participated in by the latter, who ate,
aa we hare seen, of the breast that was waved.
The Rabbis explain the heaving of the shoulder aa
an acknowledgment that God has his throne in the
heaven, the waving of the breast that He is present
in every quarter of the earth. The one rite testified
to his eternal majesty on high, the other to his
heiug among and with his people.
It is not said in Lev. xxiii. 10-14, tint a peace-
offering accompanied the wave-sheaf of the Pass-
over. On the contrary, the only bloody sacrifice
mentioned in connection with it is styled a burnt-
offering. When, however, we consider (bat every-
where else the rite of waving belongs to a peace-
offering, and that besides a sin and a burnt offering,
there was one in connection with the ware-loaves
of Pentecost (Lev. xxiii. 19), we shall be wary of
concluding that there was none in the present cue.
The significance of these rites seems considerable.
The name of the month Ablb, in which the Pass-
over was kept, means the month of the green ear
of corn, the month in which the great produce of
the earth has come to the birth. In that month
the nation of Israel same to the birth ; each suc-
ceeding Passover was the keeping of the nation's
birthday. Beautifully and naturally, therefore,
were the two births — that of the people into
national life; that of their needful sustenance into
yearly life — eombined in the Passover. All first-
fruits were holy to God : the first-born of men, the
first-produce of the earth. Doth principles were
recognised In the Passover. When six weeks after,
the harvest had ripened, the first-fruits of it* ma-
imed produce were similarly to be dedicated to
Sod. Both were waved, the rite which attested
the Divine presence and working all around us
being surely most appropriate and significant in
their ease. F. U.
WAT. This word baa now in ordinary parlance
to entirely forsaken Ha original sense (except in
combination, as in "highway," " causeway ") and
la so uniformly employed in the secondary or meta-
phorical sense of a " custom " or " manner," that
It If difficult to remember that In the Bible It most
frequently signifies an actual road or track. Our
translators have employed It aa the equivalent of
no leas than eighteen distinct Hebrew terms. Of
these, several had the same secondary sense which
the word "way " has with us. Two others (rHrA
• TMs Is more obscure In the A. T. even (ban the
afters-. " dome alouf by the plain of Meooenlui."
WEASEL
and ytyfi an employed only by the poets, and
are commonly rendered " path " in the A. V. But
the term which most frequently occurs, and in the
majority of eases signifies (though it also is now
and then need metaphorically) an actual road, is
tj^ij, derec, connected with the German frefew
and the English " tread." It may be truly said
that there is hardly a single passage in which this
word occurs which would not be made dearer and
more real if " road to " were substituted for " way
of." Thus Gen. xvi. 7, " the spring on the road
to Shur; " Num. xiv. 25, "the road to the Ked
Sea;" 1 Sam. vi. 12, "the road toBethshemeah:"
Judg.ix. 87, "tie road to tbeoak'of HeoneniB>:'*
2 K. xi. 19, "the road to Ungate." It turn* that
which is a mere general expression into a substan-
tial reality. And so in like manner with the word
Alto's in the New Testament, which is almost in-
variably translated "way." Mark x. 32, "They
were°on the road going up to Jerusalem ; " Matt xx.
17, " and Jesus took the twelve disciples apart in
the road " — out of the crowd of pilgrims who,
like themselves, were bound for the Passover.
There is one nse of both derec and iS6s which
must not be passed over, namely, in the arose of a
religious course. In the Old Test, this occurs but
rarely, perhaps twice: namely in Amos viii. 14.
" the manner of Beereheba," where the prophet hi
probably alluding to some idolatrous rites then
practiced there; and again in Pa. exwix. 24, " look
if there be any evil way," any idolatrous practices,
"in me, and lead me in the everlasting way."
But in the Acts of the Apostles Mot, " the way,"
" the road," is the received, almost technical, term
for the new religion which Paul first resisted and
afterwards supported. See Acts ix. 2, xix. 9, 23,
xxii. 4, xxiv. J 4, 22. In each of these the word
" that " is an interpolation of our translators, and
should have been put into Italics, as it is in xxiv. 22.
The religion of Islam is spoken of in the Koran
as " the path (et tartfc, iv. 68), and " the right
path " (i. 6 ; iv. 174). Getenius ( net. p. 863) has
collected examples of the same expression in other
languages and religions. G.
• WEALTH i» used in the A. V. in soma
passages (Ear. ix. 12; Esth. x. 3; 1 Cor. x. 24) in
its old sense of "weal" or "welfare." A.
• WEALTHY is used in the A V., Jer. xBz.
81, in the sense of "prosperous,'' "at ease"; and
In Pi. Ixvi. IS it baa a similar meaning.
[Wraith.] A
WEAN I HO. [AbbaRam; BAjr«mn,
Child.]
WEAPONS. [Asms.]
WEASEL n^>h, cMUd: yaX^ amstefal
occurs only in Lev. xL 29, In the list of unclean
animals. According to the old version" and tbs
Talmud, the Heb. oMhd denotes "a weasel" (set
Lewysohn, ZooL det Tab*, p. 91, and Buxtorf, Lot.
v. Rab. et Talm. p. 766); but if the word is iden-
tical with the Arable cftafi (JJLa») and the Syrian
cnutib ()j-^M, a* Boehart (Bierm. H. 436)
and others have endeavored to show, there la no
doubt that "a mole" is the animal indicated- Go-
senilis (net. p. 474), however, baa the foDowksa
very true observation: " Satis constat animation)
nomina perseepe in hac lingua hoc, In aha < -
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WEAVING
tlitul, id vero simile, animal significant." Ha pre-
fers In render the term by « Weasel."
Hole* are oommon enough In Palestine; Hassel-
quiat ( 7V.it>. p. 120\ tpeakiug of the country be-
tween Jaffa and Kama, says he had never seen in
id; place the ground ao out up by moka as in
then plain*. There was aearoe a yard'i length
between each mole-hill. It ia not improbable that
both the Talpa etmpma and the T. coo, the
blind mole of which Aristotle apeaka (Hut. Anitn.
i 8, $ 8), occur in Palestine, though we have no
definite information on this point. The family of
Mustelida also is doubtless well represented. Per-
haps It is better to give to the Heb. term the same
signification which the cognate Arabic and Syriae
have, and understand a " mole " to be denoted by
it. [Mouc.] W. H.
WEAVING G^?). The art of weaving ap-
pears to be coeval with the first dawning of civil-
ization. In what sountry, or by whom it was in-
vented, we know not; but we find it practiced with
great skill by the Egyptians at a very early period,
and hence the invention was nut unnaturally attribu-
ted to them (Win. vii. 67). The « vestures of fine
linen " such as Joseph wore (Gen. zli. 42), were the
product of Egyptian looms, snd their quality, as at-
tested by existing specimens, is pronounced to be
not inferior to the finest cambric of modern times
(Wilkinson, ii. 76) The Israelites were probably
acquainted with the process before their sojourn in
Egypt; but it was undoubtedly there that they at-
tained the proficiency which enabled them to exe-
cute the hangings of the Tabernacle (Ex. xzxv. 35;
1 Chr. iv. 81), and other artistic textures. At a
jtter period the Egyptians were still famed for their
nanufacturaa of " fine ' (i. e. hackled) flax and of
thdri," rendered in the A. V. "networks," but
more probably a wliite material either of linen or
cotton (Is. xix. 9). From them the Tyriaus pro-
aured the " fine linen with broidered work " for the
sails of their vessels (Es. xxvii. 7), the handsome
character of which may be inferred from the repre-
sentations of similar sails in the Egyptian paintings
(Wilkinson, U. 181, 167). Weaving was carried on
m Eg/P*! ge |Mn %> out "Ot universally, by men
(Herod, ii. 36; eomp. Wilkinson, ii. 84). This was
the ease also among the Jews about the time of the
Exodus (1 Chr. iv. 81), but in later tines it usually
fell to the lot of the females to supply the household
with clothing (1 Sam. ii. 19; 9 K. xxiii. 7), and an
Industrious housewife would produce a surplus for
isle to others (Prov. xxxi. 18, 19, 94).
The character of the loom and the process of
'caving can only be inferred from incidental notices,
.'he Egyptian loom was usually upright, and the
weaver stood at his work. The cloth was fixed
•onetimes at the top, sometimes at the bottom, ao
that the remark of Herodotus (ii. 86), that the
Egyptians, contrary to the usual practice, pressed
the woof downwards, must be received with reser-
vation (Wilkinson, ii. 85). That a similar variety
«* usage prevailed among the Jews, may be inferred
* TUB : so called from its r sss mManes to a
. .ashman's yoke.
* npSQ. Ttls tarm Is otherwise undnvtnnd of
fca warp, as in Its KXX. and the Yulgata (Qeaen.
Due. p. am
WEAVINQ
848G
from the remark of St. John (xix. 98), that toe
seamlnjs coat was woven " from the top " {4k tS
oVweVr). Tunics of this kind were designated by
the Koman recta, implying that they were mad ,
at an upright loom at which the weaver stood V
his work, thrusting the woof upwards (Plin. viii.
74). The modem Arabs use a procumbent loon
raised above the ground by short legs (Burckhardt'r
JVirfei, L 67). The Bible does not notice the loom
itself, but speaks of the beam » to which the war]
was attached (1 Sam. xviL 7; 9 Sam. xxL 19);
and of the pin ' to which the cloth was fixed, ana
on which it was rolled (Judg. zvi. 14). We have
also notice of the shuttle,'' which ia described by •
term significant of the act of weaving (Job vii. 6),
the thrum • or threads which attached the web to
the beam (Is. xxxviii. 19, margin); sod the wet*
itself (Judg. xvi. 14; A. V. "beam "). Whether
the two terms in Lev. xiii. 48, rendered " warp "/
and " woof," t really mean three, sdniits of doubt,
inasmuch aa it is not easy to see how the one could
be affected with leprosy without the other: perhaps
the terms refer to certain kinds of texture (KnobeL
in lie). The shuttle is occasionally dispensed
with, the woof being passed through with the hand
(Robinson's BibL Ret. i. 169). The speed with
which the weaver used his shuttle, and the decisive
manner in which be separated the web from the
thrum when his work was done, supplied vivid
images, the former of the speedy passage of life
(Job vii. 6), the latter of sudden death (Lb xxxviii.
18).
The textures produced by the Jewish weavers
were very various. The coarser kinds, such as
tent-cloth, sackcloth, and the " hairy garments "
of the poor were made of goat's or camel's hair
(Ex. xxvi. 7; Matt iii. 4). Wool was extensively
used for ordinary clothing (Lev. xiii. 47; Prov.
xxvii. 26, xxxi. 13; Ex. xxvii. 18), while for finer
work flax was used, varying in quality, and pro-
ducing the different textures described in the Bible
as " linen " and " fine linen." The mixture of
wool and flax in cloth intended for a garment was
interdicted (Lev. xix. 19; Deut. xxii. 11). With
regaid to the ornamental kinds of work, the terms
ritmak, « needlework," and ma'itek chdtliM, " the
work of the cunning workman," have been already
discussed under tbe head of Embroiderer, to the
effect that both kinds were produced in the loom,
and that tbe distinction between them lay in tbe
addition of a device or pattern in the latter, the
rikavih consisting simply of a variegated stuff
without a pattern. We may further notice the
terms: (1.) tkibalt* and Pukbltt* applied to the
robes of the priest (Ex. xxviii. 4 19), and signify-
ing ie—tlatui (A. T. •' broidered "), •'. e. with
depressions probably of a square shape worked in
it, similar to the texture described by tbe Romans
under the term teuiuluhu (Plin. viii. 71; Jur. ii.
97); this was produced in the loom, as it is ex-
pressly said to be the work of the weaver (Ex.
xxxix.87). (2.) J/osAsdr* (AY. "twined"),
applied to tbe fine linen out of which tbe curtains
sad the ifcuttle.
word dwsrlbss both the was
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8490 web
of the Tabernacle and toe sacerdotal vestments ware
made (Ex xxri. 1, ixviii. 6, ete ); in thia texture
each thread eonaiated of several finer thread* twisted
•ogether, aa it described to have bran the caae with
the famed ooraelet of Amaaia (Herod, tii. 47). (3.)
UMbcli&Ui tdJ.db- (A. V. "of » rough t gold "),
textarea in which gold thread was interwoven (Pa.
xjv. 13). The Babylonians were particularly skill-
ful in thia branch of weaving, and embroidered
groans of men or animals on the robes (Hlin. rill.
74; Layurd, A'm. ii. 413); the "goodly Baby-
lonian garment " secreted by Achan was probably
of this character (Josh. vii. 21). The sacerdotal
vestments am said to have been woven in one pieee
without the intervention of any needlework to join
the aeanu (Joseph. Ant. iii. 7, ( 4). The " coat
without aeani " (^iraV ipfiwpn'. worn by Jeaua
at the tiiu* of his crucifixion (John xix. S3), was
probably ol a sacerdotal character in thia respect,
but made o) a leas costly material (Carpaov, Appor.
p. 78). W. L. B.
• WEB. [Wuavhto ]
• WEDDING. Thia topic has been ex-
haustively treated under the head of Makriaue
(iii. 1793-1807), to which the reader is referred.
In this relation, the Canticles may be entitled to
special recognition, aa a sacred book portraying,
according to almost every theory of its interpreta-
tion, the aacredneaa of wedded lure — there being a
general agreement that its two principal personages
were wedded, or solemnly letrotbed, and that the
theme of the song is chaste, oonnubial lore. Thia
view is fatal to the hypotbois advanced in a pre-
ceding article [Shulahite, iv. p. 3021], that
" the object of Solomon's passion " was a lovely
Shunanimite girl, who figured in the history of the
royal family (1 K. i. 3, 4, ii. 17, 21), one of the
court-beauties of his day. 'Hie conjecture is fur-
ther discountenanced by the allusions (Cant. iii.
6, viii. 5) to the bridal p roce s sio n and the bride
coming up from '> the wilderness " (^fltCn), the
term by which the sacred writers generally desig-
nate tlie southern desert. It is still further dis-
credited by her allusions to her foreign extraction;
and the deprecatory appeal to the daughter* of
Jerusalem (Cant. i. 6, 6), quite out of place on
the lips of a native Jewess, of the court circle,
would well befit a dark skinned daughter of Egypt,
«r of one of the desert tribes. 8. W.
• WEDGE. [Mikes, iii. 1939 ».]
WEEK (OT3B7, or V3W, from »?«?,
''seven," a heptad of anything, but particularly
and for a period of seven days: ifitapis: upti-
•nmn ). We have also, and much oftener, 71530?,
•r c*o* n»3tp.
Whatever controversies exist respecting the ori-
gin of the week, there can be none about the great
antiquity, on particular occasions at least, among
the Shemitic races, of measuring time by a period
it seven day*. This has been thought to be im-
plied in the phrase respecting the sacrifices of Cain
and Abel (Gen. iv. 3), •• in process of time," liter-
ally •• at the end of days."' It is to be traced in
the naaratire of the subsidence of the Flood (Gen.
/iii. 10), " and he staged yet other seven days; "
rial ws f nd it recognized by the Syrian Labsn
• am rns^tprp,
WEEK
(Geo. xzix. 87), " fulfill her week." It i* i
to say that this division of time is a marked feature
of the Mosaic Law, and one into which the whole
year was parted, the Sabbath sufficiently showing
that. The week of seven days was also mads the
key to a scale of seven, running through the Sab-
batical years up to that of jubilee. [Ses Sab-
bath; Sabbatical Ybab; and Jubilee, Ybab
or.]
The origin of this division of time is a matter
which has given birth to much speculation. It*
antiquity is so great, its observance so wide-spread,
and it occupies so important a place in sacred
things, that it baa been very generally thrown bask
as far aa the creation of man, who on this suppo-
sition waa told from the very first to divide Bis
time on tbs model of the Creator's order of working
and resting. The weak and the Sabbath are, if
this be so, aa old aa man himself; sod we need not
sack for reasons either in the human mind or the
bets with which that mind comes in contact, lot
the adoption of such a division of time, since it is
to be referred neither to man'* thoughts nor to
man's will. A purely theological ground is thus
established for the week and for the •acredness of
the number seven. They who embrace this view
support it by a reference to the six days' creation
and the Divine rest on tbs seventh, which they
consider to hare been made known to man from
the very first, and by an appeal to the ***** '""g
prevalence of the hebdomadal division of time from
the earliest age — an argument the lores of which
ia considered to be enhanced by the alleged * banns
of soy natural ground for it.
To all this, however, it may be objected that ws
are quite in the dark a* to when the record of the
six days' creation waa made known, that as human
language ia wed and human apprehensions are
addressed in that record, r. the week being already
known, the perfection of toe Divine work and
Sabbath may well have been est forth under the
figure of one, the existing division of time mould-
ing the document, instead of the document giving
birth to the division; that old and wide ■ sp read as
ia the recognition of that division, it ia not uni-
versal; that the nations which knew not of it
were too important to allow the argument from
its prevalency to stand; and that so far from it*
being without ground in nature, it Is the most
obvious and convenient way of dividing the month.
Each of these point* must now be briefly consid-
ered: —
1st. That the week rest* on a theological ground
may be cheerfully acknowledged by both sides; but
nothing is determined by such acknowledgment si
to the original cause of adopting this division of
time. The records of c reati on and the fourth com-
mandment give no doubt the ultimate and there-
fore the deepest ground of the weekly division,
but it does not therefore follow that it was not
adopted for lower reasons before either waa known.
Whether the week gave its saerednea* to the
number seven, or whether the ascendency of that
number helped to determine the dimensions of the
week, it is impo-aible to say. The latter fact, tbs
ancient ascendency of the number seven, might
rest on divers grounds. The planets, according
to the astronomy of those times, were seven ia
number; so are the notes of the diatonic seals
so also many other things naturally attracting
observation.
Sd'y. The prevalence of the weekly division was
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WTtKK.
k.aerd wry great, but a nearer approach to univer-
sality m required to render it an argument for the
view in aid of which it is appealed to. It waa
adopted by all the Sbemitie races, and, in the later
period of ihar history at lea**, by the Egyptians.
Across the Atlantic we find it, or a division iU but
identical with it, among the Peruvian*. It alau
obtains now with the Hindoos, but its antiquity
among them is matter of question. It is possible
that it was introduced into India by the Arabs and
Mohammedans. So in China we find it, but whether
onnereally or only among the Buddhists admits of
doubt. (See, for both, Prank's Quaulionri Mo.
•una, a work with many of the results of which
we may be well expected to quarrel, but which
deserves, in respect not only of curious learning, but
of too rigorous and valuable thought with which it
is impregnated, to be far more known than it is.)
On the othor hand, there is no reason for thinking
the weak known till a later period either to Greeks
or Romans.
3dly. So far from the week being a division of
time without ground in nature, there was much
to recommend its adoption. Where the days were
named from planetary deities, a* among first the
Assyrians and Chaldees, and then the Egyptians,
there of course each period of seven days would
constitute a whole, and that whole might oome to
be recognized by nations that disregarded or
rejected the practice which had shaped and deter-
mined it But further, the week is a most natural
and nearly an exact quadripartition of the month,
so that the quarters of the moon may easily have
suggested it
It is beside the purpose of this article to trace
the hebdomadal division among other nations than
the Hebrews. The week of the Bible is that with
which we have to do. Even if it were proved that
the planetary week of the Egyptians, as sketched
by Dion Caseins (Hill. Horn, xxxrii. 18), existed
at or before the time of the Exodus, the children
of Israel did not copy that. Their week waa
simply determined by the Sabbath; and there is
no evidence of any other day, with them, having
either had a name assigned to it, or any particular
associations bound up with it The days seemed
to have been distinguished merely by the ordinal
numerals, counted from the Sabbath. Wo shall
bare indeed to return to the Egyptian planetary
weak at a later stage of our inquiry, but our first
and main business, as we have already said, is with
the week of the Bible.
We have seen in Gen. ttjt. 97, that it was
known to the anoient Syrians, and the injunction
to Jacob, "fulfill her week," indicates that it was
in use as a fixed term for great festive celebrations.
The moat probable exposition of the passage is, that
Laban tells Jacob to fulfill Leah's west, the proper
period of the nuptial festivities in connection with
his marriage to her, and then he may have Rachel
slso (comp. Jodg. xiv.). And so too for funeral
•bservance, as In the ease of the obsequies of
Jacob, Joseph •• made a mourning for his father
■even days " (Gen. 1. 10). But neither of these
kutances, any more than Noah's procedure in the
irk, go further than showing the oustoin of ob-
serving a term of seven days for any o b s e r va nce
of importance. They do not prove that the
•/hole year, or the whole month, was Jius divided
st all times, and without regard to remarkable
•vents.
Is Exodus of coarse the weak oomes into very
WEKK
8491
distinct manifestation. Two of the great feasts —
the Passover and. the Feast of Tabernacles — are
prolonged for seven days after that of their initiation
(Exod. xii. 16-20, etc), a custom which remains
in the Christian Church, in the rituals of which the
remembrances and topics of the great festivals are
prolonged till what is technically called the octave.
Although the Feast of Pentecost lasted but one day,
yet the time for its observance was to be courted
by weeks from the Passover, whence one of its
titles, >> the Feast of Weeks."
The division by seven was, as we have seen ex-
panded so as to make the seventh month and the
seventh year Sabbatical. To whatever extent the
laws enforcing this may hare been neglected before
the Captivity, their effect, when studied, must hare
been to render the words 5T3t£7, «0oou«(f, leeeis,
capable of meaning a seven of years almost as
naturally as a seven of days. Indeed the generality
of the word would have this effect at any rate.
Hence their use to denote the latter in prophecy,
more especially in that of Daniel, is not mere arbi-
trary symbolism, but the employment of a not un-
familiar and easily understood language. This is not
the place to discuss schemes of prophetic interpre-
tation, nor do we propose giving our opinion of any
such, but it b connected with our subject to re-
mark that, whatever be the merits of that which in
Daniel and the Apocalypse understands a year by a
dry, it cannot be set aside as forced and unnatural.
Whether days were or were not intended to be thus
understood in the places in question, their being so
would have been a congruous, and we may say
logical attendant on the scheme which counts weeks
of years, and both would have been a natural com-
putation to minds familiar and occupied with the
law of the Sabbatical year.
In the N. T. we of course find such clear recog-
nition of and familiarity with the week as needs
scarcely be dwelt on. Sacred as the division was,
and stamped deep on the minds and customs of
God's people, it now received additional solemnity
from our lx>rd's last earthly Passover gathering up
his work of life into a week.
Hence the Christian Church, from the very first,
was familiar with the week. St. Paul's language
(1 Cor. xvi. 9, /rara ulav tra/S&rraw) snows this.
We cannot conclude from it that such a division of
time was observed by the inhabitants of Corinth
generally; for they to whom bo was writing,
though doubtless the majority of them were Gen-
tiles, yet knew the Lord's day, and most probably
the Jewish Sabbath. But though we can infer no
more than this from the place in question, it h
clear that if not by this time yet very soon sites',
the whole Roman world had adopted the hebd-sn-
adal division. Dion Cassius, who wrote in the 9d
century, speaks of it as both universal and recent
in his time. He represents it as coming from
Egypt, and gives two schemes, by one or other of
which he considers that the planetary names of the
different days were fixed (Dion Cassius, xxvii. 18).
Those names, or corresponding ones, hare perpetu-
ated themselves over Christendom, though no asso-
ciations of any kind are now connected with them,
except in so far as the whimsical conscience of some
has quarrelled with their Pagan origin, and led to
an attempt at their disuse. It would be interest-
ing, though foreign to our present purpose, to in-
quire into the origin of this planetary weak. A
deeply-learned paper iu the Philological M mm %
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8492 WEEKS, FEAST OF
bj the late Archdeacon Hare," gives the credit of
its invention to the Chaldees. Dion Cueiui m
however pretty mre to hare been right in tracing
iu adoption by the Roman world to an Egyptian
origin. It is very atrikiiig to reflect that while
Christendom was in its cradle, the law by which
she wai to divide iwr time came without collusion
with her into universal observance, thus making
things ready for her to impose on mankind that
week on which ail Christian life has been shaped —
that week grounded on no worship of planetary
deities nor dictated by the mere wish to quadri-
partite the month, but based on the earliest lesson
of revelation, and proposing to man his Maker's
model as that whereby to regulate his working and
bl> rest — that week which once indeed in modem
times it has been attempted to abolish, because it
was attempted to aloliah the whole Christian faith,
but which has kept, as we are sure it ever will keep,
its ground, being bound up with that other, and
sharing therefore in that other's invincibility and
perpetuity. F. O.
WEEKS, FEAST OF. [Pi
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.
I. WEIOHT8.
Introduction It will be well to explain briefly
the method of inquiry which led to the conclusions
stated in this article, the subject being intricate,
and the conclusions in many main particulars dif-
ferent from sny at which other investigators have
arrived. The disagreement of the opinions respect-
ing ancient weights that have been formed on the
evidence of the Greek and Latin writers shows the
importance of giving the first place to the evidence
of monuments. The evidence of the Bible is clear,
except in the case of one passage, but it requires a
monumental commentary. The general principle
of the present inquiry was to give the evidence of
the monuments the preference on all doubtful
points, and to compare it with that of literature,
so as to ascertain the purport of statements which
otherwise appeared to be explicable in two, or even
three, different ways. Thus, if a certain talent is
said to be equal to so many Attic drachms, these
are usually explained to be drachms on the old, or
Commercial standard, or on Solon's reduced stand-
trd, or again on the further reduced standard equal
so that of Roman denarii of the early emperors; but
f we ascertain from weights or coins the weight of
he talent in question, we can decide with what
standard it is compared, unless the text is hope-
Isssly corrupt.
Besides this general principle, it will be necessary
to bear in mind the following postulates.
1. All ancient Greek systems of weight were de-
rived, either directly or indirectly, from an eastern
8. All the older systems of ancient Greece and
Persia, the jGginetan, the Attic, the Babylonian,
and the Eubolc, are divisible either by 6,000, or by
"»,800.
a. The 6,000th or 3,600th part of the talent is a
ulnaor of all higher weights and coins, and a mul-
tiple of all lower weights and coins, except its two
thirds.
4. Coins are always somewhat below the stand-
tfd weight.
6. The statements of ancient writers as to the
■ nUolo[. Mmi. voL i
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
relation of different systems are to be taken eitha
as indicating original or current relation. When a
set of statements shows a special study of metrol-
ogy we must infer original relation ; isolated state-
ments may rather be thought to indicate current
relation. All the statements of a writer, which an
not borrowed, probably indicate either the sue et
the other kind of relation.
6. The statements of ancient writers are to be
taken in their seemingly obvious sense, or discarded
altogether as incorrect or unintelligible.
7. When a certain number of drachms or other
denominations of one metal are said to correspond
to a certain number of drachms or other denomina-
tions of another metal, it must not be aisnmed that
the system is the same in both cases.
Some of these postulates may seem somewhat
strict, but it must be recollected that some, if not
all, of the systems to be considered have a mutual
relation that Is very apt to lead the inquirer to
visionary results if he does not use great caution in
his investigations.
The information respecting the Hebrew weights
that is contained in direct statements nece s sita tes
an examination of the systems used by, or known
to, the Greeks as late as Alexander's time. We
begin with such an examination, then state the di-
rect data for the determination of the Hebrew sys-
tem or systems, and finally endeavor to effect that
determination, adding a comparative view of all oar
main results.
I. Early Greek Talmit. — Three principal sys-
tems were used by the Greeks before the time of
Alexander, — those of the JEginetan, the Attic, and
the Eubolc talents.
1. The -Sginetan talent is stated to have con-
tained 60 mines, and 6,000 drachms. The follow-
ing points are ineontestahly established on the evi-
dence of ancient writers. Its drachm was heavier
than the Attic, by which, when unqualified, we
mean the drachm of the full monetary standard,
weighing about 67.6 grains Troy. Pollux states
that it contained 10,000 Attic drachma and 100
Attic mines. Auras GeUius, referring to the time
of Demosthenes, speaks of a talent being equal to
10,000 drachms, and, to leave no doubt, says they
would be the same number of denarii, which in h<e
own time were equal to current reduced AtUs
drachms, the terms drachms and denarii being thrn
used Interchangeably. In accordance with these
statements, we find a monetary system to have
been in use in Macedonia and Thrace, of which the
drachm weighs about 110 grs., in very nearly the
proportion required to the Attic (8: 10:: 87.6:
iia.5).
The silver coins of JSgina, however, and of many
ancient Greek cities, follow a lower standard, of
which thedrachin has an average maximum weight
of about 96 grs. The famous Cyxioene staters of
electrum appear to follow the same standard as the
coins of i£gina, for they weigh about 810 grs., and
are said to have been equal in value to 38 Attfi
drachms of silver, a darks, of ISO grs., being equal
to 20 such drachms, which would give the Cyai-
cenes (30: 130: : 88: 180) three fourths of gold, the
very proportion assigned to the composition of elee-
trum by Pliny. If we may infer that the silver
was not counted in the value, the Cysioenee would
be equal to low didrachms of JSgina. The dreebas
obtained from the silver coins of iFgina baa very
nearly the weight, 938 grs., that Boeckh assigns
to that of Athena before Solon's reduction, of whins
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WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
S498
Me system oontinnod in m afterwards as the
Commercial talent. The coin* of Athens give a
rtandard, 87.5 grs., for the Solonian drachm, that
does not allow, taking that standard for the basis
of computation, a higher weight for the ante-So-
kuiian drachm than about that computed by
Boeckfa.
An examination of Mr. Burgon'a weights from
Athens, in the British Museum, has, however, in-
duced us to infer a higher standard in both cases.
These weights bear inscriptions which prove their
denominations, and that they follow two systems.
One weighing 9,980 gn. troy has the inscription
MNA ATOP (iwi aryoauo-?), another weighing
7,171, simply MNA. We bare therefore two sys-
tems evidently in the relation of the Commercial
Attic, and Solonian Attic (9,980: 7,171: : 13S48:
N.7 instead of 100), a conclusion borne out by the
fuller data given a little later (J L 9). The Ircr
weight is distinguished by AEMO on a weight oi
8,488 (X 3 = 6,964) grs., and by ** on one
of 884 (X 8 =7,079) : its mina was therefore called
Srtfxoaia. The identity of these two systems, the
Market and the Popular, with the Commercial and
Solonian of Athens, is therefore evident, and wt
thus obtain a higher standard for both Attic tal-
ents. From the correct relation of the weights of
the two mines given above, we may oompute the
drachma of the two talents at about 99.8 and 71.1
grs. The heavier standard of the two Attic sys-
tems afforded by these weights reduces the difficult)
that is occasioned by the difference of the twt
JSginetan standards.
We thus obtain the following principal standard;
of the jEginetan weight.
A. — TABLl Of MB. BCB0OIC8 WEIGHTS FBOM ATHENS.
All these weights are of Wad, exoept Has. 16 end 86, which an of brass.
No.
1
1
8
4
6
6
7
8
9
10
11
IS
18
14
16
16
17
18
19
»
II
U
U
M
35
98
87
SS
99
10
II
ta-
ts
n
17
38
»
W
Weight,
On.
Troy.
9,980
9,790
7471
7,048
4,434
8,874
8,483
8,461
8,218
2,969
2.886
2#0
1,872
1.770
1W
1,648
1,608
1,848
1,231
1,172
1,171
l&a
1,046
988
9286
924
9164
9104
901
889
884
889
869
846
7664
6416
6374
460
411
Inscription.
UNA ATOP
MNA
AEMO
TBTAPT
MO
AEMO
KMITBTAP
V M
B
MO
AH
AEMO
AEMO
AEMO
A . . O
AE OTAO
AEMO
Oon-
dmon.a
Value, Attic
Type.
Com-
mercial.*
Dolphin.
A
•Una
Id.
D
(asma)
Id.
A
Id.
d
Diote
B
TortoUe
B
Id.«
B
Turtle
B
Tortotas
ATor DT
Half diota
d
Tnrtls
B
Half dlota
O
Hair turtle
B
Half tonoiss
B
Ciesosat
Bt
4 Mina t
.
B
I Mine t
.
BterDT
}Minar
•
A
• •
Quarter dlota
E
a •
Crescent
B
, ,
Crescent
B
. ,
Han* Tnrtls*
B
JMtaaT
Orescent
B
Dlota In wreath-
B
, „
Owl, A. In field*
, ,
Half orescent and
B
. .
star
,
or
.
. .
B
. #
Quarter dlota
B
, .
s
d
, ,
• .
Ot
, .
Boas
Ot
. .
Uncertain obj. In
d
wreath*
Half ensssnt
B
. .
• •
DT
4 ftMimohiM
. ,
B
. .
.
B
1 dnohmi?
, .
B?
. ,
B
4 dnohmi T
• •
Bt
4dr
MhB
IIS?
-190
-398
-•48
-898
+8*
-41.9
+984
-49
+ 114
-11.2
Talus, Attn
Bdonlan.'
(Mma)
J MINA t
| MINA t
, Mlaa
MINA
MTNAT
MIRAT
MINA
MTNA
MINA
3 deoe-
dreehms.
MTNAT
MTNAT
MTNAT
Mast
Mtnat
Mlnar
Mine
Mlna
Mlna
8 drachma*
6 draelunaT
6 drachms t
6 drachms t
+ 2884
-1084
-1244
-8674
+ 90.6
- 84
-180 J
+ 795
- 33.7
- 88.2
+ 86.8
- 281
- 944
-1181
-160.1
+ 91.6
+ «"
+ 974
+ 191
+ 141
tn
- BE
- 17J
- 874
- 614
- B.1
+ 19.1
- 19.3
+ »«
' O oun l e ttsaitt, tripod. > Oounterraark, prow. • Turtle, headlesi T
Explanation of dgni: A, Boareely lajiired. B, A little weight lost. 0, Mors than a little lost. D, Musk
■eight lost, d, Mush corroded. B, Terr much weight lost. When two signs an given, the former la sal
•ton probable, a The weight of the Corn-cental Attic mlna Is hen assumed to be about 9,980 grs. ' The
■eight at the *uloatan AMe mtne la hen ssrumsd to as about 7,171 gn. The heavier waken If terflsataa If
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I
W94
WEIGHTS AND MEA8TJR1W
a. The Macedonian blent, or Jiglnetan of the
writers, weighing about 660,000 gr»., containing 60
uiinse and 6,000 drachms.
o. The Commercial talent of Athena, used for
the coins of ^Egina, weighing, as a monetary talent,
never more thnn about 576,000 grs., reduced from
a weight-talent of about 598,800, and divided into
the same principal parts as the preceding.
It may be objected to this opinion, that the coins
of JJgina should rather gin us the true ^ginetan
standard than those of Macedonia, but it may be
replied, that we know from literature and monu-
ments of but two Greek systems heavier than the
ordinary or later Attic, and that the heavier of
these systems is sometimes called jKginetan, the
lighter, which bears two other names, never.
3. The Attic talent, when simply thus desig-
nated, is the standard weight introduced by Solon,
which stood to the older or Commercial talent in
ths relation of 100 to 188 8-9. Its average maxi-
mum weight, as derived from the coins of Athens
and the evidence of ancient writers, gives a drachm
of about 67.5 grs.; but Mr. Burgou's weights, as
already shown, enable us to raise this sum to 71.7.
Those weights have also enabled us to made a very
curious discovery. We have already seen that two
mines, the Market and the Popular, are recognized
In them, one weight, having the inscription MNA
ATOP (jum eVvspsuet?), weighing 9,980 grs., and
another, inscribed MNA (/»»a[8iijuw(a] ), weighing
7,171 grs., these being in almost exactly the rela-
tion of the Commercial and ordinary Attic mines
StyioViai. There is no indication of any third
system, but certain of the marks of value prove
that the lower system bad two talents, the heavier
of which was double the weight of the ordinary
talent. No. 9 has the inscription TETAPT. " the
quarter," and weighs 3,318 grs., giving a unit of
13,873 grs.; No. 14, inscribed ™^, the "half-
quarter," weighs 1,770 grs., giving a unit of 14,-
160 grs. We thus obtain a mina twice that of
Solon's reduction. The probable reason Jar ths
use of this larger Solonian talent will be shown is
a later place (§ IV.). These weights are of about
the date of the Pebponneeian War. (See Tabls
A.)
From these data It appears that the Attic talent
weighed about 430.860 grs. by the weights, and
that the coins give a talent of about 405,000 grs.,
the latter being apparently the weight to which
the talent was reduced after a time, and the maxi-
mum weight at which it is reckoned by ancient
writers. It gradually lost weight in the coinage,
until the drachm fell to about 67 grs. or less, thus
coming to be equivalent to, or a little lighter than,
the denarius of the early Caesars. It is important,
when examining the statements of ancient writers,
to consider whether the full monetary weight of
the drachm, mina, or talent, or the weight after
this last reduction, is intended. There are eases,
as in the comparison of a talent fallen into disuse,
where the value in Attic drachms or denarii so de-
scribed is evidently used with reference to the full
Attic monetary weight.
3. The Eubole talent, though used in Greece, is
slso said to have been used in Persia, and there
can be no doubt of its eastern origin. We there-
fore reserve the discussion of it for the next section
(S n., »>.
II. Foreign TnlaUt qftht some Ptrnd. — Two
foreign systems of the same period, besides the He-
brew, are mentioned by ancient writers, the Baby-
lonian talent and the Eubole, which Herodotus re-
lates to have been used by the Persians of his time
respectively for the weighing of their silver and gold
paid in tribute.
1. The Babylonian talent may be determined
from existing weights found by Mr. Layard at
Nineveh. These are in the forma of lions and ducks,
and are all upon the same system, although the
same denominations sometimes weigh in the pro-
portion of 3 to 1. On account of their great im-
portance we insert a table, specifying their weight*.
B. — TABLE OI WBIOBTS FROM NINBVKH.
Two weights In the series an omitted In this table : o» Is a large dock representing ths same weight as
No. 1, but much injured j the other is a small Hon, of which the weight Is doubtful, as It cannot b* aeekM
whether It was adjusted with one or two rings.
Ko.
Vora iud
Phosniaian
OuneUbrm
Mark
s Con-
Weight
Computed
Division of
Material.
Insartptbm.
Inscription.
of Val
ns, ditton.i
Ore. troy.
Weight.
Ot.T.
Lsr. T
1
Duck stone
XXX Maneha
A
8*8,800
889,760
, .
T
8
U H
,
XManeha
B
77,600
79,910
• .
8
n *
, .
. .
B
16,000
16,964
. .
• *>
4
Uaa brow
XVManehs
, .
B
880,460
889,760
j
. .
e
R n
YManebs
TManehs
B
77,820
79,930
]
i
. .
6
« «
m. M&nehs
ITI Maneha
44,198
47,963
I
i
. •
7
n a
nktanehs
rjMaoehs
A
80,744
81,968
I
i
. .
8
t n
U Haneba
IIManehs
B
29,796
Id.
•j.
•
9
« r
TJatanehs
. .
B
14,604
16,984
6
10
« «
.
A
16,984
Id.
. .
11
R n
Maneh
Man*
B
14,784
Id.
.
• •
a
a n
,
. ,
B
10,278
f
. •
18
R n
Haneh
Maaoh
B
7,224
7,993
. .
t
14
R R
Maaoa
Maaeh
B
7,404
Id.
. .
U
R R
.
B
8,708
8,996
16
R R
ruth
B
8,060
8,198
S
• *
17
R R
Quarter
B
8.648
8,988
• •
M
Daek atom*
mm
C
8,904
8,196
19
tt «
urni
B
3,748
Id.
. .
• •
K
R «
•
nniii
1 B
1,968
3,121
•A. Wail
iwamt tajnswa.
0,
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WEIGHTS AND MEASTJBBB
8495
ImnrlpHimi, lud degree of pneemtioa. (See Ta-
ble B, previous page.)
From theee data we mar safely draw the follow-
ing inferences.
rhe weights represent a double system, of which
the heavier talent contained two of the lighter tal-
ent*.
The heavier talent contained 60 maneus. The
maneh was divided into thirtieths and sixtieths.
We conclude the units having there respective re-
lations to the maneh of the heavy talent to be divis-
ions of It, because in the case of the first a thirti-
eth is a more likely division than a fifteenth, which
it would be If assigned to the lighter talent, and
because, in the case of the second, eight sixtieths is
a more likely division than eight thirtieths.
The lighter talent contained 60 manehs. Accord-
ing to Dr. Hincks, the maneh of the lighter talent
was divided into sixtietlia, and these again into
thirtieths. The sixtieth b so important a division
In any Babylonian system, that there can be no
doubt that Dr. Hincks is right in assigning it to
this talent, and moreover its weight is a value of
great consequence in the Babylonian system as well
as in one derived from it Besides, the sixtieth
bears a different name from the sixtieth of the
heavier talent, so that there must have been a six-
tieth in each, unless, but this we have shown to be
unlikely, the latter belongs to the lighter talent,
which would then have had a sixtieth and thirtieth.
The following table exhibits our results.
Heavier Talent. Oi».Trov.
«V Maneh 396.4
2 Jj Maneh 682 8
60 » Maneh 15,884
8,800 1,800 00 Talent 968,040
Lighter Talent.
^of^Meueh 4.44
80 A Maneh 188.2
1.800 60 Maneh 7.992
108,000 8.600 60 Talent 479,520
Certain low subdivisions of the lighter talent may
a> determined from smaller weights, in the British
Museum, from Babylonia or Assyria, not found
with those last described. These are, with one ex-
ception, ducks, and have the following weights,
which we compare with the multiples of the small-
est suldivision of the lighter talent.
Smaller Bsbjlemlmi or Aaqrrlaa TUlMMhi of Mittem
Weights. of Msaeh.
On. Troy. Unit, 4.44 oJJJE'jr*
1. Dues, marked n, wt 829 80.8562 820
t : £} »•»■» »>
4. « 100 25. Ill 100
6. « 87+ 22. 97.6 88
"• W *!£!J?" * h " t . » «• "8.8 84
ItOppST. J
7. Dock. 80+ 20. 88.8 80
8. « 40-10. 444 40
9. « 84- 8. 856 82
10. " 19 8. 23.2 20
Before comparing the evidence of the coins which
we may suppose to have been struck acrnting to
(be Babylonian talent, it will be well to ascertain
whether the higher or lower talent was in use, or
whether bmh were, in the period of the Persian
loins.
Herodotus sneaks of the Babylonian talent as not
peatly exceeding the Eubolc, which ha* been com-
puted to be equivalent to the Commercial Attic, but
more reasonably as nearly the same as the ordinary
Attic. Pollux makes the Babylonian talent equal
to 7,000 Attic drachms. Taking the Attic drachm
at 67.6 gra., the standard probably used by Pollux,
the Babylonian talent would weigh 472,500, which
is very near the weight of the lighter talent. iElian
says that the Babylonian talent was equal to 72
Attic minss, which, on the standard of 67.6 to the
drachm, gives a sum of 486,000. We may there-
fore suppose that the lighter talent was generally,
if not universally, in use in the time of the Psrafata
coins.
Herodotus relates that the king of Persia recalled
the silver tribute of the satrapies according to the
Babylonian talent, but the gold, according to the
Eubolc. We may therefore infer that the silver
coinage of the Persian monarchy was then adjusted
to the former, the gold coinage to the latter, if there
was a coinage In both metals so early. The oldest
coins, both gold and silver, of the Persian mon-
archy, are of the time of Herodotus, if not a little
earlier; and there are still more ancient pieces, in
both metals, of the same weights as Persian gold
and silver coins, which are found at or near Sards* ,
and can scarcely be doubted to be the coinage of
Croesus, or of another Lydian king of the 6th cen-
tury. The larger silver coins of the Persian mon-
archy, and those of the satraps, are of the following
denominations and weights: —
On. Trov.
Piece of three slgU 26&6
Piece of two slgU 169
Biglos MJS
The only denomination of which we know tin.
name is the sigka, which, as having the same type
as the Daric, appears to be the oldest Persian silver
coin. It is the ninetieth part of the maneh of the
lighter talent, and the 6,400th of that talent The
piece of three slgli is the thirtieth part of that
maneh, and the 1,800th of the taient If there
were any doubt as to these coins being struck upon
the Babylonian standard, It would be removed in
the next part of our inquiry, in which we si all
show that toe relation of gold and silver occasva.ed
these divisions.
S. The Eubolc talent, though hearing a Greek
name, is rightly held to have been originally an
eastern system. As it was used to weigh the gold
sent as tribute to the king of Persia, we may infer
that it was the standard of the Persian gold moi.ey;
and it Is reasonable to suppose that the coinage of
Eubosa was upon ite standard. If our result as to
the talent, when tested by the soles of Persia and
Eubosa, confirms this inforeooe sod supposition, it
mar be considered sound.
We must now discuss the celebrated passage of
Herodotus on the tribute of the Persian satrapies.
He there states that the Babylonian talent con-
tained 70 Eubcne mine) (ill 89). He specific* the
amount of silver paid in Babylonian talents by eeeb
province, and then gives the sum of the silver ac-
cording to the Euboic standard, reduces the gold
paid to its equivalent In silver, reckoning the former
at thirteen times the value of the latter, and lastly
gives the sum total. His statements may be thai
tabulated: —
Saiiofhenn, Emjrr»l«nt la E. T. tjaalvslsat
•liver. SlWalaw — B.T. ■tatsd.
7.740 B.T. a 9.0S0B.T. 9,640 1. T.
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3496
Ooki trlkata.
M0B.T.
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
■aalvalaatatUtol.
4,680 JL T. M
Total . . 18,710 *T 14,390
Total stated 14,660 K680
BUnm . +860
+840
It is Impossible to explain this double error In
any satisfactory manner. It U, bowerar, evideut
that in the Unie of Herodotui there wu some such
relation between the Babylonian and Eubolc talenU
as that of 11.66 to 10. Thi« ia to near 18 to 10
that it may be inquired whether ancient writers
■peak of any relative value of gold to silver about
this time that would make talents in this propor-
tion ess; for exchange, and whether, If such a pro-
portion is stated, it is confirmed by the Persian
sains. The relative value of 18 to 1, stated by Herod-
otus, is very nearly 18 to 1, and seems as though
it had been the result of some change, such ss
might have been occasioned by the exhaustion of
the surface-gold in Asia Minor, or a more careful
working of the Greek silver mines. The relative
value 18 to 1 is mentioned by Plato (BipparcA.).
About Plato's time the relation was, however, 10 to
1. He is therefore speaking of an earlier period.
Supposing that the proportion of the Babylonian
sod Eubolc talents was 18 to 10, and that it was
based upon a f'atire value of 18 to 1, what light
do the Persian coins throw upon the theory ? If
we take the chief or only Persian gold coin, the
Daric, assuming its weight to be 189 grs., and
multiply it by 13, we obtain the product 1.548. If
we divide this product as follows, we obtain ss
aliquot parts the Weights of all the principal and
heavier Persian stiver coins : —
1,548 ■*• 6 = 868 three riglt.
+ » = 172 two ilxU.
+ 18 - 86 slglL
On these grounds we may suppose that the
Eubolc talent was to the Babylonian as 60 to
78, or 6 to 8. Taking the Babylonian maneh
at 7,988 grs., we obtain 899,600 for the Eubolc
talent.
This result is most r em a rka bly confirmed by
an ancient bronse weight in the form of a lion
discovered at Abydos in the Troad, and bearing
In Phoenician characters the following inscription :
HBD3 T KnnD bap 1 ? 7~>DDH, ••Approved »
or " found correct on the part of the satrap who Is
appointed over the silver," or " money." It weighs
896,000 grs., and is supposed to have test one or
two pounds' weight. It has been thought to be a
weight of 60 Babylonian mines, but it is most un-
likely that there should hare been such a division
of tie talent, and still mora that a weight should
have been made of that division without any dis-
tinctive Inscription. If, however, the Eubolc talent
was to the Babylonian in the proportion of 6 to 6,
#0 Babylonian mine* would correspond to a Eubolc
talent, and this weight would be a talent of that
standard. We have calculated the Eubolc talent
at 399,600 grs., this weight is 396,000, or 3,600
deficient, but this ia explained by the supposed
loss of one (6,780) or two (11,530) pounds
weight."
We have now to test our result by the Persian
gold money, and the coins of Eubosa.
« lues this was written ws have ssesrtslnsd that
a), as Vogue has supposed this lion to bs a ■abois
The principal, if not the only, Persian gold cafe
is the Dsrie, weighing about 189 grs. Tfcja, wt>
hava seen, was the standard coin, according tc
which the silver money was adjusted. Ite double
in actual weight ia found in the silver coinage, bat
its equivalent is wanting, as though for the sake of
distinction. The double is the thirtieth of the
maneh of the lighter or monetary Babylonian
talent, of which the Pane is the sixtieth, the latter
being, In our opinion, a known division. The
weight of the sixtieth is, it should be nlssiuil,
about 133.3 gre-, somewhat in excess of the weight
of the Daric, but ancient coins tie always struck
below their nominal weight. The Daric was thus
the 3,600th part of the Babylonian talent. It ia
nowhere stated bow the Eubolc talent was divided,
but if we suppose it to base contained 60 mhut,
then the Daric would have bean the sixtieth of the
mini, but if 100 mines, the thirtieth. In any etas
it would hart been the 8,000th part of the talent.
As toe 6,000th was the chief division of the iSgm-
etan and Attic monetary talents, and the 8,000th
of the Hebrew talent according to which the sacred
tribute was paid, and at an Egyptian talent con-
tained 6,000 such units, no other principal division
of the chief talents, save that of the Babylonian
into 3,600, being known, this it exactly what wt
should expect
The coinage of Eubosa bat hitherto been the
great obstacle to the discovery of the Eubolc talent
For the present we speak only of the silver coins,
for the only gold coin we know is later than the
earliest notices of the talent, and it mutt therefore
have been in Greece originally, as far aa money
was concerned, a silver talent. The coins give the
following denominations, of which we state the
average highest weights and the astnmed tree
weights, compared with the assumed true weights
of the coins of Athena: —
Ifha*
Assamae tree
•fctot.
waitht-
waajthL
368
TatradraohsB 870
181
189
Mbsehan 185
86
88
68
644
Drachm ST4
48
41
Tatroboka 46
It must be remarked that the first
denomination it known to us only from two very
early eoint of Errtria, in the British Museum,
which may possibly be Attic, struck during a
time of Athenian supremacy, far they are of
about the weight of very heavy Attic tetra-
drachms.
It will bt perceived that though the weights of
all denominations, except the third in the Eubolc
list, are very near the Attic, the system of division
is evidently different. The third Eubolc denomi-
nation is identical with the Persian siglos, and indi-
cates the Persian origin of the system. The second
piece Is, however, identical with the Dsrie. It
would teem that the Persian gold sod sflver systems
of division were here combined; and this might
perfectly have been done, as the Daric, though a
division of the gold talent, is also a division of the
silver talent. At we have noticed, the Dark It
omitted In the Persian tOver coinage for smut
special reason. The relation of the Persian so*
Ureek systems may of thus stated: —
talent (Kan* ArdkMogfim, s. a. Jan. 1868). Baa aha
irstaxtsfkal Jearsst, I860, ■apt, tw. 188, 308.
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WEIGHTS AND MEASTJRKS
849?
*rr£nft>ld,
GrwkBakofe.
Actual weight.
AMunteX
«C9
121
133
86
86
63
644
48
48
m
The standard weights of Persian silver coins are
hen assumed from the highest average weight of
the sigkw. We hold that the coins of Corinth
probably follow the Eubotc system.
The only gold coin of Eulxsa known to as hat
the extraordinary weight of 49.4 grs. It is of
Carystus, and probably in date a little before Alex-
ander's time. It may be upon a system for gold
money derived from the Eubolc, eiactly as the
Enbolc waa derived from the Babylonian, but it it
not safe to reason upon a single coin.
3. The talents of Egypt hare hitherto formed a
most unsatisfactory subject We commence our
inquiry by stating all certain data.
The gold and silver coins of the Ptolemies follow
the tame standard as the silver coins of the kings
of Maeedon to Philip II. inclusive, which are on the
full .Aiginetan weight. The copper coins have been
thought to follow the tame standard, but this is an
rror.
The ancient Egyptians are known to have had
two weight*, the MeN or UTeN, containing ten
•.nailer weights bearing the name KeT, as H.
'liabas has proved. The former name, if rightly
read MeN, it a maneh or mint, the latter, accord-
ing to the Copts, was a drachm or didracbm
(Kit : K1T6, CKJTB, S. drachma, di-
•rachma. the last form not being known to have
the second signification). A weight, inscribed
" Five KeT," and weighing 698 grs., has been dis-
wvered. It probably originally weighed about 700
'Revue Archeologique, n. a). We can thus de-
termine the KeT to hare weighed about 140 grs.,
"id the MeN or UTeN about 1.400. An exam-
nation of the copper coins of the Ptolemies hat led
it to the interesting discovery that they follow this
tandard and system. 'I"he following are all the
warier denominations of the copper coins of the
•arlier Ptolemies, and the corresponding weights:
he coins vary much in weight, but they dearly in-
.cate their standard and their denominations: —
BoTrruic Oorrn Cons, ins Wrnnm.
CWiu.
Wtightt.
On.
a eb. 1400.
MeN, or UTeN (Maneh?)
Bdr. 700.
5 KeT.
idr. 380.
(2 KeT).
our. 140.
KeT.
■ dr. 70.
(J KeT).
We must therefore conclude that the gold and
iil«-r standard of the Ptolemies was different from
the copper standard, the latter being that of the
ancient Egyptians. The two talents, if calculated
bt im the coins, which in the gold and silver are
odow the full weight, are in the proportion of
about 10 (gold and silver) to 18 (copper); or, if
calculated from the higher correct standard of the
gold and silver system, in the proportion of about
10 to 18.7 : we shall apeak as to the exchange in a
later place (§ III.).
It may be observed tnat the difficulty of explain-
ing the statements of ancient writers js to the
Egyptian. Alexandrian, or Ptolemaic talent or tal-
290
entt, probably arises from the use of two systems
which could be easily confounded, at least In their
lower divisions.
4. The Carthaginian talent may not be as old at
the period before Alexander, to which we limit cur
inquiry, yet it reaches so nearly to that period that
it canuot be here omitted. Those silver coins of
the Carthaginians which do not follow the Attis
standard seem to be struck upon the standard of
the Persian coins, the Babylonian talent. The only
clew we hare, however, to the system is afforded
by a bronze weight inscribed 11313 7pB7D,
and weighing 891 grammes ss 4,956.5 grs. (Dr.
Levy in ZeiUchrift a. Deultch. mnrgevL OaelUch.
xiv. p. 710). This sum is divisible by the weights
of all the chief Carthaginian silver coins, except the
" deeadrachm," but only as sevenths, a system
of division we do not know to have obtained in
any ancient talent The Carthaginian gold coins
seem also to be divisions of this mina on a different
principle.
III. The Hebrew Talent i>r Talents and Division*.
— The data we have obtained enable us to examine
the statements respecting the Hebrew weights
with some expectation of determining this diffi-
cult question. The evidence may be thus stated.
1. A talent of silver is mentioned in Exodus,
which contained 3,000 shekels, distinguished at
" the holy shekel," or " shekel of the sanctuary."
The number of Israelite men who paid the ransom
of half a shekel apiece was 603,550, and the turn
paid was 100 talents and 1,775 shekels of silver
(Ex. xxx. 13, 15, xxxviii- 35-28), whence we easily
discover that the talent of silver contained 8,000
shekels (603,550 ■+■ 2 = 301,775 shekels — 1,775 =
300,000-1-100 talents =3,000 shekels to the tal-
ent).
3. A gold maneh is spoken of, and, in a parallel
pussage, shekels are mentioned, three manehs being
represented by 300 shekels, a maneh therefore con-
taining 100 shekels of gold.
3. Joseph us states that the Hebrew talent of gold
contained 100 mints (Avxrfa he xpwoii ....
araSiib* t%o\m /wit iKwrir, ta 'E/Spcuoi per
koAovo-i K'Txa/Mf, <h St tV 'EAAi)CMr)r pr
Ta$a\\6fitrov yKuaoar a-rf/tafv*< rdAwror.
Ant. iii. 6, § 7).
4. Jotephus states that the Hebrew mint of
gold waa equal to two Ubrte and a half ({okas'
oAoo^uef/AoTOK x/maiir, in pr&r rpuuroerfwr
w*murifi4rtir- 4; *« pro *«»' fit"" l<rymi Arrow
Sfto koI Ifuev. Ant. xir. 7, § 1). Taking the
Roman pound at 6,050 grs., the maneh of gold
would weigh about 13,635 grs.
6. Epiphanius estimates the Hebrew talent at
130 Roman pound*, which, at the value given
above, are equal to about 631,250 grs.
6. A difficult passage in Ezekiel seems to speak
of a maneh of 50 or 60 shekels: " And the shekel
[shall be] twenty gerahs : twenty shekels, five- and
twenty shekels, fifteen shekels, shall be your maneh "
(xlv. 13). The ordinary text of the LXX. gives a
series of small sums as the Hebrew, though, differ-
ing in the numbers, but the Alex, and Vat M3S
have 50 for 15 (tUcxrt ojSoAof, weWt trfxAoi,
waWf koI itCkAoi 8<7ca, icai TtrHixorra. cicAai
4 pum tart* ifiir). The .meaning would be,
either that there were to be three manehs, respect-
ively containing 30, 35, and 16 shekels, or lb*
like, or else that a sum is intended by then mub-
bttt (20+25-l-l»>«««. or uosaiblx 50. RutU
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3498
WEIGHTS AKB MEASURE8
muit be remembered that thii U a prophetical
P—gfi-
7. Joaephiu makes the gold shekel a Daric (Ant.
Hi. 8, $ 10).
From then data it tnaj reasonably be inferred, (1 )
that the Hebrew gold talent contained 100 manehs,
each of which again contained 100 shekels of gold,
and, basing the calculation on the stated value
of the maneh, weighed about 1,282,500 grs., or,
basing the calculation on the correspondence of the
gold shekel to the Daric, weighed about 1,290,000
grs. (129 X 100 V 100), the latter being probably
nearer the true value, as the 3} libra ma; be sup-
posed to be a rouud sum; and (2) that the silver
talent contained 8,000 shekels, and is probably the
talent spoken of by Epipbanius as equal to 125 Ro-
man pounds, or 631,250 grs., which would give a
shekel of 210.4 grains. It is to be observed that,
taking the estimate of Josephus as the basis for cal-
culating the maneh of the former talent, and that
of Epipbanius for calculating the latter, their rela-
tion is exactly 2 to 1, 50 manehs at 2) pounds,
making 125 pounds. It is therefore reasonable to
suppose that two talents of the same system are
referred to, and that the gold talent was exactly
double the silver talent.
Let us now examine the Jewish coins.
1. The shekels and half-shekels of silver, if we
take an average of the heavier specimens of the
Haocabean issue, give the weight of the former as
about 220 grs. A talent of 3,000 such shekels
would weigh about 660,000 grs. Thia result agree*
very nearly with the weight of the talent given
by Epiphanius.
2. The copper coins are generally without any
indications of value. The two heaviest denomina-
tions of the Maccabeao issue, however, bear the
names "half" OSl" 1 ), and •' quarter " (E s 2~l).
H. de Saulcy gives the weights of three " halves "
as, respectively, 251.6 grs. (16.3 grammes), 236.2
(15.3), and 219.2 (14.2). In Hr. Wigan's collec-
tion are two "quarters," weighing, respectively,
145.2 grs. and 118.9 grs. ; the former being, appar-
ently, the one "quarter" of which M. de Saulcy
gives the weight as 142. (9.2 grammes). We are
unable to add the weights of any more specimens.
There is a smaller coin of the same period, which
has an average weight, according to M. de Saulcy,
of 81.8 grs. (5.8 grammes). If this be the third
of the " half," it would give the weight of the
latter at 246-4 grs. As this may be thought to
be slender evidence, especially so far as the larger
coins are concerned, it is important to observe
that it is confirmed by the later coins. From the
copper coins mentioned above, we can draw up the
following scheme, comparing them with the silver
Ooma Corns.
i Conn.
Avcnin SuppoMd AvsnM Supposad
wsMu. weljrhL wdabX wj&ht.
Half 835.4 250 Shekel 220 220
Quarter 182.0 126 Half-ehskal 110 110
(Sixth) 81.8 88.8 (Third) 78J
It Is evident from this list that the copper '• half"
and " quarter " are half and quarter shekels, and
are nearly in the relation to the silver like denomi-
nations of 2 to 1. But this relation is not exact,
and it is therefore necessary to ascertain further,
whether the standard of the silver talent can be
d, if not, whether the gold talent can be more
twice the weight of the silver, and, should
this explanation be Impossible, whether there a any
ground for supposing a third talent with a aheke
heavier than two shekels of silver.
The silver shekel of 220 grs. gives a talent of
660,000 grs. : this is the same as the ./Eginetan.
which appears to be of Phoenician origin. There
is no evidence of its ever having had a higher ahekd
or didrachm.
The double talent of 1,320,000 grs., gives a Da-
ric of 132 grs., which is only 1 gr. and a email
fraction below the standard obtained from the Bab-
ylonian talent.
The possibility of a separate talent for eop|ier de-
pends upon the relations of the three metals.
The relation of gold to silver in the time of He-
rodotus was 1:13. The early relation upon which
the sjstems of weights and coins used by the Per
sian state were founded was 1 : 12. Under the
Ptolemies it was 1 : 12 6. The two Hebrew talents,
if that of gold were exactly double that of silver,
would have been easy for exchange in the relation
of 1 : 12, 1 talent of gold corresponding to 24 talent*
of silver. The relation of silver to copper can be
best conjectured from the Ptolemaic system. L'
the Hebrews derived this relation from any neigh-
boring state, Egypt is as likely to hare influenced
them as Syria; for the silver coinage of Egypt was
essentially the sana as that of the Hrtxewa, and
that of Syria was different. Besides, the relation
of silver and copper must have been very nearly the
same in Syria and Palestine as in Egypt during the
period in which the Jewish coinage had its origin,
on account of the large commerce between those
countries. It has, we venture to think, been satis-
factorily shown by Letronne that the relation of
silver to oopper under the Ptolemies was 1 : 60, s
mina of silver corresponding to a talent of oopper.
It has, however, been supposed that the drachm of
oopper was of the same weight as that of gold and
silver, an opinion which we have proved to be in-
correct in an earlier part of this article (§ II. 3).
An important question now arises. Is the talent
of copper, when spoken of in relation to that of sil-
ver, a talent of weight or a talent of account ? — in
other words, Is it of 6,000 actual drachms of ltt
grs. each, or of 6,000 drachms of account of about
110 grs. or a little less? This question seems to
be answered in favor of the former of the two re-
plies by the facts. (1 ) that the copper coins being
struck upon the old Egyptian weight, it is incred-
ible that so politic a prince as the first Ptolemy
should have introduced a double system of reckon-
ing, which would hare given offense and occasioned
confusion; (2) tint the ancient Egyptian name of
the monetary unit became that of the drachm, as is
shown by its bring retained with the sense drachm
and didrachm by the Copts (§ II. 3); and bad
there been two didraebms of oopper, that on tht
Egyptian system would probably have retained tht
native nan e. We are of opinion, therefore, that
the Egyptian copper talent was of 8,000 copper
drachms of tbe weight of 140 grs. each. But thia
solution still lea res a difficulty. We know that the
relation of ailvir to copper was 1 : 60 in drachms,
though 1 : 78 or 80 in weight. In a modern stats
the actual relation would force itself into tbe posi-
tion of the official relation, and 1 : 80 would herome
1 : 78 or 80; but this was not necessarily the eta
in sn ancient country in so peculiar a condition a
Egypt. Alexandria and a few other towns mm
Greek, the rest of tbe country purely Egyptian
and it is -mite possible that, while the goal W
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WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
3499
•her coinage wu current in the Greek towns, the
Kqyptians may have refused to take anything but
copper on their own standard. The issue of copper
coins shore their value would have been a sacrifice
to the exchequer, if given in exchange for gold or
silver, rough or coined ; but they might have been
exclusively paid out for salaries and small expendi-
ture, and would have given an enormous profit to
the government, if repaid in small taxes. Suppos-
ing that a village paid a silver mina in taxes col-
lected from small proprietors, if they had only cop-
per the government would receive in excess 180,000
pa-, or not much less than s fifth of the whole
amount. No one who is conversant with the
East In the present day will deny the possibility of
inch a state of things in Egypt under the Ptole-
mies. Our decision may be aided by the results
of the two theories upon the relations of the
metals.
M 1 = AIM =M (SO
(Stater) (Ulna) (Talent)
if 1 = M 760
(78
80
si m
*\ 1.000
Nominal relation
Betation in weight V 1 = A 12.6 = M J
tl 1
It must be remembered that, in endeavoring to
determine which of these two relations is the cor-
rect one, we must be guided by the evidence of an-
tiquity, not by the mathematical proportions of the
results, for we are now not dealing with coins, but
with relations only originally in direct connection
with systems of coinage.
Letroune gives the relation of silver to copper
among the Romans, at the end of the Third Funic
War, as 1: 113, reduced from 1 : 83.3, both much
higher values of the former metal than 1 : 80. It
ie therefore reasonable to suppose that the relation
of 1 : 80 is that which prevailed in Egypt under
the Ptolemies, and so at the time at which the
first Jewish coins were struck, that of Simon the
Maccabee.
We may therefore suppose that the Hebrew
talents of silver and copper were exchangeable in
the proportion of about 1 : 80, and, as we have
seen that the coins show chat their shekels were of
'he relative weight 1 : S4-, we may take as the
Msis of our computation the supposition that 60
shekels of silver were equal to a talent of copper,
or 100 = 1 talent double the former. We pre-
fer the former relation as that of the Egyptian
system.
»r,<60t=U,000 grs. X8O=66O,00O+160O=44O+3=3»
X70 770,000 6188 2688
X72 792,000 628 281
X76 826,000 660 276
X80 890,000 686.6 288.8
Of these results, the first is too low, and the
fourth and fifth too high, the second and third
agreeing with our approximative estimate of the
shekel and half-shekel of copper. It is, however,
possible that the fourth result may be the true one,
ts some coins give very nearly this standard.
Which it the right system can only be inferred
from the effect on the exchange, although it must
be remembered that very awkward exchanges of
silver and copper may hive obtained wherever cop-
ier was cot an Important metal. Thus at Athens
I pieces of brass went to the obolus, and 7 lepta
to the piece of brass. The former relation woiild
be easy of computation, the latter very Inconven-
ient. Among the Jews, the copper coinage was ol
more importance: at first of accurate fabric and
not very varying weight, afterwards the only coin-
age. Its relation to the silver money, and after-
wards to the Egyptian and Phoenician currency ot
the same weight, must therefore have been correct.
On this ground, we should prefer the relation of
silver to copper 1 : 72, giving a talent of 702,000
grs., or nearly twice the Eubolc. The agreement
is remarkable, but may be fortuitous.
Our theory of the Hebrew coinage would be as
follows: —
Oold . . Shekel or Darle (foreign) 120 grs.
Silver . Shekel 220. Half-shekel 110.
Copper . Half (-shekel) 264, Quarter (-shekel) 182,
(Sixth-shekel) 88.
We can now consider the weights.
The gold talent contained 100 manehs, and 10,-
000 shekels.
The silver talent contained 8,000 shekels, 6,000
bekaa, and 60,000 gerahs.
The copper talent probably contained 1,600
shekels.
The "holy shekel," or "shekel of the sanctu-
ary" (ttrTfvTT bpBJ), is spoken of both of the
gold (Ex. xxxvUi. 24) and silver (28) talents of the
time of the Exodus. We also read of " the king's
weight " (ij^n i3v*. 2 Sam. xiv. 28). But
there is no reason for supposing different systems
to be meant
The significations of the names of the Hebrew
weights must be here stated.
The talent P3S) means "a circle," or
globe," probably " an aggregate sum."
The shekel (b-">t|P) signifies simply >> a weight."
Thebeka (9|/$) or half-shekel, signifies <••
division," or " half."
The "quarter-shekel" (bjV^ VJT$ is ones
mentioned (1 Sam. ix. 8).
The gerah (rn|) signifies "a grain," or
"bean."
IV. The Hittory and Relation* of the Prmd-
pal Ancient Talent*. — It is necessary to add •
view of the history and relations of the talents we
have discussed In order to show what light our the-
ories throw upon these matters. The inquiry must
be prefaced by a list of the talents: —
A. Eisraa Turns.
Hebrew gold . 1,820,000 Hebrew sUver . 660,000
Babylonian | . . ~o«in Babylonian leaser 1 _,„.
(silver) J . . 9B9 > 0#0 (diver) j 4TO - ffl0
Egyptian .... 810,000
Persian goM 809,600
Hebrew copper f 792,000?
B. Ohuss. Tiunrrs.
Sgioetan 680,000
Attic Commercial 688300
Attic Commercial, lowered .... 668,900
Attic Solonian, double 860,620
Attic Solonian, ordinary 430,240
Attic Solonian, lowered 406,000
Bubolo 887,000-1
We omit the talent of the coins of .Xgina, as a
mere monetary variety of the vEguxtau, throtur>
the Attic Commercial.
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8500
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
We take the Hebrew to be the oMert system of
weight. Apart from the evidence from its relation
to the other systems, this ma; be almost proved by
oar finding it to obtain in Greece, in Phoenicia, and
in Jndca, u the oldest Greek and Phoenician
system, and as the Jewish system. As the Jewish
system, it must have been of far greater antiquity
than the date of the earliest coin struck upon it
The weight according to which the ransom was first
paid must hare been retained as the fixed legal
standard. It may seem surprising, when we re-
member the general tendency of money to depreci-
ate, of which such instances as those of the Athen-
ian silver and the English gold will occur to the
reader, that this Bystem should have been preserved,
by any but the Hebrews, at its full weight, from
the time of the Exodus to that of the earliest Greek
coins upon the iEginetan standard, a period proba-
bly of not much less than a thousand years ; but we
may cite the case of the solidus of the Roman and
Byzantine emperors, which retained its weight from
its origination under Constantine the Great until
the fall of Constantinople, and its purity from the
time of Constantine until that of Alexius Corane-
nus; and again the long celebrity of the sequin of
Venice and the florin of Venice for their exact
weight. It must be remembered, moreover, that
in Phoenicia, and originally in Greece, this system
was that of the great trading nation of antiquity,
who would have had the same interest as the Ve-
netians and Florentines in maintaining the full
monetary standard. There is a remarkable evi-
dence in favor of the antiquity of this weight in
the circumstance that, after it had been depreciated
in the coins of the kings and cities of Macedon, it
was restored, in the silver money of Philip II., to
Its full monetary standard.
The Hebrew system had two talents for the
precious metals in the relation of 2: 1. The gold
talent, apparently not used elsewhere, contained
100 manehs, each of which contained again 100
shekels, there being thus 10,000 of these units,
weighing about 132 grs. each, in the talent.
The silver talent also known as the i£ginetsn
contained 3,000 shekels, weighing about 220 grs.
each. One gold talent appears to have been equal
to 24 of these. The reason for making the talent
of gold twice that of silver was probably merely
for the sake of distinction.
The Babylonian talent, like the Hebrew, con-
sisted of two systems, in the relation of 2 to 1,
upon one standard. It appears to have been formed
from the Hebrew by reducing the number of units
from 10,000 to 7,200. The system was altered by
the maneh being raised so as to contain 120 instead
of 100 units, and the talent lowered so as to eon-
tain 60 instead of 100 manebs. It is possible that
this talent was originally of silver, as the exchange,
in their common unit, with the Hebrew gold, in
the relation of 1 : 12, would be easy, 6 units of
the gold talent passing for 72 of the silver, so that
10 gold units would be equal to a silver maneh,
which may explain the reason of the change in
the division of the talent.
The derivation, from the lighter Babylonian tal-
ent, of the Eubolc talent, is easily ascertained.
Their relation is that of 6 : 5, so that the whole
alents could be readily exchanged in the relation
•f 12 : 1 ; and the units being common, their ex-
change would be even more easy.
IV Egyptian talent. <-iinnot be traced to any
Fitter it is an independent system, or,
perhaps it is the oldest talent and parent of the
rest. The Hebrew copper talent is equally ob-
scure. Perhaps it is the double of the Persian
gold talent
The JSginetan talent, as we have seen, Was the
same as the lesser or silver Hebrew talent. Its in-
troduction into Greece was doubtless due to the
Phoenicians. The Attie Commercial was a degra-
dation of this talent, and was itself further de-
graded to form the Attic Solonian. The iEginetan
talent thus had five successive standards (1, Orig-
ins! jEginetan; 2, Attie Commercial; 8, Id. low-
ered; 4, Attic Sokmian; 6, Id. lowered) b the
following relation: —
l n. m. rr. t.
8. : 6.44 : 6. : 8-» : 8.8
8. : 4J
6. : 4.8
The first change was probably simply a degra-
dation. The second may have been due to ths
influence of a Greco-Asiatic talent of Cyaicus or
l'hociea, of which the stater contained about 180
grs. of gold, although weighing, through the addi-
tion of 60 grs. of silver, about 240 gra., thus im-
plying a talent in the relation to the JSginetan of
about 5 : tt. Solon's change has lieen hitherto so
unresolved enigma. The relation of the two Attic
talents is so awkward that scarcely any division is
common to them in weight, as may be inferred
from the data in the table of Athenian weights
that we have given. Had the heavier talent bees
divided into quarters, and the lighter into thirds,
this would not have been the case. The reason of
Solon's change is therefore to be looked for in the
influence of some other talent. It has been sup-
posed that this talent was the Eubolc, but this
theory is destroyed by our discovery that the Attic
standard of the oldest coins is below the weight-
standard of about the time of the Pdoponnesisn
War, and thus that the reduction of Solon did not
bring the weights down to the Eubolc standard.
If we look elsewhere we see that the heavier Solo-
nian weight is almost the same in standard as ths
Egyptian, the didrachm of the former exceeding
the unit of the latter by no more than about 8 gra-
Thia explanation Is almost proved to be the true
one by the remarkable fact that the Attic Solonian
talent, apparently unlike all other Greek talents,
had a double talent, which would give a drachm
instead of a didrachm, equivalent to the Egyptian
unit. At the time of Solon nothing would be mors
likely than such an Egyptian influence as this ex-
planation implies. The commercial relations of
Egypt and Greece, through Naucratia, were then
active; and the tradition or myth of the Egyptiaa
origin of the Athenians was probably never stronger.
The degradation of the Attic Solonian talent was no
doubt effected by the influence of the Eubolc, with
the standard of which its lower standard is prebably
identical.
The principal authorities upon this subject sre :
Boeckh's Metivtogitche Ontermchmngtn ; Momm-
sen's Uttchichte dn Rltmi$chen Mansm§rnt ; snd
Hussey's Ancient Weit/hU. Don V. Vaiqoea
Queipo's Asstri no- let Sytima Mtlrhjun tt Ml*-
rfotits del Ancient Penpltt also contains must
information. The writer must express his obligs.
tions to Mr. de Saris, Mr Vaux, and Mr. R
Wigan, and more especially to his colleagues It-
Madden and Mr. Coxe,.for valuable assistant*.
B.S.P
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WEIGHTS AND MEASUREfe
3501
n. lUtASUKBS.
i
The moat important topic to be discussed in
xmuection with the subject of the Hebrew measures
h their relative and abaolute value. Another topic,
jf secondary importance perhaps, but poeaeaaing an
independent iuteroat of its own, demands a few
prefatory reuiarka, namely, the origin of these
measures, and their relation to those of surround-
<>ig countries. The uieasures of length are chiefly
derived from the members of thejiuuian body,
which are happily adapted to the purpose from the
circumstance that they exhibit certain definite pro-
portions relatively to each other. It is unneces-
sary to assume that a system founded on such a
basis was the inventiuo of any single nation: it
would iiaturiUy be adopted by all in a rude state
of society. Netertheless, the particular parts of
the body selected for the purpose may form more
or less a connecting link between the systems of
various natious. It will be observed in the sequel
that the Hebrews restricted tliemselves to the fore-
arm, to the exclusion of the foot and also of the
pace, as a proper measure of length. The adop-
tion of foreign names is also worthy of remark, as
showing a probability that the measures themselves
were burrowed. Hence the occurrence of words of
Egyptian extraction, such as hin and tphnh, and
probably amufih (for "cubit"), inclines us to seek
fur the origin of the Hebrew scales both of length
and capacity in that quarter. The measures of
capacity, which have no such natural standard as
those of length, would more probably be settled by
conventional usage, and the existence of similar
measures, or of a similar scale of measures in dif-
ferent nations, would furnish a strong probability
of their having been derived from some common
source. Thus the coincidence of the Hebrew bath
being subdivided into 72 logs, and the Athenian
nub-Ms into 72 xtsta, can hardly be the result of
chance; and, if there further exists a correspond-
ence between the ratios that the weights bear to
the measures, there would be still further evidence
of a common origin. Boeckk, who has gone fully
into this subject in bis Metroloyitche Unttriucli-
urtytn, traces back the whole system of weights
and measures prevalent among the civilized nations
of antiquity to Babylon (p. 39). The scanty in-
formation we possess relative to the Hebrew weights
and measures as a oounected system, precludes the
possibility of our assigning a definite place to it in
ancient metrology. The names already referred to
lead to the inference that Egypt rather than Baby-
lonia was the quarter whence it was derived, and the
identity of the Hebrew with the Athenian scales
fee liquids furnishes strong evidence that these bad
a community of origin. It is important, however,
to obsew in connection with this subject, that an
identity of ratios does not involve an identity of
absolute quantities, a distinction which very possi-
bly escaped the notice of early writers, who were
aot unnaturally led to identify the measures in
.heir absolute values, because they held the same
relative positions in the several scales.
rf ntSH. This tana is gsnerallr reined to a
OepMe origin, being derived from a word, mb or
ssaai, denuding the " fore-arm," which with the ar-
able aranxad becomes tmmaki (Bosckh, a. 286). Oa-
«rdas. however, refers it to the Hebrew word sigrufjr-
We divide the Hebrew meas tret into two classes
according as they refer to length or capacity, and
subdivide each of these classes into two, the former
into measures of length and distance, the latter intc
liquid and dry measures.
1. Measures of length.
(1. ) The denominations referring to length were
derived for the most part from the arm and hand.
We may notice the following four as derived from
this source: (a.) The tltba," or finger's breadth,
mentioned only in Jer. lii. 21. (6.) The lephitch, 1 '
or hand breadth (Ex. xxr. 95: 1 K. vii. 26: 2
Car- iv. S), applied metaphorically to a short period
of time in Pa. xxxix. b. (c ) The ttreth," or span,
the distance between the extremities of the thumb
and the little finger in lbs extended hand (Ex. xxviii.
16; 1 Sam. xvii. 4; Es. xliii. 13), applied gonsr-
ally to describe any small measure in Is. xl 12.
(<i) The nmmiM,' 1 or oubit, the distance bom the
elbow to the extremity of the middle finger. This
occurs very frequently in the Bible in relation la
buildings, such as the Ark (Gen. vi. 16), the Tab
emacle (Ex. xxvi., xxvii.), and the Temple (1 K.
vi. 2; Kc. xl., xli.), as well as in relation to man's
stature (L Sam. xvii. 4; Matt. vi. 27), and other
objects (Esth. v. 14; Zech. v. 2). In addition to
the above we may notice: (e.) The gimed,' lit. a
nxl, applied to Eglon's dirk (Judg. iii. 16). Its
length is uncertain, but it probably fell below the
cubit, with which it is identified in the A. V. (/.)
The kaneh,S or reed (compare our word "cane")
for measuring buildings on a Urge scale (Es. ri
5-8, xli. 8, xlli. 16-19).
Little information is furnished by the Bible itself
as to the relative or absolute lengths described under
the above terms. With the exception of the notice
that the reed equals six cubits (Es. xl. 5), we have
uo intimation that the measures were combined iu
anything like a scale. We should indeed infer
the reverse, from the circumstance that Jeremiah
speaks of "four fingers," where according to the
scale, be would have said " a hand breadth ; " that
in the description of Goliath's height (1 Sam. xvii.
4), the expression " six cubits and a span," is used
instead of " six cubits and a half; " and that Ezekiel
mentions "span " and "half a oubit" inclose jux-
taposition (xliii. 18, 17), as though they bore no re-
lation to each other either in the ordinary or the
long cubit. That the denominations held a certain
ratio to each other, arising out of the proportions
of the members in the body, could hardly escape
notice; but it does not follow that they were ever
worked up into an artificial scale. The most im-
portant conclusion to be drawn from the Biblical
notices, is to the effect that the cubit, which may be
regarded as the standard measure, was of varying
length, and tlsat, in order to secure accuracy, it
was necessary to define the kind of cubit intended,
the result being that the other denominations, il
combined in a scale, would vary in like ratio. Thus
in Deur. iiL 11, the cubit is specified to be " after
the cubit of a man; " in 9 Chr. iii. 3, "after the
first," or rather "after the older' measure; " and
in Es. xli. 8, " a great cubit," or literally " a cubit
lag « mother," ss though the fors-ann ware in some
sense the " mother of the ana " ( Hum. p. 110).
f That the expre s sion rf31t£7S"1 spores lo priority
of time, as well as of order, is clear from many pas
, as «. g., 2 K. xvU. 84 ; Bar. HI. 12; Hag. tt. I
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5602
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
> the Joint," ablch is further defined in il. 5, to
be " a cubit and an hand-breadth." Theee expres-
sions involve one of the moat knotty point* of
Hebrew archaeology, namely, the number and the
respective length* of the Scriptural cubit*. That
there wa* more than one cubit, i* char; but whether
there were three, or only two, is not ao clear. We
■hall have occasion to refer to this topic again;
for the present we shall confine ourselves to the
consideration of the expressions themselves. A
cubit '• after the cubit of a man," implies the ex-
istence of another cubit, which was either longer or
shorter than it, and from analogy it may be taken
for granted that this second cubit would be the
longer of the two. But what is meant by the
" amm&h of a man ? " Is it the eubitui in the
anatomical sense of the term, in other words,
the bone of the fore-arm between the elbow and
the wrist ? or is it the full cubit in the ordinary
sense of the term, from the elbow to the extremity
of the middle finger? What, again, are we to
understand by Ezekiel's expression, " cubit to the
<oint?" The term aUUll* is explained by Gese-
nius (Tket. p. 144) of the kmtckia, and not of the
"armholes," as in the A. V. of Jer. xxxviii. 12,
where our translators hare omitted all reference to
the word yddicA, which follows it. A " cubit to
the knuckles" would imply the space from the
elbow to the knuckles, and as this cubit exceeded
by a hand-breadth the ordinary cubit, we should
infer that it was contradistinguished from the cubit
that reached only to the wrist The meaning of
the word is, however, contested : Hitsig gives it the
sense of a connecting watt (Comm. on Jer.). Stur-
mius (Seiagr. p. 94) understands it of the edge of
the walls, and others in the sense of a vnny of a
building (Rosenmuller, SclioL in Jer.). Hicbaelis
on the other hand understands it of the knuckles
(Sup/)iem. p. 119), and so does Saalschttts {Archaol
ii. 166). The expressions now discussed, taken
together, certainly favor the idea that the cnbit
of the Bible did not come up to the full length of
the cubit of other countries. A further question
remains to be discussed, namely, whether more than
two cubits were in vogue among the Hebrews. It
is generally conceded that the " former " or " older "
measure of 2 Chr. tti. 3, was the Mosaic or legal
cubit, and that the modern measure, the existence
of which is implied in that designation, was some-
what larger. Further, the cubit " after the cubit
of a man " of Dent. iii. 11, is held to be a com-
mon measure in contradistinction to the Mosaic
one, and to hare fallen below this latter in point
of length. In this case, we should hare three
subiU — the common, the Mosaic or old measure,
tnd the new measure. We tum to Ezekiel and
find a distinction of another character, namely, a
long and a short cubit. Now, it has been urged
by many writers, and we think with good reason,
that Ezekiel would not be likely to adopt any other
than the old orthodox Mosaic standard for the
measurements of his ideal temple. If so, his long
cubit would be identified with the old measure,
and his short cubit with the one " after the cubit
of a man," and the new measure of 2 Chr. iii. 3
would represent a still longer cubit than Ezekiel's
long one. Other explanations of the prophet's
SMignage have, however, been offered . it has been
sometimes assumed that, w'nUe Bring in CnaMara
he and bis countrymen had adopted tb* long Baby-
lonian cubit (Jahn, ArekaoL § 118); but in thii
esse his short cubit could not hare belonged to the
same country, inasmuch as the difference between
these two amounted to only three fingers (Herod,
i. 178). Again, it has been explained that his
short cubit wss the ordinary Chaldean measure,
and the long one the Mosaic measure (Bosenmuller.
m h".t. xl. 6) ; but this is unlikely on account of the
respective lengths of the Babylonian and the Moaaia
cubits, to which we shall hereafter refer. Inde-
pendently of these objections, we think that the
passages previously discussed (Deut. iii. 11; 2 Chr.
iii. 8) imply the existence of three cubits. It re-
mains to be inquired whether from the Bible itself
we can extract any information as to the length
of the Mossic or legal cubit. The notices of the
height of the altar and of the height of the lavert
iu the Temple are of importance in this respect
In the former esse three cubits is specified (Ex
xxvii. 1), with a direct prohibition against the use
of steps (Ex. xx. 26); in the latter, the height of
the base on which the laver was placed was three
cubits (1 K. rii. 27). If we adopt toe ordinary
length of the cubit (say 20 inches), the heights
of the sltar and of the. base would be 5 feet. But
it would be extremely inconvenient, if not im-
possible, to minister at an altar, or to use a laves
placed at such a height. In order to meet this
difficulty without any alteration of the length of
the cubit, it must be sssumed * that an inclined
plane led up to it, as wss the ease with the loftier
altar of the Temple (Mishn. Midd. 8, §§ 1, 8).
But such a contrivance is contrary to the spirit of
the text; and, even if suited to the altar, would be
wholly needless for the larers. Hence SaalschiiU
infers that the cubit did not exceed a Prussian foot,
which is less than an English foot (ArcJiavL ii.
167). The other instances adduced by him are not
so much to the point. The molten sea wss not
designed for the purpose of bathing (though this
impression is conveyed by 2 Chr. ir. 6 ss given in
the A. V.), and therefore no conclusion can be
drawn from the depth of the water in it. The
height of Og, as inferred from the length of hit
bedstead (9 cubits, Deut. iii. 11), and the height
of Goliath (6 cubits and a span, 1 Sam. xvii. 4),
are not inconsistent with the idea of a cubit about
18 inches long, if credit can be given to other
recorded instances of extraordinary stature (Flin.
rii. 2, 16; Herod, i. 68; Joseph. Ant. xviii. 4, §
6). At the same time the rendering of the LXX.
in 1 Sam. xvii. 4, which is followed by Josephus
(Ant vi. 9, § 1), and which reduces the number
of cubits to four, suggests either an error in the
Hebrew text, or a considerable increase in ths
length of the cubit in later times.
The foregoing examination of Biblical notices
has tended to the conclusion that the cubit of early
times fell far below the length usually assigned to
it; but these notices are so scanty and ambiguous
that this conclusion is by no means decisive. Ws
now turn to collateral sources of information, which
we will follow out a* far as possible in chrono-
logical order. The earliest and most reliable testi-
mony as to the length of the cubit is supplied by
the Misting specimens of old Egyptian measures.
•7-BM.
i steps, and that
the prohibition In Ex xx. 26 emanates from an auttw*
who wrote In Ignorance of the prevtsus dusenose
(Comas, on Ex. xxvtt. 1).
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WBIOHT8 AND MBASTJBE8
8503
3sverai of then hmve been di s covered in tombs,
sarrying in back at ell events to 1700 B. c, while
the Kilometer at Elephantine 1 exhibits the length
of the cubit in the time of the Roman emperors.
No great difference is exhibited in these measures,
the longest being estimated at about 21 inches,
and the shortest at about 201, or exactly 30.4739
inches (Wilkinson, Ane. Ey. il. 858). They are
divided into 28 digits, and in this respect contrast
with the Mosaic cubit, which, according to Rab-
binical authorities, was divided into 24 digits.
There is some difficulty in reconciling this dis-
crepancy with the almost certain fact of the deri-
vation of the cubit from Egypt. It has been
generally surmised that the Egyptian eubit was of
more than one length, and that the sepulchral
m e asu res exhibit the shorter as well as the longer
by special marks. Wilkinson denies the existence
of more than one cubit {Anc. h'.y. ii. 267-259),
apparently on the ground that the total lengths of
the measures do not materially vary. It may be
conceded that the measures are intended to repre-
sent the same length, the variation being simply
the result of mechanical inaccuracy ; but this does
not decide the question of the double cubit, which
rather turns on the peculiarities of notation ob-
servable on these measures. For a full discussion
of this point we must refer the reader to Thenius'a
essay in the Thtotogltche Stwlitn tml Kiitiken for
1846, pp. 297-342. Our limits will penult only a
brief statement of the facts of the case, and of the
views expressed in reference to them. The most
perfect of the Egyptian cubit measures are those
preserved in the Turin and Louvre Museums. These
are unequally divided into two parts, the one on
the right hand containing 15, and the other 13
digits. In the former part the digits are sub-
divided into aliquot parts from 1 to _L, reckoning
from right to left, in the latter part the digits
are marked on the lower edge in the Turin, and on
the upper edge in the Louvre measure. In the
Turin measure the three left-hand digits exoeed the
others in size, and have marks over them indicating
either fingers or the numerals 1, 2, 3. The four
left-hand digits are also marked off from the rest
by a double stroke, and are further distinguished by
hieroglyphic marks supposed to indicate that they
tie digits of the old measure. There are also
■pedal marks between the 6th and 7th, and be-
tween the 10th awl 11th digits of the left hand
portion. In the Louvre cubit two digits are marked
off on the lower edge by lines running in a slight-
ly transverse direction, thus producing a greater
length than is given on the upper side. It has
been found that each of the three above specified
digits in tbe Turin measure = J» of the whole
length, less these three digits; or, to put it in
another form, the four left-hand digits = 1 of ths
85 right-hand digits: also that each of the two
digits in the Louvre measure = J» of the whole
length, leas these two digits; and further, that
wiee tbe left half of either measure = the whole
length of the Louvre measure, less the two digits.
Most writers on the subject agree in the conclusion
Mutt tbe measures contain a combination of two, if
jot three, kinds of cubit. Great difference of
ipinion, however, is manifested as to particulars.
a Tbe precise amount of 484.289 Is obtained b-
Muaf the mean of the mar following amounts : U
sf fO&oM, the total length of the Turin measure, -
■6.130; twice the left-hand division of the same
Thenius makes the difference between the roya 1
and old cubits to be no more than two digits, the
average length of the latter being 484.289 « mil-
limetres, or 19.086 inches, as compared with
523.524 millimetres, or 20.611 inches and 523
millimetres, or 20.591 inches, the lengths of the
Turin and Louvre measures respectively. He ac-
counts for the additional two digits as originating
in the practice of placing the two fingers crossways
at the eud of the arm and hand used in measuring,
so as to mark the spot up to which the cloth or
other article has been measured. He further finds,
in the notation of the Turin measure, indications
of a third or ordinary cubit 23 digits in length.
Another explanation is that the old cubit consisted
of 24 old or 25 new digits, and that its length was
462 millimetres, or 18.189 inches; and again,
others put the old cubit at 24 new digits, as
marked on the measures. The relative proportions
of the two would be, on these several hypotheses,
as 28 : 26, as 28 : 25, and as 28 : 84.
The use of more than one cuMt appears to have
also prevailed in Babilon, for Herodotus states
that the " royal " exceeded the '■ moderate " cubit
(wijv'T nirptot) by three digits (i. 178). The
appellation "royal," if borrowed from the Baby-
lonians, would itself imply tbe existence of another;
but it is by no means certain that this other was
the " moderate" cubit mentioned in the text.. The
majority of critics think that Herodotus is there
speaking of the ordinary Greek cubit (Boeckh, p.
214), though the opposite view is affirmed by
Grote in bis notice of Boeckh 's work ( Clou- Mut.
i. 28). Even if the Greek cubit be understood, a
further difficulty arises out of the uncertainty
whether Herodotus is speaking of digits as they
stood on the Greek or on the Babylonian measure
In the one case the proportions of the two would
lie as 8 : 7, in the other case as 9:8. Boeckh
adopts the Babylonian digits (without good reason,
we think), and estimates the Babylonian royal cubit
at 234.2743 Paris lines, or 20.806 inches (p. 219).
A greater length would be assigned to it according
to the data furnished by M. Uppert, ss stated in
Kawlinson's f/eivd i. 316; for if the cubit and
foot stood in the ratio of 6 : 3, and if the latter
contained 15 digits, and had a length of 315 milli-
metres, then the length of the ordinary cubit
would be 525 millimetres, and of tbe royal cubit,
assuming, with Mr. Grote, that the cubits in each
case were Babylonian, 588 millimetres, or 33.149
inches.
Reverting to the Hebrew measures, we should be
disposed to identify the nets measure implied in
2 Chr. iii. 3 with the full Egyptian cubit; the
" old " measure and Ezekiel's cubit with the lesser
one, either of 26 or 24 digits; and the " cubit of a
man " with the third one of which Thenius speaks.
Boeckh, however, identifies the Mosaic measure
with the full Egyptian cubit, anc 1 accounts for the
difference in the number of digits on the hypothesis
that the Hebrews substituted a division into 24
i for that into 28 digits, the size of the digits being
I of course increased (pp. 866, 267). With regard
I to the Babylonian measure, it seems highly im-
probable that either tbe ordinary or tbe royal eubit
could be identified with KzekieTs short eubit (as
measure, - 480.791; the length of the 26 digits OB
the Louvre measure, ™ 486.876; and twice ths Ms-
bSJid division of ths same, - 483.860.
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3004
WEIGHTS AND MEASUKKS
Rosenmiiller thinks), seeing that iti length on either
sf the computations above offered exceeded that of
the Egyptian cubit.
In the Mishnab the Mosaic cubit la defined to be
one of six palms ( Cclim, p. IT, § 10). It is termed
the moderate ■ cubit, and is distinguished from a
lesser cubit of five palms on the one side ( Celim,
ibid.), and on the other side from a larger one,
consisting, according to Iiartenora (in Ctl. 17, §
9), of six palms and a digit The palm consisted,
according to Maimonides {ibid.), of four digits;
aud the digit, according to Arias Montauus (Ant.
p. 118), of four barleycorns. This gives 144 bar-
leycorns as the length of the cubit, which accords
with the number assigned to the cubitus juttiu it
mtJioerit of the Arabians (Boeckh, p. 246). The
ksngth of the Mosaic cubit, as computed by The-
nius (after several trials with the specified number
of barleycorns of middling size, placed side by-
side), is 314.512 Paris lines, or 19.0515 inches
(St. u. Kr. p. 110). It seems hardly possible to
arrive at any very exact conclusion by this mode
of calculation, rjsenschiuid estimated 144 barley-
corns as equal to 238.35 Paris lines (lioeckh, p.
269), perhaps from having used larger grains than
the average. The writer of the article on " Weights
and Measures " in the Penny Cychpadin (xviii.
198) gives, ss the result of his own experience,
that 38 average grains make up 5 inches, in which
case 144 = 18.947 inches; while the length of the
Arabian cubit referred to is computed at 213.068
Paris lines (Boeckh, p. 247). The Talmudists state
that the Mosaic cubit was used for the edifice of
the Tabernacle and Temple, and the lesser cubit
for the vessels thereof. 6 This was probably a fic-
tion; for the authorities were not agreed among
themselves as to the extent to which the lesser
cubit was used, some of them restricting it to the
golden altar, and parte of the brazen altar (Mlsh-
nab. CeL p. 17, § 10). But this distinction, ficti-
tious as it may have been, shows that the cubits
were not regarded in the light of eacred and pro.
fane, as stated in works on Hebrew archeology.
Another distinction, adopted by the Rabbinists in
reference to the palm, would tend to show that
they did not rigidly adhere to any definite length
of cubit : for they recognized two kinds of palms,
one wherein the fingers lay loosely open, which
they denominated a uniting palm ; the other
wherein the fingers were closely compressed, and
styled the grieving palm (Carpzov, Appar. pp.
674, 676).
The conclusions to be drawn from the foregoing
considerations are not of the decisive character that
we would wish. For while the collateral evidence
derived from the practice of the adjacent countries
Kid from later Jewish authorities favors the idea
that the Biblical cubit varied but little from the
length usually assigned to that measure, the evi-
dence of the Bible itself is in favor of one consider-
ably shorter. This evidence is, however, of so un-
certain a character, turning on points of criticism
and on brief notices, that we can hardly venture to
adopt it as our standard. Ws accept, therefore,
• rmvmn k
• Banes they wan denominated f'ODn 7TCN,
eabtt of the bunding," and C^?3n "tt, "cubit
< ths vassal!,"
' Is* tana "acre" occurs In the A. V. as the
with reservation, the estimate of Thnuus, and Ite a
the cubit we estimate the absolute length of tx
other denominations according to toe proportion
existing between the members of the body, the cut il
equaling the two spans (compare Ex. xxv. 3, 10
with Joseph. Ant. iii. 6, §§ 5, 6), the span thrat
palms, and the palm four digits.
Digit
4
13
8
24
6
44
•6
Span
2
12
Cubit .
6 |)
8.1762
94057
19.0616
U4J990
Ijuid and area were measured either by the cubit
(Num. xxxv. 4, 5; Ex. xl. 27) or by the reed (Ex.
xlii. 20, xlili. 17, xlv. 2, xlviii. 20; Rev.xxi. 16).
There is no indication in the Bible of the use of a
square measure by the Jews.' Whenever they
wished to define the size of a plot, they specified
its length and breadth, even if it were a perfect
square, as in Ez. xlviii. 16. The difficulty of de-
fining an area by these means is experienced in the
interpretation of Num. xxxv. 4, 6, where the
suburbs of the Levities! cities are described as reach-
ing outward from the wall of the city 1,000 cubits
round about, and at the same time 2,000 cubits on
each side from without the city. We can hardly
understand thae two measurements otherwise than
as applying, the one to the width, the other to the
external boundary of the suburb, the measurements
being taken respectively perpendicular and parallel
to the city walls. But in this case it is necessary
to understand the words rendered " from without
the city, 11 in ver. 6, as meaning to the exclusion vf
the city, so that the length of the city wall should
be added in each case to the 2,000 cubits. The re-
sult would be that the size of the areas would vary,
and that where the city walls were unequal ui
length, the aides of the suburb would be also un-
equal. For instance, if the city wall was 500 cubits
long, then the side of the suburb would be 2,600
cubits; if the city wall were 1,000 cubits, then the
side of the suburb would be 8,000 cubits. Assum-
ing the existence of two towns, 600 and 1,000 cubits
square, the area of the suburb would in the former
case = 6,000,000 square nbita, and would be 24
times the size of the town ; while in the latter case
the suburb would be 8,000,000 square cubits, and
only 8 times the site of the t*wn. This explana-
tion is not wholly satisfactory, on account of the
disproportion of the suburbs as compared with the
towns ; nevertheless any other explanation only ex-
aggerates this disproportion. Keil, in his comment
on Josh. xiv. 4, assumes that the city wall was in
all oases to be regarded as 1,000 cubits long, which
with the 1,000 cubits outside the wall, and measured
in the same direction as the wall, would make up
the 2,000 cubits, and would give to the side of the
suburb in every case a length of 3,000 cubit*. The
objection to thia view is that then is no evidence as
to an uniform length of the city walls, and that the
suburb might have been more conveniently da-
scribed as 3,000 cubits on each aide. All aiuuijrnity
equivalent tor mainan (HJ^RJ) '" ' ****- »v 14
and for ttemtd (Tp2) in Is. v. 10. The lata* tent
also occurs In the passage flmt quoted, and woaM wits
mors eoosbteney be rendered aewm in st ea d of " V"**.*
It means aooh an amount of land as a yuaa of oxas
would slough In a day. Mssaaas saw ns a Jkmm
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WEIGHTS AJJD MEASURES
wjuid Lave bean avoided if the size of the luburb
aad been decided either by absolute or relative
acreage; iu other wordi, if it were to conaiat in all
easea of a certain fixed acreage outaide the walls, or
if it were made to vary in a certain ratio to the size
of the town. As the text stands, neither of these
methods can be deduced from it.
(8.) The measures of distance noticed in the Old
Testament are the three following: (<>.) The
tua'ad,' or pace (2 Sam. vi. 13), answering gener-
ally to our yard, (ft.) The Cibrnth liddieUfi ran
dered in the A. V. '.' a little way " or " a little piece
of ground " (Gen. xxxt. 16. xlriii. 7; 2 K. v. 19).
Hie expression appears to indicate some definite
distance, but we are unable to state with precision
what that distance was. The LXX. retains the
Hebrew word iu the form Xaflpofld, as though it
were the name of a place, adding in Gen. xMii. 7
the words cant rer IwniSpo/iar, which is thus a
second translation of the expression. If a certain
distance was intended by this translation, it would
be either the ordinary length of a race-course, or
such a distance as a bone could travel without be-
ing over-fatigued, in other words, a stage. But it
probably means a locality, either a race-course itself,
as in 3 Mace. lv. 11, or the space outside the town
walls where the race-course was usually to be found.
The LXX. give it again in Gen. xlviii. 7 as the
equivalent for Ephrath. The Syriac and Persian
tvrsions render cibrnth by parasang, a well-known
Persian measure, generally estimated at 30 stades
(Herod, ii. 6, v. 58), or from 3£ to 4 English miles,
but sometimes at a larger amount, even up to 60
stades (Strab. xi. S18). The only conclusion to be
drawn from the Bible is that the ribrath did not
exceed and probably equaled the distance between
Bethlehem and Rachel's burial-place, which is tra-
ditionally identified with a spot 1J mile north of
the town, (e.) The derec yim," or mahdlac y6m,<l
i day's journey, which was the most usual method
of calculating distances in travelling (Gen. xxx. 36,
mi. S3; Ex. lit 18, v. 8; Num. x. 83, xi. 31,
xxiiii. 8; Dent. 1. 2; IK. xix. 4; 9 K. Ui. 9; Jon.
Hi 3; 1 Mace. v. 34, vii. 45; Tob. vi. 1), though
but one instance of it occurs in the New Testament
(l.uke Ii. 44). The distance indicated by it was
naturally fluctuating according to the circumstances
of the traveller or of the country through which he
paused. Herodotus variously estimates it at 200
and 160 stades (iv. 101, v. 53); Marinas (ap. PtoL
i. 11) at 150 and 173 stades; Pausanias (x. 38,
| 3) at 150 stades; Strabo (i. 35) at from 250 to
300 stades; and Vegetius (Dt Jit Mil 1. 11) at
from 20 to 34 miles for the Roman army. The
ordinary day's journey among the Jews was 30
miles; but when they travelled in companies only
10 miles; Neapolis formed the first stage out of
Jerusalem, according to the former, and Beeroth
according to the latter computation (Ligbtfoot,
Kxerc. in Luc. il. 44). It is impossible to al-
ign any distinct length to the day's journey:
Jahn'a estimate of 33 miles, 173 yards, and 4 feet,
is based upon the raise assumption that It bore some
bad ratio to the other measures of length.
In the Apocrypha and New Testament we meet
• 15?.
• -T3.
" top ro>».
/SratMT.
s
8505
with the following additional measures: (ii) Tbs
Sabbath-day's journey,' already discussed in
separate article, (e.) The itadion,/ or "furlong,'
a Greek measure introduced into Asia subsequently
to Alexander's conquest, and hence first mentioned
in the Apocrypha (2 Mace. xi. 5, xii. 9, 17, 29), and
subsequently in the New Testament (Luke xxir.
13; John vi. 19, xi. 18; Rev. xiv. 20, xxi. 16).
Both the name and the length of the stade were
borrowed from the foot-race course at Olympia. It
equaled 600 Greek feet (Herod, il. 149), or 125
Roman paces (Plin. ii. 33), or 606J feet of out
measure. It thus falls below the furlong by &3£
feet The distances between Jerusalem and the
places Bethany, Jamnia, and Scythopolis are given
with tolerable exactness at 15 stades (John xi. 18),
240 stades (2 Mace. xii. 9), and 600 stades (2 Mace,
xii. 29). In 2 Mace. xi. 5 there is an evident error,
either of the author or of the text, in respect to the
position of Bethsura, which is given as only 5 stades
from Jerusalem. The Talmudista describe the stade
under the term rii,0 and regarded it as equal to
625 feet and 125 paces (Carusov, Appar. p. 679).
(/.) The Mile,* a Roman measure, equalling l,0OC
Roman paces, 8 stades, and 1,618 English yards
[Milk].
2. Measures of capacity.
The measures of capacity for liquids were : (a.)
The log < (Lev. xiv. 10, etc. ), the name originally
signifying a "basin." (o.) The hin,* a name of
Egyptian origin, frequently noticed in the Bible
(Ex. xxix. 40, xxx. 24; Num. xv. 4, 7, 9; Ex. iv.
11, etc.). (c.) The bath,' the name meaning
" measured," the largest of the liquid measures (1
K. vii. 26, 38; 2 Chr. ii. 10; Ear. vii. 23; Is. v.
10). With regard to the relative values of these
measures we learn nothing from toe Bible, but we
gather from Josephus {Ant lii. 8, § 3) that the
bath contained 6 hins (for the bath equaled 79
xrtta or 12 cltoft, and the hin 9 cholt), and from
the Rabbinista that the hin contained 12 logs
(Carptov, Appar. p. 685). The relative valued
therefore stand thus: —
Log
12 I Bin I
79 | 6 | Bath
The dry measure contained the following denom-
inations: (<i.) The cab, 1 * mentioned only in 2 E.
vi. 25, the name meaning literally hollcno at am
care. (5.) Toe omer,* mentioned only in Ex. xvi.
16-38. The same measure is elsewhere termed
iudrin,' as being the tenth part of an ephah
(comp. Ex. xvi. 86), whence in the A. V. ■< tenth
deal" (Lev. xiv. 10, xxiii. 13; Num. xv. 4, etc.).
The word omer implies a heap, and secondarily a
thtnf. (e.) The «MA, P or " measure," this being
the etymological meaning of the term, and appro-
priately applied to it, inasmuch as it was the or-
dinary measure for household purposes (Gen. xviii
6; 1 Sam. xxv. 18; 9 K. vii. 1, 16). The Greek
equivalent occurs In Matt xiil. 33; Luke xili. 21.
The seah was otherwise termed thAlish,Q as being
the third part of an ephah (Is. xl. 12; Ps. Ixxx. 5).
(<£) The ephah,'" a word of Egyptian origin, and
- an.
P n^P ; rtror
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8506
WEIGHTS AND MBAST7BE8
of frequent rec u rre n ce in tbe Bible (Ex. xvi. 36 ;
Lev. v. 11, vl. SO; Num. v. 15, xxviii. 6; Judg. vi.
19; Ruth & 17; 1 Sam. i. 24, xvil. IT; Ez. xlr.
11, 18, ihri. 6, 7, 11, 14). («.) The lelhec," or
"half-homer," literally meaning what is poured
out : it occun only in Hoi. iii. 3. (/.) The homer,*
meaning heap (Lev. xxvii. 18; Num. xi 82; Is. r.
10; Ex. xlr. 13). It is elsewhere termed cor, e
from tbe circular vessel in which it was measured
(1 K. ir. 23, t. 11; 9 Chr. U. 10, xxvii. 8; Ear.
vii. 22; Ez.xlv. 14). The Greek equivalent occurs
Id Luke xvi. 7.
The relative proportions of the dry measures are
U a certain extent expressed in the names utar&n,
muming a tenth, and thallth, a third. In addition
we have the Biblical statement that the omer is the
tenth part of the ephah (Ex. xrl. 38), and that the
epbah was the tenth part of a homer, and corre-
sponded to the bath in liquid measure (Ez. xlv. 11).
The Babhiniats supplement this by stating that the
ephah contained three seuhs, and the seah six cabs
(Carpzov, p. 883). We are thus enabled to draw
out the following scale of relative values: —
1}
Omar
6*
8 t
| 8<ah
18
10
8
Ephah
180
100
80
10
Homer
Tbe above scale is constructed, it will be ob-
served, on a combination of decimal and duodecimal
ratios, the former prevailing in respect to the omer,
ephah, and homer, the latter in respect to the cab,
scab, and ephah. In the liquid measure the duo-
decimal ratio alone appears, and hence there is a
fair presumption that this was the original, ai it
was undoubtedly the moat general, principle on
which the scales of antiquity were framed (Boeckh,
p. 38). Whether tbe decimal division was intro-
duced from some other system, or whether it was
tbe result of local usage, there is no evidence to
•bow.
Tbe absolute values of the liquid and dry meas-
ures form the subject of a single inquiry, inasmuch
as the two scales have a measure of equal value,
namely, the bath and the ephah (Es. xlv. 11); if
either of these can be fixed, the conversion of the
other denominations into their respective values
readily follows. Unfortunately the data for deter-
mining tbe value of the bath or ephah are both
scanty and conflicting. Attempt* have been made
to deduce the value of the bath from a comparison
of the dimensions and the contents of the molten
sea as given in 1 K. vii. 23-26. If these particu-
lars had been given with greater accuracy and full-
ness, they would have furnished a sound basis for
a calculation ; but, as the matter now stands, un-
certainty attends every statement. The diameter
is given as 10 cubits, and the circumference as 30
cubits, the diameter being stated to be " from one
brim to tbe other." Assuming that the vessel was
circular, the proportions of the diameter and cir-
cumference are not sufficiently exact for mathemat-
ical purposes, nor are we able to decide whether
tbe diameter was measured from the internal or the
external edge of the vessel. The shape of the ves-
sel has been variously conceived to be circular and
yolygonal, cylindrical and hemispherical, with per-
fandicular and with bulging sides. Tbe contents
'1U$ 5
are given as 2,000 hatha in 1 K. vfl. 26, and 8JXX
baths in 2 Chr. iv. 6, the latter being probably s
corrupt text. Lastly, the length of the cubit ii
undefined, and hence every estimate is attended
with suspicion. The conclusions drawn have been
widely difierent, as might be expected. If it be
assumed that the form of the vess el was cylindrical
(as the description primi fade seems to imply),
that its clear diameter was 10 cubit* of the value
of 19 0816 English inches each, and that ita full
contents were 2,000 baths, then tbe value of the
bath would be 4.8968 gallons; -for the contents of
the vessel would equal 2,715,638 cubic inches, or
9,793 gallons. If, however, the statement of Jose-
phua (Ant. viii. 8, J 6), as to the hemispherical
form of the vessel, be adopted, then the estimate
would be reduced. Saigey, as quoted by Boeckh
(p. 261), on this hypothesis calculates the value
of the bath at 18.086 French litres, or SJM07
English gallons. If, further, we adopt Saabcliutz's
view as to the length of the cubit, which ha puts
at 15 Dresden inches at the highest, the value of
tbe bath will be further reduced, according to his
calculation, to 101 Prussian quarts, or 2.6067
English gallons; while at his lower estimate of the
cubit at 12 inches, ita value would be little mors
than one half of this amount (ArchSoL ii. 171).
On the other hand, if the vessel bulged, and if tba
diameter and circumference were measured at the
neck or narrowest part of it, space might be found
for 2,000 or even 8,000 baths of greater value than
any of the above estimates. It is therefore hope-
less to arrive at any satisfactory conclusion from
this source. Nevertheless we think the calculations
are not without their use, as furnishing a certain
amount of presumptive evidence. For, setting
aside the theory that the vessel bulged consid-
erably, for which the text furnishes no evidence
whatever, all the other computations agree in one
point, namely, that the bath fell far below the value
placed on it by Josephus, and by modem writers
on Hebrew archaeology generally, accordiug to
whom the bath measures between 8 and 9 English
gallons.
We turn to tbe statement* of Josephus and
other early writers. The former states that the
bath equals 72 xetta (Ant. viii. 2, § 9), that the
bin equals 2 Attic chott (UM. iii. 8, §§ 3, 9, § 4),
that the seah equals li Italian modii (ibid. ix. 4,
§ 5), that the cor equals 10 Attic mtdimm (ibid.
XT. 9, $ 2), and that the issaroo or omer equals 7
Attic eotula {Hid. iii. 6, $ 6). It may further be
implied from Ant. ix. 4, J 4, as compared with I
K. vi. 25, that he regarded the cab as equal to 4
xatit. Now, in order to reduce these statements
to consistency, it must be assumed that in Ant.
xv. 9, § 2, be has confused the medimnu with the
metritis, and in Ant iii. 6, $ 6, the eotjii with
the xetUs. 8uch errors throw doubt on his other
statements, and tend to the conclusion that Jose-
phus was not really familiar with the Greek meas-
ures. This impression is supported by bis apparent
ignorance of the term mttriUt, which he shouk!
hare used not only in the passage above noticed,
but also in viii. 2, $ 9, where he would naturally
have substituted it for 72 xetta, assuming that
these were Attic zesfts. Nevertheless his testimony
must be taken as decisively | n favor of tbe Iden-
tity of the Hebrew bath with the Attic mrtrHh
• *>oh.
1 "'i: *t $*.
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WEIGHTS AND MEA8XJBBS
Jerome (ta Matt. xiii. 33) mffirma that the seah
?qn*h 1J rental, and (in A*, zhr. 11) that the pw
winels 30 modii, — atatementa that are glaringly
bcuosistent, inasmuch m then wen 80 eeaha in
the ear. "Hie sUtementa of Eplphanina In his
treatise D* Menturit an equally remarkable for
Inconsistency. He states (it 177) that the cor
equals 30 modii: on this assumption the bath
would equal 51 textarii, but be gives only 60 (p.
178): the eeah would equal 1 modiut, but he gives
U wtaMi (p. 178), or, according to his estimate of
17 textarii to the modiut, 21J textarii, though
elsewhere he assigns 66 textarii as its value (p.
183): the omer would be SJj uxtarH, but he
gives 7 J (p. 183), implying 40 modtf to the cor:
and, lastly, the ephah is identified with the Egyp-
tian artabe (p. 189), which was either 4A or 3^
modii, according as it was in the old or the new
measure, though sccording to his estimate of the
cor it would only equal 8 modii. Little reliance
can be pieced on statements so loosely made, and
the question arises whether the identification of the
bath with the metretet did not arise out of the cir-
cumstance that the two measures held the same
relative position in the scales, each being subdi-
vided into 72 parts, and, again, whether the assign-
ment of 30 modii to the cot did not arise out
of there being 30 scabs in it The discrepancies
can only be explained ou the assumption that a
wide margin was allowed for a long measure,
amounting to an increase of SO per cent. This
appears to have been the case from the definitions
of toe seah or airov given by Hesychius, 00*8101
flute*, Ijyow, t> fourv /utoW 'IraAucoV, and
again by Suidas, pitiov 6xtpxe*\np<*uiyov, &s
tlvtu uASiov M Kal ljuurw. Assuming, however,
that Josephus was right in identifying the bath
with the metritis, its value would be, according to
Boeckh'a estimate of the Utter (pp. 261, 278),
1993.5 Paris cubic inches, or 8.7053 English gal-
lons, but according to the estimate of Hertheau
(Gttch. p. 73) 1,985.77 Paris cubic inches, or
8.6696 English gallons.
The Kabbinists furnish data of a different kind
for calculating the value of the Hebrew measures.
Tbey estimated the log to be equal to six hen eggs,
the cubic contents of which were ascertained by
measuring the amount of water they displaced
(Haimonides, in CtL 17, § 10). On this basis
Theniua estimated the log at 14.088 Paris cubic
inches, or .06147 English gallon, and the hath at
1,014.39 Paris cubic inches, or 4.4986 gallons (St
u. Kr. pp. 101, 121). Again, the log of water is
■id to hare weighed 108 Egyptian drachma;, 11 each
equalling 61 barleycorns (Maimonides, in Benh, 3,
$ 6, ed. Guisius.). Thenius finds that 6,588 bar-
leycorns fill about the same space as 6 hen eggs
(St u. Kr. p. 112). And again, a log is said to
fill a vessel 4 digits long, 4 broad, and 2JL high
(Maimonides, hi Prof, tfennchoth). This vessel
would contain 21.6 cubic inches, or .07754 gallon.
The conclusion arrived at from these data would
agree tolerably well with the first estimate formed
in the notices of the molten sea.
a In the table the weight of the log is givsn as 104
BTsehms ; bat In this case tbs contents of the log an
■apposed to be wine. Ins relative weights of water
ind wine were is 27 : 16.
» MfTprnft. e Xwtic'.
* tUrrei.
WILL 850?
As we are unable to decide between Josephus
and the Kabbinists, we give a double estimate of
the various denominations, adopting Bertheau'
estimate of the metriiet: —
(Jottpkut.) (RaMiitu.)
Oauons. OtUoiu.
Homer or Cor . . 86.696 or 44.288
KpbahorBath . . 8.8698 or 4.4286
Seah 2.8B98 or 1.4762
ffln 1.4449 or .7881
Omer 8889 or .4428
Oab 4816 or .246
Log .1204 or J0615
In the New Testament we have notices of the
following foreign measures: (a.) The metritet*
(John li. 6; A. V. " firkin "),tm liquids. (A.) Tht
chamx" (Rev. vL 6; A. V. " measure "), for dry
goods, (c.) The xetti*, 1 * applied, however, not te
the particular measure so named by the Greeks,
but to any small vessel, such ss a cup (Hark vii.
4, 8; A. V. "pot"). (A) The modiut, similarly
applied to describe any vessel of moderate dimen-
sions (Matt. v. 15; Mark iv. 21; Luke xl. 83;
A. V. "bushel "); though properly meaning a Ro-
man measure, amounting to about a peck.
The value of the Attic metrllit has been already
stated to be 8.6696 gallons, and consequently the
amount of liquid in six stone jars, containing on
the average 2i metrela each, would exceed 110
gallons (John li. 6). Very possibly, however, the
Greek term represents the Hebrew bath, and if the
bath be taken at the lower estimate assigned to it,
the amount would be reduced to about 60 gallons.
Even this amount far exceeds the requirements for
the purposes of legal purification, the tendency of
Pharisaical refinement being to reduce the amount
of water to a minimum, so that a quarter of a log
would suffice for a person (Mishnah, Yad. 1, § 1)
The question is one simply of archaeological interest
as illustrating the customs of the Jews, and docs
not affect the character of the miracle with which
it is oouuected. The chamx was -fa of an Attic
metlinmut, and contained nearly a quart. It rep-
resented the usual amount of corn for a day's food,
and hence a chmnix for a penny, or denarius,
which usually purchased a bushel (Cic. Verr. iii.
81), indicated a great scarcity (Rev. vi. 6).
With regard to the use of (air measures, various
precepts are expressed in the Mosaic law and other
parte of the Bible (Lev. xix 35, 36; Deut. xxv
14, 16; Pror. xx. 10; £*. xlv. 10), and in all
probability standard measures were kept in the
Temple, as was usual in the other civilised coun-
tries of antiquity (Boeckh, p. 12).
The works chiefly referred to in the present
article are the following: Boeckh, Metrologitcht
Unttrtuchungen, 1838; Clattical Museum, vol.
l.| Thvioijitche StucHen und Kritiken for 1846;
Mishnah, ed. Surenhusius; Wilkinson, Ancient
Egyptian*, 2 vols. 1854; Epiphanius, Opera, %
vols., ed. Petavius. W. L. B.
WELL.' The difference between a well (BHr)
and a cistern (Mr) [Cistern], consists chiefly in
• 1- "1H? ' sVaf- P**—! m foor ptaces " pit."
2. "l'ia:A*«ot: cisternal usually" pit." \Vu
8. ^?9 . usually " fountain." [tommm 1
4. I'lpD. llooirun; Snore.]
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3508
WELL
the ass of the former word to denote ■ receptacle
for water springing up freshly from the ground,
while the latter usually denotes a reservoir for rain-
water (Gen. xxvi. 19, 88; Prov. r. It; John ir.
14).«
The special necessity of a supply of water (Judg.
i. 15) in a hot climate has always inrohred among
Eastern nations questions of property of the highest
importance, and sometimes given rise to serious
contention. To give a name to a well denoted a
right of property, and to stop or destroy one once
dug was a military expedient, a mark of conquest,
or an encroachment on territorial right claimed or
existing in its neighborhood. Thus the well Beer-
sheba was opened, and its possession attested with
special formality by Abraham ((Jen. xxi. 80, 31 ).
In the hope of expelling Isaac from their neighbor-
hood, the Philistines stopped up the wells which
had been dug in Abraham's time and called by his
name, an encroachment which was stoutly resisted
by the followers of Isaac (Gen. xxvi. 15-88; see
also 2 K. iii. 19: 3 Chr. xxvi. 10; Burekbardt,
Note; ii. 185, 194, 904, 976). The Kuran notices
abandoned wells as signs of desertion (Sur. xxii.).
To acquire wells which they had not themselves
dug, was one of the marks of favor foretold to
the Hebrews on their entrance into Canaan (Deut.
vi. 11). To possess one is noticed as a mark of
independence (Prov. v. 15), and to abstain from the
use of wells belonging to others, a disclaimer of
interference with their property (Num. xx. 17, 19,
xxi. 92). Similar rights of possession, actual and
hereditary,- exist among the Arabs of the present
day. Wells, Burekbardt says, in the interior of the
Desert, are exclusive property, either of a whole
tribe, or of individuals whose ancestors dug the
wells. If a well be the property of a tribe, the
tents are pitched near it, whenever rain-water be-
comes scarce in the desert ; and no other Arabs are
then permitted to water their camels. But if the
well belongs to an individual, he receives presents
from all strange tribes wbo pass or encamp at the
well, and refresh their camels with the water of it.
The property of such a well is never alienated;
and the Arabs say, that the po ssess or is sure to be
fortunate, as all who drink of the water bestow on
him their benedictions (Note* on Bed. i. 928, 999;
comp. Num. xxi. 17, 18, and Judg. i. 16).
It la thus easy to understand how wells have
become in many cases links in the history and
landmarks in the topography both of Palestine and
of the Arabian Peninsula. The well once dug in
the rocky soil of Palestine might be filled with earth
ir stones, but with difficulty destroyed, and thus
the wells of Beer-aheba, and the well near NA/mbu,
called Jacob's well, are among the most undoubted
witnesses of those transactions of sacred history in
which they have borne, so to speak, a prominent
part. On the other hand, the wells dug in the
sandy soil of the Arabian valleys, easily destroyed,
" * The A.T. doss not always observe ths proper dls-
ttnetlun between " well « and " fountain " or " spring."
Thus it renders the same word (] S V) " well " In
Judg. vli. 1 ; N*h. Ii. 18, etc.,. and "" fountain " In
Gen. xvi. 7 ; Num. xizill. 9, etc. Then la another
Inconsistency In the A. V., which Is a snares of con-
tusion. Our translators sometimes transfer the lint
■art of the compound expresulon, ss " Ea-rogel,"
' At-shsmeeh," " A-tanpueh.,'' etc., and annetlmes
I It, as " W.ll of Hamt," « {wagon Well," ate.
WULL
but easily renewed, often mark, by their read)
■apply, the stations at which the Hebrew pilgrims
slaked their thirst, or, as at Harah, wen disap-
pointed by the bitterness of the water. In hxe
manner the stations of the Mohammedan pilgrims
from Cairo and Damascus to Mecca (the Hadj
route) are marked by the wells (Robinson, i. 66.
69, 904, 906, ii. 983; Burekbardt, Syria, pp. 318,
472, 474; App. III. 656, 660: Shaw, 7>n«. 314;
Niebuhr, Duayt. dt tAr., pp. 347, 348; Wellated,
Trat. ii. 40, 43, 64, 457. App.).
Wells in Palestine are usually excavated from
the solid limestone rock, sometimes with steps to
descend into them (Gen. xxiv. 16; Burekhardt,
Syria, p. 232; CoU Ch. Chum. 1868, p. 470).
The brims are furnished with a ourb or low wall
of stone, bearing marks of high antiquity in the
furrows worn by the ropes used in drawing water
(Rob. i. 904). This curb, as well as the stone
cover, which is also very usual, agrees with the
directions of the Law, as explained by Philo and
Joeepbua, namely, as a protection against accident
(Ex. xxi. 83; Joseph. AM. iv. 8, $ 37; Philo, Dt
Spec. Leg. iii. 97, it 394, ed. Mangey; ManndreU,
in E. Trot. 4-35).' It was on a curb of this sort
that our Lord sat when He conversed with the
woman of Samaria (John iv. 6), and it was this,
the usual stone oover, which the woman placed on
the mouth of the well at Bahurim (9 Sam. xvii.
19), where A. V. weakens the sense by omitting
the article.' Sometimes the wells are covered
with cupolas raised on pillars (Burekhardt, App. V.
p. 665).
The usual methods for raising water are the fol-
lowing: (1.) The rope and bucket, or water-skin
(Gen. xxiv. 14-90; John iv. 11). When the well
is deep the rope is either drawn over the curb by
the man or woman, who pulls it out to the dis-
tance of its full length, or by an ass or ox employed
in the same way for the same purpose. Sometimes
a pulley or wheel is fixed over the well to assist
the work (Robinson, i. 904, ii. 248; Niebuhr,
Deter, dt tAr. 137, pi. 15; CW. C*. Chron. 1859,
p. 850; Chardin, Vog.it. 98; WeHsted, Trar.l
980). (9.) The sakiyeh, or Persian wheel. This
consists of a vertical wheel furnished with a set of
buckets or earthen jars, attached to a cord passing
over the wheel, which descend empty and return
full as the wheel revolves. On the axis of the
wheel revolves a second wheel, parallel to it, with
cogs which turn a third wheel set horizontally at a
sufficient height from the ground to allow ths
animal used in turning it to pass under. One or
two cows or bulls are yoked to a pole wbtch passes
through the axis of this wheel and as they travel
round it turn the whole machine (Num. xxiv. 7;
Lane, Mod. Eg. ii. 163; Niebuhr, Toy. I. 190;
CoL Ch. Chron. 1859, p. 863; Shaw, pp. 991, 408).
(3.) A modification of the last method, by which
a man, sitting opposite to a wheel furnished with
» • Mr. B. H. Palmer, In passing from Slnal st
Makbl, went up the Wad* JKyar, of which he says:
" This wady Is no callea from the wells (Bi-dr) whisk
exist near Its head, and which, In their form and ass
remarkably Illustrate the passage m Genesis xm
7-9 : ' Till they roll the stone from the well's mouth
then we water the sheep.' ■' ( Quart. Stolen. M. &
Fund, No. v. p. 357.) >• W.
'TfDffin: r« few •> fu«« :
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WELL 18 HIM
buckets, turns it by drawing with hi* hud* on*
let of (poke* prolonged beyond it* circumference,
ud pushing soother set from him with hi* feet
(Niebuhr, Voy. i. p. 190, pL 16; Hobinson, II. 99,
in. 89). (4.) A method wry common, both in
ancient and modern Egypt, U the shadoof, a aim-
pie eontrivanee oonaiiting of a lever moving on a
pivot, which ia loaded at one' end with a lump of
clay or tome other weight, and baa at the other a
bowl or bucket Thi* ia let down Into the water,
and, when rained, emptied into a receptacle above
(Niebuhr, Voy. i. 180; Lane, M. E. ii. 168; Wil-
kinaon, A. E. 1. 38, 79, U. 4).
Wells are usually furnished with trough* of wood
or atone,' into which the water i* emptied for the
nae of persons or animals coming to the wells. In
modern times an old stone sarcophagus is often
used for this purpose. The bucket is very com-
monly of skin (Burckhardt, Syria, p. 68; Robinson,
L 904, ii. 31, 316, Hi. 86, 89, 109, 134; Lord
Lindsay, Tne. pp. 235, 987; Wilkinson, A. E.
L c; Geo. zxlv. 90; Ex. ii. 16).
WHALE
350£
Ancient agrptuui machine to raising water, Identic*!
with the ekadatf of the present day. (Wilkinson. )
Unless machinery is used, which is commonly
worked by men, women are usually the water-
carriers. They cany home their water-jars on
their heads (Lindsay, p. 936). Gnat contentions
often ocour at the wells, and they are often, among
Bedouins, favorite places for attack by enemies
(Ex. ii. 16, 17; Judg. v. 11; 9 Sam. xxiii. 16, 16;
Burckhardt, Syria, p. 68; Notes on Bed. i. 998;
Cot Ch. Ckron. 1869, p. 478; Lane, M.E, i. 969;
Robinson, iii. 168). H. W. P.
• WELL IS HIM, Eeolus. xxv. 8, 9 (A. V.),
exhibits a curious remnant of the old use of " him "
as a dative, = " to him." Compare " Woe is me,"
nd the examples from Chaucer ( Cast Tales, 9,111,
.0,369) cited In Eastwood and Wright's Bible
Word Boat, p. 694. A.
• WELL OF JACOB. [SracHuf, p.
1067 f.] r
• WELL-SPRING. [Foottam; Wxxu]
WHALE. As to the signification of the He-
erew term* fan (]£ or )f?l sod tannin, T'W-I),
nrknudy rendered In the A V. by "dragon,"
* iy$u' vorumfeMv: eamdis.
" whale," " serpent,'' " sea-monster," see IJkaoo.n.
It remains for us in tliis article to consider tus
transaction recorded in the book of Jonah, of that
prophet having been swallowed by some "great
fish" (Vn^rPT), which In Matt. xiL 40 is
called KTJrot, rendered in our veMkw by '• whale."
Much criticism has been expended on the Scrip-
tural account of Jonah being swallowed by a large
nth; it hat been variously understood at a literal
transaction, as an entire fiction or an allegory, as a
poetical mythut or a parable. With regard to the
remarks of those writers who ground their objec-
tions upon the denial af miracle, it is obvious thai
this is not the place for discussion; the question
of Jonah in the fish's belly will share the earns
fate as any other miracle reoorded in the Old Tes-
tament.
The reader will find in Rosenmtiuer's Prolegom-
ena several attempts by various writers to explain
the Scriptural narrative, none of which, however,
have anything to recommend them, unless it be in
some esses the ingenuity of the authors, such as
for instance that of Godfrey Less, who supposed
that the " 6th " was no animal at all, but a ship
with the figure of a fish painted on the atern, into
which Jonah wat received after he bad been cast
out of his own vessel ! Equally curious is the ex-
planation of G. C. Anton, who endeavored to solve
the difficulty, by supposing that just as the prophet
was thrown into the water, the dead carcase of
some large fish floated by, into the belly of which
he contrived to get, and that thus he wu drifted
to the shore ! The opinion of Bosenmiiller, that
the whole account is founded on the Phoenician
(abb) of Herculet devoured by a sea-monster sent
by Neptune (Lycophron, Cassand. 38), although
sanctioned by (ieaeoius, Winer, Ewsld, and other
German writers, is opposed to all sound principles
of Biblical exegesis. It will be our purpose to
consider what portion of toe occurrence partakes
of a natural, and what of a miraculous nature.
In the first place then, it is necessary to obeerm,
that the Gneek word jtijrot, need by St Matthew,
it not restricted in it* meaning to "a whale," or
any Cetacean ; like the Latin ctte or cetus, it may
denote any sea-monster, either " a whale," or " a
shark," or " a teal," or " a tunny of enormous
sbe" (tee Athen. p. 803 B, ed. Oindorf; Odys.
xii. 97, ir. 446, 469; II. xx. 147). Although two
or three species of whale are found in the Mediter-
ranean Sea, yet the "great Ash" that swallowed
the prophet, cannot properly be identified with any
Cetacean, for, although the sperm whale (Catodom
macrocepkahu) has a gullet sufficiently large to
admit the body of a man, yet it can hardly be the
fish Intended; as the natural food of eetaoeana
oonsista of small animals, stub as medusa ana
crustaoea.
Nor, again, can we agree with Bishop Jebb (Sa-
cred Literature, pp. 178, 179), that the koikU of
the Greek Testament denotes the back portion of •
whale's mouth, in the cavity of which the prophet
was oonceaied ; for the whole passage in Jonah ia
clearly opposed to such an interpretation.
The only fish, then, capable of swallowing a
man would be a large specimen of the White Shark
(Carchariai vulgaris), that dreaded enemy of
tailors, and the moat voracious of the lunily of
Sqwilkhe. Thia shark, which sometime* attain*
the lengtn of thirty feet, is quite able to swallow a
inan whoj*. Some commentators art skeptical no
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WHEAT
this point It would, however, bt easy to quota
passages ioni the writings of authors and travellers
in proof of this assertion : we confine ourselves to
two or three extiacts. Toe shark » has a large
gullet, and in the bell; of it are sometimes found
the bodies of men half eaten, sometimes tohoU tad
entire " (Nature Displayed, iii. p. 140). But lest
the Ab hi Pluche should not be considered sufficient
authority, we give a quotation from Mr. Couch's
recent publication, A History of tie Fishes of the
British Islands. Speaking of white sharks, this
author, who has paid much attention tr ihe habits
of fish, states that " they usually cut asunder any
object of considerable size and thus swallow it;
but if they find a difficulty in doing this, there is no
hesitation in passing into the stomach eren what is
of enormous bulk ; and the formation of the jaws
and throat render this a matter of but little diffi-
culty." Ruysch says that the whole body of a man
in armor (iuricatus), has been found in the stomach
of a white shark; and Captain King, in bis Surrey
of Australia, says he had caught one which could
have swallowed a man with the greatest ease.
Blumenbach mentions that a (mole hone has been
found in a shark, and Captain Basil Hall reports
the taking of one in which, besides other things,
he found the whole skin of a buflklo which a short
time before had been thrown overboard from his
ship (i. p. 27). Dr. Baird of the British Museum
(Cyclop, of Nat. Sciences, p. 614), says that In
the river Hooghly below Calcutta, he had seen a
white shark swallow a bullock's head and horns
entire, and he speaks also of a shark's mouth being
" sufficiently wide to receive the body of a man
Wherever therefore the Tarshish, to which Jonah's
ship was bound, was situated, whether in Spain, or
in Cilicia, or in Ceylon, it is certain that the com-
mon white shirk might have been seen on the
voyage. The C. vulgaris is not uncommon in the
Mediterranean ; it occurs, as ForskU (Dtscript.
Animal, p. 20) assures ns, in the Arabian Gulf,
and is common also in the Indian Ocean. So tar
for the natural portion of the subject But how
Jonah could have been swallowed whole unhurt, or
how be could have existed for any time in the
shark's belly, it is impossible to explain by simply
natural causes. Certainly the preservation of
Jonah in a fish's belly is not more remarkable
than that of the three children in the midst
of Nebuchadnezzar's u burning fiery furnace.
[Jonah, Araer. ed.]
Naturalists have recorded that sharks have the
Habit of throwing up again whole and alive the
ry tbey have seized (see Couch's Hist of Fishes,
p. 33). "I have heard," says Mr. Darwin,
from Dr. Allen of Form, that be has frequently
bund a diodon floating alive and distended in the
stomach of a shark; and that on several occa-
sions be has known it eat its way out, not only
through the coats of the stomach, but through the
aides of the monster which has been thus killed.'
W. H.
WHEAT. The well-known valuable cereal,
cultivated from the earliest times, and frequently
mentioned in the Bible. In the A V. the Heb.
words bar O^ or 1^), digan <$fi), riph&h
(niC^ - )), arc occasionally translated « wheat: "
Vat there is no doubt that the proper name of this
osteal, as distinguished from « barley," " spelt,"
Me., is ahittih (n&n : Chald. T'tOn, «*»«*•).
WHEAT
At to Ac former Hebrew terms, see under Coca
The first mention of wheat occurs in Gen. xxx. 14
in the account of Jacob's sojourn with Ijdien is
Mesopotamia. Much has been written on the suh
ject of the origin of wheat, and the question appear)
to be still undecided. It is said that the Triticum
vulgare has been found wild in some parts of
Persia and Siberia, apparently removed from ths
influence of cultivation (English Cyclop, art. " Trit-
icum "). Again, from the experiments of M. Esprit
Fabre of Ague it would seem that the numerous
varieties of cultivated wheat arc merely improved
transformations of jBgUops ouata (Journal tf the
■grpoaa Wheat
Royal AgricuH. 8oc, No. xxxflL pp. IOT-1MV
M. Fabre's experiments, h owever, ban not bees)
deemed conclusive by some botanists (see an inter-
esting paper by the late Prof. Henfrey in No. xh\
of the Journal quoted above). Egypt in ancient
times was celebrated for the growth of its wheat ;
the best quality, according to Pliny (Nat. But.
xviii. 7 ), was grown bi the Tbebaid ; it was all
bearded, and the same varieties. Sir G. Wilkinson
writes (Anc Egypt, ii. 39, ed. 1854), "existed
in ancient as in modern times, among which may
he mentioned the sev e n eared quality described in
Pharaoh's dream " (Gen. xli. 22). This is the so-
called mummy-wheat, which, it has been said, has
germinated after the lapse of thousands of years
but it is now known that the whole thing was a
fraud. Babylonia was also noted for the exeeuencs
of its wheat and other cereals. u In grain," says
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WHEEL
Herodotus (». 193), " it will yield oommonly two
hundred fold, and at iU greatest production as
much ax three hundred fold. The blades of the
wheat and barley planta are often four fingers
broad." But thia is a great exaggeration. (See
also Theophrastus, HitL PlanU viii. 7.) Modern
writere, at Cheaney and Rich, bear testimony to
the great fertility of Mesopotamia. Syria and
Palestine produced wheat of fine quality and iu
large quantities (Ps. cxlrii. 14, lxxxi. IB, etc.).
There appear to be two or three kinds of wheat at
present grown in Palestine, the Triticum tidymt
(var. kybtrnum), the T. iptltn [see RveJ, and
another variety of bearded wheat which appears to
be the same as the Egyptian kind, the T. coinpot-
itum. In the parable of the sower our Lord alludes
to grains of wheat whieb in good ground produce a
hundred fold (Matt. xiii. 8). " The return of a
hundred for one," says Trench, " is not uubeanl
of in the East, though always mentioned as some-
thing extraordinary." Leborde says, " There is to
be found at Karek > species of hundred wheat which
justifies the text of the Bible against the charges
of exaggeration of which it has been the object."
The common Ti-iiicum tulgure will sometimes
produce one hundred grains in the ear. Wheat is
reaped towards the end of April, in May, and in
June, according to the differences of soil and posi-
tion; it was sown either broadcast, and then
ploughed in or trampled in by cattle (Is. xxxii. 30),
or iu rows, if we rightly understand Is. xxviii. 35,
which seems to imply that the seeds were planted
apart in order to insure larger and fuller ears.
The wheat wis put into the ground in the winter,
and some time after the barley; in the Egyptian
plague of hail, consequently, the barley suffered,
but the wheat had not appeared, and so escaped
injury. Wheat was ground into lour; the finest
qualities were expressed by the term "fat of kid-
neys of wheat," 71^11 nV*?3> tfyj (Deut.
xxxii. 14). Unripe ears are sometimes cut off from
the stalks, roasted in an oven, mashed and boiled,
and eaten by the modern Egyptians (Sonnini,
Truv.). Rosenmiiller {Botany of tin Bible, p.
SO), with good reason, oonjeetures that thai dish,
which the Arabs call Ferit, is the same as the
yerei carmcl ( bj")"")? H7^$) of Lev- "• ** •"<•
9 K. ir. 49. The Heb. word Rati Obf), Lot. ii.
4) denotes, it is probable, rotuttd ears of corn,
HIl used at food in the East. An "ear of
com" was called ShMiieth (nblattf), the word
which betrayed the Ephraimites (Judg. xii. 1, 8),
who were unable to give the sound of si. The cu-
rious expression in Prov. xxrii. 33, " though thou
shouldest bray a fool in a mortar among wheat
with a pestle, yet will not his foolishness depart
from him," appears to point to the custom of mix-
ing the grains of inferior cereals with wheat; the
meaning will then be, " Let a fool be ever so much
in the company of wise men, yet be will continue
a fooL" Maimer (Comment. 1. e.) simply explains
the passage thus: " Quomodosunqua traotaveria
staltam non patietur at emendari." [Compare
articles Cons; Agriculture Barley.]
W. H.
•WHEEL. [Cart; Lavkr; Well. J
• WHEN AS, Matt 1. 18 (A. V.), it simply
a » when," as often in old English writers. A.
•WHIP. [Cord; Goad; S^m'roiso.J
widow 8511
• WHIBLPOOL, as the marginal rendering
of " leviathan " in Job xli. 1, is not used in its pres-
ent sense, but denotes a kind of whale. See the quo-
tations from Holland's I'liny, xi. 37, ix. 3, 4, in East-
wood and Wright's Bible Word-Book, p. 330. A.
WHIRLWIND (nyiD; rny*?). The
Hebrew termt ii/ihah and se'itrutt convey the
notion of a violent wind or hurricane, the former be-
cause such a wind neetpt away every object it en •
counters, the latter because the objects so swep
away are totted about and agitated. In addition to
this, Gesenlus gives a similar sense to galgat,* in
Ps. Ixxvii. 18 (A. V. "heaven ") and* Ex. z. II
(A. V. "wheel"). Generally, however, thia last
term expresses one of the effects of such a atom
in rolling along chaff, stubble, or tuch light articles
( Thet. p. 288). It does not appear that any of the
above terms express the specific notion of a vkirt-
wiud, i. e. a gale moving violently round on its own
axis — and there is no warrant for the use of the
word in the A. V. of 2 K. ii. U. The roost vio-
lent winds in Palestine come from the east; and the
passage iu Job xxxvii. 9, which in the A. V. reads,
"Out of the south coineth the whirlwind," should
rather be rendered, "Out of his chamber," etc.
The whirlwind is frequently used as a metaphor of
violent and sweeping destruction. Cyrus's invasion
of Babylonia is compared to a southerly gale coming
out of the wilderness of Arabia (Is. xxi. 1 ; comp.
Knobel, in foe.), the effects of which are most prej-
udicial in that country. Similar allusions occur
in Ps. Iviil. 9; Prov. 1. 87, x. 95; Is. xl. 94; Dan.
xi 40. W. I. B.
• WHITE [Colors, 1.]
• WHITE STONE. [Stokes, 8.]
• WHOT (Deut. ix. 19), appears in the edition
of 1611, subsequently changed to " hot." H.
WIDOW (H^brj: j^p.: vidua). Under
the Mosaic dispensation no legal provision was made
for the maintenance of widows. They were left de-
pendent partly on the affection of relations, more
especially of the eldest son, whose birthright, or
extra share of the property, imposed such a duty
upon him, and partly on the privileges accorded to
other distressed classes, such at a participation in
the triennial third tithe (Deut. xiv. 39, xxvi. 19).
in leasing (Deut. xxiv. 19-91), and in religious
feasts (Deut. xvi. 11, 14). In the spirit of these
regulations a portion of the spoil taken in war was
ligned to them (9 Mace. viii. 38, 30). A special
prohibition was laid against taking a widow's gar-
ments in pledge (Deut xxiv. 17), and this was
practically extended to other necessaries (Job xxiv.
3). In addition to these specific regulations, the
widow waa commended to tie care of the commu-
nity (Ex. nil. 99; Deut xxvil. 19; Is. i. 17; Jer.
vii. 6, xxii. 3; Zech. vii. 10), and any neglect of
oppression was strongly reprobated (Job xxii. 9,
xxiv. 91; Ps. xeiv. 6; Is. x. 9; Ex. xxii. T; HaL
iii. 5; Eodus. xxxv. 14, 15; Bar. vi. 38 [or Kpist
of Jer. 88]; Matt, xxiii. 14). In times of danger
widows were permitted to deposit their property in
toe treasury of the Temple (9 Mace. iii. 10).
With regard to the remarriage of widows, the only
restriction imposed by the Mosaic law had reference
to the contingency of one being left childless, in
.V?l.
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WIDOW
WILDERNESS OF THE WANDERING
which case the brother of the deceased husband had
a right to marry the widow (Dent. xxv. 5, 6 ; Matt,
xxii. 83-30). [Marriage. ] The high-priest was
prohibited from marrying a widow, and in the ideal
polity of the prophet Etekiel the prohibition Is ex-
tended to the ordinary priests (Ex. xliv. 88).
In the Apostolic Church the widows were sus-
tained at the public expense, the relief being daily
administered in kind, under the superintendence of
officers appointed for this special purpose (Acts vi.
1-6). Pellicular directions are given by St. Paul as
to the class of persons entitled to such public main-
tenance (1 Tim. t. 3-16). He would confine it to
the " widow indeed " (jj turns x4f">)> whom he
defines to be one who is left alone in the world
(/ityiorausVn), without any relations or Christian
friends responsible for her support (w. 8-5, IV).
Poverty combined with friendleasness thus formed
the main criterion of eligibility for public support ;
out at the same time the character of the widow —
her piety and trustfulness — was to be taken into
account (ver. 5). Out of the body of such widows
a certain number were to be enrolled (raraAf-
yi<r6w, A. V. "taken Into the number"), the
qualifications for such enrollment being (1) that
they were not under sixty years of age; (8) that
they had been '■ the wife of one man," probably
meaning but onct married; and (8) that they had
led useful and charitable lives (w. 9, 10). The ob-
ject of the enrollment is by no means obvious. If
we were to form our opinion solely on the qualifi-
cations above expressed, we should conclude that
the enrolled widows formed an ecclesiastical order,
having duties identical with or analogous to those
of the deaconesses of the early Church. For why,
if the object were of an eleemosynary character,
should the younger or twice-married widows be ex-
cluded? The weight of modern criticism is un-
doubtedly in favor of the view that the enrolled
widows held such an official position in the Church
(Alford, De Wette, Lange, etc, in 1 Tim. v. 9, 10).
But we can perceive no ground for isolating the pas-
sage relating to the enrolled widows from the con-
text, or for distinguishing these from the " widows
indeed " referred to in the preceding and succeed-
ing verses. If the passage be read as a whole, then
the impression derived from it will be that the en-
rollment was for an eleemosynary purpose, and that
the main ooudition of enrollment was, as before,
poverty. The very argument which has been ad-
duced in favor of the opposite view, in reality
equally favors this one; for why should unmarried
»r young women be excluded from an ecclesiastical
•rder? The practice of the early Church proves
.hat they were not excluded. The author of the
Apottotical C o nititul i ont lays down the rule that
virgins should be generally, and widows only exeep-
aonally, appointed to the office of deaconess (vi.
IT, § 4); and though the directions given to Tim-
sthy were frequently taken as a model for the ap-
pointment of deaconesses, yet there was great di-
versity of practice in this respect (Bingham's Ant. ii.
23, §§ 8-0). On the other band, the restrictions
contained in the Apostolic directions are not incon-
sistent with the eleemosynary view, if we assume,
as is very possible, that the enrolled widows formed
I permanent charge on the public funds, and en-
joyed certain privileges by reason of their long pre-
vious services, while the remainder, who were
younger, and might very possibly remarry, would
be regarded in the light of temporary and casual
But while we thus Iwlieve that she
primary object of the enrollment was simply to en-
force a more methodical administration of the
Church funds, it is easy to understand how the
order of widows would obtain a quasi-official posi-
tion in the Church Having already served a vol-
untary dlaeonate, and having exhibited their self-
control by refraining from a second marriage, they
would naturally be looked up to as models of piety
to their sex, and would belong to the class whence
deaconesses would be chiefly drawn. Hence we
find the term " widow " (xvjpa) "*d by early
writers in an extended sense, to signify the adoption
of the conditions by which widows, enrolled as
such, were bound for the future. Thus Ignatius
speaks of " virgins who were called widows " (rap-
vVroui rat ktyopiras xfioas^ ^P' "^ Smj/m.
13); and TertuUian records the case of a virgin
who was placed on the roll of widows (in vidu-ttu)
while yet under twenty years of age (/>e Fei Virg.
9). It is a further question in what respect these
virgins were called "widows." The annotations
on Ignatius regard the term as strictly equivalent
to "deaconess" (Patree Apot. ii. 441, ed. Jacob-
son), but there is evidently another sense in which
it may be used, namely, as betokening celibacy, and
such we believe to have been its meaning, inasmuch
as the abstract term xnp^o- a ">*& in the sense of
continence, or unmarried ttate, in toe Apottolical
Constitution! (rapSiros pi) ipipovca rijv ir vt6-
•nrri jnptiar; Sapor fyouaa XVP''M, '•»■ If §§ 1.
8). We are not therefore disposed to identify the
widows of the Bible either with the deaconesses or
with the wptcBvritet of the early Church, from
each of which classes they are distinguished in the
work last quoted (ii. 57, {8, viii. 13, J 4). The
order of widows (to xW 1 * "*) existed as a separate
institution, contemporaneously with these offices,
apparently for the same eleemosynary purpose for
which it was originally instituted ( Const Apot. iii.
1, 1 1, iv. 6, 1 1). W. L. B.
WIFE. [Divorce; Mabbiage.]
WILD BEASTS. [Beasts.]
• WILDERNESS OF SIN. [Sr», Wu>
DIRNEU8 OF.]
WILDERNESS OF THE WANDER-
ING. The historical magnitude of the Exodus u
an event, including in that name not only the exit
from Egypt, but the passage of the sea and desert,
and the entry into Canaan, and the strange scenery
in which it was enacted, no leas than the miraculous
agency sustained throughout forty years, has given
to this locality an interest which is heightened, if
possible, by the constant retrospect taken by the
great Teacher of the New Testament and his Apos-
tles, of this portion of the history of the rase of
Israel, as full of spiritual lessons necessary for the
Christian Church throughout all ages. Henee this
region, which physically is, and has probably been
for three thousand years or more, little else than a
barren waste, has derived a moral grandeur and ob-
tained a reverential homage which has spread with
the diffusion of Christianity. Indeed, to Christian
Jew, and Moslem it is alike holy ground. The
mystery which hangs over by far the greater num-
ber of localities, assigned to events even of first-rat*
magnitude, rather inflames than allays the eager-
ness for identification ; and the result has beui s
larger array of tourists than has probably ever pene-
trated any other country of ajuai difficulty. Buns*
hardt, Niebuhr, Seetxen, Laborde and linant
• l>iiD»eU, lUunier, Kussegger, Uepaius, Hemukej
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WILDERNESS OF THE WANDERING
8518
W<ilst«l, Fozakerley, and Miss Martlneau, are con-
spicuous amongst those who have contributed since
the close of the last century to deepen, to vivify,
and to correct our impressions, besides the earlier
works of Monoonys in the 17th century, and Haa-
selquist and Pococke in the 18th ; whilst Wilson,
Stewart, Bartlett, Bonar, Olin, Bertou, Robinson,
and Stanley have added a rich detail of illustration,
reaching to the present day. And thus it is at
length "possible by the internal evidence of the
country itself to lay down, not indeed the actual
route of the Israelites in every stage, but in almost
all eases the main alternatives between which we
must choose, and in some cases the very spots
themselves." Yet with all the material which now
lies at the disposal of the topographical critic, there
is often a real poverty of evidence where there seems
to be an abundance; and the single lines of infor-
mation do not weave up into a fabric of dear knowl-
edge. >• Hitherto no one traveller has traversed
more than one, or at most two routes of the Desert,
and thus the determination of these questions has
been obscured ; first, by the tendency of every one
to make the Israelites follow his own track ; and
secondly, by his inability to institute a just com-
parison between the facilities or difficulties which
attend the routes which be has not seen. Tills ob-
scurity will always exist till some competent traveller
has explored the whole Peninsula. When this has
been fairly done, there is little doubt that some of
the most important topographical questions now at
issue will be set at rest " (Stanley, S. 4 P. 33).
I. The uncertainties commence from the very
darting-point of the route of the Wandering. It
is impossible to fix the point at which iu "the
wilderness of Etham " (Num. xxxiii. 6, 7) Israel,
now a nation of freemen, emerged from that sea
Into which they had passed as a nation of slaves.
But, slippery as is the physical ground for any fix-
ture of the miracle to a particular spot, we may
yet admire the grandeur and vigor of the image
of baptism which Christianity has appropriated
from those waters. There their freedom was won ;
'• not of themselves, it was the gift of God," whose
presence visibly preceded ; and therefore St. Paul
says, "they were baptized in the cloud," and not
only "in the sea." The fact that from "Etham
in the edge of the wilderness," their path struck
across the sea (Ex. xiii. 90), and from the sea into
the same wilderness of Etham, seems to indicate
the upper end of the furthest tongue of the Gulf
of Sues as the point of crossing, for here, as is
probable, rather than lower down the same, the
district on either side would for a short distance
m both shores have the same name. There seems
reason also to think that this gulf had then, as
also at Esion-Geber [Ezioh-gkbsr], a further ex-
tensiou northward than at present, owing to the
land having upheaved its level. This action
« Bus a pamphlet by Charles I. Beke, Ph. D., « A
few Words with Bishop Colenoo," pp. 4, 6.
* Compare the use of the same word, of a multi-
hid* of men or cattle (In Joal i. 18), to express «V
nepbf cfau, without reference to egress or direction
. course, merely for want of food.
* Juwphui (Ant. 11. 15, § 8) speaks of the obstruc-
tion of precipitous and impassable mountains, but
when we consider his extravagant language <•' the
height of the buildings of the Temple. It Is likal* that
mush mora, when speaking In general terms of a spot
so distant, such expressions may be sst down se sun-
sly rhetorical.
931
to have been from early times the predominant one,
and traces of it have recently been observed.' Thus
it is probable, as a result of the same agency, that
the sea was even then shallow, and the sudttai
action of a tidal sea in the ctd-de-4ac of a narrow
and shallow gulf is well known. Our own Solway
Firth is a familiar example of the rise and rush of
water, surprising, at times, especially when com-
bined with the action of a strong wind, even thost
habitually cognizant of its power. Similarly by
merely venturing, it seems, below high-water mark
our own King John lost his baggage, regalia, ant 1
treasures in the estuary of The Wash. Pharaoh't
exclamation, " they are entangled (O^ppjl) » in tht
land," merely expresses the perplexity in which
such a multitude, having, from whatever cause, mi
way of escape, would find themselves. " The wil
demess hath shut them in," refers merely, it u
probable, to his security in the belief that, having
reached the flat of the waste, they were completely
at the mercy of a chariot force, like his, slid rather
excludes than implies the notion of mountains.'
The direction of the wind is " east " in tbe He-
brew (D*li? rrn?), but in the LXX. " south "
(vorat), in Ex. xiv. 21. On a local question tbe
probable authority of the latter, executed in Egypt
near the spot, is somewhat enhanced above its ordi-
nary value. The furthest tongue of the gulf, now
supposed dry, narrows to a strait some way below,
i. e. south of its northern extremity, as given in
Laborde's map ( CommetUnry on Exad.) and then
widens again. 1 ' In such a narrow pass the action
of the water would be strongest when ," tbe sea
returned," and here a wind anywhere between E.
and S. S. E., to judge from that map, would pro-
duce nearly tbe same effect; only the more newly
due E. the more it would meet the sea st right
angles.* Tbe probability is certainly that Pharaoh,
seeing his bondmen, now all but within his clutch,
yet escaping from it, would in the darkness of
night, especially as he had spumed calmer coun-
sels and remonstrances before, pursue with head-
long rashness, even although, to a sober judgment
guided by experience, the risk was plain. There
is a resemblance in tbe names Higdol and the
"ancient 'Magdolum,' twelve miles S. of Pelu-
sium, and undoubtedly described as ' Migdol ' by
Jeremiah and Ezekiel" (Jer. xliv. 1, xlvi. 14; Ea.
xxix. 10, xxx. 6; S. <} P. p. 37), also between tbe
same and the modern Miktaln, "a gentle slops
through the hills " towards Suez; and Pi-Hahiroth
perhaps is 'Ajrid. The " wilderness of Etham "
probably lay on either aide adjacent to the now
dry trough of the northern end of the gulf. Or.
Stewart (Tent ami Khan, p. 64) thinks the name
Etham traceable in the Wady Ahthi, on the Ara-
bian shore, but this and the preceding 'Ajrid are
d Hi. Stanley (S. f P. p. 88) thinks that this sup-
posed extension " depends on arguments which have
not yet been thoroughly explored."
« If the wind wars direct 8. it would at some points
favor the notion that " the passage was not a transit
but a short circuit, returning again to the Egyptian
shore, and than pursuing their way round the head
of tho gulf," an explanation favored " by earlier Chris,
tlan eommentatore, and by almost all the BabMnical
writers" (S. f P. p. 88). Tbe landing-plsos would
on this vWw be considerably north of the pout of
entering the sea.
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8514
WILDERNESS OF THE WANDERING
of doubtful identity. The probability teems on
the whole to favor the notion that the crowing lay
to the N. of the Jtbd 'Alikak, which lies on the
Egyptian tide S. of Suez, and therefore neither
the "Ay&n Muta, a nor, much less, the Hummdin
Phnraun, further down on the eaatern ahore —
each of which places, at well as several othen,
elainu in local legend to be the apot of landing —
will suit Still, theae placet, or either of them,
may be the region where <• brad aaw the Egyptians
dead upon the eea-«bore" (Ex. xiv. 30). The
crossing place from the Egyptian Wady Tomb-Ik
to the 'Ay&n Mim has been supported, however,
by Wileon, Olin, Dr. Stewart {Tent and Khan, p.
56), and others. The notion of Miktah bring
Higdol will best suit the previous view of the more
northerly passage. The "wilderness of Shur,"
into which the Israelites " went out " from the
Bed Sea, appears to be the eastern sad southeastern
continuation of that of Etham, for both in Ex. xv.
89, aud in Mum. xxxiii. 8, they an recorded to
have " gone three days in the wilderness," indicated
respectively in the two passages as that of Shur
and that of Etham. From the expression in Ex.
xiii. 20, " Etham, the edge of the wilderness," the
habitable region would seem to hare ended at that
place. Josephus (Ant. vi. 7, § 3) seems to identify
Pelusium with Shur (comp. 1 Sam. xv. 7); but
probably he merely uses the former term in an
approximate sense, as a land-mark well known to
his readers; since Shur is described as "over
against, or before Egypt " (Gen. xxv. 18), being
perhaps the same as Sihor, similarly spoken of in
Josh. xiii. 3; Jer. it 18. When so described, we
may understand " Egypt " to be taken in a strict
tense as excluding Goshen and the Arabian iioiue.
[Goshkm.] Shur ■' before Egypt," whatever the
name may hare meant, must prol»bly be viewed
as lying eastward of a line drawn from Suez to
Pelusium; and the wilderness named from it or
from Etham, extended three days' journey (for the
Israelites) from the head of the gulf, if not more.
It is evident that, viewed from Egypt, the wilder-
ness might easily take its name from the last out-
post of the habitable region, whether town or
village, whereas in other aspects it might have a
name of its own, from some land-mark lying in it
Thus the Egyptians may hare known it as con-
nected with Etham, and the desert inhabitants as
belonging to Shur; while from his residence in
Egypt and sojourn with Jethro, both names may
lave been familiar to Moses. However this may
a A warm spring, the temperature of which is given
by Mr. Hamilton (Sam, Ms Hedjax and Soudan, p. 14)
as being 83 s Fahrenheit " Bobhuon found the water
ben salt, and yielding s hard deposit, yet the Arabs
called theet springs < sweet : ' there ire several of
them" (Seetsen, Arum, 111. pt 111. 481) The Hum-
mam f warm baths ") Pharadn are similar springs,
lying a little W. of 8. from Wady Usrit, on the caul
close to whose edge rises the precipitous Jtbel Hvm-
m&m, so called from them, and here Intercepting the
path along the shore. The Rev. B. S. Tyrwhitt, who
made the desert Journey in February, 1868, says that
there may bo a warm spring out of the twelve or
thirteen which form the Myoit Mtua, but that the
water of the larger well la cold, and that he drank
•fit
» North of this limit lies the most southern wady
which has been fixed upon by any considerable num-
ber of authorities for Kllm, from which the departure
■sa taken into the wilderness of 8in. Stetson, but
be, from Suez eastward, the large desert trass
stretching as far east aa the Ghor and Mount Seta
i. e. from 33° 40' to 85° 10' E. long., begin*.
The 81st parallel of attitude, nearly traversing d-
'Arisk, the "Kiver of Egypt," on the Mediterra-
nean, and the southernmost extremity of the Dead
Sea, may be taken roughly to repre s en t its north-
ern limit, where it really merges imperceptibly inte
the '• south country " of Judah. It is scarcely
called iu Scripture by any one general name, bat
the " wilderness of Paran " most nearly approxi-
mates to snch a designation, though lost, short of
the Egyptian or western limit, in the wilderness
of Shur, and perhaps, although not certainly, cur-
tailed eastward by that of Zin. On the south aid*
of the et-Tih range, a broad angular band runt
across the peninsula with its apex turned eoath-
ward, and pointing towards the central block of
granite mountains. This is a tract of sand known
as the Dtbbet er-Ramlth or Ramlam, but which
name is omitted in Kiepert's map. The long hor-
izontal range and the sandy plain together tern
a natural feature in marked contrast with the py-
ramidal configuration of the southern or Siuaitie
region. The " wilderness of Sinai " lies of course
in that southern region, in that part which, al-
though generally elevated, is overhung by higher
peaks. How far this wilderness extended is on-
certain. The Israelites only traversed the north-
western region of it The " wilderness of Sin "
was their passage into it bom the mora pleasant
district of coast wadies with water-springs, whieh
succeeded to the first-traversed wilderness of Shur
or Etham, where no water was found. Sin may
probably be identified with the ooast strip, now
known as ei-Kda, reaching from a little above) the
Jebel Feirdn, or as nearly as possible on the 99th
parallel of latitude, 6 down to and beyond JaV on
the Red Sea. Tbey seem to have only dipped into
the " Sin " region at its northern extremity, and
to have at once moved from the coast towards the
N. W. upon Sinai (Ex. xv. 92-37, xvi. 1; Num.
xxxiii. 8-11). It is often impossible to assign a
distinct track to this vast body — a nation swarm-
ing on the march. The fact of many, perhaps
most, of the ordinary avenues being incapable of
containing more than a fraction of them, would
often have compelled them to appropriate all or
several of the modes of access to particular points,
between the probabilities of which the judgment of
travellers is balanced." Down the ooast, however,
from Etham or the Suez region southwards, the
he alone, suggests that Bun is to be (bund In a want
spring in a northerly direction from 3ttr, at a very
slight distance, which waters the extensive date-palm
plantations there. If this were so, Tbr Itself would
have certainly been included In the radius of the
camp j but it is unlikely that they went so str sooth.
c It may be worth while to notice that the seme
observations apply to tbe battle In Bephidun with
Amalek To look about for a battlt-flpld targe enough
to give sufficient specs for two hosts worthy of repre-
senting Israel and Amalek, and to reject all sties
where this possibility is not obvious, is so unsafe
method of criticism. The most reticulated mass of
wsdlea in the whole peninsula, if deemed worth fight-
ing for, would form a battle-ground for all practical
purposes, though not properly a " field " of battle,
and the battle might decisively settle supremacy
within certain limits, although no regular method of
warfare might be applicable, and the numbers actually
engaged might be Inconsiderable. It would ]
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WILDEBNB8S OF THB WANDERING
8615
JMtMJ b broad md open, and then the track would
M man definite and united. Before going into
the further detail* of thus qneetioo, a glance may
be taken at the general configuration of the tl-TVt
region, computed at 40 parasangs, or about 140
mile*, in length, and the came in breadth, by Jakut,
the famous geographer of Hamah (Seetien, Rtuen,
lit. 47). For a deacription of the rock desert of
Sinai, in which nature ha* east, a* it were, a pyra-
mid of granite, oulminatiag at Um Skaumtr,
MOO feet above sea-level, but cloven and nilcated
In enry direotion by wadiee into minor blocks, an
Siwal
II. The twin goto of Sue* and 'Akabah, into
which the Red Sea asperate*, embrace the Penin-
sula on it* W. and £. aide* reapectiTely. One or
other of them i* in light from almost all the sum-
mit* of the Slnaitie cluster, and from the highest
point* both branches. The eastern coast of the
Gulf of Sues is strewn with shell*, and with the
forests of submarine vegetation whioh poeiibly gave
the whole sea its Hebrew appellation of the " Sea
of Weeds." The " huge trunk* " of it* » tree* of
eural may be seen even on the dry shore ; " while
at Tir, cabin* are formed of madrepores gathered
from it, and the dtbrit of oonchylia lie thickly
heaped on the beach.' Similar " coralline forest* "
are deacribed (S. a* P. p. 83) a* marking the coast
of the Gulf of 'Akabah. The northern portion of
the whole Peninsula Is a plateau bounded south-
ward* by the range of el- Tik, which droop* across
it on the map with a curve somewhat like that of a
•lack chain, whose point* of suspension are, west-
wards, Sues, and eastward, but further south, some
"sandstone ohms, which shut off"' this region
from the Gulf of 'Akabah. The northwestern
member of this chain converges with the shore of
the Gulf of Sues, till the two run nearly parallel
Its eastern member throws off several fragmente
of long and short ridge* toward* the Gulf of
'Akabah and the northern plateau called from it
tt-JVi. The Jtbtl DUIdl (Burckhardt, MM) Is
the most southerly of the continuations of this
eastern member (Seetaen, Ram, iii. pi. Hi. 413).
Toe greatest elevation in the tU'lih range is
attained a little W. of the meridian 34°, near its
most southerly point; it is ban 4,664 feet above
the Mediterranean. From this point the watershed
of the plateau runs obliquely between N. and E.
towards Hebron; westward of which line, and
jorthward from the westerly member of Jtbtl
tl- T\h, the whole wady-eystem is drained by the
great Wtidg tl-'Aruh, along a gradual slope to the
Mediterranean. The shorter and much steeper
•lope eastward partly converges into the large duct*
of wadiea Fikrtk and et-Jeib, entering the Dead
Sea'* southwestern angle through the southern
wall of the Ghfir, and partly finds an outlet nearly
parallel, but further to the S., by the Wadg Jtrafeh
Into the 'Arabah. The great depression of the
Dead Sea (1,300 feet below the Mediterranean)
explains the greater steepness of this eastern slope.
resemble somewhat more closely a street fight for the
naatery of a town.
« Stanley, 8. f P. p. 6; Hamilton, Sinai, (at Htd-
aa, and Soudan, p. 14.
• Stanley, S. J P. p. 8.
c Ssetsen, who crossed this route 6 hours to the I
'. this station, says that this red, and not the rang*
a) tt-Tik, t» the political division of the »nntry, all
fee coaatry to the 8. of the read being reckoned as
In crossing this plateau, Seetien foi nd that ran
and wind had worked depressions in parte of it*
flat, which contained a few shrubs or isolated
bushes. This flat rose hen and there in heights
steep on one side, composed of white chalk with
frequent lumps of flint embedded (iii. 48). The
plateau has a central point in the station c Khan
Nikhl, so named from the date-trees which once
adorned its wady, but which have all disappeared.
This point is nearly equidistant from Sues west-
ward, 'Akabah eastward, tl-'Aruh northward, and
the foot of Jtbtl Mima southward. It lies half a
mile N. of the " Hadj route," between Sues and
'Akabah, which traverses " a boundless flat, dreary
and desolate" {ibid. 66), and la 1,484<* feet above
the Mediterranean — nearly on the same meridian
a* the highest point before assigned to at- TUi. On
this meridian aha lies l/m Shammer farther south,
the highest point of the entire Peninsula, having
an elevation of 9,300 feet, or nearly double that of
et-Ttb. A little to the W. of the same meridian
lin ePArith, and the southern cape, Rit Mo-
hammed, is situated about 84° 17'. Thus the
parallel 31°, and the meridian 34°, form important
axes of the whole region of the Peninsula. A full
description of the wilderness of tU Tik is given by
Dr. Robineon (i. 177, 178, 199), together with a
memorandum of the travellers who explored it
previously to himself.
On the eastern edge of the plateau to the N. of
the tt-lVi range, which is raised terrace-wise by a
step from the level of the Ghor, rises a singular
second, or, reckoning that level itself, a third pla-
teau, superimposed on the general surface of the
et-Tfh region. These Russegger (Jf«p) distin-
guishes as three terraces in the chalk ridge*. Dr.
Kruse, in his Anmerktmgtn on Seetzen's travels
(iii. pt. iii. 410), remarks that the Jtbtl tt-Tik is
the monies nigri, or ui\art » of Ptolemy, in whose
view that range descends to the extreme southern
point of the Peninsula, thus including of course the
Sinaitio region. This confusion arose from a want
of distinct conception of geographical details. The
name seems to have been obtained from the dark,
or even black color, which i* observable in part*
(see p. 3616, note d).
The Hadj-route from Sues to 'Akabah, crossing
the Peninsula in a direotion a little S. of E., may
stand for the chord of the are of the et- 71A range,
the length of which latter is about ISO miles. This
slope, descending northwards upon the Mediterra-
nean, la of limestone (& f P. p. 7), covered with
coarse gravel interspersed with black flint* and
drift (Russegger's Map). But its desolation baa
not always been so extreme, oxen, asses, and sheep
having once grazed in parte of it where now
only the camel is found. Three passes through
the tt-Tih range are mentioned by Robinson (i.
123; comp. 661-663, App. xxii. ) — er-R&ldntk,
the western; tl-Murtikhy, the eastern; and ef-
H/ursaA, between the two. These all meet S. of
Rukaibtk (Reboboth, Gen. xxvi. 28?), in about N.
the Tut, and that northwards as appertaining
Syria 'Ream, 111. 410. 411, comp. p. 68). ills i
lay between the route from Hebron to 'Akabah, and
that from Hebron to Suss. Ha went straight south-
wards w ftirhn; a rout* which no traveller has
m»owed since-
» Ibis measurament Is a mean between that given
In Stanley (map, S. f P. p 6), snd Russsgssr's sett
man, as given by Seetien (&i*M,UL pt til. 411).
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WILDERNESS OF THE WANDERING
kt. 81° 6', E. long. 34° *T, and thence diverge
toward* Hebron and Gaza. The eastern « ia noted
by Rossegger aa 4,81)3 feet » above aea-lerel. Seet-
men took the et~ TVi range for the " Mount Seir,"
passed on the war from Sinai (Horeb, Dent. i. 2)
to Kadesh Barnes by the Israelites (Rtiten, iil. 38 ;
comp. ibid. Kruae'a Anmrrkmngtn, pt lii. 417).
It would form a conspicuous object on the left to
the Israelites, going southeastward! near the ooast
of the Gulf 'of Suez. Seetren, proceeding towards
Suez, i. e. in the opposite direction, mentions a
high sandy plain (Reiien, iil. Ill), apparently
near Wady UliA indtl, whence Its steep southern
face was visible in a white streak stretching west-
wards and eastwards. Dr. Stanley (S. o* P. p. 7)
says, " However much the other mountains of the
Peninsula vary hi form or height, the mountains
of the lib are always alike — always faithful to
their tabular outline and blanched desolation." •
They appear like " a long limestone wall." This
traveller saw them, however, only « from a dis-
tance " (ibid, and note 9). Seetzen, who crossed
them, going from Hebron to Sinai, says of the
view from the highest ridge of the lower mountain-
line : '• What a landscape was that I looked down
upon! On all sides the most frightful wilderness
extended out of sight in every direction, without
tree, shrub, or speck of green. It wss an alterna-
tion of flats and hills, for the most part black as
night, only the naked rock walls on the hummocks
and heights showed patches of dazzling whiteness rf
.... a striking image of our globe, when, through
Phaeton's carelessness, the sun came too near to
It" (Jensen, iii. 50). Similarly, describing the
scenery of the Wady el- Bid m, by which he passed
the et-Tih range (see note a below), he says: " On
the S. side rose a considerable range, desolate,
craggy, and naked. All was limestone, chalk, and
Hint. The chalk cliffs gave the steep offset of the
TVi range on it* S. side the aspect of a snow
mountain" (p. 62).
The other routes which traverse the Peninsula
are, that from Hebron to Suez along the maritime
plain, at a distance of from 10 to 30 miles from
the sea, passing ePArith ; that from Suez to 7**V
along the coast of the Gulf of Suez through the
XVla , and that from 'Akabah, near Ezion-geber,
ascending the western wall of the 'Arabah through
the Wady d-Jeib, by several passes, not far from
the southern extremity of the Dead Sea, towards
Hebron, in a course here nearly N. W., then again
K.« A modern mountain road has been partially
fonetructed by Abbas Pasha in the pass of the
Wady Hebron, leading from the coast of the Gulf
*t Suez towards the convent commonly called St.
« Baslesn probably took this eastern pass, which
leads out Into the Wady Book (Seetaen, El Kara,
sailed also Kt Schdidt, tUittti, HI. pt IB. 411, Kline's
Aamcntwigvn, comp. tti. 88). Ha, however, shortly
before crossing the range, came upon " a flat Mil
yielding wholesome pasture for Pamela, considerable
■.ambers (Haufen) of which are met with hen, also
two herds of goats and soma sheep " (111. 60) ; not
strictly confirming the previous statement, which Is
» It Is not easy to reconcile this statement with the
figure (4,646 ft) given by Dr. Stanley (£. f P., map,
p. 6) apparently as the extreme height of the moun-
tain Kt-Odjmt (Stanley, /. Edimt), sine* we might
expect that tb* pan would be somewhat lower than
the highest point, Instead rf higkn On this moun-
tain, ss* p. 8684, note a
Catharine's. The ascent from the trough of (he
'Arabah (which ia steeper-aided at it* N. W. ex-
tremity than elsewhere) towards the general pla-
teau ia by the pass et-Kktr&r, by which the feres
of that broad surface ia attained. The smaller
plateau rests obliquely upon the latter, abutting on
the Dead Sea at Masada, where ite aide and that
of the lower floor converge, and is reached by
ascending through toe higher Ntdtb et-Sifa. It*
face, corresponding to the southern face of the TVt
plateau, looks considerably to the W. of S., owing
to this obliquity, and is delineated like a well-
defined mountain wall in Kiepert's map. having at
the S. E. angle a bold buttress in the Jebel Milch-
rdk, and, at the 8. W. another in the Jtbel 'ArMJ
en-Nakah, which stands out apparently in the
wilderness like a promontory at sen. From the
former mountain, it* most southerly point, at about
80° 2CT N. L, this plateau extends northward a
little east, till It merges in the southern slope of
Judaea, but at about 80* W N. kt-, is cut nearly
through by the Wady Fikrek, trenching its area
eastward, and not quite meeting the Wady Jitr-
r&h, which has it* declivity apparently toward the
Wady ePAritk westward. The face of moun-
tain wall mentioned above may probably be " the
mountain of the Amorites," or this whole higher
plateau may be *o (Dent, i 7, 19, 20). A line
drawn northward* from Rit Mohammed pasaea a
little to the W. of 'Arte/ tn-Nakak. A mot*
precise description of some parts of this plateau has
been given under Kadesh.
On the whole, except In the Detbei er-Ramlek,
sand is rare in the Peninsula. There is little or
none on the sea-shore, and the plain el-Kan on the
8. W. ooast is gravelly rather than sandy (S. ef
P. p. 8). Of sandstone on the edges of the granitic
central mass there Is no lack./ It Is chiefly found
between the chalk and limestone of et-TVt and the
southern rocky triangle of Sinai. Thus the Jebel
DillM is of sandstone, in tall vertical cliffs, forming
the boundary of er-Ramlek on the east side, and
similar steep sandstone cliffs are visible in the same
plain, lying on its N. and N. W. sides (Seetaen,
iii. 86; comp. pt. iii. 418). In the Wady Mo-
katteb " the soft surface of these sandstone cliffs
offered ready tablets " to the unknown wayfarers
who wrote the '• Sinaitic inscriptions." His (tone
give* in some part* a strong red hue to the nearer
landscape, and softens into shades of the subtlest
delicacy in the distance. Where the surface ha*
been broken away, or fretted and eaten by the
action of water, these hues are most vivid (8. d- P.
pp. 10-12). It has been supposed that the Egyp-
tians worked the limestone of eJ-Ttk, and that that
c Seetaen (tit 66) remarks that "the slops of las
el- HA rang* shows an equal wUdnsss " to that of the
desert on its northern side.
<* Comp. Dr. Stanley's description of the march
down the Wady Tatpbeh " between vast elm* whit* oa
the one side, and on the other of a htaek laklned
***er(&t* > . p. 68).
« Nearly following this track in the opposite 'tree
tlon, t. «. to the 8. H., B e as s rn want from Hebron la
Midara (al. MadxraA, or Modrra), passing by Jtaea,
d-Kirmtl (the " Canned ™ of Mahal's pasture-ground la
1 Sam. xxv. 2), and Jrtr (/Warn, BL 10-18).
/ A remarkable sandstone mountain on tbs 8. W.
plain near the sea Is the JaM *feM-> (" ben "), aald te
| be so called from the ringing arund mads by the saof
pouring over it* cHBS (Stewart 1". f X. p. 186, eossf
■, Asians, IB. 277).
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WILDERNESS OF THE WANDERING
8511
lateral, as (bund in tie pyramids, ni then
inarried. The hardness of the granite in the Jebtl
U- Tur has been emphatically noticed by travellers.
Thus, iu constructing recently the mountain road
for Abbas Pasha, " the rooks " were fouud " obsti-
nately to resist even the gunpowder's blast," and
the sharp glass-like edges of the granite soon wear
away the workmen's shoes and cripple their feet
(Hamilton, Sinai, lit Hedjat, and Soudan, p. 17).
Similarly, Laborde says ( Comm. on If urn. xxxiii.
36): " In my journey across that country (from
Egypt, through Sinai to the GhorJ, I had carried
from Cairo two pair of shoes; they were cut, and
my feet came through ; when I arrived at ' Akabah,
luckily I found in the magazines of that fortress
two other pair to replace them. On my return to
Sinai, I wan barefoot again. Hussmn then pro-
cured me sandals half an inch thick, which, on my
arrival iu Cairo, themselves were reduced to noth-
ing, though they had well preserved my feet."
Saetxeu noticed on Mount St. Catherine that the
granite was "fine-grained and very Arm " (iii. 90).
For the area of greatest relief in the surface of the
whole Peninsula, see Sihai, §} 1, 3, 3. The name
Jebtl tt- Tir includes the whole cluster of moun-
tains from el-Fartid on the N. to Um Shaumtr
on the S., and from Muta and ed-Deir on the E.
to Bum'r and Serial on the W., including St.
Catherine, nearly S. W. of Mita. By " Sinai "
is generally understood the ifutn plateau, between
the Wmly Ledja (Stanley, Map) and the Wuay
Skunk on its western and northeastern flanks,
snd bounded northwestward by the Wady er-
Raheh, and southeastward by the Wady Stbiyek
(Stbaiyeh, Stanley, ibid.). The Arabs give the
name of Tur — properly meaning a high mountain
(Stanley, S. f P. p. 8) — to the whole region
south of the Hadj -route from Sues to 'Akabah as
far as Rit- Mohammed (see above, p. 3516, note c).
The name of Tir is also emphatically given to the
cultivable region lying S. W. of the Jebtl tt- Tur.
It* fine and rich date-palm plantation lies a good
way southwards down the Gulf of Suez. Here
opens on the sea the most fertile wady now to be
band in the Peninsula (Burckhardt, Arab. ii. 369;
Wellsted, ii. 9 ), receiving all the waters which flow
down the range of Sinai westward ° (Stanley, 8.
o> P. p. 19).
III. A most important general question, after
settling the outline of this " wilderness," is the ex-
tent to which it capable of supporting animal and
human life, especially when taxed by the consump-
im of such flocks and herds as the Israelites took
with them from Egypt, and probably — though we
know Dot to what extent this last was supplied by
the manna— by the demand made on its resources
■ The following positions by last longitude from
Ms an gtven in Seekjan, IU. pt HI., Ammrk. 414 : —
flues, 29° 67' 90", Bergbaus.
'Akabah, 28° V», Niebuhr ; but 28° 6V by others.
Oonvsnt St. Catharine, 88° 86' 40" 6"', flnlwi
and Zaeh ; but 81° 87' 64" by Buppell.
Sinai, 28° 46'.
Bit Mohammed, 27° 48' 94".
But than must be grave errors In the figures, bum
floes Is placed farthest to the east of all the places
named, whereas it lies farthest to the west; also 'Aka-
bah lies an anon degree, by Kiepert's map, as the east
ef the Coavent, whereas It Is ben put at lees than 9> ;
sad Ms Mahatmud, which lies farther to the east
Baa all then except 'Akabah, la placed to the west
sf them all
by a host of from 9,000,000 to 3,000.1100 souls.'
In answer to this question, " much," it has been
observed (S. o* P. p. 94), " may be allowed for
the spread of the tribes of Israel fsr and wide
through the whole Peninsula, and also for the con-
stant means of support from their own flocks and
herds. Something, too, might be elicited from the
undoubted fact that a population nearly, if not
quite, equal to the whole permanent population of
the Peninsula does actually pass through the desert
in the caravan of the 6,000 African pilgrims, on
their way to Mecca. But, amongst these consid-
erations, it is important to observe what indications
there may be of the mountains of Sinai having ever
been able to furnish greater resources than at pres-
ent. These indications are well summed up by
Hitter (.Sinai, pp. 926, 997). There is no doubt
that the vegetation of the wadies has considerably
decreased. In part, this would be an inevitable
effect of the violence of the winter torrents. The
trunks of palm-trees washed np on the shore of the
Dead Sea, from which the living tree has now for
many centuries disappeared, show what may have
been the devastation produced among those moun-
tains where the floods, especially in earlier times,
must have been violent to a degree unknown la
Palestine; whilst the peculiar cause — the impreg-
nation of salt — which has preserved the vestiges
of the older vegetation there, has here, of course,
no existence. The traces of such a destruction
were pointed out to Burckhardt {Arab. p. 638) on
the eastern side of Mount Sinai, as having oc-
curred within half a century before bis visit; also
to Wellsted (ii. 16), as having occurred near Tir
in 1839. In part, the same result has followed
from the reckless waste of the Bedouin tribes —
reckless in destroying and careless in replenish-
ing. A fire, a pipe, lit under a grove of desert
trees, may clear away the vegetation of a whole
valley.
" The acacia-trees • have been of late years ruth-
lessly destroyed by the Bedouins for the sake of
charcoal," which forms " the chief, perhaps it might
be said toe only traffic of the Peninsula" (S. f
P. p. 94). Thus, the clearance of this tree in the
mountains where it abounded once, and its decrease
in the neighbor groups in which it exists still,
is accounted for, since the monks appear to hare
aided the devastation. Vegetation, where main-
tained, nourishes water and keeps alive its own life;
and no attempts to produce vegetation anywhere in
this desert seem to have foiled. " The gardens at
the wells of Moses, under the French and English
agents from Sues, and the gardens in the valleys of
Jebtl Mita, under the care of the Greek monks of
the Convent of St. Catherine," * are conspicuous
» Dr. Stanley (S. f P. p. 24, note 1), following
Bwald ( Getehidtu, II. 61, 268, 269, 2d ad.), says, » the
most noeot and the most critical Investigation of this
(the Isneliosh) history Inclines to adopt the numbers
of 600,000 (males of the warlike age) as authenHc."
c Dr. Stanley (p. 26) thinks the ark and wooden
utensils of the Tabernacle wan of this timber. Seat-
on (Hi. 109) saw no trees nearly trig * cough for sueh
service, and thinks it mora probable that the m aterial
was obtained by punnan trom tnvaUIng caravans ;
bat It is not clear whether ha thinks that the tree
(JkVmen NUotku) is In this wilderness below Its usual
e>, or that not this bat something else Is the "Suit.
Bin-wood "of the A. V.
<< So nailed, bat the proper name appears to be rfo
rp •% lunt n tti n mt, i. «■ the TraoangaraMon ef owl
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8618
W1LDBBNE88 OF THE WANDKKING
examples (itid. u 38). Besides, a traveller in die
18th century calls the Wady tr-Br.htk in front of
lb* Convent, now entirely ban, "a Tatt green
plain." <* In thu wiltleroess, too, abode Amalek,
"the flrrt of the natiooa," powerful enough seri-
ously to imperil the passage of the Israelites
through it, and importantly contributing to subse-
quent history under the monarchy. Besides whom
we have "king Arad the Canaanite, who dwelt in
the soutb,"i. e. apparently on the terrace of moon-
tain orerhanging the Ghor near Matada on the
Dead Sea, In a region now wholly desolate. If his
people were identical with the Amoritea or Canaan-
Ites of Num. xiv. 43; Dent. i. 44, then, besides the
Amalekites of Ex. zvii. 8, we ban one other host
within the limits of what is now desert, who fought
with Israel on equal or superior terms : and, if they
are not identical, we ban two such (Num. xiv. 40-
46, xxi. 1, xxxiii. 40; Deut i. 48, 44). Then
must hare been "something; more than a men
handful of Bedouins. The Egyptian copper-inines,
monuments, and hieroglyphics in Straoit tl-Kha-
dlm and the Wady Mighdra, imply a degree of
intercourse between Egypt and the Peninsula " in a
period probably older than the Exodus, " of which
all other traces have long ceased. The ruined
cities of Edom in the mountains east of the 'Ara-
fc/iA, and the remains and history of Pttra itself,
Indicate a traffic and a population in then remote
regions which now is almost inconceivable" (S.
d- P. p. 86). Even the 6th and 7th centuries
A. D. showed traces of habitation, some of which
still remain in ruined cells and gardens, etc., far
exceeding the tale told by present facts. Seetzen,
In what is perhaps as arid and desolate a region as
any in the whole desert, asked his guide to men-
tion all the neighboring places whom names he
knew. He received a list of sixty-three places in
the neighborhood of Mad&rah, Pttra, and 'Alca-
bah, and of twelve more in the GMr et-Sapkia, of
which total of seventy-fin all save tweln are now
abandoned to the desert, and ban retained noth-
ing rn.it their names— "a proof," he remarks,
" that In very early agn this region was extremely
populous, and that the furious rage with which the
Arabs, both before and after the age of Mohammed,
assailed the Greek emperors, was able to convert
into a waste this blooming region, extending from
the limit of the Hedjnt to the neighborhood of Da-
mascus" CnVtsm, iii. IT, 18).
Thus the same traveller in the same Journey
(from Hebron to Madirah) entered a wady called
eJ-Vemen, where was no trace of water san moist
spots in the sand, but on making a bole with the
hand it was quickly full of water, good and drink-
able (tottf. p. 18). The same, if saved in a astern,
and served out by sluices, might probably han
clothed the bare wady with verdure. This is con-
firmed by his remark (Mi. p. 83), that a blooming
vegetation shows itself in this climate wherever
there is water; as well as by the example of the
lank system as practiced in Hindostan. He also
notion that then are quicksands in many spits ot
the iMUtt er-Hamlea, which it is difficult to un-
derstand, unless as erased by accumulations of
water (ibid. p. 67). SimUsrly in the desert Wad}
et-Kvdeu between Hebron and Sinai, he found a
spot of quicksand with sparse shrubs growing in it
(ibid. p. 48).
Now the question is surely a pertinent one, as
compared with that of the subsistence of the docks
and herds of toe Israelites during their wanderings,
how the sixty-three perished communities named
by Seetsen's guide can han supported themselves?
It is pretty certain that fish cannot lhe in the
Dead Sea,' nor is then any reason for thinking
that then extinct towns or villages were in any
large proportion near enough to its waters to avail
themselves of its resources, even if such existed.
To suppose that the country could ever have sup-
ported extensive coverts for game is to assume the
most difficult of all solutions of the question. The
creatures that find shelter about the rocks, as hares,
antelopes, gazelles, Jerboas, and the lizards that
burrow in the sand (tt-Dtobb), alluded to by this
traveller in several places (111. 67, eomp. pt iii. 416-
448, and Laborde, Oman, on Jfum. xxxiii. 48), are
far too few, to Judge from appearances, to do man
than eke out a subsistence, the staple of which must
hare been otherwise supplied; and the same remark
will apply to such casual windfalls n swarms of
edible locusts, or flights of quails. Nor can the
memory of then places be probably connected with
the distant period when Petra, the commercial me-
tropolis of the Nabathaans, enjoyed the carrying
trade between the Levant and Egypt westwards,
and the rich communities further east There is
least of all reason for supposing that by the product
of mines, or by asphalt gathered from the Dead
Sea, or by any other native commodities, they can
ever han enjoyed a commerce of their own. We
an thrown bask, then, upon the supposition that
they most in some way ban supported themselves
from the produce of the soil. And the produce for
which it is most adapted is either that of the date-
palm, or that to which earlier parallels point, at
those of Jethro and the Kenitas, and of the various
communities in the southern border of Jndah
(Num. xxxiv. 4, 6; Josh. xv. 8, 4; 1 Sam. xxx.
87-81), namely, that of pasturage for flocks and
herds, a possibility which seems solely to depend on
adequately husbanding the water supplied by the
rains. This tallka with the use of the word
"^"JO, for "wilderness," t. a. "a wide, open
space, with or without actual pasture, the country
of the nomads, as distinguished from that of the
agricultural and settled people" (& f P. p. 486,
App. I 9).' There seems however to be implied
in the name a capacity for pasturage, whether ac-
tually realized or not. This corresponds, toe, with
the " thin," or rather " transparent coating of veg-
etation," seen to clothe the greater part of the Si-
naitic wilderness in the present day (Md. pp. 18,
lord, npresmtsd m the great unaalo of Justinian, In
the apw of its church, probably of his age. as Is also
the nasM (Tyrwhltt). The transfer of ths body of St.
Catharine thither tnn Egypt by angels is only one of
tba local legends ; but Its association appean to han
atad with travellers (Beaton, 111. pt 111. 414.
sae u o ui inau
Oft).
a Koneonys quoted by Stanley, S. f P.
• Sastean svaakj in one plan of a few shell-tab be-
ing seen along Its southern shore.
& * P. p. M8. IBs*, rzs Sua.}
c lbs word MUdtor hat bean enmmsd
head of Dxsbbt (vol. I. p. 691). The wi"
arnels has nothing to add to It, exespi
tenant to the ore of the term In Jar.
the prophet in two wools gives an <
of a MhUtri "a bud not ansa."—
of tba
to cell a*
B. S,wbtn
that kv left e>
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WILDERNESS OP THE WANDHBING
8619
IS), sod which furnishes in initial minimum bom
irhich human fostering hands might extend the
prospect of possible rc o onro ss up to a point at for
hi excess of present facts is ware the numbers of
the Israalitith host above the 6,000 Bedouins com-
piled now to form the population of the desert
As regards tbe date-palm, Hasselquist speaks at
though it alone afforded the means of life to some
existing Arab communities. Hamilton (Sinai, etc.,
p. 17) tajs that in hie path by tbe Wadg Htbrdn,
towards the modern Sinai, « small chimps of un-
cultivated date trees rise between tbe granite walls
of the pass, wherever tbe winter torrents hare left
sufficient detritus for their nourishment." And
again, after describing the pass of tbe Content, he
continue*, " beneath lies a rentable chaos, through
which now trickles a slander thread of water, where
in winter rushes down a boiling torrent " " (Hid.
p. 19). It is hardly too much to affirm that the
resources of the desert, under a careful economy of
nature'* bounty, might be, to its present means of
subsistence, as that winter torrent's volume to that
summer streamlet's slender thread. In the Wndy
HtbrAn this traveller found "a natural bath,"
formed in the granite by the 'Ain /feerdit, called
" the Christians' pool " (Hid. p. 17). Two thirds
of tbe way up tbe Jtbtl Min he earns upon " a
froasn streamlet" (Mi. p. 80); and Seetxen, on
the 14th of April, found snow lying about in shel-
tered clefts of tbe Jtbtl Catharn, where tbe rays
of the tun could not penetrate (lii. 99). Hamilton
encountered on the Jtbtl MS»a a thunder-storm,
with '• heavy rain " (Sinai, etc., p. 16). There
seems on the whole no deficiency of precipitation
Indeed, the geographical situation would rather be-
speak a copious supply. Any southerly wind must
bring a fair amount of watery vapor from the Red
Sea, or from one of its expanding arms, which em-
brace tbe peninsula on either side, like the blades
of a forfex ; while at uo greater distance than 140
miles northward roll tbe waters of the Mediterra-
nean, supplying, we may suppose, their quota, which
the much lower ranges of the TV) and Odjmt can-
not effectually intercept. Nor is there any such
shelter from rain-clouds on either of the Guht of
Sues and 'Akabah, as tbe long line of mountain!
en tbe eastern flank of Egypt, which screens tbe
tain supply of tbe former from reaching the valley
tf the Nile. On the contrary, the conformation of
the Peninsula, with the high wedge of granitic
mountains at its eon, would rather receive and
condones tbe vapors from either gulf, and precipi-
tate their bounty over the lower faces of mountain
and troughs of wady, interposed between it and the
tea. It is much to be regretted that the low intel-
lectual condition of tbe monks b forbids any reason-
able hope of adequate meteorological o u ter nati ons to
•hack these merely probable arguments with reli-
able statements of fact; but in the absence of any
such register, it seems only fair to take reasonable
probabilities fully into view. Yet some significant
facts are not wanting to redeem in some degree
these probabilities from the ground of mere hypoth-
esis. " In two of the great wadiea " which break
the wilderness on the coast of the Gulf of Sues,
" ffAaXndW, and Utit, with its continuation of the
WAdy Tayibth, tracts of vegetation are to be found
in considerable luxuriance." The wadiea leading
down from the Sinai range to tbe Gulf of 'Akabah
" furnish the same testimony, in a still greater de-
gree," as stated by RilppeD, Hist Hartineau, Dr.
Robinson, and Burekhardt " In three spots, how-
ever, in the desert .... this vegetation is brought
by tbe concurrence of the general configuration of
the country to a still higher pitch. By far the
most remarkable collection of springs is that which
rendert tbe clusten of the Jtbtl hfita the chief
resort of tbe Bedouin tribes during tbe summer
beats. Four abundant sources in the mountains
immediately above the Convent of St. Catherine
must always have made that region one of tbe most
frequented of the desert. . . . Oases (analogous to
that of Ammon in the western desert of the Nile)
are to be found wli c w e i the waters from the dif-
ferent wadiea or hills, whether from winter streams
or from such living springs ss have just been de-
scribed, co nv erge to a oomnK-n reservoir. One such
oasis in the SinaHic desert teems to be the palm-
grove of EUWddy at 7wr, described by Burek-
hardt as to thick that ha could hardly find his way
through it (S. f P. p. 19, note 1; see Burckh.
Atvb. ii. 369). The other and the more impor-
tant is the P7<W» Ftirin, high up in toe table-
land of Sinai itself (& e> P. pp. 18, 19)." Now,
what nature hat done in these favored spots might
sorely be seconded ' in others by an ample popula-
tion, familiarised, to some extent, by their sojourn
in Egypt with the most advanced agricultural ex-
perience of the then world, and guided by an able
leader who knew the country, and found in his
wife's family others who knew it even better than
be (Num. x. 81). It is thus supposable that the
language of Ft. evil. 86-88, it based on no mere
pious imagery, but on actual fact: "He turneth
tbe wilderness into a standing water, and dry
ground into water-springs. And there He makath
the hungry to dwell, that they may prepare a city
for habitation; and tow the fields and plant vine-
yards, which may yield fruits of increase. Hit
blesseth them so that they are multiplied greatly;
and tufferdh not thtir cattle to deertast." And
thus we may find an approximate basis of reality
for the enhanced poetic images of Isaiah (xlL 19,
lv. 13). Palestine itself affords abundant tokens of
the resources of nature so husbanded, as in the ar-
tificial " terraces of which there are still traces to
tbe very summits " of the mountains, and some of
which still, in the Jordan valley, " are occupied by
■ There Is no mistaking the enormous amount of
via which must rail on the desert and ran off nse-
<sssljr into the sea. In February all the wadlss had
evidently had ttron( tomnts down, and all across
ttiem from hillside to hillside. The whole surface «f
wide valleys was marked and ribbed like the bed of a
stony and sand/ stream in England. The great plain
ef MktMM was intersected in all directions by these
torrents, draining the mountains about N*kb Badm.
to all the wadlaa, wherever there was a decided foil.
Major Maedouald (engaged at present in superlntand-
«st the working of a tunrooh* bed at SHrsMt et-Xao-
- east) said that after a sudden storm In the hills to the
N., he had from two to three feet of water running
furiously through his tents for three hours, In VTadf
jkfSfMra. Common Industry In digging tanks wiuld
make all the wadlss "blossom as the rose"(ryr-
whlH).
6 Bee Dr. Stanley's estimate of the Inmates of the
convent (t f P. pp. 66, 66).
e Nay, it la possible that euoh works had already
to Bom* extsnt been undertaken on account of the
mining colonies which certainly then existed at Waa>
Mlfhbn and SBrdMl el-XJtmntm, and were probably
supported on the prodnoe of the country, not sent en
" from Egypt (Tyiwbltt).
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WILDKBNK8S OF THE WANDERING
of vegetation" (S. d- P. pp. 138, 987).
In favored spoU wild luxuriance testifies to the ex-
lent of the national resources, u in the wadies of
the coast, and in the plain of Jericho, where " far
and wide extendi the green circle of tangled thick-
ets, in the midst of which are the hovels of the
modern Tillage, beside which stood, in ancient times,
the great city of Jericho" (ibid. p. 306). From
this plain alone, a correspondent of the British
Consul at Jaffa asserts that he could feed the whole
population of modern Syria (Cotton Supply Re-
porter, June 14, 1862). But a plantation re-
deemed from the wilderness is ever in the position
of a besieged city ; when once the defense of the
human garrison is withdrawn, the fertility stimu-
lated by its agency must obviously perish by the
invasion of the wild. And thus we may probably
suppose that, from numberless tracts, thus tempo-
rarily rescued from barreiinew, in situations only
moderately favorable, the traces of verdure have
vanished, and the desert has reclaimed its own; or
that there the soil only betrays its latent capacity
by an unprofitable dampness of the sand.
Seetzen, on the route from Hebron to Sinai, after
describing an "immense flinty plain," the " drear-
iest and most desolate solitude," observes that, " as
soon as the rainy season is over and the warm
weather seta in, the pits (of rain-water) dry up, and
it becomes uninhabitable," as " there are no brooks
or springs here " (iii. 66, 66). Or. Stewart (The
Tent and the Khan, pp. 14, 16) says of the Wady
Ahlhi, which he would identify with Etham (Ex.
xiii. 20: Num. xxxiii. 6), "sand-hills of consider-
able height separate it from the sea, and prevent
the winter rains from running off rapidly. A con-
siderable deposit of rich alluvial loam is the remit,
averaging from 2 to 4 inches in thickness, by low-
ing upon which immediately after the rains the Be-
douins could certainly reap a profitable harvest; but
they affect to despise all agricultural labor. ...
Yet," he adds, "the region never could have sup-
plied food by its own natural vegetation for so great
a multitude of flocks and herbs as followed in the
train of the Israelites." This seems rather a pre-
sipitate sentence; for one can hardly tell what its
knproved condition under ancient civilization may
have yielded, from merely seeing what it now is,
after being overrun for centuries by hordes of con-
temptuous Bedouins. Still, as regards the general
question, we are not informed what numbers of cat-
tle followed the Israelites out of Egypt. We only
know that " flocks and herds " went with them,
were forbidden to graze "before the mount"
(Sinai), and shared the fortunes of the desert with
their owners. It further appears that, at the end
of the forty years' wsndering, two tribes and a half
were the chief, perhaps the only, cattle-masters.
\ad, when we consi ier bow greatly the long and
sore bondage of Egypt must have interfered with
iheir favorite pursuit during the eighty years of
Hoses' life before the Exodus, it seems reasonable
to think that in the other tribes only a few would
have possessed cattle on leavmg Egypt. The notion
of a people " scattered abroad throughout all the
land of Egypt" (Ex. v. 12) in pursuit of wholly
different and absorbing labor, being able generally
to maintain their wealth as sheep-masters is ob-
viously absurd. It is therefore supposable that
Reuben, Gad, and a portion of Manassah had, by
remoteness of local position, or other favorable oir-
aumstsnens to us unknown, escaped the oppressive
soreoquenees to their flocks and herds which must
have generally prevailed. We are not told that the
lambs at the first paasover wen obtained from the
flock of each family, bat only that they were baddea
U> " draw out and taken lamb for an boose'- -a
direction quite consistent in many, perhaps ia most
cases, with purchase, Hence it is probable that
these two tribes and a hah? may have been the chief
cattle-masters first as well as last If they bad
enough cattle to find their pursuit in tending them,
and the others bad not, economy would dictate a
transfer; and the whole multitude of cattle would
probably fore better by such an anangenasnt than
by oue which left a few head scattered up and dowa
in the families of different tribes. Nor at then
any reason to think that the whole of the forty
years' sojourn was spent in such locomotion at
marks the more oontinaoos portion of the uai i aU re.
The great gap in the record of events left by the
statement of Dent. i. 48, "Ye abode In Kadeah
many daya," may be filled up by the supposition
of quarters established in a favorable site, and the
great bulk of the whole time may have been really
passed in such stationary encampment*. And
here, if two tribes and a half only wen occupied ia
tending cattle, tome resource of labor, to avoid the
embarrassing temptations of idleness in a boat so
large and so disposed to murmur, would be, in a
human sense, necessary. Nor can any so probable
an occupation be assigned to the remaining nine
and a half tribes, as that of drawing from the wil-
derness whatever oootribntiona it might be made
to afford. From what they had seen in Egypt, the
work of irrigation would be familiar to them, and
from the prospect before them in Palestine the
practice would at some time become necessary:
thus there wen on the whole the soundest nasi mi
for not allowing their experience, if possible, to
lapse. And, irrigation being supposed, then is
little, if any, difficulty in supposing its result*; to
the spontaneousnesa of which ample testimony,
from various travellers, has been cited above. At
any rate It ia unwise to decide the question of tea
possible resources of the desert from the condition
to which the apathy and fastidiousness of the Be-
douins have reduced it in modern times. On this
view, while the purely pastoral tribes would retain
their habits unimpaired, the remainder would ac-
quire some slight probation in those works of the
field which were to form the staple industry of then-
future country. But, if any one still insists that
the produce of the de ser t , however snpposabiy Im-
proved, could never have yielded support for all
" the flocks and herds " — utterly indefinite as their
number Is — which were carried thither; this need
not invalidate the present argument, much less be
deemed inconsistent with the Scriptural narrative.
Then is nothing in the latter to forbid oar suppos-
ing that the cattle perished in the wilderness bj
hundreds or by thousands. Even if the words of
Pi. cvii. 88 be taken in a sense literally historical,
they need mean no more than that, by the time
they reached the borders of Palatine, the numb*;
so lost bad, by a change of favorable circumstances,
been replaced, perhaps even by capture from the
enemy, over whom God, and not their own sword,
had given them the victory. AU that is contended
for is, that the resources of the wilderness were
doubtless utilized to the utmost, and that the flocb
and herds, so far as they ban survived, wen at
kept alive. What those resources might amount
to, it perhaps nearly as indefinite an inquiry ai
what wis the number of the oattle. The dlfflsUj
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WILDHRNBS8 OK THE WANDERING
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would -tod it* level " by the diminution of the
■aster till it fell within tbe limits >f the farmer; and
in thai balanced state we must be content to leave
the question.
Nor ought it to be left out of view, in consider-
ing any argument* regarding the possible ehanga
in the character of the wilderness, that Egyptian
policy certainly lay, on the whole, In favor of ex-
tending the desolation to their own frontier on the
Sues aide; for thus they would gain the surest pro-
tection against invasion on their most exposed
border; and as Egypt rather aimed at the develop-
ment of a high internal civilisation than an exten-
sion of influence by foreign conquest, such a desert
frontier would be to Egypt a cheap defense. Thus
w* may assume that the Pharaohs, at any rate after
the rise of the Assyrian empire, would discern their
interest and would act upon it, and that the felling
of wood and stopping of wells, and the obliteration,
wherever possible, of oases, would systematically
make the Peninsula untenable to a hostile army de-
scending torn the N. K. or the N.
IV. It remains to trace, so far as possible, the
track pursued by the host, bearing in mind the
limitation before stated, that a variety of eonverg-
iug or parallel routes must often have been required
to allow of the passage of so great a number. As-
lumiug the passage of the Red Sea to have been
tflected at some spot N. of the now extreme end of
the Gulf of Suez, they would march from their
paint of landing a little to the E. of S. Here they
were in the wilderness of Shur, and in it " they
went three days and found no water." The next
point mentioned is Harah. The 'Am tt-Miwtra
has bean thought by most travellers since Burck-
bardt's time to be Marah. Between it and the
'AyuH Afita the plain is alternately gravelly, stony,
and sandy, while under the range of Jebd War-
din (a branch of et-Tih) chalk and flints are found.
There is no water on the direct line of route
(Robinson, i. 87-98). BatoAra stands in the lime
and gypsum region which lines the eastern shore
3f the Gulf of Suez at its northern extremity.
Seeteen (.ftetien, iii. 117) describes the water a*
salt, with purgative qualities; but adds that his
Bedouins and their camels drank of it. He argues,
from its inconsiderable size, that it could not be the
Harah of Hoses. This, however, seems an incon-
clusive reason. [Marah.] It would not be too
near the point of lauding assumed, as above, to be
to the N. of the 'Ayim Mita, nor even, as Dr.
Stewart argues (p. 55), too near for a landing at
the 'Aytx Mitn itself." when we consider the In-
aimbrances which would delay the host, and, espe-
lially whilst they were new to the desert, prevent
<• Dr. Aitoun, quoted by Br. Stewart (1. «.), It seems,
» In the Waily TU wen found date-palms, wild
liiinhless tamarisks, and the whits-flewcring broom
also a small, sappy growth, scans a hand high, called
*l SwwnM by tbe Bedouins, which, whan dried, I*
pounded by them, aod mixed with wheat tor breed.
It has a sallish-aour taste, and la a useful salad herb,
salaaguuj to the order MtM4rnbryaia)umum, linn.
(Beetasn, ibid.).
c Yet be apparently allows as paaribie that Mama
may be found m a break observed by Fiber a little to
J» ST. of QMMtndtl (In. 117).
d There Is. however, a ismarsahle illflaroiins essence,
tbe ludlcattoli of locality given by Hcemsn to this wady,
sad the position ascribed to the TiA <f-Amdm, as
rapid marshes. But the whole region appears to
abound in brackish or bitter springs (Seetzen, ibid
iii. 117, Ac; Anmerk 430). For instance, about
1} hour nearer Sues than the Wady (jMreWef
(which Lepsius took for Harah, but which Niebuhl
and Robinson regard as more probably Elim ), Seet-
zen (iKo*. iii. 118, 114) found a Waily<> Tal, with
a salt spring and a salt crust on the surface of it*
bed, the same, be thinks, as the spot where Niebuhr
speaks of finding rock-salt. This corresponds in
general proximity with Harah. The neighboring
region is described as a low plain girt with limestone
hills, or more rarely chalk. For the consideration of
tbe luimcle of sweetening the waters, see Marah.
On this first section of their desert-march, Dr. Stan-
ley (S. if P.p. 37) remarks, " There can be no
dispute as to the general track of the Israelites after
tbe passage (of the Red Sea). If they wero to
enter the mountains at all, they must continue in
tbe route of all travellers, between the sea and the
table-land of tbe IVi, till they entered the low hills
of G'AftrsWti According to the view taken of the
scene of the passage, Harah may either be at ' the
springs of Moses,' or eke at Hnwdrn or G/iirfln-
del." He adds in a note, " Dr. Graul, however,
s told .... of a spring near Tlh eLAinara,
right (i. c. south) of ff-imart, so bitter that neither
men nor camels could drink of it. From hence
the road goes straight to Wady Ghiriwltl." Seet-
zen also inclines to view favorably the identification
of tt-Am&ra with Marah. Ha gives it the title of
a " wady," and precisely on this ground rejects the
pretensions of eUHaaira as being no " wady," but
only a brook ; ' whereas, from the statement " they
encamped " at Marah, Marah must, he argues,
have been a wady.'' It seems certain, however,
that Wady Gktr&adtl— whether it be Harsh, as
Lepsius and (although doubtfully) Seetzen thought,
or Elim as Niebuhr, Robinson, and Kxuse — must
have lain on the line of march, and almost equally
certain that it furnished a camping station. In
this wady Seetzen found more trees, shrubs, and
bushes than he anywhere else saw in hi* journey
from Sinai to Suez. He particularizes several date-
palms and many tamarisks, and notes that the
largest quantity of the vegetable manna, now to be
found anywhere in the Peninsula, is gathered here
(iii. 116) from the leaves of the last-named tree,
which here grows " with gnarled boughs and hoary
head ; the wild acacia, tangled by it* desert growth
into a thicket, also shoot* out it* gray foliage and
white blossoms over the desert " (Stanley, S. ej
P. p. 68). The >> scenery " in this region becomes
"a succession of watercourses"' {ibid.); and the
Wady Tayibth, connected with GMrsWei by
above, for Seetzen (or rather Dr. Kruse, eommentm»
on his journal) says, Hobinson passed the wady two
kovn tuanr Sun than Jfaieftru, and therefore so tor
to the north, flat toutA, of it (tiim, UL pk In. 130
481). Has** It is possible that the ZU and the Wmdp
si-A/ndra may be distinct localities, and the eosunra
name result from the common property of a briny or
bitter spring. Kiepert's map (in Bobuson, vol. I.)
gives the two names Assdra and Hewers close to-
gether, the former a little, but law than a mils, to the
north.
• So Dr. Ernes nodose that Dr. Robinson's Araks
who camped la eTabrBsvM found, at half an hoar's
ihela w from taste camping ground, a flowing beoak
and oopkras fountains, sneh as they hitherto nowa we
found In tbe Pealnrala (Swtasa, lit. pt. Iii. 490)
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WILDERNESS OF THE WANDERING
8522
Peati," U M named from the goodly water and
vegetation which it contains. These three wadiea
enconipan on three (idea the Jtbtl Hummim ; the
am, which it precipitously overhangs, being on the
fourth. To judge from the configuration aa given
in the maps, there aeenia no reason why all three
should not have combined to form Klim, or at any
rate, aa Dr. Stanley (ibid,) suggests, two of them.
Only, from Num. xxxiii. 9, 10, as EUm appears
not to have been on the aea, we must suppose that
the encampment, if it extended into three wadiea,
stopped short of their seaward extremities. The
IsraeUtieh host would scarcely find in all three more
than adequate ground for their encampment. Be-
•ooJ (i. e. to the S. E. of (VAurunoW), the ridges
and spurs of limestone mountain push down to the
era, across the path along the plain (Robinson, i.
TO, and Map).
This portion of the question may be summed up
by presenting in a tabular form, the views of some
leading travellers or annotstors, on the site of
EUm: —
tvorfjr Wad* Soma warm springs
QMrindel. Vuit. north of Tor, which
. . feed the rich date-
Nlnbuhr, One or Iaborda plantations of the
Robinson, both, " possibly ," convent there,
Kruse. Stanley. Robinson Seetnn.
(By Upelus (t. 72).
Identified
wlthkuuah.)
Dr. Kruse (Anmerk. p. 418) singularly takes the
words of Ex. xv. 27, " they encamped there (in
Elim) fry the water*," as meaning " by the sea; "
whereas, from Num. xxxiii. 9, 10, it appears they
did not reach the sea till a stage further, although
their distance from it previously had been but
smalL
From EUm, the next stage brought the people
again to the sea. This fact, and the enviable posi -
tion in respect of water supply, and consequent
great fertility, enjoyed by Tir on the coast, would
make it seem probable that Tur was the locality
intended; but aa it lies more than seventy miles,
in a straight Une, from the nearest probably assign-
able spot for Elim, such a distance makes it a
highly improbable site for the next encampment.
The probable view is that their seaside camp was
fixed much nearer to the group of wadies viewed as
embracing Elim, perhaps in the lower part of the
Wady Tayibeh, which appears to have a point of
juncture with the coast (Stanley, S. <f P. p. 88).
The account in Ex. xvi. knows nothing of this en-
campment by the sea, but brings the host at onoe
into " the wilderness of Sin ; " but we must bear
in mind the general purpose of recording, not the
people's history so much as God's dealings with
them, and the former rather as illustrative of the
a Robinson (1. 69) says that near this wady hot sul-
phureous springs wen visited by Nlebuhr, and an de-
saribsd by Kuasagger.
6 He eelU It the Wilderness of ear, but this la plainly
a misprint for Sin.
e His map, however, omits the name si-JCta. Rob-
inson thinks the wilderness of Bin Is the maritime
plain southeast of AfurAo&A, but not certainly tnelud-
tag the latter.
d Seetaan thought that Dophkah might possibly be
a sa caead in the name of a place in this region, *l- Iso-
bar** (Knas). For Alush than Is no conjecture.
i compares It to the round bead* obtained
latter, and subordinate thereto. The evident do
sign however, in Num. xxxiU. bring, to peace on
record -their itinerary, this latter is to be esteemed
>>e the forajs da—tan on any topographical quer
twos, as compared with others having a leas apeebas
relation to the track. The " wilderness of Sin " as
an appellation no doubt representing some Datura
feature, and none more probably than too alluvial
plain, which, lying at the edge of the aea, about
the spot we now regard them aa having nasi lied,
begins to assume a significant appearance. The
modern name for this is el-Kan, identified by
Stetson* with this wilderness (ill- pt- its- 412).
Dr. Stanley « calls el Kan, at its initial point, " toe
plain of MurkMh," and thinks it ■ probably this
wilderness. Lower down the coast this plain ex-
pands into the broadest in the Peninsula, and some-
where in the still northern portion of it we most
doubtless place the •' Dophkah " d and " Alnah " el
Num. xxxiii. 12-14.
In the wilderness of Sin occurred the first mur-
muring for food, and the first tall of manna. The
modern confection sold under that name is the ex-
udation collected from the leaves of the tamarisk
tree ( Tiim-iriik Onentn&s, Linn., Arab, tarfa, Heb.
7tTH) only in the Sinaitic valleys, and in no great
abundance.' If it results from the punctures made
in the leaf by an insect (the Coccus mmaupantt,
Ehrenberg) in the course of June, July, and Au-
gust, this wiU not suit the time of the people's
entering the region " on the fifteenth day of the
second month after " their departure from ICgjpt
(Ex. xvi. 1-8). It is said to keep as a hardened
syrup for years (Laborde, Continent. Geogr. on
Ex. xvi. 18, 14), and thus does not answer to the
more striking characteristics described in Ex. xvi.
14-26. [Masna.] Seetxen thought that the
gum Arabic, an exudation of the acacia, waa the
real manna of the Israelites; i. e. Seetzeu regards
the statement of " bread from heaven " n > no-
tion (Aruen, 1U. 75-79). A caravan of a thousand
persons is said by Hasselquist ( Voyayei, etc., J/o-
teria Medial, p. 298, tranal ed. 1766) to have
subsisted solely on this substance for two montha-
lu the same passage of Ex. (v. 13) quails are first
mentioned.
In most portions of the earlier route it is more
important to show the track than to fix the sta-
tions; and such an indication only can be looked
for where nothing beyond the name of the latter aj
recorded. Supposing now that the alluvial plain,
where it first begins to broaden to a significant size,
is " the wilderness of Sin," all further questions,
till we come to Sinai, turn on the situation assigned
to Bephidim. If, as seems most likely, Rephidim
be found at Feiran [Rkfhidim ], it becomes almost
certain that the track of the host lay to the north
of StrbAl/ a magnificent fire-peaked mountain,
and says It at uasd aa a purgative
iu Upper Bgypt, and that it is supposed to be brougnt
out by the gnat efhot of heat on a sandy sou, shaes
la Syria and elnwhen this tree has not the prodees.
/ Dr. Stanley noaees thst possibly, viewing GASf
finrfW (or Oetit, which lies beyond It, from Sues) aa
Klim, the host may have gone to the Utter (the fur
ther polntL and then have turned back to the lower
part of OhBrHndH, and lAare pitched by the "Bad
Baa." Then, he further remarks, it waa open to tbees
to take a northern eourse for Steal (.few Jean}
avoiding So+di and Fewtn altogether (S. j P. p. 38
But ell tub, he adds, seems " not akety." That row*
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WILDBBNBSS OV THE WANDERING
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thick some have thought to be Sinai, «nd whieh
becomes first visible at the plain of M tuUidh.
[Sena.] The Talieriiacla was not yet set np, nor
the order of niarch organized, at tubeequently
(Num. x. 18, Ac-), hence the word* "track" or
"route," u indicating a line, can only be taken in
the most wide and general sense. The road slowly
riaea between the coaat and Fdran, which hat an
deration of just half the higbeet peak of the whole
duster. Feirdn must have been gained by some
road striking off from the sea-coast, like the Wady
Mokatub, which is now the usual route from Cairo
thither, perhaps by several parallel or converging
lines. Those who reject Fdrda tot Kephidim will
have the onus of accounting for such a fruitful and
blooming spot as, from its position, it must always
have been, being left out of the route, and of find-
ing tome other site for Rephidim. Possibly Tir
itself might be Rephidim, but then not one of the
sites generally discussed for Sinai will suit. It
seems better then to take Feii-du, or the adjacent
valley of et-Slieykh in connection with it, for Kephi-
dim. The water may have been produced in one,
and the battle have taken place in the other, of
these contiguous localities; and the moat direct way
of reaching them from tl-MurkUth (the " wilder-
ness of Sin ") will be through the wadiee ShtMk
and Mohatub. Dr. Stanley, who suggests the road
by the S. of StrbU, through Wady Hebron*
(Robinson, i. 96), as also a possible route to Sinai
(5. <f P. p. 38, 4), and designates it •' the south-
ern " one, omits to propose any alternative station
for Rephidim ; as he also does in the case of " the
northern " route being accepted. That route hi
been already mentioned (page 8633, note/), but is
of too remote a probability to require being here
takeu into view. The Wady Mokatttb, the " writ-
ten," as it* name import*, contains the largest
number of inscriptions known as the Sinaitio. They
are scratched on the friable surface of the sand-
stone masses which dot the valley on either aide,
some so high as to have plainly not been executed
without mechanical aid and great deliberation.
They are described or noticed by Dr. Robinson,
Burckhardt, Laborde, Seetzen. and others, but
especially by Dr. Stanley (8. d> /». pp. 67-63). [See
» this subject Sixai, p. 3063, notes c and d]
V. Besides the various suggestions regarding
Horeb and Sinai given under Sisai, one occurs in
Dr. Kruae's Anmerhmgen on Section, which is
worth recording here. Seetsen approached the
Jebtl .Vita from the N., a little W., by • route
which seems to have brought him into the region
through which Dr. Robinson approached it from
the N. W. On this Dr. Kruse remarks, « Horeb
lay in the plain of Rephidim .... a day's march
short of (vor) Sinai, on a dry plain, whieh was
intensive enough for a camping ground, with a rock
fountain struck by Hoses from the rock. This
distance Just hit* the plain et-8heb (Seheb, Kie-
pert's Hap), which Robinson entered before reach-
ing the foremost ridge of Sinai, and suit* the
peaked mountain et-Orf. in the highest point of
this plain. That this plain, too, is large enough
for fighting in (as mentioned Ex. xvii. 9), is plain
from Robinson's statement (i. 141) of a combat
between two tribes which took plaee there some
years before hit visit. Robinson, from this rooky
peak, which I took for Horeb, in 1J hour reached
the spring GwreeA, probably the one the opening
of which was ascribed to Hoses, and thence in
another hour came to the steep pass Nikb lidtcy,
to mount which be took 8^ hours, and in 34, hours
more, crossing the plain er-Hakek, arrived at the
convent at the foot of Sinai. Seetaen'e Arabs gave
the name of Orrihe 6 to a mountain reached before
ascending the pate, no doubt the same as Robin-
son's eU Or/and the Horeb of Holy Writ " (Aessen,
iii. pt- iii. 433; comp. 414). He seeks to recon-
cile this with Ex. xxxiii. 6, whieh describes the
people, penitent after their disobedience in the
matter of the golden calf, as " stripping themselves
of their ornament* by the Mount Horeb," by tup-
posing that they were by Hoses led bask again •
from Sinai, where God had appeared to him, and
immediately below which they had encamped, to
Horeb in the plain of Rephidim. But this must
have been a day's journey backward, and of such a
retrograde movement the itinerary In Num. xxxiii.
14, 16, 16, has no trace. On the contrary, it says,
" they removed from the desert of Sinai and pitched
in Kibrotb Hattaavab." Now, although they
stayed a year in the wilderness of Sinai (Ex. xix-
1 ; Num. x. 11, 18), and need not be supposed to
have had but one camping station all the time, yet
Kephidim clearly appears to lie without the limits
of that wilderness (Ex. xvii. 1, xix. 1, 3; Num.
xxxiii. 16), and a return thither, being a departure
from those limits, might therefore, we should ex-
pect, be noticed, if it took place ; even though all
the shillings of the camp wii/lin the wilderness of
Sinai might not be set down in the itinerary
Under Slnai an attempt is made to reconcile the
"rock tn Horeb" at Rephidim with a "Mount
Horeb " (the same, in feet, as Sinai, though with
a relative difference of view), by regarding " Horeb "
as a designation descriptive of the ground, applica-
ble, through similarity of local features, to either.
If this be not admitted, we may perhaps regard the
Wady tt-Sheykh, a crease it concave southwards,
whose western horn joint Wady Feirdn, and whoa*
eastern finds a southeastern continuation in the
plain er-R&htk (leading up to Jebtl Mma, the
probable Sinai), as tie Horeb proper. This con.
tains a rock called traditionally the " seat of Motet "
(Schubert, Ream, ii. 366). And this it to some
passes by SarnWl ci-KXadtm to the AM Mute. Bob-
meon, who went by thlt way, conjectured that st-JOo-
dim was a place of pilgrimage to the ancient Xgyp-
uena, and might have been the object of Motes'
pro p ose d journey of " three daye Into the wlldsimss "
(L 79). The best account of this locality by fcr,
which the present contributor hat met with. It that In
the MS. referred to at the end of this article. The
writer dwellt etpecialiy on the Immense remains of
tuning operations, refuse of fuel, metal, etc., to be
von there ; also on the entrenched camp at Afitf-Aara,
Ms covcred recently by Major Maedonald, evidently a
fork of gnat labor and of capacity for a large garrison.
* Tfejongh the wtldernoat of Kaa (from Its north-
ern border) to the opening of Wady Htbrhm Into it a)
5} hourt' Journey. The manna nrmariak It found
there ; and tome birds, called by Dr. Kruse « WTleton-
huhnera,'* which he appeara to think might be the
quails of Scripture. Beetsen In hie Journal plainly
aeta down the " quails " aa being wholly a ml-*i^T lor
locusts (Aim, 111. pt III. 418, comp. 80).
o " Two hardly distinguishable mountain! on either
aide of the way (from the Wady Briizaran) were
named Orribt and Frnuen " (Rtiten, ill. 09).
c He thinks the reason why they were that coun-
termanded was because " Horeb " was better supplies
with watei, but he dose not ahow that th. "sprint,
a dequ at ely meote thlt condition (*W. 4231.
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WILDBRKBB8 Ox» THB WAJTOBEING
extent oanfirnied by the hot that the wady which
sootinuee the plain tr-Mktk to the N. W., form-
ing with the latter a slightly obtuse angle, returnee
the name of t&Shegkh. If we may suppose the
name " Horeb," though properly applied to the
crescent Wady u-Sktykk. which joint FtieAn, to
ban had such an extenaion at would embrace
tr-Mhth, then the >' rock m Horeb " might be a
day't journey bom the " Mount (of) Horeb." •
Tbit view, it may be obeerved, dote not exclude
that jutt referred to under Suiai, but merely
(•moves it from retting on the tenae there propoeed
tor •• Horeb " (3^111), at a local appellative, to
more general grounds.
But whatever may be the eaee with other taored
localities, the identification of Sinai itaelf will
probably never be free from obscurity. We teem
to have adequate information regarding all the
emineut mounUint within the narrow compaaa to
which our ohoioe u reduced, and of all the impor-
tant passes. Nor it it likely that any freth clew
of truttworthy local tradition will be unraveled, or
any new light thspwu on the text of the Scriptural
statements. Somewhere in the granitic nucleus
of lofty mountain create the answer, doubtless, lies.*
For the ground* on which a alight preponderance
of probability rests in favor of the Jtbtl Mint,"
see Simai. But even that preponderance mainly
.«ata on the view that the numbers ascribed in our
present text to the host of Israel are truttworthy.
If further criticism should make this more doubt-
ful than it now it, that will have the probable
effect of making the question more vague rather
than more clear than it is at present. " Tbit
degree of uncertainty it a great safeguard for the
real reverence due to the place. At it it, you may
rest ou your general conviction and be thankful "
(S. f P. p. 76). The tradition which hat conse-
crated the Jtbtl Mini can, we know, be traced to
its source in a late year. It hat the taint of mod-
ernism and the detective witness of the older tra-
dition of StrbiU Dr. Stanley thinks it " doubtful
whether the scene of the giving of the Law, at
we now conoeive it, ever entered into the minds
of those who fixed the traditional site. The con-
secrated peak of the Jtbtl A/iita was probably
revered simply at the spot where Motet saw the
vision of (iod, without reference to any more gen-
eral event " (8. 4 P. p. 76), and this it likely to
have been equally true of StrbAl before it- The
Eastern mind seized on the spot at one of devout
eontemplation by toe one retired saint; the Western
■arches for a scene which will bring the people
perceptibly into the region of that Pretence which
the taint beheld.
Certain vivid impressions left on the minds of
traveller* teem to bespeak such remarkable ftatwra
for the rocks of tbit cluster, and they are generally
so replete with interest, that a few leading details at
the aspect of the principal mountains may find place
here. Approaching the granitio nuclent from the
N. aide, Seetxen found himself - ever between two
high, wild, and naked din* of granite." AH passi-
ble forms of mountetat blended in the view of the
group, coniotl and pointed, truncated, serrated, and
rounded {JUiien, iii. 89, 67). Immediately previ-
ous to this he had been upon the perpendicular
sandstone enfls, which in d-DBUl bounded the
sandy plain tr-Bnmltk on the eastern, whilst simi-
lar steep sandstone cttnt lay on the N. and N. W.
On a nearer view small bright quarts-grit ( Qtutrt-
kUtel), of whitish-yellow and reddish hue, was
observed in the coarse-grained sandstone. Dr.
Stanley, approaching from the N. W., from Wady
SktlUl, through wadiet Sidri and Fdran, found
the rooks of various orders more or lets inter-
changed and intermixed. In the first, " red top*
retting on dark-green bates doted the prospect in
front," doubtless both of granite. Contrast with
this the description of Jtbtl Mita, at seen from
Mount St. Catherine (ibid. 77), « the reaVna* gran-
ite of itt foster matt, ending in the gray oreen
granite of the peak itattf." Wady Sidri lie*
" between red granite mountains descending pre-
cipitously on the sands," but jutt in the midst of
it the granite it exchanged for sandstone, which
but forms the roek-taMeta of the WadyMokatttt,
lying in the way to Wady Fori*. Thi* but it
full of « endless winding*," and here - began the
curious sight of the mountain*, streaked from bead
to foot, as if with boiling streams of dark red mat-
ter poured over them, the igneous fluid squirted
upwards at they were heaved from the ground."
. •' The colore tell their own ttory, of chalk
and limestone and sandstone and granite." Besides
these, " huge cones of white clay and tend are at
intervals planted along these mighty watercourse*
(the now dry wadiet), apparently the original allu-
vial deposit of tome tremendous antediluvian tor-
rent, left there to stiffen into sandstone " (to. 71).
The Wady Fart* is bounded southwards by the
Jtbtl Ntdiytk and the Jtbtl Strbul, which extend
westwards to the maritime plain, and eastward
to the Sinaitie group, and on whose further or
southern side Ues the widest port of el-Kda, previ-
ously noticed at the " wilderness of Sin." Seet-
xen remarks that Jtbtl Ftirau it not an Individual
mountain, but, like Sinai, a conspicuous group
(Arisen, iii. 107; oomp. pt. iii. 418).
Strbal rises from a lower level than the Sinaitie
group, and so stand* out more fully. Dr. Stewart's
account of its summit confirms that of Burektsaydt
The former mounted from the northern side a
u The expression 3"1TT? "liJP I" **• xxxtli. 6
may probably be, like the expression DTT^n "1H,
■,l,»ndthatafnTin^ "liT'l, Josh. xxl-U, etc.,
two nouns In reghnen, the " mount of Horeb."
o The Tabula Ptutingeriana gives in the Interior
of the Sinaitie peninsula a wilderness Indicated as
■ dsesrtuin ubt xl. annos erraverunt Bill Israelis
iuetnte Moy«," and marks therein a three-peaked
mountain, with the words, " hie legem acceperunt in
stents 8yna." Dr. Krone thinks the "three peaks "
stean Sinai (i. e. the Jtbel Mita), Ag. Epistemt and
«xt Jtbel Hum<r (Beetwn, Rristn, Ul. pt. Ul. 481).
* W Krue says, <- This highest B. B. point of Sinai
Is Indisputably the ' mountain of the lord ' or Holy
Writ, the modern Mount St. Catherine. The N. W
part of Sinai is, however, now named Ckanf by the
monks, not by the Arabs, probably In order to com-
bine Horeb with Bloat, by which nanus they denote
the most southeasterly point. The ' plain ' or ' wit
dernees ' of Sinai can be nothing else than the hunt
plain situated on the northern steep declivity sur-
rounded by the three before-named peaks of Sinai, the
opposite plateau of Jtbtl Fmia, and X. and W. sural
low rMges. It Is now called the plain Raktk, and b
according to Bobinsou'i measurement, quite kuas
enough to bold two millions of Israelites, who use
encamped together" (Old. 103).
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WILDERNESS OF THE WANDBRINU
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•mow pLieau at the top of tha easternmost peak.
A. block of gray granite crowns it, and several con-
tiguous blocks form one or two grottoes, and a dr-
sle of loose stones mta in the narrow plateau at the
top ( The Tent and Ike Khan, pp. 117, 118). The
" five peak*," to which " in moat point* of view it
i* reducible, at fint eight appear inaccessible, bnt
are divided by ateep ravine* filled with fragments
of fallen granite." Dr. Stanley mounted "over
•mooth block* of granite to the top of the third or
central peak," amid which " innumerable shrub*,
like aage or thyme, grew to the very summit."
Here, too, hi* aeoent wa* aitiated by looee atone*
arranged by human hand*. Toe peak divide* into
" two eminence*," ou " the higheat of which, aa on
the back of some petrified tortoise, you stand, and
overlook the whole Peninsula " (8. # P. pp. 71, 78).
Ruaaegger aaya " the stone of the peak of Serial ia
porphyry " (Arisen, iii. 376). Dr. Stewart men-
tiona the exteuaire view from it* aummit of the
mountain* " which arias from the western shore
of the Gulf of 'Altabah," seen in the K. E., and
of the Sinaitio range, " closely peaked " with the
intermediate Jebel WateiAk, " forming the most
confused mass of mountain top* that can be imag-
ined" (pp.114, lis). His description of the assent
of the eastern peak ia formidable. He fell a rarity
of the sir, and often had to climb or crawl flat on
the breast. It was like " the assent of a glacier,
only of smooth granite, instead of lee." At a
quarter of an hour from the aummit he also " found
a stair of block* of granite, laid one above another
on the aur&ce of the smooth slippery rock" (p.
113). On the northern aummit are visible the re-
main* of a building, " granite fragment* cemented
with lime and mortar," and " close beside it three
of those mysterious inscriptions," implying "that
this summit was frequented by unknown pilgrims
who used those characters " (8. d> P. p. 72).
The approach to Jebel Mta from tbe W. b
sidy practicable on foot. It lie* through Wndy
Solam and tbe N6kb Hawk, " Pass of tbe Wind,
whose stair of nek lead* to the second or higher
stage of the great mountain labyrinth. Elsewhere
this pass would be a roaring torrent. It is amidst
nuasfii of rock a thread of a stream just visible, and
here and there forming clear pools, shrouded in
palms, or leaving it* clew to be traced only by
rushes. From the head of this pass the cliff-front
of Sinai eomes in sight through " a long continued
plain between two precipitous mountain ranges of
black and yellow granite." This ia tbe often-men-
tioned plain er-Rakek. Deep gorges enter it on
each side, and tbe convent and it* gardens close
the view. The ascent of Jebel Mini, which con-
tains " high valleys with abundant springs," is by
a long flight of rude steps winding through crags
of granite. The cave and chapel '< of Khas" are
passed on the slope of the assent, and the summit ia
marked by the ruins of a mosque and of a Christian
church. But Straus* adds, "the 'Mount of
a By this pas* Dr. Stanley was himself conducted
■hither, tending his camels round by the Wade u-
Sktfkh from Ftirin, " the mora eooaanble though mora
etreoitout route into the central upland." By this
latter ha lappom the gnat bulk of the host of Israel
am; have reached er-Hikek and Steal, while "the
sssaas of the people would mount " b y the suae paas
wfeJeh be took («. f P. p. 43).
» Dr. Stewart (a*, sap. 122) saya, R Ohabal afuaa, the
Bros* of asoaklsh tradition*. |* neither rlsitfe from the
Mabel (i. «. Bis) Huftafch, nor Dram any other point
Moses ' roes in the south higher and higher still •'
and the point of this, Jebel tinea, eighty feet in
diameter, ia distant two hour* and more from the
plain below (.Sinai and Golgatka, p. 116). Tbe Baa
SifeA/ek seems a small, steep, and high mountain,
which is interposed between the slope of Jebel .if tea
and tha plain ; and, from it* position, surveys both
tbe opening* of et-Skefkk N. E. and of er-Rakek »
N. W., which converge at its wot. Opposite to it,
across the plain, is tha Jebel Fureid, whose peak hi
cloven asunder, and the taller summit is again shat-
tered and rent, and strewn, as by an earthqua k e,
with its own fragments. The aspect of the plain
between Jebel Fwreia, which here forms a salient
angle, wedgiug southwards, and the Rat Bifeijtk,
ia described aa being, iu conjunction with thee*
mountains, wonderfully suggestive, both by it*
grandeur and it* suitableness for the giving and
the receiving of tbe Law. "That inch a plain
should exist at all in front of such a cliff Is so re-
markable a coincidence with the sacred narrative,
as to furnish a strong internal argument, not merely
of its identity with the some, but of the scene itself
having bean described by an eye-witness " (8. <f P.
pp. 42, 43). 'loe character of the Sinaitio granite
is described by Seetaen (Reiten, iii. 86) a* being
(1) flesh-red with glass-colored quarts and black
mica, and (2) grayish-white with abundance of tha
same mica. He adds that tbe first kind is larger-
grained and handsomer than the second. Hamilton
speaks of « long ridges of arid rock surrounding him
in chaotic confusion on every side," and " tbe sharp
broken peaks of granite far and near as all equally
desolate " (Sinai, the Hedjat, and Soudan, p. 81).
This view of " granite peaks," so thickly and wildly
eat aa to form "a labyrinth " to the eye, wa* what
chiefly impressed Dr. Stanley in the view from the
top of Jebel Mta (S. c» P. p. 77). There tha
weather-beaten rock* are full of curious fissures and
holes (p. 46), the surface being "a granite mass
cloven into deep gullies and basin* " (p. 76). Over
the whole mountain tbe imagination of votaries has
stamped the rock with tokens of miracle. Tbe
dendrites* were viewed as memorials of the Burn-
ing Bush. In one part of the mountain ia shown
the impress of Moses' back, aa he hid himself from
the presence of God (ib. 30); in another the hoof-
print of Mohammed's mule; in the plain below, a
rode hollow between contiguous blocks of stone
peases for the mould of the head of the Golden Calf ;
while in the valley of the Leja, which rune, pantile)
to and overhung by the Jebel Afuea't greatest
length, into er-Rakek, dose to Rat Stfeajek, tbe
famous « Stone of Moses " is shown — " a detached
mass from ten to fifteen feet high, intersected whth
wide slits or cracks .... with the stone between
them worn away, aa if by tha dropping cf water from
tbe crack immediately above." Thi* distinctness
of the mass of tbe stone lend* itself to tbe bettef of
the Kabbis, that this " rock followed " the Israelites
through the wilderness, which would not be the
in the pMn of rr>Raaf«." This seams confirmed by the
argument of S. f P. pp. 48, 44, that Moses, descend-
ing from the Jebel Main, would not be able to tea whs'
was going on in the plain till he emerged upon II, toe
height of Sajat/ek effectually Intercepting the view.
e These have become soaros on this mountain ; Seat-
wen (Reiten, m. 86) expressly mentions that ha observed
none. They are now fbuiid abundantly In the sourst
of coussruotkag Abbas Pasha's mountain road (Stewart,
T.f K. pp. 182,184).
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WILDERNESS OF THE WANDERING
mm with the non-detached offset of tome Isrger
stiff. The Koran also contain* reference to ''the
rock with the twelve mouths for the twelve tribes
of Israel," i. e. the aforesaid cracks in the stone,
Into which the Bedouins thrust grass as they mut-
ter their prayers before it Bishop Clayton ac-
cepted it as genuine, so did Whiston the translator
of Joaephus; <* but it is a men hwiiunra,- and
there is another fragment, ■• less conspicuous," in
the same valley, "with precisely similar marks."
In the pass of the Wady es-SAeyca is another
stone, called the " Seat of Moses," described by
Uborde(S. f P. pp. 46-48, and notes). Seetzen
adds, some paces beyond the " Stone of Hoses "
sereral springs, copious for a region so poor in
water, have their source from under blocks of
granite, one of which is ss big as this " Stone of
Moses." These springs gush into a very small
dike, and thence are conducted by a canal to sup-
ply water to a little fruit-garden Their
water is pure and very good. On this canal, sev-
eral paces below the basin, lies a considerably bigsyjr
block of granite than the " Stone of Moses," •' and
the canal runs round so close to its side as to be
half-concealed by it " {Rttien, lit. 95). He seems
to argue that this appearance and half-concealment
may have been made use of by Moses to procure
belief in his having produced the water miracu-
lously, which existed before. But this is wholly
inconsistent, as indeed is sny view of this being the
actual " rock in Horeb," with his view of Rephidim
as situated at ei-Httnuh, the western extremity of
the Wady Ftit-in. Equally at variance with the
Scriptural narrative Is the claim of a bole in er-
Rihth, below Rit Stftdfih. to be "the Pit of
Koran," whose story belongs to another and far
atar stage of the march.
On Mount St. Catherine the principal Interest
lies in the panorama of the whole Peninsula which
it commands, embraced by the converging horns of
the Red Sea, and the complete way in which it
overlooks the Jebel Mint, which, as seen from it,
is by no means conspicuous, being about 1,000 feet
lower. Seetzen mounted by a path strewn with
stones and blocks, having nowhere any steps, like
those mentioned as existing at S*rbM, and remarks
that jasper and porphyry chiefly constitute the
mountain. He reached the highest point in three
hours, including intervals of rest, by a hard, steep
path, with toilsome clambering; but the actual
time of ascending was only 1| hours. The date-
palm plantation of Tdr is said to be visible from
the top; but the base prevailing at the time pre-
vented this traveller from verifying it (Rtittn. Hi.
88-03). " The rock of the highest point of this
mountain swells uito the form of a human body.
it* arms swathed like that of a mummy, but bead-
lass — the counterpart, as it is alleged, of the corpse
»f the beheaded Egyptian saint. .... Not im
probably this grotesque figure furnishes not merely
the Illustration, but the origin, of the story " of St
Catherine's body being transported to the spot, after
martyrdom, from Egypt by angelic hands (8. <*
P.p. 48).
The remaining principal mountain is named vari-
<■ See his sots on Am. ill. 1, J 7.
» Dr. Stanley verified the poaaoUity of the tut, and
jteproved its miraculous character by examining the
«vum above toe Convent, through which, when the
tun gains the necessary altitude, a ray would neon
!fae chapel (&!■ P. p 46).
ously td-Deir, "the Convent;" "Resta," <na
St Episteme, the first abbess of the nunnery
'• Solab," from «* the Cross," which stands on it*
summit; and the « Mount of the Burning Boab,"
from a legend that a sunbeam shoots down, sap-
posed miraculously, on one day in the year, throogk
the mountain into the chapel of the '■ Burning
Bush "» (so called) In the convent (i*. p. 78). la
the pass of the Convent rocks arise on every side,
in long succession, fantastically colored, gray, red,
blue, bright yellow, and hrouse, sometimes strangely
marked with white lines of quart*, or black bands
of basalt; huge blocks worn into fantastic shapes
.... interrupt the narrow track, which successive
ages have worn along the face of the precipice, or,
hanging overhead, threaten to overwhelm the
traveller in their fall The wady which contains
this psss is called by the name of Skn'eii — a cor-
ruption of Hobab, the name of the father-in-law of
Moses (to. pp. 89, SS). At the foot of a mountain
near the convent Seetzen noticed « a range of rocks
of black horn-porphyry, of hornblende, and black
Jasper, and between their scrolls or volutes white
quartz." The gardens, aa has been noticed, are in
sight from the approach through er-Rikek. Seet-
zen enlarges on their beauty, enhanced, of course, by
the savage wild about tbera ; « indeed a blooming
vegetation appears in this climate wherever there
is water" (.Arisen, iii. 70, 78, 87). These proved
capabilities of the soil are of interest in refe re n ce to
the Mosaic and to every period. As regards the
Convent, the reader may be referred to Dr. Stan-
ley's animated description of its character, the
policy of its founder, and the quality of its inmates
(& c* P. pp. 51-66). This traveller took three hours
in the ascent " In the r ece s se s between the peaks
was a ruined Bedouin village- On the highest level
was a small natural basin, thickly covered with
shrubs of myrrh — of all the spots of the kind that
1 saw, the best suited for the feeding of Jethro's
flocks in the seclusion of the mountain " (ib. p. 78).
He thought the prospect, however, from its summit
inferior in various ways to any of the other views
from the neighboring mountains, flwse7, St Ola-
erine, Jtbtl Attn or Bis Su/^fek.
The rocks, on leaving Sinai on the east for 'Aka-
bah, are curiously intermingled, somewhat as in the
opposite margin of the wadies Sidri and Afokatui.
Wady StyiL contains « hills of a conical shape,
curiously slanting across each other, and with an
appearance of serpentine and basalt The wad;
.... then mounted a short rooky psss — of hills
capped with sandstone — and entered on a plain of
deep sand — the first we had encountered — over
which were scattered isolated clumps of sandstone,
with occasional chalk .... At the close of this
plain, an Isolated rock, ita high tiers rising out of
lower tiers, like a castle." Here •» the level ranges
of et- Ttk rose in front" And soon after, on strik-
ing down, apparently, northeastwards, " a sandy
desert, amidst fantastic sandstone rocks, mixed
with lilac and dull green, as if of tufa," sueceedsu.
After this came a desert strewn with " fragments
of the Tlk," t, e. limestone, but " presently," in
the " rVody GhitiUh," ' which turns at first
c Ben Dr. Stanley quittsd the track pursues by Br
Bobinson, which from the Oonvant ba had hiUMrtc
followed; the latssr coaonuiiig tn e N. E. dinette*
through Woey Srnngkf to the wes te r n share of to*
Quit of 'Akabsh, the tanner turruag uus ' ti u a i ds kg
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WILDERNESS 09 THE WAKDBEINO
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Bearly due northward, and then deflects westward,
the " high granite rock* " reappeared ; and in the
Wady et-'Ain, •' the rocks riae, red granite or blaek
basalt, occasionally tipped u if with castles of r md-
stone to the height of about 1,000 feet . . . and
finally open on the tea. At the mouth of the past
are many traces of flood — trees torn down, and
strewed along the sand " (to. pp. 80, 81).
VI. We now pass on to resume the attempt to
trace the progress of the Israelites. Their sojourn
of • year in the neighborhood of Mount Sinai was
an eventful one. The statements of the Scriptural
narrative which relate to the receiving of the two
Tables, the Golden Calf, Hoses' vision of God, and
the visit of Jethro, are too well known to need
special mention here; but besides these, it is certain
from Num. iii. 4, that before they quitted the wil-
derness of Sinai, the Israelites were thrown into
mourning by the untimely death of Aaron's two
•wis, Nadab and Abihu. This event is probably
connected with the setting up of the Tabernacle and
the enkindling of that holy fire, the sanctity of
which their death avenged. That it has a deter-
minate chronological relation with the promulga-
tions which from time to time were made in that
wilderness, is proved by an edict in Lev. zvi., being
fixed as subsequent to it (Lev. z., comp. xvi. 1).
The only other Gut of history contained in l-evit-
lcus is the punishment of the son of mixed parent-
age for blasphemy (xxiv. 10-14). Of course the
consecration of Aaron and bis sons is mentioned
early in the book in connection with the laws re-
lating to their office (viii., ix.). In the same wil-
derness region the people were numbered, and the
exchange of the Levites against the firstborn was
effected ; these last, since their delivery when God
smote those of Kgypt, having incurred the obliga-
tion of sanctity to him. The offerings of the princes
of Israel were here also received. The last incident
mentioned before the wilderness of Sinai was quitted
for that of Panui is the intended departure of
Hobab the Kenite, which it seems be abandoned at
Hoses' urgency. They now quitted the SuiaJak
region for that of 1'aran, in which they went three
days without finding a permanent encampment, al-
though temporary halts must of oourse have been
daily made (Num. i., ix. 15-33; x. 18, 88; xi.
8b; xii. 16). A glance at Kiepert's, or any map
showing the region in detail, will prove that here a
choice of two main routes begins, in order to cross
the intervening space between Sinai and Canaan,
which they certainly approached in the first in-
stance on the southern, and not on the eastern side.
Here the higher plateau surmounting the HA
region would almost certainly, assuming the main
features of the wilderness to hsve been then aa they
are now, have compelled them to turn its western
side nearly by the route by which Seetzen same in
the opposite direction from Hebron to Sinai, or to
turn it on the east by going up the 'Annan, or be-
tween the 'Arabah and the higher plateau. Over
its southern face there is no pass, and hence the
roads from Sinai, and those from Petra towards
Gaza and Hebron, all converge into one of two
the Wady OMzakh, as above, immediately after pass-
Of the 'Am tt-md*iah.
* eascaan supposes that what an sailed quails In
lerlptare wen really locusts (Jbum, tow 80); aa
vsurien which Oosneral (Laborde, Coma*. Qtogr. Mx.
zvi. It) ap pe ar s to have shared. But susaty locusts,
SI sdnla, an too mil known in sertptun to make the
trunk-Unas of route (Robinson, i. 147, 151, 153, ii
188). Taberah and Kibroth-Hattaavah, both seem
to belong to the same encampment where Israel
abode for at least a month (xL 80), being names
given to it from the two events which happened there.
[Tabzhah, Kibroth - Hattaavah, Quails.]
These stetsons seem from Num. x. 11-13, 33-36, to
have lain in the wilderness of Paran ; but possibly
the paassge X. 11-18 should come after that 83-36,
and the " three days' journey " of ver. 38 lie still
in the wilderness of Sinai; and even Taberah and
Hazeroth, reached in xi., xii., also there. Thus
they would reach Paran only in xii. 18, and x. 18
would be either misplaced or mentioned by antici-
pation only. One reason for thinking that they did
not strike northwards across the Tih range from
Sinai, is Hoses' question when they murmur,
" Shall all the fish of the sea be gathered together
for them, to suffice them ? " which is natural
enough if they were rapidly nearing the Gulf of
'Altaian, but strange if they were posting towards
the inland heart of the desert. Again the quails ■
are brought by "a wind from the sea " (Num. zL
38, 81); and various travellers (Burokhardt, Schu-
bert, Stanley) testify to the occurrence of vast
flights of birds in this precise region between Sinai
aud 'Akabah. Again, Hazeroth, the next station
after these, is coupled with Dizahab, which last
seems undoubtedly the Dahab on the shore of that
gulf (Deut. i. 1, and Robinson, ii. 187, note). This
makes a seaward position likely for Hazeroth. And
as Taberah, previously reached, was three days'
journey or more from the wilderness of Sinai, they
had probably advanced that distance towards the N.
E. and 'Akabah; and the distance required for this
will bring us so near el-Htitiherah (the spot which
Dr. Robinson thought r epr e sen ted Hazeroth in fact
as it seems to do in name), that it may be aoosptod
as a highly probable site. Thus they were now not
far from the coast of the Gulf of 'Akabah. A spot
which seems almost certain to attract their course
was the Wady ti-'Am, being the water, Ms spring,
of that region of the desert, which would have
drawn around it such " nomadis settlements as are
implied in the name of Hazeroth, and such as that
of Israel must have been" (S. If P. p. 88). Dr.
Robinson remarks, that if this be so, this settles the
course to Kadesh as being up the 'Arabah, and not
across the plateau of et-2tt.» Dr. Stanley thinks
this identification a " faint probability," and the
more uncertain at regards identity, " as the name
Hazeroth is one of the least likely to be attached
to any permanent or natural feature of the desert,"
meaning " simply the inokanrss, such ss may still
be seen in the Bedouin villages, hardly lass transi-
tory than tents" (B. d- P. pp. 81, 88). We rery,
however, rather on the combination of that i a li ens
earn instances m e ntion e d above than on the muz*.
The Wady Hidkerih and Wady el-' Am appear to
run nearly parallel to each other, from S. W. to
N. E., nearly from the eastern extremity of the
Wady e$-3htykh, and their N. E. extremity comes
nearly to the coast, marking about a midway dis-
tance between the Jebtl Min and 'Akabah. In
Mr. Tyrwhltt says that quails, of
small partridges, which he su pp oses rather meant, ass,
aa au- as he asw, nun common in the desert than lo-
custs.
» BoUnson, a*, aa*. ; coma. Stewart X. ami M
p. 114.
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WILDERNESS OF THE WANDERING
Hazeroth the people tarried Mren days, if not mora
(Nam. xi. 36, xii.), during the eicluakm of Miriam
from the camp while leprous. The next permanent
encampment brought them into the wilderness of
Paran, and ben toe local commentator's greatest
difficult; begins.
For we ha™ not merely to contend with the fact
that time has changed the desert's face in man;
parts, and obliterated old names for new; but we
ha\e heyoud this, great obscurity and perplexity in
the narrative. The task is, first, to adjust the un-
certainties of the record inttr «, and then to try
and make the resultant probability square with the
main historical and physical nets, so far as the
latter can be supposed to remain unaltered. Be-
sides the more or leas discontinuous form in which
the sacred narrative meats us in Exodus, a small
portion of Leviticus, and the greater part of Num-
bers, we have in Num. xxxiii. what purports at
first sight to be a complete skeleton route so far a*
regards nomenclature; and we further find in
Deuteronomy a review of the leading events of the
wandering, or some of them, without following the
order of occurrence, and chiefly in the way of allu-
sion expanded and dwelt upon. Thus the authority
is of a threefold character. And as, in the main
narrative, whole years are often sunk as uneventful,
so in the itinerary of Num. xxxiii., on a near view
great chasms occur, which require, where all else
bespeaks a severe uniformity of method, to be
somehow accounted for. But, beyond the ques-
tions opened by either authority in itself, we have
difficulties of apparent incongruity between them ;
such as the omission in Exodus of Dophka and
Aluah, and of the encampment by the Red Sea;
and, incomparably greater, that of the fact of a visit
to Kadesh being recorded in Num. xiii. 98, and
again In xx. 1, while the itinerary mentions the
name of Kadesh only once. These difficulties
resolve themselves into two main questions. Did
Israel visit Kadesh ones, or twice? And where is
'* now to be looked for?
Before attempting these difficulties individually,
it may be as well to suggest a caution against
certain erroneous general views, which often appear
to govern the considerations of desert topography.
One is, that the Israelites journeyed, wherever they
could, in nearly a straight line, or took at any rale
the shortest outs between point and point. This
has led some delineators of maps to simply register
the file of names in Num. xxxiii. 16-86 from
Sinai in rectilinear sequence to Kedesh, wherever
they may happen to fix its site, then turn the line
backward from Kadesh to Ezion-geber, and then
either to Kadesh again, or to Mount Hot, and
thence again, and here correctly, down the 'Arabah
southwards and round the southeastern angle of
Edom, with a sweep northwards towards Moab.
In drawing a map of the Wanderings, we should
mark as approximately or probably ascertained the
stations from Ktham to Hazeroth, after which no
track should be attempted, but the end of the line
should lose itself in the blank space; and out of the
same blank space it might on die we st e rn side of
the "Arabsh be similarly resumed and traced down
• He speaks of certain stations as " plaeeas entre
W moot Binal et Oades, esnsos qui ne comports pas
p.ut de an Jounces selon l'amrnwtlaa Men positive
as Dsuteronome " (I. ly Be then proceeds to argue,
" Oss dlx-eept stations reunite aux trots que nous
reaons d'examtner, en ferment ring t ; U y a done
the 'Arabah, etc., as before described. AH the
sites of intervening stations, as being either plainly
conjectural merely, or lacking any due authority
should simply be marked in the margin, save tint
Moserah may be put close to Mount (lor, and '
Eaioo-geber further S. in the 'Arabah [Eziob-
obbek}, from which to the brook Zend aad
onwards to the plains of Mono, the ambiguities lie
in narrow ground, and a probable light breaks on
the route and its stations.
Another common error is, that of supposing that
from station to station, in Num. xxxiii., always
represents a day's march merely, whereas it is
plain from a comparison of two passages in Ex.
(xv. 33), and Num. (x. 33), that ou two occasions
three days formed the period of transition between
station and station, and therefore, that not day's
marches, but intervale of an indefinite number of
days between permanent encampments, are intended
by that itinerary; and as it is equally clear from
Num. ix. 33, that the ground may have been
occupied for " two days, or a month, or a year,"
we may suppose that the occupations of a longer
period only may be marked in the itinerary. And
thus the difficulty of apparent chasms in its enu-
meration, for instance the greatest, between Ezion-
geber and Kadesh (xxxiii. 36-37) altogether van-
ishes.
An example of the error, consequent on neglect-
ing to notice this, may be seen in Laborde'a map
of the Wanderings, in his Commentary on Exodus
and Numbers, in which the stations named in
Num. xxxiii. 18-34 are closely crowded, but be-
tween those of ver. 36 and those of ver. 37 a large
void follows, and between those of ver. 37 and those
of ver. 39 a still larger one, both of which, sine* on
referring to the text of his Commentary « we find
that the intervals all represent day's marches, are
plainly impossible.
Omitting, then, for the present all consideration
of the previous intervals after Uaxeroth, some sug-
gestions concerning the nomenclature and possible
sites of which will be found in articles under their
respective names, the primary question, did the
people visit Kadesh twice, or once only, demands to
be considered.
We read in Num. x. U, 18, that » on the
twentieth day of the second month of the second
year .... the ohildren of Israel took their jour-
neys out of the wilderness of Sinai, and the ekmd
rated in the wUdtmeu iff Paran." The latter
statement is probably to be viewed as made by
anticipation ; as we find that, after quitting Kib-
roth-Uattaavah and Hazeroth, " the people pitched
in the wilderness of Paran " (Num. xii. 16). Here
the grand pause was made while the spies, " sent,"
it is again impressed upon us (xiii. 3), " from the
wilderness of Paran," searched the land for « forty
days," and returned " to Hoses and to Aaron, and
to all the congregation .... unto tie wUdemeu
of Paran to Kaeteth." This is the first mention
of Kadesh in the narrative of the Wanderings
(w. 96, 86). It may here be observed that an
inaccuracy occurs in the rendering of Moses' direc-
tions to the spies in the A. V. of xiii. 17.
neuf stations .... dont on ne salt que (aba." Tha
stassmeut quoted from Deuteronomy, whether sjsnuliia
or an annetaojou that has erept into the text, sseraly
states the distance as ordinarily known and teavslled
and need not lndieate that the Israelites crossed It a
that rats of progress.
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WILDERNESS OF THE WANDERING
8529
•* gat you op by tbii way tmlkaard " (^JIJ),
where « by Ike South," i. e. by die border lying in
that direction from Palestine, u intended, m ia fur-
ther plain from ver. 22, " And they ascended by the
wrath and came to Hebron," ». e. tbey went nortk-
soard" From considerations adduced under Ka-
desh, it seems that Kadesh probably means firstly,
a region of the desert spoken of as having a rela-
tion, sometimes with the wilderness of l'aran, and
sometimes with that of Zin (comp. rers. 21, 26);
and seoomlly, a distinct city within that desert
limit. Now all the conditions of the narrative of
the departure and return of the spies, and of the
consequent despondency, murmuring, and penal
aantanee of wandering, will be satisfied by sup-
poaiig that the name " Kadesh " here means the
rcoioa merely. It is observable, also, that Kadesh
ia not named as the place of departure, but only at
that of return. From l'aran is the start; but from
Zin (both regions in the desert) the search com-
mences. And this agrees with the political geogra-
phy of the southern border, to which the wilderness
of Zin is always reckoned as pertaiuing,* whereas
that of Paran always lies outside the promised
bad. Natural features of elevation, depression,
and slope,* are the ouly tokens to which we can
reasonably trust in deciding where the Paran wil-
derness ends, and that of Zin begins. It has been
proposed under Kadesh to regard part of the
'Arabah, including all the low ground at the south-
ern aal southwestern extremity of the Dead Sea,
as the wilderness of Zin. [Zra.] Then the broad
lower northeastern plateau, including both its
slopes as described above, will be defined as the
Paran wilderness proper. If we assume the higher
superimposed plateau, described above, to bear the
name of >< Kadesh " as a desert district, and its
southwestern mountain wall to be " the mountain
of the Amorites," then the Paran wilderness, so
fiur as synonymous with Kadesh, will mean most
naturally the region where that mountain wall from
Jebel 'AriUf tn-Nakah to Jebtl Mikhrah, and
perhaps thence northward along the other side of
the angle of the highest plateau, overhangs the
lower terrace of the 7TA. Hoses identifies the
coming " to Kadesh Bamea " * with the coming to
« the mountain of the Amorites " (Deut. i. 19, 20),
whence the spies were also despatched (w. 22,
98), which is said to have been from " Paran " in
Num. xiii. 3. Suppose the spies' actual start to
have been made from somewhere on the watershed
of the two slopes of et-Tih, the spies' best way
then would have been by the Wady el-Jerafeh
into and so up the 'Arabah: this would be begin-
ning '< from the wilderness of Zin," as is said in
Num. xiii. 21. Then, most naturally, by bis
direction to them, "go up into the mountain "
(Nam. xiii. 17), which he represents as acted on In
* The -mad ft* "southward" would be 71353,
as tonal In Jet, xL 2a ; Josh. xvlt. 9, 10. The word
33J appears to mean the « dry " oonntry, and hence
to 'become toe appellative fcr the region on the sonth
of Judab and Simeon where springs were scares ; sse
IV JVajrt by Bar. K. WUton, pret, vlU.
* Num. xxxlv. 4 ; Josh. TV. 8.
« Tor seme good remark! on the level of the heart
and the slope between the sonth country, Dead Sea,
and the 'Arabah, see Robinson,.!. 687.
* Tor ''Bamea," as perhaps a Sortie proper name,
eat tanaaa, acts o.
an
Deut 1. 24, « and they turned and went tip into
the mountain," he meant them to mount the
higher plateau, supposed the region Kadesh. By
their " turning " in order to do so, it may be in-
ferred that their course wss not direct to their
object, as indeed has been supposed in taking them
along the 'Arabah and again up its western side by
the passes tUKkurar and u-Safi (Zephath).« By
these passes they must have left Zin or the 'Arabah.
there being no choice. During the forty days of
their absence, we may suppose the host to hare
moved from the watershed into the Khdesh-Paran
region, and not at this period of their wanderings
to have touched the city Kadesh at alL This is
quite consistent with, if it be not even confirmed
by, the words of the murmurers in xiv. 2, 8,
"Would God we had died in thie wildtmem!
And wherefore hath the Lord brought us unto
thit land}" and throughout the denunciation
which follows, evidently on the same spot, the
words -'the wilderness," and "this wilderness,"
often recur, bat from first to hut there is no men-
tion of a " city."
Now, in Dent. 1. 19, wbera thaw proceedings
pass in review before Moses, in hi* words to the
people, there is, strictly speaking, no need to men-
tion Kadesh at all, for the people were all the time
in the wilderness of Paran. Yet this last ia so wide
a term, reaching almost from the 'Arabah to near
the Egyptian frontier, that Hoses might naturally
use some more precise designation of the quarter
he meant, tie accordingly marks it by the prox-
imity of Kadesh. Thus, the spies' return to " the
wilderness of Paran to Kodak " means to that part'
of the lower plateau where it is adjacent to the
higher, and probably the eastern side of it The
expression •' from Kadesh-barnea even unto Gaaa "
is decisive of an eastern site for the former (Josh,
x. «).
Here, as is plain both from Nam. xiv. 40-46 and
from Deut i. 41-44, followed the wayward attempt
of the host to win their way, in spite of their sen-
tence of prohibition, to the " hill " (Num. xiv.
40-45, Deut i. 41-44) or "mountain" of the
Amalekites and Ganaanites, or Amorites, and their
humiliating defeat They were repassed in trying
to force the pass at Hormah (or Zephath, Judg. i.
17), and the region of that defeat is sailed " Sen-,"
showing that the place was also known by it* Horite
name; and here perhaps the remnant of the Horites
were allowed to dwell by the Edomitea, to whose
border this territory, in the message of Num. xx.
16, if ascribed. [Kadesh.] Here, from the
notice in Num. xiv. 25, that these " Amalekites
and Ganaanites dwelt in the valley," we may sup-
pose that their dwelling was where tbey would find
pasture for their flocks, in the Wady d-Fikrth and
others tributary to el-Jeib, and that they took post
« Mr. WUton (Ntgth, pp. 12, 198-202), following Bow-
lands (in Williams), make* Zephath ts-Sebata on the
nortkim side of the high broad plateau, supposed hen
to be the « mountain of the Amorites." On this view
the Israelites must already have won that eminence
from which it was clearly 'he Intention of the Amorites
to repel them ; and most, when defeated, have been
driven up hill Item a position occupied In the plain
below. The position u-SOfa ia on the 8. side of the
high ground, and hat probably always been the pass
b~ wk«ju to mount it For all this, sse Mr. Wlltoo't
>wn mapv.ee any »»» which snows both •>. Steele eat
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WILDERNKS8 OF THB WANDERING
in th« 'mountain " or « bill," u barring the way
of the Israehtn' advance. So the spies had gone
by Mom' direction "toil way, by the South (not
1 (oatbw*raY as shown abort), op into the moun-
tain;" and this same way, "the way of the
■pica,' > through the panes of ti-KMirir and
et-86f&, waa the approach to the city Kadmh
■ho.
Han, then, the penal portion of the wanderings
commence*, and the gnat bulk of it, eompriaing a
period of nearly thirty-eight yean, panes over
between thie defeat in Num. xiv., and the resump-
tion of local notion in Num. zx., when again the
names of "Zin" and « Kadeah " an the first that
meet oa.
Tie only erect* recorded during thii period
(and then are intenpened with sundry promulga-
tione of the Ceremonial Law), an the execution
of the oflbnder who gathered aticka on the Sab-
bath (Num. xt. 88-88), the rebellion of Korah
(xvL), and, cloeely connected with it, the adjudg-
ment of the preeminence to Aaron'i boon with
their kindred tribe, solemnly confirmed by the
Judicial miracle of the rod that bloatomed. Thia
name to bare been followed by a men rigid separa-
tion between Levi and the other tribes, aa regards
the approach to the Tabernacle, than had been
practically recognised before (xriL, xviiL 83) oomp.
xri.40).
We gather, then, from Dent I. 46, that the
greater part, perhaps the whole, of thie period of
nearly thirty-eight years, if so. we may interpret
the u many days " there spoken of, was passed in
Kadeah, — the return, that is, not the dig ,* in
whioh, of course, the camp may have been shifted
at convenience, under direction, any number of
tunes. But Num. xx. 1 brings us to a new point
of departure. The people hare grown old, or
rather again young, in their wanderinga. Here,
than, we are at " the desert of Zin, in the first
month," with the "people abiding in Kadeah."
By the sequel, " Miriam died there, and waa buried
Here," a more precise definition of locality now
seems intended ; which is further confirmed by the
subsequent message from the same place to the
king of Edom, " Behold, we an in Kadeah, a city
in the uttermost of thy border" (v. 16). Thia,
then, must be supposed to coincide with the en-
campment, recorded aa taking place « in the wil~
■ OurA. Y.hans
itohanslewed B*VWT1
as If derived tram ~1V1, " to spy." Gesso, renders It
• regions," and the LXX. makes It a proper name,
Atmfir- It is not elsewhere found. How the verb
TIPl occurs in the passage when the apses are sent
forth, Num. xlii., bit., which fires a presuapoon in
fcvor of the A. T.
* More properly « the Canaauluan king of And."
e Ha " took acme of" the Israelites "prisoners.''
It Is possible the nans Kosera, or plur. Mossroth, may
email this met ; the word T^IB (found only fat
the plur.) meaning « bonds " or « letters." This
would accord with the suggestion of the text that
Aaron's burial gave And the opportunity lor his raid ;
for Mosera must hare been near Mount Hot, where
mat burial took place. It Is possible that the destruc-
tion of these cities may not hare really taken place
wJl the entry Into Oanaaa under Joshua (Josh. xii. 14 ;
tatf. 1. IT) and may he mentioned in Num. Ed. 2, 8,
•y eneMpstton only as a eaaseequent mMllmant of the
«ew resoslsd n then mans. It la obTious to
dernen of Zin, which is Kadeah," reejetered la the
itinerary (xxxiiL 36). We see then why, in that
register of specific campuig-apote, there waa no
necessity for any previous mention of « Kadeah;"
because the earlier notice in the narrative, whan
that name occurs, introduces it not as an individual
encampment, but only aa a region, within which
perpetual changes of encampment went on for the
greater part of thirty-eijrht yean. We also an
that they came twice to Kadeah the region, if the
city Kadeah lay in it, and once to Kadeah the car;
but once only to Kadeah the region, if the city lay
without it. We are not told how the Iaraefiaa
came into possession of the city Kajeeh, nor aha
wen its previous occupant*. The probability at
that then last were a remnant of the Horitea, whs
after their expulsion by Edom from Mount Saw
[Edom] may have hen retained their last bold on
the territory between Edom and toe Canaaaitiah
Amorites of " the South." Probably Israel teak
it by force of arms, which may hare induced toe
attack of » And the Canaanite," * who would than
feel his border immediately threatened (Nun
xxxiiL 40; oomp. xxL 1). This warlike exploit as*
Israel may, perhaps, be sTJnded to in Judges v. 4
sa the occasion when Jehovah " went out of Seir "
and " marched ont of the field of Edom " to give
his people victory. The attack of And, however,
though with soma slight success at first, only
brought defeat upon himself and destruction upon
his eitin (xxi. 8).° We learn from xxxiiL 36 only
that Israel marched without permanent halt (torn
Ezkui-geber upon Kadesh. This sudden activity
after their long period of desultory and purposeless
wandering may have alarmed King And. Tea
itinerary takes here another stride from Kadeah to
Mount Hor. There their being engaged with the
burial of Aaron may have given And his fancied
opportunity of assaulting the rear of their march,
he descending from the north whilst they also wen
facing southwards. In direct connection with them
events we come upon a lingular passage in Deuter-
onomy (x. 6, 7), a scrap of namtive imbedded in
Moan' recital of events at Horeb long previous.*
This oontains a short list of namm of localities, on
comparing which with the itinerary, we get some
clew to the line of march from the region Kadesh
to EsJon-geber southwards.
We find at the part of their route in whiee
that Htem Is the Mosera of Sent. x. 6, and so Mr.
Wilton (I7m JVcjeC, p. 28, etc) has suggested, wiehiaaj
to identify It with Mount Hot. But the received ait* for
Mount Hor Is the least doubtful of all In the Kxaeas.
Joseph us clearly identifies it ee we do j and than la a
strong improbability la a Jewish badldon fixing it fes
ToJomlush or in Nabslhaaan territory, unless the testi-
mony in Its fovor had been overpowering. Modes*
might perhaps be the hill called «8u » (Bo!) **■*-
Honed by Joeephu* as that in whleh Miriam was
buried {Ant. Iv. 4, ft 6, 1).
d A somewhat similar tmaassnt of aamttve, tat
relating to what perhaps look pleas during the ma*
of tbs allocution to the people between the paragraphs
of which It occurs, is found la Dent. Iv. 41-48; and
indeed the mention of Aaron 1 * death, with the oatsaad
his eg*, and of the attack of Ared, both of which had
been detailed befcre, Is hardly Iras of a dsvavtien arms
the dry enumeration of stations In the itinerary laatf
(Hun. xxdU. 88, »). Bat H would be fore-am to em
■re s eat purpose to enter on the
whleh these pssssgee se suw at. We a
*assaeas and a up s u ee then a ss lm ii
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WlfiDKBNBSS OF THB WANDERING
8581
Varan's death xdk place, that stations named
« Betrot h of the children of .laakan, Mosera (where
Aaron died), Uudgodah, and Jotbath," were sue-
raauvely pawed through; and from Num. xxxiii.
J8, we tad that " Aaron went up into Mount
Hor .... and died there in the fortieth year
. ... in the ant day of the fifth month." At-
tuning far Mount Her the traditional site over-
hanging the 'Arabah, which they very toon after
I thia quitted, Mourn mutt haw bean eloee to it,
' probably in the 'Arabah itself. Now the atatiuui
| which in the itinerary come next btfcre Ksion-
geber, and which were paaeed in the strictly penal
wandering which commenced from the region Ka-
deah, have namca ao closely similar that we cannot
doubt we are here on the same ground. Their
order la, however, slightly changed, standing in the
two passages as follows: —
OosMsorauL 8m.
Not. xxxtil. 00-85.
Dior. x. 6, 7.
(a.) 'din Ha*, N. W. In Che 'Arabia..
(a.) (Hashmonah.)
(1.) KtuJuiMt, month of the Wady Jsk,
(L) Moseroth.
(1.) BaarothafthaehUdrsB
near the foot of Mount Hor.
of Jaakaa.
(2.) MoaeraT
(8.) 'Am OkartndO.
(2.) Bena-Jsafcan.0
(8 J Wady tt-Gkndhogiilk.
(8.) Hor-hagfdgad.
(8.) Oudgodah.
(4 ) Oonnvunce of Wody tt-AdkUk with
(4.) Jutbathah.
(4.) Jotbath.*
sMawyU.
(Kbronah.)
(Beton-gebar.)
Now in Num. xx. 14, 18, 28-29, the narrative
aoiiducts us from Kadesh the city, reached in or
shortly before " the fortieth year," to Mount Hor,
where Aaron died, a portion of which route is
accordingly that given in Deut. x. 6, 7; whereas
the parallel column from Num. xxxiii. gives sub-
stantially the lame route as pursued in the early
part of the penal wandering, when fulfilling the
command given in the region Kadesh. " turn you,
get you into the wilderness by the way of the Red
Sea" (Num. xiv. 2$; Deut. i. 40), which com-
mand we further learn from Deut. ii. 1 was strictly
acted on, and which a march towards Eaion-geber
would exactly fulfill.
These half-obliterated footsteps in the desert may
seem to indicate a direction only in which Kadesh
the city" lay. Widely different localities, from
Petra eastward to d-Kh<nh on the northwest,
and westward to near the Jtbtl Htllak, have been
assigned by different writers. The beat way is to
acknowledge that our research has not yet grasped
the materials for a decision, and to be content with
some such attempt as that under Kadesh, to fix
it approximately only, until more undoubted tokens
are obtained. The portion of the arc of a circle
with tt-Sifa for its centre, and a day's journey —
about fifteen miles — for its radius, will not take
is eUKhaletah, nor Petra,'' and the former name
teems to be traceable, with a slight metathesis,
much more probably in Ckuil* than in Kadesh./
The highest plateau is marked with the ruins of
Aboda, and on the inferior one, some miles 8. W.
of the defile of the Wady d-Fikreh stands a round
conical hill of limestone, mixed with sand, named
Madarah (Modura, or Modera), at a short day's
tourney from the southern end of the Dead Sea.
Seat ran, who visited it, had bad his curiosity raised
by a Bedouin legend of a village having been
destroyed by Allah and buried under that hill for
the wickedness of its people; and that, as a further
• Bee Jaakist and Bam Janus tor the name,
aaakau was the grandson of 8etr (1 Ohr. 1. 48 ; eomp.
Jen. xtv. 6, xxxvi. 87).
» Dr. Kobtnson, jndgtog from his visit, thinks that
than stations could sot have lain to the 8. of Mount
ajar, as that region Is seo poor In water to oontsla any
aueh plaos as Jotbath in Dent. x. 7, and corresponds
rather to the description given In Nam. xxl. 4-8 (II.
my He thuks that 'Am <t- lajriM Is either Bearath,
Bane Jaakaa, or Moseroth, and Wady tt-BUtdhagidA
Mnath (ibid.).
' Iaborde (Commmt. on Num. xxxtH. 88) places
Tsissh th» city " pris (Us mum eVBmhsaeh an tad
attestation, human skulls were found on the ground
around it. Thia statement he resolved by visiting
the spot into a simple natural phenomenon of some
curious rounded stones, or pebbles, which abound
in the neighborhood. He thought it a legend of
Sodom ; and it might, with equal likelihood, have
been referred to the catastrophe of Korah (Seetcen
Raise*, iii. 13), which, if our sites for Kadesh the
region and Paran are correct, should have occurred
in the neighborhood, were it not far more probable
that the physical appearance of the round pebbles
having once given rise to the story of the skulls,
the legend was easily generated to account for
them.
The mountains on the west of the 'Arabah must
have been always poor in water, and form a dreary
contrast to the rich springs of the eastern aide in
Mount Seir. From the cliff front of this last,
Mount Hor stands out prominently (Robinson, ii.
174-180). It has been suggested [Hon Hagid-
oatj] that the name Ha-gidgad, or Gudgodah, may
possibly be retraced in the Wady ii- UhidMgnidk,
which has a confluence with the Wady ti-Jtrafth.
This latter runs into the 'Arabah on the west aide.
That point of confluence, as laid down in Kiepert's
map (Kobinaon, Bibl. JUt. i.), U about fifteen mile*
from the 'Arabah's nearest point, and about forty
or forty-five from the top of Mount Hor. On the
whole it seems likely enough that the name of this
wady may really represent that of this station,
although the latter may have lain nearer the 'Are-
hah than the wady now reaches, and this conjectu-
ral identification has been adopted above. Jotbath,
or JotbathM >* described as " a fauid of rivers of
waters" (Deut. x. 7); and may stand for any con-
fluence of wadies in sufficient force to Justify that
character. It should certainly be in the southern
portion of the 'Arabah, or a little to the west of the
The nrobabOitie* of the whole march from Sinai,
deOuadi Djerat" (WW*- et-fcra/U). Dr. Robinson
thought 'its d-Wtiutk waa Kadesh, the city, or, as be
calls It, Kadesh Banna (ase Map, vol. I., end). Br
Stanley remarks that then Is no cliff (S^D) there.
See his remarks quoted under stiaaan.
it RoMnson pats w-flayn at about two days' Journey
from the foot of Mount Hor, H. 180, 181.
« As suggested la Williams's Holy City, 1. 464.
/ The northern Kadesh, <r Kadesh, In Naphert
has the vary same consonants In Its modern Arable
name as la the Hebrew.
* A wistaria the l—nmtmf Sac lit. April, IBM
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8682
WILDERNESS OF THE WANDERING
MB to stand a* follows: They p roceeded
" I the N. E. to tba 'Am ti-nuhtrik (liase-
rotb), and tbanee quitted the maritime region,
ttriking directly northward* to el-' Am, and thence
by a route wholly unknown, pcrhap* a little to
the E. of N. across the lower eastern apart of the
rt-JM range, descending the upper course of the
Wadg eUJerafth, ui.til the aoutheaatern angle
af the higher plateau confronted them at the Jebtl
d-Mikhrak. Hence, after diapatehing the spies,
they mored perhap* into the 'Arabah, or along ita
weatern overhanging hills, to meet their retnrn.
Then followed the disaatroua attempt at or near
a-Stfa (Zephata), and the penal wandering in the
wilderness of Kadeah, with a track wholly unde-
termined, tare in the last half dozen atationa to
Exion-geber inclusively, at shown just abort. They
then marched on Kadeah the city, probably up the
'Arabah by these same atationa, took it, and sent
from there the message to Edom. The refusal
with which it was met forced them to retrace the
'Arabah once more, and meanwhile Aaron died.
Thus the same stations (Dent x. 6, 7) were passed
again, with the slight rariation just noticed, proba-
bly caused by the command to resort to Mount
Hot which that death occasioned.* 1 Thence, after
reaching 'Akabah, and turning northeastward, they
passed by a nearly straight line towards the eastern
border of Hoab.
Of the stations in the list from Rithmah to
Mitheah, both inclusive, nothing is known. The
latter, with the few preceding it, probably belong
to the wilderness of Kadeah ; but no line can be
assigned to the route beyond the indications of
the situation of that wilderness given above. In
the sequel to the burial of Aaron, and the refusal
of Edom to permit Israel to " past through his
border " * (which refusal may perhaps have been
received at Mount Hor (Moserab), though the
message which it answered was sent from the city
Kadeah), occurred the necessity, consequent upon
this refusal, of the people's " compassing the land
of Edom " (Num. xzi. 4), when they were much
'• discouraged because of the way," « and where the
consequent murmuring was rebuked by the visita-
tion of the " fiery serpents " (v. fi, 6). There is
near Ebth a promontory known as the Rat Urn
Bayt, " the mother of serpents," which seem to
connects this name with 3tS, "good," from tba
gxodnees of the water supply. This Is not unlikely ;
bat bis view of the nam* 713^, as from to* sum
toot as th* Arabia £jj^ 'ArfMti, *■ very doubt-
ful, th* £ (Htb. V) bring probably radical. How-
mr, If A-'idhbth be, as be avers, a region of abundant
■vatar, the stac* may correspond with Jotbath, though
um nam* do not. His map plaot* It about 17 miles
H. W. of th* modern extremity of the Gulf of 'Aka-
bah — i. f. on th* western aide of th* 'Arabah. His
central vlaw of th* rout* to and from Kadeah, and
wpacrially of th* site of Sinai and Mount Hor, Is Inad-
inlroiibln. 8** farther towards the and of this article.
Burckhardfa map gives another watery spot with
■aim-trees In th* 'Arabah Itself, not tar from its
roatharn end, which might also suit for Jotbath.
a Heogstenbsrg (Awaeatia'rjr of itu Ant. U. 866)
has another explanation of to* deranged order of the
i t a rt oo a enumerated just above, based on th* suppo-
sition that in th* two passage* (Num. xxxttl. 80-86,
Drat, x. 6, 7) th* inarch proeeadad In two opposite
■taenena j bat tana woull obviously mature a rovers*
abound in the region adjacent; and, }f M own
suppose this the scene of that judgment, the event
would be thus connected with the line of maren,
rounding the southern border of Mount Seir, laid
down in Dent ii. 8, as being " through the way
of the plain (i. e. the 'Arabah) from Ebth and
from Kxiou-geuer," whence •* turning northward,"
having " conipaeard that mountain (Mount Seir)
long enough," they « paaaed by the way of the
wilderness of Moab " (v. 3, 8).
Some permanent encampment, perhaps repre-
sented by Zabnonah in Num. xxxiii. 41, 43, eeema
here to have taken place, to judge from the orgeat
expression of Moses to the people in Dent ii. 18:
" Now rise up, said I, and get you over the brook
Zend," which lay further N. a little E, bring
probably the Wad) tLAIuj (liobinaon, ii. 167).
[Zkked.] The dekty eaueed by the plague cf ser-
pents may be th* probable account of this apparent
urgency, which would on this view have taken
place at Zalmonah ; and aa we have connected the
scene of that plague with the neighborhood of
Elath, so, if we suppose Zalmonah * to have kin
in th* Wndg /tarn, which has ita junction with the
'Arabah does to 'Akabah, the modern site of Elath,
this will harmonize the various indications, and
form a suitable point of departure for the but stage
of the wandering, which ends at the brook Zered
(v. 14). Dr. Stanley, who passed through 'Akabah,
thus describes the spot in question (S. i* P. pp. 84,
85): "'Akabah is a wretched village shrouded in a
palm-grove at the north end of the gnlf, gathered
round a fortress built for the protection of the
Mecca pilgrimage. .... This is the whole object
of the present existence of 'Akabah, which eland*
on the site of the ancient Elath, — 'the Palm-
Trees,' as called from the grove. Ita sitnatian,
however, is very striking, looking down the beauti-
ful gulf, with its jagged ranges on each aide. On
the west is the great black pass, down which tbs
pilgrimage descends, and from which 'Akabah
(' the Pass ') derives Its name; on the north opens
the wide plain, or Desert Valley, wholly different in
character from anything we have seen, still called,
as it was in the day* of Moses, • the 'Arabah.'
Down this came the Israelites on their return from
Kadesh, and through a gap up the eastern hint
they finally turned off to Moab. .... This is th*
order of ail the stations, and not the derangement of
two merely. Von Baumer thought that th* Una *f
march threaded tba 'Arabah thrice through, and,
making allowance for the mistake of giving it tech
tun* a nearly rectilinear direction, be ia not far
wrong.
» Dr. Roblneon thinks that by the " King's High-
way " the Wad* CMwmrr, opening a th u t uu g hBu *
Into th* Inert of th* BdomiDsh territory waa man*)
(II. 1(7). Though th* passage through Mont was
refused, th* burial of the most sacred person of a k**»
dred people may bar* bean allowed, especially V
Mount Hor waa already, aa Dr. Stanley suggeeta, a
local sanctuary of the region (£. f P. pp. W, SB).
c Tbe way up the 'Arabah was tollaom*, end la as
at this dav. Dr. Bobinaon calls it "a still mare
frightful desert " than the Slnaitfc (H. 184). The paa)
at the head of th* Onlf of 'Akabah toward* rt-TU ■'■
nunous tor Its difficulty, and lor th* destruction whtab
it censes to animals of burden " (!■ ITS)- «W» t*t
travellers, Iaborde ana Barton, nave a en o m p lwh e d (oi
recorded their accomplishment of) tba entire Isngtt
of the 'Arabah.
d Ton Baaxner identifies It wllh Jane*, a *w ana
utas to the B. of lata*,
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WILDERNESS OF THE WANDBEESG
858S
Wadm /(Am, which tuni the eastern range of the
Arabah. . . . . It U still one of the regular roads
lo Petra, and in ancient times seems to have been
the main approach from Oath or 'Akabah
The only published account of it is that of I -aborde.
These mountains appear to be granite, till, as we
advance northward, we reach the entrance of the
Wad)/ Tubal, where, for tbe first time, red sand-
atone appears in the mountains, rising, as in the
Wndf il-'Am, architecture-wise, above gray gran-
ite."
There stations, Punon* Obotb, and Ije-Abarim,
were passed between this locality and the brook or
valley of Zend (Num. xxi. 10-19, oomp. xxxili.
13, 44), which last name does not occur in the
itinerary, as neither do those of "the brooks of
Anion," Beer, Mattanah, Nahaliel, and Bamoth,
all named in Num. xxi. 14-20; but the interval
between Jjft-Abarim and Nebo, which hut cor-
responds probably (see Deut. xxxiv. 1) with the
Piagah * of xxi. 20, is filled by two stations merely,
named Dibon-gad and Almon-diblathalm, from
whenoe we may infer that in these two only were
permanent halts made. [Dibon-gad; Almoh-
diblathaim.] In this stage of their progress
occurred the "digging" of the "well" by "tbe
princes," the successive victories over Sihon and
Og, and, lastly, the famous episodes of Balaam and
Phinehas, and the final numbering of the people,
followed by the chastisement of the Hidianites
(Num. xxi. 17, xxii.-xxvL, xxxi. 1-18; oomp.
Dent. li. 24-37, iii. 1-17).
One passage remains in which, although the
event recorded belongs to the close of Hoses' life,
relating to bis last words in the plain of Moab,
and as such lies beyond the scope of this article,
several names of places yet occur which are iden-
tical with some herein considered, and it remains
to be seen in what sense those places are connected
with the scene of that event. The passage in
question is Deut. i. 1, where Moses is said to have
spoken " on this side Jordan in the wilderness, in
the plain over against the Red Sea, between Paran
and Tophel, and Laban and Haseroth and Diza-
h*b-" c The words "on this side" might here
a Punon Is apoken of by Jerome (Bsland, p. 892) as
•a Quondam dvttas principum Edom nunc viculus In
assarts, uW serum metal la damnatorum suppuens
eondiuntur Inter olvleetem Petram at gjoaram."
Athanas. Eput. ad Soiil. Pittas inaMt, speaks of the
condemnation of a person to the mines of Pbamo,
where be would only Hve a few days. Winer says,
l a sta w took Kalaat Phrnan for Punon, referring to
Km-" Cbrmp. xvti. 187. Laborde {Comment, on
Hum. xxxllt. it) thinks that the place named by
lemma and Athanastus cannot be Punon, which he
says ley 8. B. of Petra. Be adds that Bunkhardt
sod Ton Raumer took mjVth for Punon. He places
(moth "dans lea decombres de Bntaleh {Balaky, Bob-
bxn), lalaaant almd Maan i drolte."
» Dr. Stewart (T. J- K. p 886) says, "The river Ar-
son empties itaalf Into the Dead Sea, and between them
rises the lofty Qtbd Atarout, which Is believed to be
the Nebo or Piagah of Scripture." He justifies this
torn It* being the highest mountain on the Moab. Jab.
*, and from the hot spring OalllrhoS being stt-
I at Its base, which seams to correspond with the
Ubdoth (" springs " or " streams ") of Plsgah ut Deut.
IV. 40. He adds that « Mines could have seen the
and of Israel from that mountain." The A moo la
atthout doubt, the Wadf tt-Majtb. At ot Moab Is
enoeoUe, Babbath-Moab, nor Rabba. [Aa-Moai and
mislead, meaning, as shown by the LXX render-
ing, -wifay, " across '* or « beyond," i. «. on the
E. side. This is a passage in which it is of little
use to examine the question by the aid of maps,
since tbe more accurate they are, the more probably
will they tend to confuse our view of it- The
words seem to forget that the Gulf of 'Akabah pre-
senUike^ to the end of the 'Arabah ("plain"),
and to assume that it presents the length of its
coast, on which Dizahab ( Dahab) lies. This length
of coast la regarded, then, as opposite to the 'Ara-
bah; and thus the 'Arabah, in which Moses spoke,
is defined by " Paran and Tophel," lying on oppo-
site edges of tbe Dead Sea, or rather of the whole
depression in which it lies, which is in met the
'Arabah continued northward. Paran here is per-
haps the £1 Paran to which Chedorlaomer came in
Gen. xiv. 6 [Pabah], and probably Tophel is the
well-known TtflUk to the N. N. E. of Petra; and
similarly the Bed Sea, " over against " which it is
apoken or as lying, is defined by Disahab on its
coast, and Hazeroth near the same. Tbe intro-
duction of " Laban " is less dear, but probably
means, from its etymology, " the white," i. t, the
chalk and limestone region, which in the mountain-
range of 7tA, comes into view from the Edomitisb
mountains (Stanley, 8. <f P. p. 87), and wai
probably named, from that point of view, by the
paler contrast which it there offered to thj rich
and varied hues of the sandstones and granites of
Mount Seir, which formed their own immediate
foreground.
A writer in the Journal of Sac Lit., April,
1860, on Sinai, Kcultth, and Mount Bar, pro-
pounds an entirely original view of these sites, ic
conflict with every known tradition and hithertc
accepted theory.'' For instance, Josephus identi-
fies Mount Hot with Petra and Kerek; Jerome
and Kosmas point to Herbal in tbe granitic moun-
tain region as Sinai; but this writer sets aside
Josephus' testimony as a wholly corrupt tradition,
invented by the Rabbis in their prejudice against
the Idumasans, in whose territory between Elan-
theropolU, Petra, and Elath (see Jerome on Obad.\
he asserts they all lay. [Edomiths.] Kadesh
• Via rqryt$ "^T»S lT£n -1953
rhvrp 7^1 u ?lrra* T^TS fo
2!TT '•T) are the words of the Hsb. text, from which,
the LXX. oOtra some divergencies, being as follows :
Wpov tpu 'loftlinv <V tj iriiuf s-pit tvaiuU s-Aj|«tor
rs> apvepas fsAarras iriUmm •apAv ToeWA, sal Ao(or
«al AiAfcr Ml earaxptlwea. The phrase ^!|D"D^, If
" Bed Sea," be, as tbe LXX. confirms, the true meanlnr.
Is hers abridged into FpD. The word Tt^J! ? was
possibly differently read by the LXX. (query, 3"?,y^,
as If "the evening" wsre=«the wast," (wjU,
whilst •ooAv ToenA looks ss though It were meant for
one compound name ; and the two last names an trans-
lated, Haseroth being = " tneloeume," and Di-aahab n
"the golden." N. B. Haieroth elsewhere Is rspra-
sented by 'Aanpm* (Num. xL SS, xH. 18).
d Some Incidental errors of this writer, though un-
important, may assist In forming an estimate of hat
work. Thus he Identifies Petra with Basrah, the for-
mer being the capital of the later NabathVans, the las-
tar thai of the Mom of the prophetic period and lo-
cally distinct. Again he says, " Of all the people la
tbe on' verse, the rase most detested by tbe Jews west
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1684
VTILDEBNES8 Of THB WACT/KBMrO
Ike city, and perhaps KmdMh Balnea, did ao lie,
uid possibly Elusa, now tl-KkUaah, may retain
a trace of " Kadesh," aeveral type* of which no-
mendiitnre are to be fband in the region lying
thence aouthward [Kadesh] ; but d-KIMaak lie*
too far N. and W. to be the Kadeah Bamea to
which Israel came >• by the way of the spies,'' and
which ta clearly in far closer connection with Ze-
pbath (t+Btfn) than tt-Kknlaak eouM be. On
the contrary, there seems great reason for thinking
that, had ao well-known and historical a place at
Elusa been the spot of any gnat event in the but-
tery of the Exodus, the tradition would probably
hare been traceable in soma form or ether, whereat
there is not a trace of any. Kadeah, again, lay
"in the uttermost of the border" ofEdotn. Mow,
although that border may not hare bin solely E.
of' the 'Arabah, it is utterly inconsistent with
known feet* to extend It to Ehua; for then the en-
emies encountered hi Honuah would have been
Edoniites, whereas they were Amakkites, Canaan-
itet, am) Amoritet; and Israel, in forcing the pass,
would have been doing what we know they entirely
abstained from — attempting violence to the terri-
tory of Edom. The "designs " which this writer
attributes to the " Rabbis," as regards the period
up to Joaephua' time, are gratuitous imputations;
nor does be dte any authorities for this or any
other statement. Nor was then any such feeling
against the Idnmaans as he supposes. They an-
nexed part of the territory of Judah and Simeon
during the Captivity, and were subsequently, by
the warlike Maccabees, annexed themselves, received
circumcision and the Law, by which an Edomite
might, " in the third generation," enter the con-
gregation of Israel (Deut. xxiii. 8), to that by the
New Testament period they must have been fully
recognized. The Jews proper, indeed, stilt speak
of them as " foreigners," but to tbem as having
the place of kinsmen, a common share in Jerusa-
lem, and care of Ha sanctity as their "metropolis;"
and Josephut expressly testifies that they kept the
Jewish feasts there (Ant. xvii. 10, § 2; comp. B.
J. It. 4,Hi 6). The zealot* and the party of
order both appealed to their patriotism, somewhat
as in our Rebellion both parties appealed to the Scot*.
It remains to notice the natural history of the
wilderness which we have been considering. A
number of the animals of the Sinaltie region have
the Idumaans." That nee has generally been
thought, on good authority, to be the Samaritans.
a Bonis foettng of rivalry tears no doubt was ; but
shis writer vastly exaggerates H, in supposing that the
Jewish Rabbi* purposely obliterated genuine tradi-
tions, which referred these sites to Idunuean territory
— that of a circumcised sad vanquished race who had
accepted the place of " proselytes of the covenant " —
to order to transfer them to what was then the terri-
tory of the purely Gentile and often hostile Nabethss-
ans. Surely a transfer the other way would have been
far mors likely. Above all, what reason Is there for
hlnking that the Babble of the period busied them-
selves with such points at all J teal for sites Is the
growth of a later see. There I* no proof that they
ever cared enough for Mount Her to folslfy for the
sake of H. As regards JAtl Odjmt being SfcasL lb*
writer see m s to have formed a teles eoncepttoo of
Odjnu, which he draws as a prominent mountain
boss in the range of Tih, taking that range for Horeb,
and the prominent mountain for Stoat. The beat
owns show that it had a* such predominance. They
e>v* It (e. g. Kiepsrt e> as • drttlnst but last dearly
been mentioned. [Sisal] The domestic celt*)
of the Bedouins will of course be found, but camels
more numerously in the drier tracts of tt-Ttk.
Schubert (Kastn, H. 354) speaks of Sinai as not
being frequented by any of the larger beast* of
prey, nor even by Jackals. The Bon has become
very rare, but is not absolutely unknown in the re-
gion (Ifegei, pp. 48, 47). Foxes and hyenas, Ritter
(xhr. 833) says, are rare, but Mr. Tyrwhitt men-
tion* hyenas ss common in the Wakf Mugkara ;
and Ritter (total), on the authority of Burckhardt,
ascribes to the region a eie atui e which appears to
be a cross between a leopard and a wvJf, both of
which are rare in the Peninsula, bat by which
probably a hyena I* to be understood. A tsopard-
skin was obtained by Burckhardt on Sinai, and •
flue leopard it stated by Mr. Tyrwhitt to have been
seen by tome of his party in their ascent of Cat
Skaumtr in 1883. Schubert continues his list in
the kgrax Spiaeut, the ibex,* seen at Ttjlkk in
flocks of forty or fifty together, and a pair of whose
horns, seen by Burckhardt (Atab. pp. 406, 406) at
Kertk, measured 3J feet in length, the webr ,' the
shrew-moose, and a creature which he cans the
" spring-maus " * (Mwjacuhu or jerboa?), also a
canit famtlicm, or desert-fox, and a Hxaid known
ss the Ayuma Sinaiticn, which may possibly bs
identical with one of those described below. Hare*
snd jerboas are found in fftufj Ftirin. Sebnbert
quotes (ieui. note) Riippell aa having found speci-
mens of ktUx and of coccmtlh in this wilderness;
for the former comp. ForskM, lama Jierum f/a-
mr. Tab. xri. Schubert saw a fine eagle in the
same region, besides catching specimens of thrush,
with stoneefaat and other song-birds, and speak* of
the warbling of the bird* a* being audible from the
mimota bush. Clouds of birds of passage were
visible in the Wady ifurrak. Near the sarn*
tract of wilderness Dr. Stanley saw " the sky dark-
ened by the flights of innumerable birds, which
proved to be large red-legged cranes, 3 feet in
height, with black and white wings, measuring 7
feet from tip to tip" {S.f P. p. 89). At JeV
fiUA crows abound. On SerMl Dr. Stewart taw
the red-legged partridge ( Tenl and Kktm, p. 117;
comp. Burckhardt, Stria, p. 634); and the bird
" katta," in some parts of the Peninsula, comet
in such numbers that boys sometimes knock over
three or four at a single throw of a stick.* Hat>
denned and apparently lower range, foiling back Into
lbs northern plateau In a N. W. direction from abostt
the most southerly point of tbe T5 k ; which, from al
the statements regarding It, la a lew, hcrizontsl rang*
of limeetooe, with no eueh prominent central point
whatever. Bi megger describee particularly the mount,
ing by tbe wall-like partition of "Idjme" to the pkv
teau of Bdjme itself. " The height,'' be says, " widen
we had her* to mount Is In no wise eonsidsrabla,"
and adds, " we had now arrived at the plateau " (A**
tin, ill. 60, 61).
» Mr. Tyrwhitt commends the flesh of the wax at
superior to any of the deer tribe that ha had eves
* Or Uabr, -J», "MI afcoMs sin* sand* has
bfphagus moattool* earo koeoUs sdaUs" ( f w sl l l, A*
script, inn. v.).
« Seetsen (HI. 41) saw holes to tbe earth, made, a*
thought, by mice, in going from Hebron to Madam.
• Probably then bird* have furalsbsd a stare is
Mny, of their settling by night on the yard* of anise
in rash vest numbers aa to sink tbem (K .*. s A
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Wnj>KRNZS8 OF THK WANDERING
selquisx, mho m It hare and in Egypt, alb it »
paitrid^j, •mailer than ours, and of a grayi*h
eokc (p. 804). Hitter (xiv. US) add* linnaU (?),
luck*, prairie-hirde, heath-cocks, larks, a •peeimon
of finch, beside* soother small bird, probably red-
btwest or chaffioeb, the varieties of oilcan known as
ibt hraekydaetyttu and the niger, and, of course,
on the coast, sea-mallows, and maw*. Flock* of
blue rook pigeon* wen repeatedly agea by Mr.
Tjrwhitl.
Seetzen, going from Hebron to Madara, makea
■mention of the following animala, whoas namea
an mentioned by hit guides, though he doee not
•ay that any of them were seen by himself: wolf,
porcupine, wild-eat, ounce, mole, wild ate, and three
aot easily to be identified, the Settee, dog-shaped,'
the Anntch, which devours the gazelle, and the
Ikkajib, said to be small and in shape like a hedge-
hog. SeeUen's list in this locality also include*
eertaio reptiles, of which such as can be identified
sue explained in the notes: *l~3t~elitdtk>t, Umm
el&lriman, el-LuUcka or istjnfi tt-Hnrrobtt or
Bute,' Dtchtrrir or Jmnr&rtk/I d-Ddb, other-
wise Didt' d-Hmuu or tianm,/ tl-lAfci ; and
among birds the partridge, duck, stork, eagle/
vulture (er-Rikham), crow (tt-Urdb), kite (Bi-
daytk)* and an unknown bird called by him (7m-
SaleL Hie guides told him of ostriches as seen
near Bttiaha on the way from Hebron to Sinai,
and he saw a nightingale, but it seems si no great
distance to the south of Hebron. The same writer
also mentions the edible lizard, el-Dtob, as fre-
quently found in most parts of the wilderness, and
his third volume has an appendix on zoology, par-
ticularly describing, and often with illustrations,
many reptiles end serpents of Egypt and Arabia,
without, however, pointing out such as are peculiar
to the wilderness. Among these are thirteen vari-
eties of lizard, twenty-one of serpent, and seven of
frog, besides fifteen of Nile-fish. Laborde speaks
of serpent*, scorpions, and black-scaled lizards,
which perforate the sand, as found on the eastern
border of Edom near Ti/ilth (C'umm. on Num.
xxriii. 42). The MS. of Mr. Tyrwhitt speaks of
starting " a large sand-colored lizard, about 8 feet
long, exactly like a crocodile, with the aame bandy
look about hi* fore-legs, the elbow* turning out
enormously." He i* described as covered not only
a With this compere the mantlon by Bumkhardt
«n>. Hitter, zfv. 838) of a gnat wikHof spoken of by
fee Bedouins, and thought by Hitler so be perhaps the
•use a* the Dtrim of to* lfadjaa "
•LaoJ, «•«• C»r*y»«<).
• U«e>, thamaUm (Jr.). Mr. Tjrrwhltt speak*
sf one of these as seen by him at the entrance of
WUf tt-Skeykk on the routs from Sues to Sunt by
BaVftMf tLKJudim, which appeared green In shade
nd yellow In sunshine.
8685
•' in soles, but in a regular armc r, which rattled
quite loudly a* he ran." He " got op before the
dromedary, and vanished into a hole among eorje
reins." Tfaia occurred at the head of the Wadm
Mokatok. Heaselqniat (p. 330) give* a Lnetrin
Scincut, » the Seine," a* found in Arabia Petrna,
near the Bed Sea, as well a* in Upper Egypt,
which he say* k much used by the inhabitant* of
the East as an aphrodenae, the flesh of the animal
being given In powder, end broth made of the re-
oent flesh. He auo mention* the edible locust,
Grglhu Arabiem, which appear* to be common is
the wilderness, a* in other part* of Arabia, giving
an account of the preparation of it hi food (pp. 280-
243). Burekhardt name* a cape not far from
'Akabah, Bit Vm Haye, from the number of ser-
pents which abound there, and accordingly applied
to thb) region the description of the " fiery ser-
pent* " « in Num. xxi. 4-9. Schubert (11. 369)
remarked the first serpent* in going from Sue* and
Sinai to Petra, near ei-HndhtriA ; he describe*
them a* speckled. Burekhardt (Syria, pp. 499,
609) saw tneks of serpent*, two inches thick, in the
sand. According to BiippeU, serpent* elsewhere in
the Peninsula are rare. He nam** two poisonous
kinds, CeratUt and Sa/UUit (Bitter, xiv. 329). The
scorpion ha* given his name to the " Ascent of
Scorpions," which was part of the boundary of Ju-
dah on the aide of the southern desert. Wady ee-
ZuwHraA in thai region swarmed with them; and
De Saulcy says, " you cannot turn over a sing)*
pebble in the fferifd (a branch wady) without find-
ing one under it" (De Saulcy, i. 639, quoted in
JVeyeA, p. 61).
The reader who is curious about the fish, moU
lueca,* etc., of the Gulf of Suez should consult
Schubert (ii. 283, note, 298, note, and for the plant*
of the same coast, 294, note). For a description of
the coral-banks of the Red Sea, see Bitter (xiv. 479
f.), who remarks that these formation* rise from
the coast-edge always in longitudinal extension
parallel to its line, bespeaking a fundamental con-
nection with the upheaval of the whole stretch of
shore from 8. E. to N. W. A fish which Seetaan
calls the Al&m may be mentioned as furnishing to
the Bedouins the fish-akin sandal* of which they
are fond. Ritter (xiv. 327) think* that nab may
hare contributed materially to the sustenance of the
'•M,
$corpu>
l\1*fjpk>* Meorpunum jwrorwft *tjmcmi*
t + • »
• s^6, Lnmtm JBapH (ft.); and .).«), "a
ea> ; » but this fflftsnuoo of ■'g-'^Trtim *s*ms to
show that they cannot u p u see t on* and the
anneal, as flnh w n 'e text would sewn to Intend.
• " ,"»
** m*
< Mr. Wlltoa (Jverso, p. 61) mt e rpre tc "nyng,"*p
pUsd (Is. xxx. 6) to the serpent of the Booth, a*
« making gnat springe ; " and " fiery " as either de.
notiag a sensation oaussd by the bite, or aba "radV
oolored ; " since such an said to nave been found by
several travellers whom he sites In the region between
the Dead and Bed Baa*.
* A number of these an delineated In ForskUw
Janus Kenan Nat. among the Hear plates: see ale*
his Vtrmu, rr., Cbraitta MarU Ruin (ibid.). Also hi
Bosssggs '« alls* some seeelmena of the seme eleasaf
en engraved, Behubert (11. 870) remarks the* suet
of the Bah Bund In the Gulf of 'Akabah belong to tna
ttibes known a* Am u kmmt and (aateeea (Beant-
qulst, p. 228.) He saw a large turtle esleep and hash-
mgonthesnonnsarthaeasUeaf 'Akabah, alilaij to)
Ineosetaauy tried toeaptore.
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8586
WILDERNESS OF THE WANDERING
Israelites in the desert (Num. zL S3), as they an
bow dried and salted for tale in Cairo or at the
Convent of St. Catherine. In a brook near tba foot
of Serial, Schubert law some varieties of elaphrut,
dyticut, colymbetet, gyrinut, and other water insects
(Rtite, ii. 809, note).
As regards the vegetation of the desert, the most
frequently found trees an the date-palm (Phamix
dactylifera), the desert acacia, and the tamarisk.
The palms an almost always dwarf, as described in
8. 4 P. p. SO, but sometimes the " dom " palm is
seen, as on the shore of the Gulf of 'Akabah (Schu-
bert, ii. 870; comp. Robinson, i. 161). Hassel-
qoist, snaking of the date-palm's powers of suste-
nance, says that some of the poorer families in Upper
Egypt live on nothing else, the very stones being
ground into a provender for the dromedary. This
tree is often found in tufts of a dozen or more to-
gether, the dead and living boughs interlacing over-
head, the dead and living roots intertwining below,
and thus forming a canopy in the desert. The
date-palms in Wady Tir are said to be all num-
bered and registered. The acacia is the Mimota
Niiotica, and this forms the most common vegeta-
tion of the wilderness. Its Arabic name is a-
Beyil ( JLuw), and it Is generally supposed to
have furnished the " Shittim wood " for the Taber-
nacle (Forakal, Deter. Plant Cent. vi. No. 90;
Cebii ffitrob. I. 498 f. ; Ritter, ziv. 885 f.).
[SmTT ah-trek.] It is armed with fearful thorns,
which sometimes tear the packages on the camels'
backs, and of course would severely lacerate man or
beast. The gum arabic is gathered from this tree,
on which account it is also called the Acacia gum-
mifera. Other tamarisks, beside the mamnjfera,
mentioned above, an found in the desert. Grass
is comparatively ran, but its quantity varies with
the season. Robinson, on finding some in Wady
Sumghy, N. E. from Sinai, near the Gulf of 'Aka-
bah, remarks that it was the first his party had
seen since leaving the Nile. The terebinth (PU-
Uichia terebintAus, Arab. B&lm) « is well known in
the wadies about Beer-sbeba, but in the actual wil-
derness it hardly occurs. For a full description of
it see Robinson, ii. 882, 233, and note, also i. 208 ;
and oomp. Cels. Bierobot. i. 84. The " broom,"
of the variety known as retem (Heb. and Arab.),
rendered in the A. V. by "juniper," is a genuine
desert plant; it is described (Robinson, I. 908, and
mote) as the largest and most conspicuous shrub
therein, having very bitter roots, and yielding a
quantity of excellent charcoal, which is the staple,
V one may so say, of the desert. The following
art mentioned by Schubert (ii. 859, 354) 6 as found
Within the limits of the wilderness : M.wpiras Aar
onia, Colutea haleppica, Atraphaxis spinosa, 1 +i»
dra alaba, Cytisus uniflorus, sud a Cyconjorium, a
highly interesting variety, compared by Schnbcn
to a well known Maltese one. To these he adds
in a note (ibid.) : Dactylis memphitica, Gagea
reticulata, Rumex vesicariua, Artemisia Judaiea,
Leyasera diacoidea, Santolina fragrantissima, Seti-
ola, Lindenbergia Sinaica, Laminm amplexieaule,*
Stachys afflnia, Sisymbrium iris, Anehusa MQleri,
Asperugo procumbent, Omphalodes intermedia,
Dfemia cordate. Reseda canesoens, and pruinoaa,
Reanmuria vermiculata, Fumaria parviflora, Hype-
coum pendulum, Cleome trinervis, AZra*, tomeav
toaa, Halva Honbezey, Fagonia,° ZygophyDua
coccineum/' Astragalus Frasenii, Geniata mooo-
sperma.* Schubert (11. 857) also mentions, ss found
near Abu Sutceir, N. E. of Sinai, a kind of sage,
and of what is probably goat's-rue, also (note, ibid.)
a fine variety of Astragalus, together with Linaria,
Lotus, Cynosurus echiuatus, Bromus tectorum, and
(p. 365) two varieties of Pergnlaria, the procera,
and the tonieutoea.
In the 8. W. region of the Dead Sea grow* the
singular tree of the apples of Sodom, the Atcltpia*
gigantea/ of botanists. Dr. Robinson, who gives
a full description of it (i. 599, 623), says it might ba
taken for a gigantic species of the milk-weed or
silkweed found in the northern regions of the U- S.
He condemns the notion of HasselquUt (pp. 285,
287, 288) ss an error, that the fruit of the Solamm
meiongela when punctured by a tenthredo, resulted
in the Sodom apple, retaining the skin uninjured,
but wholly changed to dust within (total p. 594).
It is the ' Other of the Arabs. Robinson also men-
tions willows, hollyhocks, and hawthorns in the Si-
naitic region, from the first of which the Bit Sif-
t&fth, "willow-head," takes its name (I. 106, 109;
Stanley, S. <f P. p. 17). He saw hyssop (jddtk)
in abundance, and thyme (sn'ier), and in the
Wady Feirdn the colocynth, the kirdby or Ur-
du,' a green thorny plant with a yellow flower;
and in or near the 'Arabah, the juniper (Vrrar),
the oleander (difleb), and another shrub like it, tka
ndenim, ss also the plant eLGhudah, resembling
the retem, but larger (i. 83, 110; ii. 119, and note,
1S4. 196). He also describes the Gbtrkbid, which
has been suggested as possibly the " tree " cast by
Hoses into the waters of Afarah (Ex. xr. 25). It
grows in saline regions of intense heat, bearing a
small red berry, very juicy, and slightly acidulous.
Being constantly found amongst brackish pools, the
" bane and antidote " would thus, on toe above
supposition, be side by side, but as the fruit ripens
in June, it could not have been ready for its snp-
rt with It (UI. 47) St about 1 hour to the
W. of Wady il-'Ain, between Hebron and Sinai ; but
the mention of small cornfields In the same neighbor-
hood shows that the spot baa tbe character of an oasts.
» Schubert's floral catalogue is unusually rich. Us
travelled with an especial view to the natural history
ef the regions visited. His tracks extend from Cairo
through Sum, Ayun Hftsa, and Tor. by way of Serbtl,
to Sinai, thence to Mount Hor and Petia ; thence by
stadara and Hebron to Jerusalem ; as well as In the
northern region of Palestine and Syria. His book
should be consulted by all students of this branch of
• Both these are found In cultivated grounds only.
* Shown In Vonkafa femes Jter. Natvr. tab. xl.,
asm ssverai kinds of xygophyltum an delineated.
« Probably the same as tbe rttm mentioned above.
/ Many varieties of AtcUpias, especially tbe Ovateta,
are given by FonkU (Iteser. Plant. Cent. B. 49-61). 1
writer In the English Oydopatd. of Nat. Hist, sopwerta
the view of Haaselqulst. which Dr. Boblnson periderms,
ealllug this tree a Solanum, and sscriblng to a saw
thredo the phenomenon which occurs in its fruit. fSss
Tom or Sodom.]
6 •
■v**
arboris rane nomsn in dsssrto era*
eentls jujus none navkcas sunt quam
i uk) a {w>n, mtnutyhm tautorium)
(Froytag). Cor this and most of the noaar on
Arable names of plants and animals, «*•
writer U Indebted to Mr. ft S. Pools.
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WILDERNESS OF THE WANDERING
8587
I use in the earl; days of to* Exodus (Robin-
•on, i. 66-49). He add* in a note that Forsk&l
gives it (Flur. ACy. Arab. p. lxrl.), as the Ptya-
num rehimm, hut that it U more correctly the fifi-
trarut trultmiata of Deafontaines {Flora AtlanL i.
878). The mountain Um Shimmer takw it* name
bom the fennel found upon it, at perhaps may Ser-
bil from the «r, myrrh, which "creep* over iti
ledge* up to the very lummit," — a plant noticed
by Dr. Stanley a* "thickly covering" with it*
"ahrnb*" the "natural basin " which (unnounta
td-Dar, and a* seen in the Wady Seyil, N. E.
from Sinai (& d» P. pp. 17, 78-80). Dr. Stanley
alao notion the wild thorn, from which the Waily
Bidri take* it* name, the fig-tre* which entitle!
another wady the "Father of Fig-tree*" (Abi
Hamad), and in the Wudy Seyil, " a yellow flow-
ering ahrub called abeilhiran, and a blue thorny
plant called tUleh." Again, northeastward! in
Wady tl-'Ain were seen " rushes, the large-leaved
plant called ether," and further down the " latnf,
or caper plant, springing from the clefts." Seet-
Btn'i mcstmbi-y mlhemmm, described above, page
8691, note 6, is noticed by Forskil, who add* that
no herb is more common in sandy desert localities
than the second, the nodiflnrum, called in Arabic
the ghatil (J**»L&). Hasselqulst speak* of a
wuumb, which he calls the "fig-marigold," as
(bond in the ruin* of Alexandria; it* agreeable
saltish-aromatic flavor, and it* use by the Egyp-
tians in salads, accord closely with Seetsen's de-
scription. Seetzen gives alao Arabic names of two
plant*, one called icktdum by the guides, described
a* of the size of heath with blue flowers; the other
named Svbbh-tt-dich, found to the north of Wady
el-'Ain, which had a club-aliaped sappy root, ranged
a foot high above the earth, having scales instead
of leaves, and covered, when he saw it, with large,
Slden flowers clinging close together, till it seemed
e a little ninepin (Kegel). Somewhat to the
south of this he observed the " rose of Jericho "
growing in the dreariest and most desolate solitude,
and which appears always to lie dead (Jieiten, iii.
46, 54). In the region about Madara he also
found what he calls " Christ's-thom," Arab, el-
Auttilch, and an anonymous plant with leaves
broader than a tulip, perhaps the ether mentioned
above. The following list of plant* between Hebron
and Madara Is also given by Seetzen, having prob-
ably been written down by him from hearing them
pronounced by his Bedouin guides, and some ac-
cordingly it has not been possible to identify with
toy known names, — el-Khirrdy, mentioned In
the previous column, note e ,- el-Bureid, a hyacinth,
whose small pear-shaped bulb Is eaten raw by Mie
Bedouins, ei-Arla," eUDteberra, el-Sphdra (or
Zafra1)fi el-F.rbiin, el-Gdime, Sehekera (or
Bmakooreeyeh),' ei-Met$>in, described as a small
an
.sty
somen arborl* uiesusutls In areola,
tors sallgneo, frncto sudphlno amaro, radklbus ram-
llisqoa rubria, oojus racentiors froctn *escuntur ea-
attU, oortloe aotem coria oonclnnantur ' (Freyt. ). It
trows to a man's height, with a flower Ilk* the Balix
AKgrptiaca, but smaller, with a trull Ilk* tot lojube,
sal the root no.
* a-lyiii, «•«• i/lttitru (Jiwjtv
shrub, d-ffmim, elSchiUueh, possibly the tarn* a*
that called tillth, a* above, by Dr. Stanley, «*•
Kkdia (or Khnl)* el-l/andegik (or Hamtalcook) •
ri-lAiUltrnma, elrffadddd, Kali, Addint tl~//amnui>
(or 'Addn eUHimdr)./ Some more rare plant*,
precious on account of their products, are the fol-
lowing: Baltamun Aarotat, or mx behtn, called
by the Arabs Fettuck el-Ban, from which an oil is
extracted having no perfume of its own, but scented
at pleasure with jests mine or other odoriferous leaf,
etc., to make a choice unguent. It is found in
Mount Sinai and Upper Kgypt: Cucurbita Ldye-
nnrin, Arab. Chnrrah, found in Egypt and the
deserts of Arabia, wherever the mountain* an cov-
ered with rich soil. The tree producing the famous
balsam called " of Mecca," is found many days'
journey from that place in Arabia Petrsea, Lin-
nssus, after some hesitation, decided that it was a
species of Amyiit. The oHbanum frankincense it
mentioned by Hasselquut as a product of the des-
ert; but the producing tree appears to be the same
aa that which yields the gum aral'io, namely, tb*
Mimota niHiea, mentioned above. The same
writer ment'ona the Sekem nl/iut offieinalu, " cam-
el's bay," as growing plentifully in the deserts of
both the Arabias, and regards it as undoubtedly
one of the precious, aromatic, and sweet plant*,
wbioh the Queen of Sheba gave to Solomon (Flaa-
selquist, pp. 866, 288, 296, 397; comp. pp. 860, 861,
300). Fuller details on the facta of natural history
of the region will be found in the writers referred
to, and some additional authorities may be found
In Spmigd, fl'utnria Art Herb. vol. 11.
Beside* these, the cultivation of the ground by
the Sinaitic monks ha* enriched their domain with
the choicest fruit-trees, and with a variety of other
trees. The produce of the former is famed in ths
markets of Cairo. The cypresses of the Convent
are visible far away among the mountains, and
there is a single conspicuous one near the " car* of
Elias" on Jebel Muta. Besides, they have the
silver and the common poplar, with other trees, for
timber or ornament. The apricot, apple, pear,
quince, almond, walnut, pomegranate, olive, vine,
citron, orange, cornelian cherry, and two fruit*
named in the Arabic tehellik and bargik, hare
been successfully naturalized there (Robinson, i.
94; Seetzen, Hi. 70,4c.: Hasselquiat, p. 486-; S. <f
P. p. 59). Dr. Stanley views these a* mostly intro-
duced from Europe; Hsstelquist on the contrary
view* them a* being the original* whence the finest
varieties we have in Europe were first brought.
Certainly nearly all the above tree* sre common
enough in the garden* of Palestine and Damascus.
[The present writer wishes to acknowledge the
kindness of the Rev. R. S. Tyrwhitt of Oxford, in
allowing him a sight of a valuable MS. read by
that traveller before the Alpine Club. It is ex-
pected to be published in tb* Journal of that body,
• K£)*jCw cick mi m* ; fetfytat (PorakAl, tine
JS^tr*. ap. Freyt.). 9— eoty or endive. Ooatiilk
(MS. notes).
d [J t i *-. , nomas pontes regtool* NedJId peouUarli
cul est flos ; eeulls ezjfins ; Laser ; Bnta (freyt.).
• ,JeJJa»., U*i*vplaiit (trays.). DMinet,
It should seem, tram tb* Ms-trsa, or att* fa Sparta
of the blrd's-lbot trsfoU t). HsUlot (MS. no* tit.
/ Comftv CMS. nstss).
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3588
WILL
bat ni not in print when this paper went to press.
The references to Mr. Tyrwhitt in the preceding
article, either relate to that MS., or to hie own re-
marks upon the article itself, which be inspected
whilst in the proof sheet ] H. H.
* The desert of et- Tth, which is so thoroughly
treated in this article, is being traversed at the
present time (1870), under the auspices of the Pal-
estine Exploration Fund, by Mr. K. H. Palmer,
wh > has had large experience as an eastern traveller,
and is familiar with the Arabic language; aided by
Mr. C. F. Tyrwhitt Drake, of the University of
Cambridge, who is making observations as a natu-
ralist. Two letters have been published from Mr.
Palmer ( Quart. Statement of the Pal Kxpl. Fund,
No. v. pp. 254-259 ), dated at Natclil, the point from
which his exploration of the interior region of the
Tih commences. His investigations, if completed,
promise to throw light on difficult, obscure, and un-
known points, relating to this deeply interesting
tract. Compare addition to Sinai, Anier. ed.
S.W.
* An addition to the present article, giving the
important results of the exploration referred to, has
been expected from the Rev. F. W. Holland, mem-
ber of the Royal Ueog. Society. Should it be re-
ceived in season, it will appear at the end of this
volume. A.
* WILL is often used in the A. V. of the N.
T. in such a way that the force of the original is
lost or obscured to the common reader, who takes
it as merely the sign of the future tense, though it
really represent* eihw or jSooAejuu, " to desire,"
" to will," " to purpose." Thus '* Herod will kill
thee" (Luke xiii. ill) means "Herod daiits (or
derigiu) to kill thee" (04\ei at iuroKTuvcu)-
" The lusts of your father ye will do " (6i\tT*
wolur, John viii. 4+) — better " ye love todo " (Al-
ford), or " ye are ready to do " (Noyes). " I will
put you in remembrance" (Jude 5, &oi\opai, etc.),
should be "I with to remind you" (Noyes). For
other examples, see Matt. v. 40, xi. 14, 27, xvi. 24,
25, xx. 26, 27; Mark viii. 34, 35, x. 43, 44; Luke
ix. 23, 24, x. 22; John v. 40, vii. 17, ix. 27 ; Rom.
xiii. 8; 1 Cor. xiv. 36; 1 Tim. v. 11; 2 Tim. Hi.
12; Rer. xi. 5. A.
WILLOWS (0*:nS. 'aribim, only in pi.:
Ma; (with /TO) iyyov Kk&bovs Ik x*'t"tyfa v )
KAwro sryrav: saa'ces), undoubtedly the correct
rendering of the above Hebrew term, as is proved
by the old versions and the kindred Arabic gharab
6"
(oyk). Willows are mentioned in Lev. xxiii. 40,
among the trees whose branches were to be used in
the construction of booths at the Feast of Taber-
nacles; in Job xl. 22, as a tree which gave shade to
Behemoth ("the hippopotamus"); in Is. xliv. 4,
where it is said that Israel's offspring should spring
np "as willows by the water-courses; " in the psalm
(oxxxrii. 2) which so beautifully represents Israel's
sorrow during the time of the Captivity in Babylon,
— " we hanged our harps upon the willows in the
midst thereof." With respect to the tree upon
which the captive Israelites bung their harps, there
can lie no doubt that the weeping-willow (Salix
Babylunka) Is intended. This tree grows Bbun-
lantly on the banks of the Euphrates, in other parts
of Asia t» in Palestine (Strand's Flora Palo*. No.
566), and also in North Africa. Bochart has en-
leavored to show (Phale^,i. cap. viii.) that country
WILLOWS, BROOK OF THE
is spoken of, in Is. xt. 7, a* "the Valley of WH
lows." This, however, is very doubtful. Kprenge
(Hi$t. Ret Herb. i. 18, 270) seems to restrict tin
'irdb to the Salix BabyUmica; but there can
scarcely be a doubt that the term is generic, and in-
cludes other species of the large family of Su&rti,
which is probably well represented in Palestine and
the Bible lands, such as the Salii alba, S. tininaiii
(osier), S. Jtyyptiaca, which latter plant Sprrngrl
a - « -
identifies with the *o/s4/ (oLflA-o) of AboT-
fadli, cited by Celsius (Ilierob. ii. 108), which
word is probably the same as tbe TwpliMfltak
(n^VpV) of Ezekiel (xvii. 5), a name in Arabb
for a T '"willow." Burckhardt (Syria, p. 644)
mentions a fountain called 'Am Hafty v^*w**»
oLoioo). " the Willow Fountain " (Catafago,
Arabic Dictionary, p. 1051). Ranwolf (quoted in
Bibl. But. p. 274) thus speaks of the eaftaf
"These trees are of various sixes; the stems,
branches, and twigs are long, thin, soft, »nd of a
pale yellow, and have some resemblance to those of
the birch; the leaves are like those of the common
willow; on the boughs grow here and there shoots
of a span long, as on the wild fig-trees of Cyprus,
and these put forth in spring tender downy blos-
soms like those of the poplar; the blossoms are
pale colored, and of a delicious fragrance; the na-
tives pull them in great quantities, and distill from
them a cordial which is much esteemed." Hassel
quist (Trav. p. 449), under the name of calaf, ap-
parently speaks of the same tree; and Forskil (De-
icript. Plant, p. Ixxvi.) identifies it with the Salix
AZgyptinca, wb'le he considers the e»ftaf to be the
5. BabyUmica. From these discrepancies it seems
that the Arabic words are used indefinitely for wil-
lows of different kinds.
"Tbe children of Israel," says Lady Calkott
(Scripture Herbal, p. 533), " still present willows
annually in their synagogues, bound up with palm
and myrtle, and accompanied with a citron." In
this country, as is well known, sprigi of willow-
bloesoms, under the name of " palms," are often
carried in the hand, or borne on some part of the
dress, by men and boys on Palm Sunday.
Before the Babylonish Captivity the willow was
always associated with feelings of joyful prosperity.
" It is remarkable," as Mr. Johns ( The Forttt
Treet of Britain, ii. 240) truly says, " for having
been in different ages emblematical of two directly
opposite feelings, at one time being associated with
the palm, at another with the cypress." After the
Captivity, however, this tree became the emblem of
sorrow, and is frequently thus alluded to in tea
poetry of our own country; and " there can he no
doubt," as Mr. Johns continues, " that the dedica-
tion of tbe tree to sorrow is to be traced to U*
pathetic passage in the Psalms."
Various uses were no doubt made of willows by
the ancient Hebrews, although there does not an-
pear to be any definite allusion to them. The
Egyptians used " flat baskets of wickerwork, similar
to those made in Cairo at the present day " (WS-
kinson, Anc A'opt. i. 43). Herodotua (i. 194.
speaks of boats at Babylon whose framework was of
willow: such corade-ehaped boat* are representew
in the Nineveh sculptures (see Rawlinaon's Herod-
ottu, vol. i. p. 268) W. H.
WILLOWS, THE BROOK OF THE
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WILLOWS, BROOK OF THK
(C'S^Sn b^J: f, ipApayi 'ApaBaf- torrttu
ttiUcuiu). A wady mentioned hv UaUh (x». 7) in
bis dirge over Moab. His language implies that
it was one of the boundaries of the country — prob-
slily, as (ieseiiius (■/<•«"!", i. 633) observes, the
southern one. It is possibly identical with a wady
mentioned by Amos (vi. 14) as the then recognized
southern limit of the northern kingdom <■ (Fiirst,
llandid). ; Kwald, Proptiettn). This Utter appears
in the A. V. as " the river of the wilderness "
( n y?2?i7 5 : • X't^Pfa* t«k Sua/iiv- turrrtu
oVsei-o').' Widely as they differ In the A. V., it
will be observed that the names are all but identi-
tal in the original, the only difference being that it
.s plural in Isaiah and singular in Amos. In the
latter it is ka-Arabah, the same name which is else-
where almost exclusively used for the Valley of the
Jordan, the (IhAr of modem Arabs. If the two
are regarded at identical, and the latter as the ac-
curate form of the name, then it is probable that
the Watty el-Ahsy is intended, which breaks down
through the southern part of the mountains of
Moab into the so-called Ohor es-S'Jieh, at the
lower end of the lake, and appears (though our in-
formation as to that locality is very scanty) to form
a natural barrier between the districts of Kerak
aud Jtbul (burckhardt, Syria, Aug. 7). This is
not improliably also the brook Zkked (naclml-
Xtml) of the earlier history.
Should, however, the Nuchal ha-Arabim be ren-
dered "the Willow-torrent," — which has the sup-
port of Gesenius (Jetaiii) and Piney (C'ontm. oil
Amot, vi. 14), — then it is worthy of remark that)
the name Wady Snftaf, » Willow Wady," is still .
attached to a part of the main branch of the ravine
which descends from Ktrak to the north end of the
peninsula of the Dead Sea (Irby, May 9). Either
of these positions would agree with the require-
ments of either passage.
The Tnrgum Pseudnjonathan translates the name
Zend by " osiers," or •■ baskets."
The Itev. Mr. Wilton, in his work on The
Ntyeb, or South Country of Scripture, endeavors
to identify the Nuchal hn-Arabah of Amos with
the Wndy eU/tib, which forms the main drain by
which the waters of the present Wady Arabah (the
great tract between Jtbcl Shtrah and the moun-
tains of et-TVi ) are discharged into the (Shir et-
Sajieh at the southern end of the Dead Sea. (This
important wady was first described by I)r. Robin-
ion, and an account of it will be found in this work
wider the head of Akabah, vol. i. p. 135 A.) This
is certainly ingenious, but cannot be accepted as
more than a mere conjecture, without a single con-
sideration in its favor beyond the magnitude of the
Wady el-Jeib, and the consequent probability that
it would be mentioned by the Prophet. 11
WINDOW
3539
« Amos Is speaking of the northern kingdom only,
lot of the whole nation, which excludes the Interpre-
tation or the LXX., i. «., probably the Waily el-Ariih,
and also (if it were not precluded by other reasons)
that of Oesenius, the Kldron.
» It is surely incautious (to say the least) to sprat:
•fa mere conjecture, such as this, la terms as positive
sod unhesitating as tr it were a certain and Indlspu-
abl* MentuVation — " Amos is the only sacred writer
who mentions the Vfai y et-Mb ; which he d'flnea as
A* southern limit of Palestine .... The minute ec-
uraey of the Prophet iu speaking of it u the ' nachal
at the Arabah • " ( .Inu/rt, etc., pp. to »H it has not'
Over this name Jerome takes a singular flight
in his Commentary on la. xv. 7, connecting it with
the Ortbim (A. V. "ravens ") who fed Elijah dur-
ing his seclusion : " Pro salicilius in Hebneo leg-
imus Arabim quod potest et Arabes intelligi et legi
Orbim ; id eat villa in nnihus eortiin sita cujus a
plerisque accolse in Monte Orel) Ella- prtebuisse ali-
menta dicuntur " The whole passage is a
curious mixture of topographical confusion and
what would now be denounced as rationalism.
G.
WILLS. The subject of testamentary disposi-
tion is of course intimately connected with that of
inheritance, and little need be added here to what
will be found above. [Heir, vol. ii. p. 1034 f.]
Under a system of close inheritance like that of the
Jews, the scope for liequest in respect of land was
limited by the right of redemption and general re-
entry in the Jubilee year. [Jubilee; Vows.]
But the Law does not forbid bequests by will of
such limited interest in land as was consistent with
those rights. The case of bouses in walled towns
was different, and there can be no doubt that they
must, in fact, have frequently been bequeathed by
will (Lev. xxv. 30). Two instances are recorded in
the 0- T. under the Law, of testamentary disposi-
tion: (1) effected in the case of Ahithopbel (2 Sam.
xvii. 23); (2) recommended in the case of Hezekiah
(2 K. xx. 1 ; Is. xxxviii. 1); and it may be remarked
in both, that the word " set e in order," marg.
" give charge concerning," agrees with the Arabic
word "command," which also means "make a
will " (Michaelis, Law of .Votes, art. 80, vol. i. p.
430, ed. Smith). Various directions concerning
wills will be found in the Mishna, which imply dis-
position of land (Baba Batitr. viii. 6, 7).
H. W. P.
WIMPLE (nrjBtjpa). An old English word
for hood or veil, representing the Hebrew milpa-
ehalh in Is. Hi. 22. The same Hebrew word is
translated " veil " in Ruth iii. IS, but it signifies
rather a kind of shawl or mantle (Schroder, IH
Vatitu Jitter. Htbr. c. 16). [Dress, i. 622 a.]
W. L. B.
WINDOW (fbTl; Chal. 1? : fluplj). Tho
window of an oriental house consists generally of
an aperture (as the word challvn implies) closed in
with lattice-work, named in Hebrew by the terms
di-ubbah << (Eccl. xii. 3, A. V. "window;" Ho*
xiii. 3, A. V. "chimney"), ehdrakkim' (Cant. U
9), and ethnib f (Judg. v. 28; Prov. vli. 6, A. V.
" casement"), the two former signifying the inter-
laced work of the lattice, and the third the coolness
produced by the free current of air through it.
Glass has been introduced into Egypt in modern
times as a protection against the cold of winter,
but lattice-work is still the usual, and with thj
even the support that it was In the Prophet's native
district. Amos was no " prophet of the Negeb." He
belonged to the pasture-grounds of Tekoa, not tea
miles from Jerusalem, and all bis work seems to have
lain in BatLjl and the northern kingdom There is
not one tittle of evidence that he ever set Coot in the
Negeb, or knew anything of It Such statements as
these are calculated only to damage and retard the
too-faltering progress of Scripture topography.
e iTJS: cVrtfAAofuu: dupono. n^J? in Babe., s
wiL (GeV p. 1166).
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0540 WINDS
poor the only contrivance for closing the window
(Uum'i Mod. Eg. i. 39). When the lattice-work
ww open, there appears to have been nothing in
surly times to prevent a person from falling through
the aperture (Acts xx. 9). The windows generally
luok into the inner court of the bouse, but in every
house one or more look into the street, and hence
It it possible for a person to observe the approach
of another without being himself observed (Judg.
v. 88; S Sam. vi. 16; Prov. vii. 6; Cant. ii. 9). In
Egypt these outer windows generally project over
the doorway (Lane, i. 97 ; Caroe's Letttrt, i. 94).
When houses abut on the town wall it is not un-
usual for them to have projecting windows sur-
mounting the wall and looking into the country as
represented in Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul,
I. 194. Through such a window the spies escaped
from Jericho (Josh. ii. 10) and St Paul from
Damascus * (3 Cor. xi. 33). W.L.B,
WINDS (fTP). That the Hebrews recognized
tie existence of four prevailing winds as issuing,
broadly speaking, from the four cardinal points,
north, south, east, and west, may be inferred from
their custom of using the expression " four winds "
as equivalent to the " four quarters " of the hemi-
sphere (Ex. xxxvii. 9; Dan. viii. 8; Zecb. ii. 6;
Matt xxiv. 31). The correspondence of the two
ideas is expressly stated in Jer. xlix. 36. The
north wind, or, as it was usually called " the
north," * was naturally the coldest of tbe four
(Ecclns. xliii. 90), and its presence is bence invoked
as favorable to vegetation in Cant iv. 16. It is
further described in Prov. xxr. 33, as bringing (A.
V. "driveth away " in text; "briugeth forth " in
marg.) rain; in this case we must understand the
northwest wind, which may bring rain, but was
certainly not regarded as decidedly rainy. The
difficulty connected with this passage has led to the
proposal of a wholly different sense for tbe term
IxAphdn, namely hidden place. Tbe northwest
wind prevails from the autumnal equinox to the
beginning of November, and the north wind from
June to the equinox (vide Raumer's Paltut. p. 79).
The east wind * crosses the sandy wastes of Arabia
Deserta before reaching Palestine, and was hence
termed "the wind of the wilderness '' (Job i. 19;
Jer. xiii. 84). It is remarkably dry and penetrat-
jig, and has all the effects of the tirocco on vegeta-
tion (Ex. xvii. 10, xix. 19; Hoe. xiii. IS; Jon. iv.
8). It also blows witb violence, and is hence sup-
posed to be used generally for any violent wind (Job
xxvii. 21, in viii. 24; Ps. xlviii. 7; Is. xxvii. 8;
Ea. xxvii. 26). It is probably in this sense that it
is used in Ex. xir. 21, though the east, or at all
events the northeast wind would be the one adapted
to effect the phenomenon described, namely, the
partition of the waters towards the north and south,
so that they stood ss a wall on the right hand and
an tbe left (Kobinson, BibL Rtt. I. 57). In this as in
many other passages, the LXX. gives the " south "
•ind (rarer ), as the equivalent for the Greek
« • A few stops to tbe left of Bie-w-Saiaae*, one of
she eastern gates of Damascus, an two or throe win-
tows in the external face of tbe wall, said to open Into
booms on the luside of the dry. If Saul was lee down
through such a window (which belongs equally to the
i and the wall) the Interchange of the two ex-
becomes still more natural. The Apostle
' through the wall " (as stated In Acts), and
*• Mated In the Bpistle to the Corinthians) he ertaged
WINDS
katfim. Nor is this wholly incorrect, for in Egypt,
where the LXX. was composed, the south wind hat
the same characteristics that the east has in Pales-
tine. The Greek translators appear to have felt the
difficulty of rendering kddbn in Gen. xli. 6, S3, 27,
because the parching effects of the east wind, with
which the inhabitants of Palestine ire familiar, an
not attributable to that wind in Egypt, but either
to the south wind, exiled in that country the kha-
mduen, or to that known as the tantoont, which
conies from tbe southeast or south-southeast
(Lane's Mod. Kg. i. 22, 23). It is certainly pos-
sible that in Lower Egypt the east wind may be
more parching than elsewhere in that country, but
there is no more difficulty in assigning to the tern
kidvn the secondary sense of parching, in this pas-
sage, than that of violent in the others before quoted.
As such at all events the LXX. treated the term
both here and in several other passages, where it is
rendered katudn (a-avowr, lit tbe burner). In
James i. 11, the A. V. erroneously understands this
expression of the burning heat of the sun. In Pal-
estine the east wind prevails from February to
June (viae Raumer, p. 79). The south wind,* which
traverses 4he Arabian peninsula before reaching
Palestine, must necessarily be extremely hot (Job
xxxvii. 17; Luke xii. 55); but the rarity of the
notices leads to the inference that it seldom blew
from that quarter (Pa. lxxviii. 38; Cant. iv. 16;
Ecclus. xliii. 16): and even when it does blow, it
does not carry the tamoom into Palestine Itself,*
although Robinson experienced the effects of this
scourge not far south of Beer-eheba (Set. i. 196).
In Egypt the south wind (kkamduen) prevails in
the spring, a portion of which in tbe months of
April and May is termed ei-Uinmdurtn from that
circumstance (Lane, i. 22). The west and south-
west winds reach Palestine loaded with moisture
gathered from the Mediterranean (Robinson, i. 429),
" and are hence expressively termed by the Arabs
fathers of the rain " (vide Raumer, p. 79). The
little cloud " like a man's hand " that roes oat of
the west, was recognized by Elgah as a presage of
the coming downfall (IK. xviii. 44), and the
same token is adduced by our Lord ss one of the
ordinary signs of the weather (Lake xii. 54).
Westerly winds prevail in Palestine bom November
to February.
In addition to the four regular winds, we hare
notice in the Bible of the local squalls (AoiXanf ;
Mark iv. 37; Luke viii. 23) to which the Sea of
Gennesareth was liable in consequence of its prox-
imity to high ground, and which were sufficiently
violent to endanger boats (Matt viii. 34; John vi.
18). The gales which occasionally visit Palestine
are noticed under the head of Whirlwind. Ill
the narrative of St Paul's voyage we meet with the
Greek term lipt (Aty) to describe the southwest
wind; the Latin Corut or Caunu (xajpot), the
northwest wind (Acts xxvii. IS); and cvpoKAOoWv
(a term of uncertain origin, perhaps a corrup-
tion of tOpacikar, which appears in some MSS.
at the i
wall."
Ume "through a window through the
< The term tilapnak (TX^Tt) In Ps. xL 6 (A T
" horrible ") has been occasionally understood as refer
ring to the tamoom (Olahauaen, m toe. ; Oeeea. IV*
0- 418) ; but it may equally well he rendered " seat*
rol " or « avenging « (Hengitenberg, as toe).
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WINE
[namely, Vat Sin. and Alex.]), a wind of a very vio-
lent character truQwixit) wming from E. N. E.
lAeti xxvii. 14; Conyh. and Hows. St. Paul, ii.
408). [Kchoclydom.]
The metaphorical allusions to the winds are very
numerous; the east wind, in particular, was re-
garded as the symbol of nothingness (Job xv. 2;
Hoe. xii. 1), and of the wasting destruction of war
(Jar. xviii. 17), and, st'.ll more, of the effects of
Divine vengeance (Is. xxvii. 8), in which sense,
however, general references to violent wind are also
employed (Pa. ciii. 16; Is. lxir. 6; Jer. iv. 11).
Wind is further used as an image of speed (Ps. civ.
4, ■* He maketh his sngels winds;" Heb. i. 7),
and of transitoriness ( lob vii. 7 ; Hs. ixxviii. 89).
Lastly, the wind is frequently adduced as a witness
of the Creator's power (Job xxriii. 25; Ps. cxxxv.
7; EeoL xi. 6; Jer. x. 13; Prov. xxx. 4; Am. iv.
13), and as representing the operations of the Holy
Spirit (John iii. 8; Acta ii. 2), whose name
Imifia) represents a gentle wind. W. L. B.
WINE. The manufacture of wine is carried
back in the Bible to the age of Noah (Gen. ix. 20,
21), to whom the discovery of the process is appar-
ently, though not explicitly, attributed. The
natural history and culture of the vine ia described
under a separate head. [Visk.] The only other
plant whose fruit is noticed as having been con-
verted into wine was the pomegranate (Cant. viii.
2). In Palestine the vintage takes phce in Sep-
tember, and is celebrated with great rejoicings (Rob-
inson, BibL Ret. i. 431, ii. 81). The ripe fruit was
gathered in baskets (Jer. vi. 9), as represented in
Egyptian paintings (Wilkinson, i. 41-45), and was
carried to the wine-press. It was then placed in
the upper one of the two vats or receptacles of
which the wine-press was formed [Wi.nk-pkkss],
and was subjected to the process of » treading,"
which has prevailed in all ages in Oriental and
Sooth-European countries (Neh. xiii 16; Job xxiv.
11; Is. xvi. 10; Jer. xxv. 30, xlriii. 33; Am. ix.
13; Rev. xix. 15). A certain amount of juice
exuded from the ripe fruit from its own pressure
before the treading commenced. This appears to
have been kept separate from the rest of the juice,
and to have formed the gleukvt or '• sweet wine "
noticed in Aets ii. 13. The first drops of juice
that reached the lower vat were termed the drmn,
or •'tear," and formed the first-fruits of the vintage
(arapxat Xqrov, LXX.) which were to be pre-
sented to Jehovah (Ex. xxii. 29). The •' treading "
was effected by one or more men, according to the
size of the vat, and, if the Jews adopted the same
arrangements as the Egyptians, the traaders were
assisted in the operation by ropes fixed to the roof
cf the wine-press, as represented in Wilkinson's
Ane. Eg. i. 46. They encouraged one another by
shouts and cries (Is. xvi. 9, 10; Jer. xxv. 30, xlviii.
33). Their legs and garments were dyed red with
the juice (Gen. xlix. 11; b. Ixiil. 2, 8). The ex-
pressed juice escaped by an aperture into the lower
vat, or was at once collected In vessels. A hand-
press was occasionally used in Egypt (Wilkinson, i.
45), but we have no notice of such an instrument
In the Bible. As to the subsequent treatment of
the wine, we have but little information. Some-
limes it was preserved in its unfermented state, and
WINE
8541
• * The word translated " oil " when " wins *nd
afj " or " corn, wine, and oil " are spoken of in oon-
twaetioa Is not Dumtn (}$$?), but yfcsMrfnrjlT),
drunk as must, but more generally it was bottled
off after fermentation, and, if it wen designed to be
kept for some time, a certain amount of lees wat
added to give it body (Is. xxv. 6). The wine con-
sequently required to be " refined " or strained pre-
viously to being brought to table (Is. xxv. 6).
^\\\V.^\\\^HlU/>-/i//iiilill''ifi/l'{ '
■fevpoan Wtns-preH, from Wilkinson.
The produce of the wine-press was described iu
the Hebrew language by a variety of terms, indic-
ative either of the quality or of the use of the
liquid. These terms have of late years been sub-
jected to a rigorous examination with a view to
show that Scripture disapproves, or, at all events,
does not speak with approval, of the use of fer
lusuted liquor. In order to establish this position
it has been found necessary, in all cases where the
substance is coupled with terms of commendation,
to explain them as meaning either unfermented
wine or fruit, and to restrict the notices of fo-
mented wine to passages of a condemnatory char-
acter. We question whether the critics who ban
adopted these views have not driven their argu-
ments beyond their fair conclusions. It may at
once be conceded that the Hebrew terms translated
" wine " refer occasionally to an unfermented
liquor: but inasmuch as there are frequent allu-
sions to intoxication in the Bible, it is clear that
fermented liquors were also in common use. It
may also be conceded that the Bible occasionally
speaks in terms of strong condemnation of the
effects of wine; but It is an open question whether
in these cases the condemnation is not rather di-
rected against intoxication and excess, than against
the substance which is the occasion of the excess.
The term of chief importance in connection with
this subject is Itrtih, which is undoubtedly spoken
of with approval, inasmuch as it is frequently
classed with d&y&n and thtmen, in the triplet
" corn, wine, and oil," as the special gifts of Prov-
idence ■ This has been made the subject of a
special discussion in a pamphlet entitled Tiruth la
Yayin by Dr Lees, the object being to prove that
it means not wine but fruit. An examination of
the Hebrew terms is therefore unavoidable, but we
desire to carry it out simply ss a matter of Biblical
criticism, and without reference to the topic which
has called forth the discussion.
which, according to Gesenlus, n seems to differ f
ititmcn as ttrDth from toy/a." Burnt n H never i
elated with ttritk. i
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£542
VrxrfE
The moat genual term for wine Is yngbt," which
it undoubtedly counected with the Greek o?ros. the
Latin rinum, and our •' wine." It hat hitherto
oeen the current opinion that the Indo-European
languages borrowed the term from the Hebrews.
The reverse, however, appears to be the case (Re-
nan. Lang. Sim. i. 207 ) : the word belongs to the
Indo-European languages, and may be referred
either to tbe root we, "to weave," whence come
were, rimcn, mtit, vitta (Pott, Elym. Furtch. i.
120, 230), or to the root win, " to love " (Kuhn,
Zeittchr. f. vergL Sprachf. i. 191, 192). The
word being a borrowed one, no conclusion can be
drawn from etymological considerations as to its
use in the Hebrew language. Tirith * is referred
to the root yArath, •' to get possession of," and is
applied, according to Geseniua ( Thtt. p. 633), to
wine on account of its inebriating qualities, whereby
It gets postcuion of the brain ; but, according to
Bjthner, as quoted by Lees ( Tiroih, p. 52), to tbe
Tine as being a pouettion (««■' i(ox^v) in the
eyes of the Hebrews. Neither of these explana-
tions is wholly satisfactory, but the second is less
so than tbe first, inasmuch as it would be difficult
to prove that the Hebrews attached such pre-
eminent value to the vine as to place it on a par
with lauded property, which is designated by the
cognate terms yervthihalt and mirailiaii. Nor do
we see that any valuable conclusion could be drawn
from this Utter derivation; for, assuming its cor-
rectness, the question would still arise whether it
was on account of the natural or the manufactured
product that such store was set on the vine.
'AtSt' is derived from a word signifying "to
tread," and therefore refers to the method by
which the juice was expressed from the fruit. It
would very properly refer to new wine as being
recently trodden out, but not necessarily to unfer-
mented win*. It occurs but five times in tbe
Bible (Cant. viii. 2; It. xlix.26; Joel i. 5, iii. 18;
Am. ix. 13). Sdbe<t it derived from a root signi-
fying to " soak " or " drink to excess." The cog-
nate verb and participle are constantly used in tbe
latter sense (I»eut. xxi. 20; Prov. xxiii. 20,21;
Is. lvi. 12; Nab. i. 10). The connection between
libe and the lj»tin tapa, applied to a decoction of
must (Kitto't Cycl. t. v. Wine), appears doubtful:
the Utter was regarded as a true Latin word by
Pliny (xiv. 11). .We occurs but thrice (Is. 1 22;
Hos. iv. 18; Nah. i. 10). Chtmtr* (Deut xxxii.
14), in the Chaldee cliamar (Ezr. vi. 9, vii. 22)
and cham & (Dan. v. 1 ff), conveys the notion of
foaming or ebullition, and may equally well apply
to the process of fermentation or to the frothing
of liquid freshly poured out, in which Utter case it
might be used of an unfermented liquid. Metecf
(Ps. lxxr. 8', mezegt (Cant. vii. 2), and numsdc*
(Prov. xxiii. 30; la. Ixv. 11), are connected ety-
mologically with misceo and " mix," and imply a
mixture of wine with tome other substance: no
conclusion can be drawn from the word itself aa to
the quality of the wine, whether fermented or
unfermented, or at to the nature of the substance
introduced, whether spices or water. We may
father notice sAtcdr,' a generic term applied to all
fermented liquors except wine [Dhimk, Sthono] ;
"111-
• tn-i'n.
• D s py.
/"HP?.
WINE
chdmett* a weak tour wine, ord.utrily terms*
vinegar [Vixeoab] ; ittUMh, 1 rendered '• fhgna
of wine" in tbe A. V. (2 Sam. xvi. 1; 1 Chr. xvi.
3; Cant. ii. 5; Hot. iii. 1), but really meaning
a cake of pressed raisins; and sAewdrim,* prop-
erly meauing the " lees " or dregs of wine, but in
It. xxv. 6 transferred to wine that had been kept
on the lees for the purpose of increasing its body.
In the New Testament we meet with the following
terms: oinot," answering to yiyin as the general
designation of wine; gleukot," properly twett win*
(Acts ii. 13); sitera,P a Grecized form of tbe
Hebrew sliicAr ; and uzot,« vinegar. In Rev. xiv.
10 we meet with a singular expression, r literally
meaning mixta" unmixed, evidently referring to tat
custom of mingling wine: the two terms cannot
be used together in their literal tense, and bene*
the former has been explained at meaning " poured
out " (De Wette m L c).
From tbe terms themselves we past on to an
examination of auch pottages at teem to elucidate
their meaning. Both yayin and tirtsh are occa-
sionally connected with expressions that would
apply properly to a fruit; the former, for instance,
with verbs significant of gathering (Jer. xl. 10, 12),
and graving (Ps. civ. 14, 15); the latter with gath-
ering (Is. lxii. 9, A. V. "brought it together"),
Iremling (Mic. vi. 15), and withering (It. xxrr. 7;
Joel i 10). So again the former u used in Num.
vi. 4 to define the particular kind of tree whose
products were forbidden to the Nazarite, namely,
the " pendulous shoot of the vine; " and the Utter
in Judg. ix. 1-1, to denote the product of tbe vine.
It should be observed, however, that in most, if not
all, the passages where these and similar expressions
occur, there is something to denote that the fruit is
regarded not simply at fruit, but at the raw mate-
rial out of which wine is manufactured. Thus,
for instance, in Ps. civ. 15 and Judg. ix. 13 the
clitering effects of the product are noticed, and that
these are more suitable to the idea of wine than of
fruit seems self-evident: in one passage indeed the
A. V. connects the expression " make cheerful "
with bread (Zech. ix. 17), but this u a mere mit-
transUtion, the true tense of the expression there
used being to nouruk or mate to grow. So, again,
the treading of the grape in Mic. vi. 15 is in itself
conclusive aa to the pregnant sense in which the
term tir&th it used, even if it were not subsequently
implied that the effect of tbe treading was in the
ordinary course of tilings to produce the yayin
which waa to be drunk. In It. lxii. 9 the object
of the gathering is clearly conveyed by tbe notice
of drinking. In It. xxiv. 7 the ttrdth, which
withers, it paralleled with yayin in the two follow-
ing verses. And lastly, iu Is. Ixv. 8 the nature of
the ttrfah, which is said to be found iu the clutter
of the grapes, is not obscurely indicated by the sub-
sequent eulogium, " a blessing is in it." That the
terms •' vine " and " wine " should be thus inter-
changed in poetical language calls for no explana-
tion. We can no more infer from tuch instances
that tbe Hebrew terms mean grape) at fruit,
than we could infer the same of tbe Latin n'awai
because in some two or three passages (PUut, 7Vm
ii. 4, 125; Varr. de L. L. hr. 17; Cato, &. B
* ph. i rur>vv>. -.enpte
« Otmt. • rXmcst. P
9 "0£ov. r Ktirtpa«rp«ro« aaaaret.
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WINE
a. 147) the term ii transferred to the grape out of
which wine is made.
The quettion whether either of the above terms
ordinarily signified a aolid substance would be at
once settled by a reference to the manner iu which
they were consumed. With regard to yy'm we
are not aware of a single passage which couples it
with the act of toting.* With regard to lir.t/i
the case is somewhat different, inasmuch as that
term generally follows " corn," in the triplet '• corn,
wine, and oil," and hence the term applied to the
consumption of corn is carried on, in accordance
with the grammatical figure zeugiwi, to the other
members of the clause, as in Deut. xii. 17. In the
only passage where the act of consuming tiroth
alone is noticed (Is. lxii. 8, 9), the verb Li tliMih,"
which constantly indicates the act of drinking (e. g.
Gen. ix. 21, niv. 22; Ex. vii. 21: Ruth ii. it), and
is toe geueral term combined with iail in the joint
act of " eating and drinking " (e. g. 1 Sam. xxx
16; Job i. 4; Keel ii. 21). We can find uo con-
firmation for the sense of tucking assigned to the
term by Dr. Lees (Tiivth, p. 61): the passage
quoted in support of that sense (l's. Ixxr. 8) implies
at all events a kind of sucking allied to drinking
rather than to eating, if indeed the sense of drink-
ing be not the more correct rendering of the term.
An argument has been drawn against the usual
sense assigned to liroth, from the circumstance that
it is generally connected with " corn," and therefore
implies an edible rather than a drinkable substance.
The very opposite conclusion may, however, be
drawn from this circumstance; for it uiay be rea-
sonably urged that in any enumeration of the mate-
rials needed for man's support, " meat and drink "
would be specified, rather than several kinds of the
former and none of the latter.
There are, moreover, paasages which seem to
mply the actual manufacture of tirdth by the same
process by which wine was ordinarily made. For,
not to insist on the probability that the *> bringing
together," noticed in Is. lxii. 9, would not appro-
priately apply to the collecting of the fruit iu the
wine-vat, we have notice of the " treading " in con-
lection with tirutii in Mie. vi. IS, and again of the
' overflowing " and the " bursting out " of the
frdsA in the vessels or lower vat (yekeb; &wo\4f
nor), which received the must from the proper
press (Prov. iii. 10; Joel U. 24).
Lastly, we have intimations of the effect pro-
duced by an excessive use of yayin and tirosh. To
the former are attributed the "darkly flashing eye "
(Gen. xBx. 19; A. V. •• red," but see Uesen. Thu.
Append, p. 89), the unbridled tongue (Prov. xx. 1;
Is. xxviii. 7): the excitement of the spirit (Prov.
xxxi. 6; Is. v. 11 ; Zech. ix. IS, x. 7), the enchained
affections of its votaries (Uos. iv. 11 ), the perverted
judgment (Prov. xxxi. 6; Is. xxviii. 7), the indecent
exposure (Hab. ii. 16, 16), and the sickness resulting
from the heat (chemtVi, A. V. "bottles ") of wine
(Hoa. vii. 5). The allusions to the effects of tlroih
are confined to a single passage, but this a most
leciaive one, namely, Hos. iv. 11, " Whoredom and
wine (yayin), and new wine (tirdsh ) take away the
seart," where lirdsh appears as the climax of en-
grossing influence, in immediate connection with
yojn'n.
• An apparent Instance occurs In Is. Iv. 1, where
the n bay and eat '' nas bean supposed to refer to the
" bar wine and milk " which follows (Tiroth, p. 94).
■at the term rendered " buy " properly means " to
winb 3543
The inrpresaion produced on the mind by a gen
oral review of the above notices is, that both yyui
and lirdsh in their ordinary and popular acceptation
referred to fermented, intoxicating wine. Iu the
condemnatory passages no exception is made in
favor of any other kind of liquid passing under
the same name but not invested with the same
dangerous qualities. Nor again in these passages
is there any decisive condemnation of the substance
itself, which would enforce the conclusion that else-
where an unfermented liquid must be understood.
The condemnation must be understood of exceanrt
use in any case : for even where this is not expressed,
it is implied: and therefore the instances of wiue
being drunk without any reproof of the act, may
with as great a probability imply the moderate use
of an intoxicating beverage, as the use of an unin-
toxicating one.
The notices of fermentation are not very decisivs.
A certain amount of fermentation is implied in the
distension of the leather bottles when new wine was
placed in tbem, and which was liable to burst oli'.
bottles. [Bottle.] It has been suggested that
the object of placing the wine in bottles was to pre-
vent fermentation, but that in " the case of old
bottles fermentation might ensue from their being
impregnated with the fermenting substance " ( Ti-
roth, p. 65). This is not inconsistent with the
statement in Matt. ix. 17, but it detracts from the
spirit of the comparison which implies the presence
of a strong, expansive, penetrating principle. It is,
however, inconsistent with Job xxxii. 19, where the
distension is described as occurring even in nets
bottles. It is very likely that new wine was pre-
served iu the state of must by placing it in jars or
bottles, and then burying it in the earth. But we
should be inclined to understand the passages above
quoted as referring to wine drawn off before the
fermentation was complete, either for immediate
use, or for the purpose of forming it into sweet wine
after the manner described by the Geoponic writers
(vii. 19) [Diet, of Ant. "Vinum "]. The pres-
ence of the gas-bubble, or as the Hebrews termed
it, " the eye " that sparkled in the cup (Prov. xxiii.
31), was one of the tokens of fermentation having
taken place, and the same effect was very possibly
implied in the name khemer.
The remaining terms call for but few remarks.
There can be no question that atit means wine, and
in this case it is observable that it forms part of a
Divine promise (Joel iii. 18; Am. ix. 13) very much
as tiroth occurs elsewhere, though other notices
imply that it was the occasion of excess (Is. xlix.
26; Joel i. 5). Two out of the three {<assages in
which tdbe occurs (Is. i. 22 ; Nah. i. 10) imply a
liquor that would be spoiled or wounded (the
expression in Is. i. 22, m<ul t A. V. " mixed," ia
supposed to convey the same idea as the Latin
aitlrnre applied to wine in Plin. xix. 19) by the
application of water; we think the passages quoted
favor the idea of ttrength rather than sweetness
being the characteristic of ttbe. The term occurs
in Hos. iv. 18, in the sense of a debauch, and the
verb accompanying it has no connection with the
notion of acidity, but would more properly be ren-
dered "is past." The mingling implied in the
term metei may have been designed either tc
buy gram," and heme
stance to be eaten.
exp r esses In ttsstf the sat
n<#.
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3544
WINB
e, or to diminish the strength of tin wine,
according as npice> or water formed the ingredient
that wai added. The notion chiefly favor the
former view; for mingled liquor wai prepared for
high festivals (Prov. ix. 2, 6), and occasions of
excess (Ptot. zxiii. 80; It. v. 22). A cup "full
mixed," waa emblematic of severe punishment (Pa.
Imt. 8). At the aame time atrength waa not the
tile object aought : the wine " mingled with
myrrh " given to Jeaua, waa designed to deaden
pain (Mark xt. 23), and the spiced pomegranate
wine prepared by the bride (Cant rill. 2) mar well
have been of a mild character. Both the Greeks
and Romans were in the habit of flavoring their
wines with spices, and such preparations were
described by the former as wine 4( bpa/xarwy
KaraaKtvaCifuyos (Athen. i. p. 31 e), and by the
latter as aromatila (Plin. xiv. 19, J 6). The
authority of the MUhna may be cited in favor both
of water and of spioes, the former being noticed in
Bernek. 7, § 6; Ptvick. 7, J 13, and the latter in
Bchen. 2, § 1. In the New Testament the char-
acter of the " sweet wine," noticed in Acta ii. 18,
calls fur some little remark. It could not be nea
wine in the proper sense of the term, inasmuch as
about eight mouths most have elapsed between the
vintage and the feast of Pentecost It might have
been applied, just ss mmtum was by the Romans,
to wine that had been preserved for about a year in
an unfermented state (Cato, S. R. c. 120). But
the explanations of the ancient lexicographers
rather lead us to infer that its luscious qualities
were due, not to its being recently made, but to its
being produced from the very purest juice of the
grape: for both in Hesychius and the Etymologi-
cutn Magnum the term yKwKot is explained to be
the juice that flowed spontaneously from the grape
before the treading commenced. The name itself,
therefore, is not conclusive as to its being an unfer-
mented liquor, while the context implies the re-
verse : for St. Peter would hardly have offered a
serious defense to an accusation that was not seri-
ously made; and yet if the sweet wine in question
were not intoxicating, the accusation could only
have been ironical.
As considerable stress is laid upon the quality
of sweetness, as distinguished from strength, sup-
posed to be implied in the Hebrew terms metek
and itbe, we may observe that the usual term for
the inspissated juice of the grape, which was char-
acterized more especially by sweetness, was dtbnih,"
rendered in the A. V. " honey " (Gen. xliii. 11;
Ex. xxrii. 17). This was prepared by boiling it
down either to a third of its original bulk, in which
ease it was termed tnpa by the Latins, snd fytyia
or alpatov by the Greeks, or else to half its bulk,
in which case it was termed defrutum (Plin. xiv.
11). Both the substance and the name, under the
form of dikt, are in common use in Syria at the
present day. We may further notice a leas artifi-
cial mode of producing a sweet liquor from the
grape, tamely, by pressing the juice directly into
the cup, as described in Gen. xL 11. And, lastly,
there appears to hare been a beverage, also of a
tweet character, produced by macerating grapes,
and hence termed the " liquor " * of grapes
(Num. ri. 3). These latter preparations are al-
lowed in the Koran (xvi 69) as substitutes for wine.
There can be little doubt that the wines of Pal-
1*3*
» rntpa.
WINK
estine varied in quality, and were named after tot
localities in which they were made. We have no
notices, however, to this effect. The only wines of
which we have special uotice, belonged to Syria
these were the wine of Helbon, a valley near Da-
mascus, which in ancient, times was prized at Tyre
(Es. xxrii. 18) and by the Persian monarch!
(Strab. xv. p. 786), at it still la by the readouts
of Damascus (Porter, Damascus, i. 338); snd
the wine of Lebanon, tuned for its aroma (Hoe.
xiv. 7).
With regard to the use* of wine in private life
there is little to remark. -It was produced on oc-
casions of ordinary hospitality (Gen. xiv. 18), and
at festivals, such as marriages (John iL 3). Th»
monuments of ancient Egypt furnish abundant evi
deuce that the people of that country, both male
and female, indulged liberally in the use of win*
(Wilkinson, i. 52, 68). It hat been inferred from
a passage in Plutarch (o!s IM. 6) that no wine was
drunk in Egypt before the reign of Psammetiehna,
and this passage has been quoted in illustration of
Gen. xl. 11. The meaning of the author seem*
rather to he that the kings subsequently to Psam-
meticbus did not restrict themselves to the quan-
tity of wine prescribed to them by reason of their
sacerdotal office (Diod. i. 70). Tor tiltlvation of
the vine was incompatible with the conditions of a
nomad Hie, and it ass probably on this account
that Jonadab, wishing to perpetuate that kind of
life among his posterity, prohibited the use of
wine to them (Jer. xxxv. 6). The case is exactly
parallel to that of the Nabathssans, who abstained
from wine on purely political grounds (Diod. xiz.
94).
Under the Mosaic Law wine formed the usual
drink-offering that accompanied the daily sacrifice
(Ex. xxix. 40), the presentation of the first-fruits
(Lev. xxiii. 18), and other offerings (Num. xt. 6).
It appears from Num. xxviii. 7 that strong drink
might be substituted for it on these occasions.
Tithe was to be paid of wine (Arose) ss of other
products, and this wss to be consumed " before the
Lord," meaning within the precincts of the Temple,
or perhaps, as may be inferred from Lev. vii. 16, at
the place where the Temple was situated (Deut xii.
17, 18). The priest waa also to receive first-fruite
of wine (rtn!«»), at of other articles (Deut xviii.
4; comp. Ex. xxii. 29): and a promise of plenty
was attached to the faithful payment of these dues
(Prov. Hi. 9, 10). The priests were prohibited
from the use of wine and strong drink before par-
forming the services of the Temple (Lev. x.' 9), and
the place which this prohibition holds in the nar-
rative favors the presumption that the offense of
Nadab and Abihu was committed under the infra -
enoe of liquor. Ezekiel repeats the prohibition at
far as wine is concerned (Es. xliv. 21). The Nez-
arite was prohibited from the use of wine, or strong
drink, or even the juice of grapes during the con-
tinuance of his vow (Num. vi. 3); but the adoption
of that tow was a voluntary act The use of win*
at the paschal feast was not enjoined by the Law;
but bad become an established custom, at all events
in the post-Babylonian period. The cup was handed
round four times according to the ritual prescribed
in the Mishna (Poach. 10, { 1), the third cup
being designated the u cup of blessing '' (1 Cor.
x. 16), because grace was then said (Punch 10
§ 7). [Pabsoteb.] The contents of the enp an)
specifically described by our Lord as " the fruit '
tyeVmua) of the Tine (Matt xxvi. 29; Mark xh
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WINE-FAT
K; Lake nil. 18), and in the Mlehna simply at
wine. Tha wine waa mixed with warm water on
these occasions, aa implied in the notice of the
warming kettle (Petneh. 7, J 13). Hence in the
early Christian Church it waa uaual to mix the sao-
mmental wina with water, a custom aa old, at all
events, aa Justin Martyr's fime (Apol. i. 65). The
Pastoral Epistles contain directions as to the mod-
erate use of wine on the part of all holding office in
the Church ; aa thut they should not be -ripotyoi
(1 Tim. iii. 3; A. V. "given tc wine"), meaning
insolent and violent under the influence of wine;
"not gi»eo to much wine" (I Tim. iii. 8); "not
enslaved to much wine '' (lit. ii. 3). The term
r*f*U«» in 1 Tim. iii. a (A. V. "sober"),
aipreaMa general vigilance and circumspection
(Sehleuaner, Lex. s. v. ; Alford, in foe.). St. Paul
advises Timothy himself to be no longer a habitual
water-drinker, but to take a little wine for his
health's sake (I Tim. v. 23). No very satisfactory
reason oan be assigned for the place which this in-
junction holds in the epistle, unless it were intended
to correct any possible misapprehension aa to the
preceding words, " Keep thyself pure." The pre-
eepts above quoted, as well as others to the same
enact addressed to the disciples generally (Rom. xiii.
13; Gal. v. 21; 1 Pet. iv. 3), show the extant to
which intemperance prevailed in ancient times, and
the extreme danger to which the Church waa sub-
jected from this quarter. W. L. B.
* On the Bible names of wine and its use in the
East, tee articles by W. G. Schauffler in the Bibl
Repot, for Oct. 18:16; L. Mayer, Amtr. Bibl Re-
pot, for Oct. 1839; and T. Laurie, Bibl Sacra for
Jan. 1869. The view of Dr. F. K. Im, referred
to above, is art forth in bis articles Wine, Fruits,
and Drink, Strong, in the first edition (18^5) of
Kitto's Cycl. of Bibl. Lit., also in hi* Ettayt, Hut.
and Vrit. on Me Temptmnee Question, Lond. 1853
(including Tirotli lo Yayin), and very fully in the
Temperance Bible- Commentary by Dr. F. R. Lees
and the Rev. Dawson Burns, Lond. 1868, Amer.
ed., with Preface by Dr. Tayler Lewis, X. Y. 1870.
They are adopted in the main by Professor G. C.
M. Douglas, art. Wine in Fairbairn's Imp. Bible
Diet., but are warmly controverted by Isaao Jen-
ninga, art. Wine in the 3d ed. of Kitto's CycL of
Bibl Lit. (1866). A.
• WINE-PAT. [Wikb-Pbksb.]
WINE-PBESS(n2; 2,7!.; rn-13). From
the scanty notices oontained in the Bible we gather
that the wine-presses of the Jews oonsisted of two
receptacles or vata placed at different elevations, in
the upper one of which the grapes wen trodden,
while the lower one received the expressed juioe.
The two vata are mentioned together only in Joel
hi. 13: " The prats (yalh) la full: the fata (yeke-
tim) overflow " — the upper vat being full of fruit,
the lower one overflowing with the must. Yekeb
Is similarly applied in Joel ii. 24, and probably In
JYov. iii. 10, where the verb rendered " burst out "
in tbo A. V. may bear the more general sense of
"abound" (Gesen. Thee. p. 1130). Gain is also
strictly applied to the upper vat in Neh. xiii. 15,
Lam. i. 1ft, and la. Ixiii. 2, with pirih in a pand-
1*1 sens* in the following verse. Elsewhere yekeb
I* not strictly applied; for in Jobxxiv. 11, and Jer.
xlviii. 33, it refers to the upper vat, just aa in
Matt xxL 83, tntoKirio* (properly the vat under
tb* press ) is substituted for Xnris, at giveL in
Mark si. 1. It would, moreover, appear natural
223
WISDOM OF SOLOMON 8646
to describe the whole arrangement by the terra
gath, aa denoting the most important portion of it;
but, with the exception of proper names in which
the word appears, suoh a* Gath, Gatb-rimmon,
Gath-hepher, ana Gittaim. the term yekeb la ap-
plied to it (Judg. vii. 25; Zech. xiv. 10). Tb*
same term is also applied to the produce of the
wine-press (Num. xviii. 27,30; Deut xv. 14; 2 K.
vi. 27; Has. ix. 2). The term pirih, as used in
Hag. ii. 16, probably refers to the contents of a
wine-vat," rather than to the press or vat itself.
The two vata were usually dug or hewn out of the
solid rook (la. v. 2, margin; Matt xxi. 83). An-
cient wine-presses, so constructed, are still to be
seen in Palestine, one of which is thus described by
Robinson : " Advantage had been taken of a ledg*
of rock; on the upper side a shallow vat had been
dug out, eight feet square, and fifteen inches deep
Two feet lower down another smaller vat waa ex-
cavated, four feet square by three feet deep. The
grapes were trodden in the shallow upper vat, and
the juice drawn off by a hole at the bottom (still
remaining) into the lower vat " (Bibl Set. Hi. 137
603). The wine-presses were thus permanent, and
were sufficiently well known to serve as indications
of certain localities (Judg. vii. 25; Zech. xiv. 10).
The upper receptacle (gath) was large enough to
admit of threshing being carried on in (not " by,"
as in A. T.) it, as was done by Gideon for the
sake of concealment (Judg. vi. 11). [Fat.]
w. Lb.
WINNOWING. [Agricdxtuhk.]
• WINTHJk [PAUtsTisit, iii. 2317 ffi ; Ao-
RICULTUKB.]
WISDOM OF JESUS, SON OF SI
RACH. [EccLESiASTicus.]
WISDOM, THE, OF SOLOMON. 3o
<pla Xaka/uir; So<pla ioKo/iSrros; later, jj io
Mat Liber Bapientia; SapUntia Salomonit j
Sophia Salomonit, The title Stxpia was also ap-
plied to the Book of Proverbs, as by Mehto op. Eu-
seb. U. E. Iv. 26 (napoiptat v) «ol r) Soa>t'a; set
Vales, or Routh ad lac.), and also to Ecclesisaticua,
as Epiphanius (adv. har. Ixxvi. p. 941, ir rats 3o-
e)foit , 3o\oiiArr6t r4 (prifu *al u/oD Xpdx), ' ronl
which considerable confusion has arisen.
1. Text. —The Book of Wisdom is preserved In
Greek and Latin texts, and in subsidiary transla-
tions into Syriao, Arabic, and Armenian. Of then
latter, the Armenian it said to be the most impor-
tant; the Syriao and Arabic Versions being para-
phrastic and inaccurate (Grimm, Kinl § 10). Th*
Greek text, which, as will appear afterwards, it un-
doubtedly the original, offers no remarkable fea-
tures. The variations in the MSS. are confined
within narrow limits, and are not suoh as to sug-
gest the idea of distinct early recensions; nor is
there any appearance of serious corruptions anterior
to existing Greek authorities. Tho Old Latin
Version, which waa left untouched by Jerome
(Prof, in Liber Sal., In eo libro qui a plerisqu*
Sapientia Salomonit inscribitur .... calamo
temperavi; tantummodo canonicas Scripturaa
emendare desiderans, et studium meum certis ma-
gis quam dubiia coromendare), is in the main a
close and faithful rendering of the Greek, though
it contains some additions to the original text, such
as are characteristic of the old version generally.
a Ttai LXX. renders the term by
Greek measure equivalent to tha Hebrew natb.
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WISDOM, THE, OF SOLOMON
Example* of these addition* are found — i. 15, /»-
jusritia (iuIi m vwrlit est aajuisilio ; ii. 8, Nullum
pratum sit quod mm pertrnnseot luxuria nostra ;
ii. 17, H sciemut qua erunl notiuittta iliim ; vi. 1,
Mtlior est sa/rientia quam vires, ft vir prudent
qwim forth. And the construction of the paral-
lelism in the two first cases suggests the belief that
there, at least, the l*atin reading may be correct.
But other additions point to a different conclusion :
vi. 23, iKliyite lumen tiipientia omnes qui praeslis
yopulis; viii. 11, et fades principum mirnbuntur
me ,* ix. 19, qvicunque pliicuerunt tibi domine a
principh ; xi. 5, a defectione pntus sui, ei in eis
cum nbundarent Jilii /tract imlati sunt.
The chief Greek MSS. in which the book is con-
tained an the Codex Sinaiticut (S), the Cod.
Alejcandiiuut (A), the Cod. Vaticanus (B), and
the Cod. Ephrnemi rescr. (C). The entire text
is preserved in the three former; in the latter, only
considerable fragment*: viii. 6-xi. 10; xir. 19-xvii.
18; xviii. 24-xix. 22.
Saliatier used four Latin MSS of the higher
class for his edition: '> Corbeienses duos, ununi San-
germanensem, et aliuni S. Theodorici ad Reinoe,"
of which he professes to give almost a complete
(but certainly not a literal) collation. The varia-
tions are not generally important; but patristic
quotations show that in early times very considera-
ble differences of text existed. An important MS.
of the book in the Brit. Mus. F.yertun, 1046, Saw.
viii. has not yet been examined.
2. Content t. — The book has been variously
divided; but it seems to fall most naturally into
two peat divisions: (1) i.-ix.; (2) x.-xix. The
first contains the doctrine of Wisdom iu its mora',
and intellectual aspects ; the second, the doctrine
of Wisdom as shown in history. Each of these
parts is again capable of subdivision. The first
part contains the praise of Wisdom as the source
of immortality in contrast with the teaching of
sensualists (i.-v.); and next the praise of Wisdom
as the guide of practical and intellectual life, the
stay of princes, and the interpreter of the universe
(vi.-ix.). The second part, again, follows the
tction of Wisdom summarily, as preserving God's
lervant* from Adam to Moses (x. 1-xi. 4), and
more particularly in the punishment of the Egyp-
tians and Canaanites (xi. 6-16, xi. 17-xii.). This
punishment is traced to its origin in idolatry,
which, in its rise and progress, presents the false
lubstitute for Revelation (xiii., xiv. ). And in the
jut section (xv.-xix.) the history of the. Exodus is
used to illustrate in detail the contrasted fortunes
if the people of God and idolaters. The whole
argument may be presented in a tabular form in
r.hi following shape : —
.--Ch. i.-ix. The doctrine of Wisdom in its
spiritual, intellectual, and moral aspects.
(a.) i.-v. Wisdom the giver of happiness and
immortality.
Use conditions of wisdom (i. 1-11).
Uprightness of thought (1-5).
Uprightness of word (6-11).
The origin of death (i. J 2— ii. 24).
Sin (in fact) by man's free will (i. 12-16).
The reasoning of the sensualist (ii. 1-20).
Sin (in source) by the envy of the devil
(21-24).
The godly and wicked in life (as mortal), (iii
1-it.l.
In chastisement* (ill. 1-10).
In the results of life (iii. 11-it. • .
In length of life (7-20).
The godly and wicked after death (v.).
The judgment of conscience (1-14).
The judgment of God —
On the godly (IS, 16).
On the wicked (17-23).
03.) vi.-ix. Wisdom the guide of life.
Wisdom the guide of princes (vi. 1-21)
The responsibility of power (1-11).
Wisdom soon found (12-16).
Wisdom the source of true soveresgerj
(17-21).
The character and realm of wisdom.
Open to all (vi. 22-vii. 7).
Pervading all creation (vii. 8-vtii 1).
Swaying all life (viii. 2-17}.
Wiadoin the gift of God (viii. 17-ix.).
Prayer for wisdom (ix.).
II. — Ch. x.-iii. The doctrine of Wisdom its its
historical aspects.
(a.) Wisdom a power to save and chastise.
Wisdom seen in the guidance of God's people
from Adam to Moses (x.-xv 4).
Wisdom seen in the punishment of God's test-
miet (xi. 6-xii.).
The Egyptians (xi. 5-xii. 1).
The Canaanites (xii. 2-18).
The lesson of mercy and judgment (19-
87).
(30 The growth of idolatry the opposite Ii
wisdom.
The worship of nature (xiii. 1-9).
The worship of images (xiii. 10-xiv. 13).
The worship of deified men (xiv. 14-21).
The moral effects of idolatry (xiv. 22-31).
(■y.) The contrast between true worshippers and
idolaters (xv.-xix.).
The general contrast (xr. 1-17).
Toe special contrast at the Exodus —
The action of beasts (xv. 18-xvi. 13).
The action of the forces of nature —
water, fire (xvi. 14-29).
The symbolic darkness (xviL-xviu. 4).
The action of death (xviii. 5-26).
The powers of nature changed in their
working to save and destroy (xix. 1-
21).
Conclusion (xix. 21).
The subdivisions are by no means sharply defined,
though it is not difficult to trace the main current
of thought. Each section contains the preparation
for that which follows, just as in the classic trilogy
the close of one play shadowed forth the subject
of the next. Thus in ii. 24 A, iv. 20, ix. 18, etc.,
the fresh idea is enunciated, which is subsequently
developed at length. In this way the whole book
is intimately bound together, and the clauses whiek
appear at first sight to be idle repetitions of thought
really spring from the elaborateness of its structure,
3. Unity and Integrity. — It follows from what
has been said that the book forms a complete and
harmonious whole. But the distinct treatment of
the subject, theoretically and historically, in two
parts, has given occasion from time to time for
maintaining that it is the work of two or mora
authors. C. F. Houbigant (Prolegg. ad Sap. et
Kcclet. 1777) supposed that the first nine chapters
were the work of Solomon, and that the translator
of the Hebrew original (probably) added Um most
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WISDOM, THE, OF SOLOMOX
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chapters. Eichhorn (Ein}. in d. Apoc. 1795),
rightly fading that some historical illustrations of
the action of wisdom were required bj the close of
eh. ix., fixed the end of the original book at ch. xi
1. Nachtigall (Dm Buck Weitlt. 179<J) devised a
Ear more artificial theory, and imagined that he
could trace in the book the records of (so to apeak)
an antipbonic "Praise of Wisdom," delivered in
three sittings of the sacred schools by two com-
panies of doctors. Bretschneider (1804-5), fol-
lowing out the simpler hypothesis, found three
dilferent writings in the book, of which he attrib-
uted the first part (i. 1-vi. 8) to a Palestinian Jew
of the time of Autiochus Kpipb., the second (vi.
l*-x.) to a philosophic Alexandrine Jew of the
time of our Ixird, and the third (xii.-iix.) to
t contemporary, but uneducated Jew, who wrote
under the influence of the rudest national preju-
dices. The eleventh chapter was, as he supposed,
added by the compiler who brought the three chief
part* together, liertholdt (Eiideiltmg, 1815) fell
hack upon a modification of the earliest division.
He included cc. i.-xii. in the original book,
which he regarded as essentially philosophical,
while the later addition (xiii.-xix.) is, in his judg-
ment, predominantly theological. It is needless to
enter in detail into the arguments by which these
various opinions were maintained, hut when taken
together, they furnish an instructive example of the
course of subjective criticism The true .efutation
of the one hypothesis whieh they have in common
— the divided authorship of the book — is found in
the substantial harmony and connection of its
parts, in the presence of the same general tone and
manner of thought throughout it, and yet more in
the essential uniformity of style and language whieh
it presents, though both are necessarily modified in
totue degree by thesubject-matter of the different sec-
■ioos. (For a detailed examination of the argument*
of the "Separatists," see (jrinim, Exeg. Ilnnlb.
§ 4 ; and Bauermeister, Conun. in lid. Sup. 3 tl. )
Some, however, admitting the unity of the book,
hive questioned its integrity. Eichhorn imagined
that it was left imperfect by its author (Einl. p.
148); Grotius, apparently, that it was mutilated
by some accident of time (Videtur hie liber esse
KoAovpor); and others have been found, in later
times, to support each opinion. Yet it is obvious
that the scope of the argument is fully satisfied by
the investigation of the providential history of the
Jews up to the time of the occupation of Canaan,
uid the last verse furnishes a complete epilogue to
the treatise, which Grimm compares, not inaptly,
with the last words of 3 Mace.
The idea that the book has been interpolated by
a Christian hand (Grotius, Grata) is as little worthy
of consideration as the idea that it it incomplete.
Hie passages which have been brought forward in
support of this opinion (ii. 12-20, 24, iii. la, 14,
lir. 7; comp. Humiiies, p. 174, ed. 1850) lose all
iLeir force, if fairly interpreted.
4. Style and Language. — The literary charac-
« of the book is most remarkable and interesting.
m the richness and freedom of its vocabulary it
aost closely resembles the fourth book of Macca-
bees, but it is superior to that fine declamation.
both in power and variety of diction. Ko existing
work represents perhaps more completely the s'yle
of composition which would be produced by 'he
sophistic schools of rhetoric ; and In the artificial
balancing of words, and the frequent niceties of
ajnogetnent and rhythm, it is impossible not to be
reminded of the exquisite story of Prodicu* (Xen
Mtmorab. ii. 1, 21), and of the subtle refinements
of Protagoras in the dialogue which liears his name.
It follows as a necessary consequence that the effect
of different parts of the book is very unequal. The
florid redundancy and restless straining after effect,
which may be not unsuited to vivid intellectual
pictures, is wholly alien from the philosophic con-
templation of history. Thus the forced contrast*
and fantastic exaggerations in the description of the
Egyptian plagues cannot but displease; while it is
equally impossible not to admire the lyrical force
of the language of the sensualist (ii. 1 ff.), and of
the picture of future judgment (v. 15 ff.). '11m
magnificent description of Wisdom (vii. 22-viii. 1)
must rank among the noblest passages of human
eloquence, and it would be perhaps impossible to
point out any piece of equal length in the remaini
of classical antiquity more pregnant with nobis
thought, or more rich in expressive phraseology.
It may be placed beside the Hymn of Uleanthes or
the visions of Plato, and it will not lose its power
to charm and move. Examples of strange or new
words may be found almost on every page. Such
are araroo'icruo'f, wpwToYAairros, tf x fx0" a * "7*~
paxia, 4rd^fiv 1 axnAloWo?, ptnfifur/x6s t £*vt-
rcfa; others belong characteristically to later Greek,
as SiajSovAiop, atrayaicAcurtiai, aSuLrruTOS , c8pa~
frtv t ftaAAos, arfpio*rao~r07, etc.; others, again,
to the language of philosophy, o/u>to*a<H)s, Cere
x6t, wpoOipt o-raVcu, etc. ; and others to the I.XX.,
Xepo-ow, iAoKavrouto, etc. No class of writing!
and no mode of combination appear to be unfa-
miliar to the writer. Some of the phrases which
lie adopts are singularly happy, as xardxp«oi
a/iaprtas ('■ 4), a\a(oi>tvea(ka irarepa 0<eV (ii.
16), iK-rh aBarcurtat x\-r)pfc ( ui - *).<*>•! ««•
not less so some of the short and weighty sen-
tences in which he gathers up the truth on which
be is dwelling: vi. 19, o/pSapola tyyvs tlrat
won? 0eovi xi. 26, <pci3n Si wdWw 5ti cro itrri
8<o**oTa (p iA 6tyvx «■ The numerous arti-
ficial resources with which the book abounds are
a leas pleasing mark of labor bestowed upon its
composition. Thus, in i. 1, we have ayarfiaaTt
• > <pporfi<raTt .. • • • «V &yad6rnTt Kal in
aTAoVrrri, • • • • (vrfiaart ; v. 22, wortuwl
• ■ iaror6/uni xiii. 11, irtpii^vatv fuuafitet
• • Kal rexwAutyoi tv*p*wcis ; zix. 21,
ttjktox ctfrrMfTor. The arrangement of the words
is equally artificial, but generally more effective,
and often very subtle and forcible; vii. 29, fori
yap afrnj (.7) aoipla) tinrptwtirrdpa 4]\lou Kal
4»«p waoav turrpur iiaiv, <ptrr\ trvyKpivo/iin)
t&ptvKtrtu wporipa. tovto fitv yap 5ia8«x'T«u
vvE, tr<uplas 5« owe arrHTYiifi Kaxfa.
The language of the Old tatin translation is also
itself full of interest. It presents, in great pro-
fusion, the characteristic provincialisms which else-
where mark the earliest African version of tbe
Scriptures. [Comp. Vulgate, § 43.] Such are
the substantives txterminium, refrigerium ; pirwdn-
ritnt, medieUu, nitnielnt, mitiriUit, tujienxiciutiii ;
tubitatio ; tissistrix, rioctrix, electrix ; immeinoratia
(au#i)<rfa) ; incolnttu ; the adjectives cvnltmptibilu,
ineffugibilit, odibilis ; incoinquimtut, ianuxiluitut,
indisaplinaltu, intentntus, irui/nulniiu (aVuiro-
Kpirox); fitmigobundue ; the verbs angvtiart,
mamuetare, improperare ; and the phrases inpot-
sibitit immittere, partibm (=parHm), innunerabiUi
koneUnt, providential (pi.). •
5. Original Language. — The chanctorittiesaf
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wisdom; thk, of solomok
the language, which have been Juat noticed, an so
marked that no doubt could ever have been raised
■a to the originality of the Greek text, if it had not
been that the book was once supposed to be the
work of Solomon. It was assumed (so far rightly)
that if the traditional title were correct, the book
must have been written in Hebrew ; and the belief
which was thus based upon a false opinion as to
y» authorship, survived, at least partially, for
some time after that opinion was abandoned. Yet
as it must be obvious, even on a superficial exam-
ination, that the style and language of the book
show conclusively that it could not have been the
work of Solomon, so it appears with equal cer-
tainty that the freedom of the Greek diction was
checked by no Aramaic text. This was well stated
by Jerome, who says, " Fertur et wavAptrot Jesu
filii Sirach liber, et alius rjievStriypaQos qui Sa-
pientiaSalomonis inscribitur . . . . Secundusapud
Uebreos nusquam est, quia et ipse stylus Gnecam
eloquentiam redolet" (Prof, in Libv. Salom.);
and it seems superfluous to add any further argu-
ment to those which must spring from the reading
of any one chapter. It Is, however, interesting on
other grounds to observe that the book contains
Unequivocal traces of the use of the LXX. where
it diflers from the Hebrew: ii. 13, tvttptva-upitr
vie S i naior Sri Si vxpyar os j) p 7 ¥
ivrt (Is. Hi. 10); xv. 10, moSbs f) xaptia
abrir (Is. xliv. 20); and this not iu direct quota-
tions, where it is conceivable that a Greek trans-
lator might have felt justified in adopting the ren-
dering of the version with which he was familiar,
but where the words of the LXX. are inwrought
into the text itself. But while the original lan-
guage of the book may be regarded as certainly
determined by internal evidence, great doubt hangs
over the date and place of its composition ; and it
will be necessary to examine some of the doctrinal
peculiarities which it presents before any attempt
Is made to determine these points with approximate
accuracy.
6. Doctrinal Character. — The theological teach-
ing of the book offers, in many respects, the nearest
ipproach to the language and doctrines of Greek
philosophy which is found in any Jewish writing
ip to the time of Fhilo. There is much in the
views which it gives of the world, of man, and of
the Divine Nature, which springs rather from the
combination or conflict of Hebrew and Greek
thought than from the independent development of
Hebrew thought alone. Thus, in speaking of the
almighty power of God, the writer describes Him as
" hairing created the universe out of matter with-
out form " {tcrlffaffa tok K^afioy 4 £ a fi6 p o> o v
Sa»i», xi. 17), adopting the very phrase of the
Vlatonists, which is found also in Pbilo (Dt Vict.
Offer. § 13), to describe the preexisting matter out
if which the world was made, and (like Pbiio, Dt
Uund. Op. $ 4) evidently implying that this inde-
<■ The famous passage, 11. 12-20, has been very fre-
quently regarded, both in early and modern times, as
a prophecy of the Pauion of Christ, " the child of
Sod." It is quoted in this sense by Xsrtullian (adv.
liar: Ui. 221. Cyprian (2>«<m. U. 14), Hippotytus
(Vm oat'. Jud. 9), Origra {Horn, vi tit fir. 1.), and
many later Fathers, and Homish intsrpreters have
fsnenjy followed their opinion. It seems obvious,
however, that the passage contains no Individual ref-
SSsbobj and the coincidences which exist between the
svnguagv and detaUii in the Oospeb are doe part'v to
terminate matter was itself uncreated. Whatever
attempts may be made to bring this statement into
harmony with the doctrine of an absolute primal
creation, it is evident that it derives its form from
Greece. Scarcely less distinctly heathen is the eon-
caption which is presented of the body as a men
weight and clog to the soul (ix. 15 ; contrast S Cor.
v. 1-4); and we must refer to some extra-Judaic
source for the remarkable doctrine of the preexist-
ence of souls, which finds unmistakable expression
In viii. 20. The form, Indeed, in which this dee-
trine is enunciated diflers alike from that given by
Plato and by Philo, but it is r.o less foreign to the
pure Hebrew mode of thought. It is more ic ac-
cordance with the language of the O. T. that the
writer represents the Spirit of God as filling (i. 7)
and inspiring all things (xii. 1), but even hem the
idea of "a soul of the world " seems to influence
his thoughts ; and the same remark applies to the
doctrine of the Divine Providence (wedVoia, xiv. 3,
xvii. 2; comp. Grimm, ad loc), and of the four
cardinal virtues (viii. 7, caxppocvvt), Qpirnoa, St-
Kaioavvri, IwSptia), which, in form at beat, show
(he effect of Stoic teaching. There is, on the other
hand, no trace of the characteristic Christian doc-
trine of a resurrection of the body; and the future
triumph of the good is entirely unconnected with
any revelation of a personal Messiah « (ili. 7, 8, v.
16; comp. Grimm on i. 12, iii. 7, for a good view
of the eschatology of the book). The identification
of the tempter (Gen. iii.), directly or indirectly,
with the devil, as the brlnger " of death into the
world " (ii. 23, 24), is the most remarkable develop-
ment of Biblical doctrine which the book contains;
and this pregnant passage, when combined with the
earlier declaration as to the action of man's free
will in the taking of evil to himself (i. 12-16), is a
noble example of the living power of the Divine
teaching of the O. T. in the face of other Influences.
It is also In this point that the Pseudo-Solomon
differs most widely from Philo, who recognizee no
such evil power in the world, though the doctrine
must have been well known at Alexandria (comp.
Ufriirer, Philo, etc. ii. 238).' The subsequent de-
liverance of Adam from his transgression (/{efXore
atirbr in ircuMurraipaTO? Itiov) is attributed to
Wisdom; and it appears that we must understand
by this, not the scheme of Divine Providence, but
that wisdom, given by God to man, which is im-
mortality (viii. 17 ). Generally, too, it may be ob-
served that, as in the cognate books, Proverbs and
Ecclesiastea, there are few traces of the recognition
of the sinfulness even of the wise man in his
wisdom, which forms, in the Psalms and the
Prophets, the basis of the Christian doctrine of the
atonement (yet comp. xv. 2). With regard to the
interpretation of the O. T., it is worthy of notice
that a typical significance is assumed to uoderns
the historic details (xvi. 1, xviii. 4, 6, etc.); and
in one most remarkable passage (xviii. 24) the high-
the O. T. passages on which it is based, and partly to
the concurrence of each typical form of reproach and
suffering in the Lord's Passion.
6 There Is also considerable difference be t ween the
sketch of the rise of Idolatry in Philo, De Manank.
J 1-8, are that given in Wad. xUi., xiv. Other differ-
ences an pointed out by Bchhorn, EM. 172 ft A
trace of the cabbalistic use of numbers Is pointed oat
by Bwald in the fweaty-ofu attributes of WMosa frl
22,28).
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WISDOM, THE, OF SOLOMON
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priestly dim f* expressly described u presenting en
Image of tbo Divine glory in creation and in the
patriarchal covenant — an explanation which b
found, in the main, both in Philo (Z>« VUn Hot.
§ 19) and Joaepbus (Ant iii 7, § 7), aa well aa in
later writers (comp. also xvi. 8, J 7). In connec-
tion with the 0. T. Scriptures, the book, aa a
whole, may be regarded aa carrying on one step
farther the great problem of life contained in Ec-
sleaiaates and Job; while it difiera from both for-
aviSy by the admixture of Greek elements, and doe-
trinnlly by ths supreme prominence given to the
idea of immortality as the vindication of Divine
justice (comp. below, J 9).
7. Tht Doctrine uf Witdom — It would be im-
possible to trace here in detail the progressive de-
velopment of the doctrine of Wisdom, as • Divine
Power standing in some sense between the Creator
and creation, yet without some idea of this history
no correct opinion can be formed on the position
which the book of the Pseudo-Solomon occupies in
Jewish literature. The foundation of the doetrine
is to be found in the book of Proverbs, where (viii.)
Wisdom (Khokmah) is represented as present w'.th
God before (viii. 22) and during the creation of the
world. So far it appears only as a principle regu-
lating the action of the Creator, though even in this
way it establishes a close connection between the
world, as the outward expression of Wisdom, and
God. Moreover, by the personification of Wisdom,
and the relation of Wisdom to men (viii. SI), a
preparation is made for the extension of the doc-
trine. This appears, after a long interval, in Ec-
ekniasticus. In the great description of Wisdom
given in that book (xxiv.), Wisdom Is represented
as a creation of God (xxiv. 9), penetrating the
whole universe (4-6), and taking up her special
abode with the chosen people (8-12). Her personal
existence and providential function are thus dis-
tinctly brought out. In the Book of Wisdom the
conception gains yet further completeness. In this,
Wisdom is identified with the Spirit of God (ix.
17) — an identification half implied in Eccltuuxxiv.
8 — which brooded over the elements of the un-
formed world (ix. 9), and inspired the prophets
(vii. 7, 27). She is the power which unites (1- 1)
and directs all things (viii. 1). By her, In especial,
men have fellowship with God (xii. 1); and her
action is not confined to any period, for " in all
ages entering into holy souls, she maketh them
friends of God and prophets " (vii. 27). So also
her working, in the providential history of God's
people, is traced at length (x. ) ; and her power is
declared to reach beyond the world of man into
that of spirits (vii. 23).
The conception of Wisdom, however boldly per-
sonified, yet l»vrs a wide chasm between the world
and the Creator Wisdom answers to the idea of
a spirit vivifying and uniting all things in all time,
aa distinguished from any special outward revela-
tion of the Divine Person. Thus at the same time
that the doctrine of Wisdom was gradually eon<
structed, the correlative doetrine of the Divine
Word was also reduced to a definite shape. The
Word (Memra), the Divine expression, aa it was
dnderstood in Palestine, furnished the exact oom
element to Wisdom, the Divine thought . but the
ambiguity of the Greek Logo* {lermo, ratio) intro-
Juoed considerable confusion into the la'.er treat-
atent of the two ideas. Broadly, however, it may
9* said that the Word properly represented the
nedlative element in the action of God, Witdom
the medlative element of his oninipresei ice. Thus,
according to the later distinction of Philo, Wisdom
corresponds to the immantnt Word (A6yot WioV
6rros), while the Word, strictly speaking, was de-
fined as tnmcialat (\tryoi w/Hxpopmis). Both
ideas are included in the language of the prophet*,
and both found a natural development in Palestine
and Egypt, The one prepared men for the revela-
tion of the Son of God, the other for the revelation
of the Holy Spirit.
The book of the Pseudo-Sclemon, which gives
the most complete view of Divine Wisdom, contains
only two paasages in which the Word is invested
with the attributes of personal action (xvi. 12, xviii.
IB ; ix. 1 is of different character). These, however,
are sufficient to indicate that the two powers were
distinguished by the writer; and it has been com-
monly argued that the superior prominence given
in the book to the conception of Wisdom is an in-
dication of a date anterior to Philo. Nor is this
conclusion unreasonable, if it is probably established
on independent grounds that the book is of Alex-
andrine origin. But it is no less important to ob-
serve that the doctrine of Wisdom in itself is no
proof of this. There is nothing in the direct teach-
ing on this subject which might not have arisen in
Palestine, and it is necessary that we should recur
to the more special traits of Alexsndrine thought
in the book which have been noticed before ($ 6)
for the primary evidence of its Alexandrine origin ;
and starting from this there appears to be, as far aa
can be judged from the imperfect materials at our
command, a greater affinity in the/brm of the doe-
trine on wisdom to the teaching of Alexandria than
to that of Palestine (comp. Ewald, (Such. iv. 5*8
ft".; Welte, i'tni 161 ff., has some good criticisms
on many supposed traces of Alexandrine doctrine in
the book, but errs in denying all).
The doctrine of the Divine Wisdom passes by a
transition, often imperceptible, to that of human
wisdom, which is derived from it. This embrace)
not only the whole range of moral and spiritual
virtues, but also the various branches of physical
knowledge. [Comp. Philosophy.] In this aspect
the enumeration of the great forms of natural
science in vii. 17-20 (viii. 8), offers a most In-
structive subject of comparison with the correspond-
ing paasages in 1 K. iv. 82-84. In addition to the
subjects on which Solomon wrote (Songs, Proverbs I
Plants, Beasts, Fowls, Creeping Things, Fishes),
Cosmology, Meteorology, Astronomy, Psychology,
and even the elements of the philosophy of history
(viii. 8), are included among the gifts of Wisdom.
So far then the thoughtful Jew had already at tht
Christian era penetrated into the domain of specu-
lation and inquiry, into each province, it would
seem, which was then recognised, without abandon-
ing the simple faith of his nation. The fact itself
is most significant; and the whole book may be
quoted as furnishing an important corrective to the
later Roman descriptions of the Jews, which wen
drawn from the people when they had been almost
uncivilized by the excitement of the last desperate
struggle for national existence. (For detailed refer-
ences to the chief authorities on the history of the
Jewish doetrine of Wisdom, sea Philosophy;
adding Bruch, Die WatktiltUAre dtr Bebritr,
1861.)
8. Piae* and Date of Writing. — Without claim-
ing for the internal indications of the origin of the
book a decisive fores, It seems most reasonable to
believe on these grounds that it was eomprssd at
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WISDOM, THE, OF SOLOMON
Alexandria, some time before the time of Philo (cir.
120-80 n. c. )■ Thi« opiniou in the main, though
ihe eoiijeetunil dale varie* from 160-50 B. c. or
■reij beyond theae limit*, la held by Heydenreich,
Gfriirer, Bauenneiater, Ewald, Bruch, and Grimm;
and other feature* in the book go far to confirm it.
Without entering into the question of the extent of
the Hellenistic element at Jerusalem in the last
century B. c, it may be safely affirmed that there
is not the slightest evidence for the existence there
ef so wide an acquaintance with Greek modes of
thought, and so complete a command of the re-
sources of the Greek language, as is shown in the
book of Wisdom. Alexandria was the only place
where Judaism and Philosophy, both of the east
and west, came into natural and close connection.
It appears further that the mode in which Egyptian
idolatry is s|K>ken of, must be due in tome degree
to the influence of present and living antagonism,
■lid not to the contemplation of past history. This
is particularly evident In the great force laid upon
the details of the Egyptian animal worship (xv. 18,
etc ) ; and the description of the condition of the
Jewish settlers ill I'lgipt (xix. 14-16) applies lietter
to colonists Axed at Alexandria on the conditions
of equality by the first Ptolemies, than to the im-
mediate descendants of Jacob. It may, indeed, be
said justly, that the local coloring of the latter part
of the book is conclusive aa to the place of its com-
position. But all the guesses which have been
made as to its authorship are absolutely valueless.
The earliest was that mentioned by Jerome, which
assigned it to l'hilo (Prof, in Lib. Siil. <* Konnulli
scriptorum veteruni nunc esse Judssi Phikmis affirm-
ant " ). There can be no doubt that the later and
famous Philo was intended by this designation,
though Jerome in his account of him makes no ref-
erence to the belief (Oe rir. illuttr. xi.). Many
later writers, including Luther and Gerhard,
adopted this view; but the variations in teaching,
which have been already noticed, effectually prove
that it is unfounded. Others, therefore, have im-
agined that the name was correct, but that the
elder Philo was intended by it (<{. Wernsdorff, and
in a modified form Huet and Ilellarmin). But of
this elder Jewish Philo it is simply known that he
wrote a poem on Jerusalem. Lutterbeck suggested
Aristobulus. [Aristobulus.] Kichhorn, Zeller,
Jost. and several others supposed that the author
was one of the Therapeutae, but here the positive
evidence against the conjecture is stronger, for the
book contains no trace of the ascetic discipline
which was of the essence of the Therapeutic teach-
ing. The opinion of some later critics that the
oook is of Christian origin (Kirschbaum, C. H.
Weiase), or even definitely the work of Apollos
(Noack), is still more perverse; for not only does it
not contain the slightest trace of the three cardinal
truths of Christianity, the Incarnation, the Atone-
ment, the Resurrection of the body, but it even
leaves no room for them by the general tenor of it*
teaching.*
• The conjecture of J. faber, that the book was
written by Zerubbebel, who rightly easmnad the char-
\e'me of a second Solomon, Is only worth mentioning
m a specimen of misplaced Ingenuity (comp. Welte,
Mutt. p. 101 If.), tugustlne himself corrected the mis-
take by whkb on attributed It to Jesus the son of
•inch.
ft l*r. Tregelles Has given a new turn to this opinion
»r supposing that the hook may hsre been written by
9. nietovy. — The history of the book fa ax
tremely obscure. There is no trace of the nee of it
before the Christian era, but this could not be
otherwise if the view which has been given of its
date be correct. It is perhaps more surprising that
Philo does not (as it seems) show any knowledge
of it, and it is not unlikely that if bis writings are
carefully examined with this object, some allusions
to it may be found which have hitherto escaped ob-
servation. On the other hand, it can scarcely be
doubted that St Paul, if not other of the Aportctic
writers, was familiar with its language, though be
makes no definite quotation from it (the snppoasd
reference in Luke xi. 19 to Wisd. ii. 19-14, is
wholly unfounded). Thus we have striking pan!
lets in Rom. ix. 21 to Wisd. xv. 7; in Rom. ix. at
to Wisd. xii. 20; in Eph. vi. 13-17 to Wisd. v
1 7-19 (the heavenly armor ), etc The coincidence*
in thought or language which occur in other books
of the N. T., if they stood alone, would he insuffi-
cient to establish a direct connection between them
and the Book of Wisdom; and even in the case of
St. Paul, ft may be questioned whether bis ac-
quaintance with the book may not have been gained
rather orally than by direct study. The same re-
mark applies to a coincidence of language in the
epistle of Clement to the Corinthians pointed out
by Grimm (AH Cor. i. 27; Wisd. xi. 22, xii. 12);
so that the first clear references to the book occur
not earlier than the close of the second century.
According to Kusebius (H. E. v. 26), Ireiuens
made use of it (and of the Ep. to the Hebrewa) in
a lost work, and in a passage of his great work
(adv. Har, iv. 88, 3), Irena»iia silently adopts a
characteristic clause from it (Wisd. vi. 19, axpfafr-
e-(a Je «Vy»r (tVai vouf ffeov). From the time of
Clement of Alexandria the look is constantly quoted
aa an inspired work of Solomon, or aa " Scripture,"
even by those Fathers who denied its assumed au-
thorship, and it gained a place in the Canon (to-
gether .with the other Apocryphal books) at the
Council of Carthage, cir. 397 A. D. (for detailed
references see Casok, vol. i. pp. 364, 366 ). From
this time its history is the same as that of the
other Apocryphal books up to the period of the
Reformation. In the controversies which arose
then its Intrinsic excellence commanded the admi-
ration of those who refused it a place among the
canonical books (so Luther op. Grimm, § 2). Pel-
lican directly affirmed its inspiration (Grimm, lc);
and it is quoted as Scripture in both the books of
Homilies (pp. 98-99 ; 174, ed. 1850). In later
times the various estimates which have been formed
of the book have been influenced by controversial
prejudices. In England, like the rest of the Apoc-
rypha, it has been most strangely neglected, though
it furnishes several lessons for Church Festivals.
It seems, indeed, impossible to study the hook dis-
passionately, and not feel that it forms one of the
last links in the chain of providential connection
between the Old and New Covenants. How far it
falls short of Christian truth, or rather how cos»-
a Christian (otherwise unknown) named Philo Ik
support of this he suggests sn Ingenious conlectnra]
emendation of a corrupt passage of the at i a tui laa
Canon. Where the Latin text reads it Sapitnttt al
amicu Saiomonis in konortm ipmus Mcripta, he *■— g«—
the original Greek may hare read, nl 4 Sofia Se»»
PMvrov wire vtAvrov (for fare* tiAmri .... Or again
that Jerome so misread the psasage (Jw u nm l t/ fluid
1856, p S7 ft).
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WISE MEN
pletely silent it it on the essential doctrines of
Christianity, has bien already see n ; and yet Chris-
tianity offers the only complete solution to the
problems which it raises in its teaching on the im-
mortality of man, on future judgment, on the cath-
olicity of the divine Church, and the speciality of
Revelation. It would not be easy to find elsewhere
any pre-Christian view of religion equally wide,
sustained, and definite. The writer seems to have
looked to the east and west, to the philosophy of
Persia and Greece, and to have gathered from loth
what they contained of Divine truth, and jet to
have clung with no less zeal than his fathers to that
central revelation which God made first to Moses,
and then carried on by the 0. T. prophets. Thus
in some sense the book becomes a landmark by
which we may partially fix the natural limits of the
development of Jewish doctrine when brought into
contact with heathen doctrine, and measure the
aspirations which were thus raised before their
great fulfillment. The teaching of the book upon
immortality has left ineffaceable traces upon the
language of Christendom. The noble phrase which
speaks of a " hope full of immortality " (Wisd. iii.
1), can never be lost; and in medieval art few
symbols are more striking than that which repre-
sents in outward form that " the souls of the right-
eous are in the hand of God " (Wisd. iii. I).
Other passages less familiar are scarcely less beau-
tiful when seen in the light of Christianity, as xv.
3, " To know Thee (0 God) is perfect righteous-
ness; yea, to know Thy power is the root of im-
mortality " (comp. viii. 13, 17; 8t John xvii. 3),
or si. 38, "Thou sparest all: for they are thine,
O Lord, thou lover of souls " (comp. xii. 16); and
many detached expressions anticipate the language
of the Apostles (iii. It, x<tf>" * a ' **«<>» ; ""• 1*'
T»ij w(<rr«« x«V" <«*«""4; xi. 23, wapopiu tqtafr
Hiitara iwSpibrwr th /ifr&roaun xvi. 7, Sii ci
Tor tAvtvv ffoirijpa).
10. Commcntniiet. — The earliest commentary
which remains is that of Rabanus Maurtis (t 856),
who undertook the work, as he says in his preface,
because he was not acquainted with any complete
esposition of the liook. It is uncertain from his
language whether the homilies of Augustine and
Ambrose existed in his time: at least they have
now been long lost. Of the Roman Catholic com-
mentaries the most important are those of Lorinus
(t 1634), Corn, a Lapide (t 1637), Maldonatus
(t 1583), Calmet (t 1757), J. A. Schmid (1858).
Of other commentaries, the chief are those by Gro-
tius (t 16+5), Heydenrcich, Bauenneistcr (1828)
and Grimm (1837). The last-mentioned scholar
has also published a new and admirable commentary
bi the Kurxt/rf. Kxty. Handb. tu d. Apok. 1860,
which contains ample references to earlier writers,
and only errs by excess of fullness. The Knglish
eoromcntiry of R. Arnald (t 175(1) is extremely dif-
fuse, but includes much illustrative matter, and
shows a regard for the variations of MSS. and
versions which was most unusual at the time. A
lood Knglish edition, however, is still to be de-
sired. B. F. W.
• WISE MEN, Matt ii. 1. [Magi; Stab
»r tbs Wise Mem.]
• WIST =» knew" (Ex. xvi 15; Mark ix.
t). It Is from the A.-9. leitan, in Germ, tcuseii.
|m Wrr, Wot. H.
■ WIT, from the V-8. miian =- « to know '
WITNESS 3551
(Gen. xxiv. 21 ; Ex. 11. 4). Hence, '• to do to toil "
(3 Cor. viii. 1) is "to cause to know." H.
WITCH, WITCHCRAFTS. [Maoic]
• WITHERED HAND. [Miroicure, vol
iii. p. 1866.]
WITNESS." Among people with whom writ-
ing is not common, the evidence of a transaction is
given by some tangible memorial or significant oere»
mony. Abraham gave seven ewe-lambs to Abime-
lech as an evidence of his property in the well of
Heer-eheba, Jacob raised a heap of stones, "the
heap of witness," as a boundary-mark between him-
self and Laban (Gen. xxi. 30, xxxi. 47, 52). Tbt
trihes of Reuben and Gad raised an " altar," de-
signed expressly not for sacrifice, but as a witness
to the covenant between themselves and the rest of
the nation ; Joshua set up a stone as an evidence
of the allegiance promised by Israel to God ; " for,"
he said, '• it hath heard all the words of the Lord "
(Josh. xxii. 10, 36, 34, xxiv. 26, 27). So also a
pillar Is mentioned by Isaiah as "a witness to the
Lord of Hosts in the land of Egypt " (Is. xix. 19,
20). Thus also the sacred ark and its contents are
called « the Testimony " (Ex. xvi. 33, 34, xxv. 16,
xxxviii. 21; Num. i. 50, 53, ix. 15, X. 11, xvii. T,
8, xviii. 2; Heb. ix. 4).
Thus also symbolical usages, in ratification of
contracts or completed arrangements, as the cere-
mony of shoe-loosing (Deut. xxv. 9, 10; Ruth It.
7, 8), the ordeal prescrilwd in the case of a sus-
pected wife, with which may be compared the
ordeal of the Styx (Num. v. 17-31; Out*. Mut.
vi. 388). The Bedouin Arabs practice a fiery
ordeal in certain cases by way of compurgation
(Burekhardt, Now, i. 121 ; Layard, Nin. mid
Bib. p. 305). The ceremony also appointed at
the oblation of ftrst-fruita may be mentioned as
partaking of the same character (Deut. xxvi. 4).
[KirsT-Fruits.]
But written evidence was by no means unknown
to the Jews. Divorce was to be proved by a writ-
ten document (Deut. xxiv. 1, 3), whereas among
Bedouins and Mussulmans in general a spoken sen-
tence is sufficient (Burekhardt, .Votes, i. 110; Sale,
Koran, c. 33, p. 348; Lane, J/W. Ey. i. 136, 236).
In civil contracts, at least in later times, docu-
mentary evidence was required and carefully pre-
served (Is. viii. 16; Jer. xxxii. 10-16).
On the whole the Law was very careful to pro-
vide and enforce evidence for all its Infractions and
all transactions bearing on them : e. g. the memo-
rial stones of Jordan and of Ebal (Deut. xxvii. 3 •
4; Josh. iv. 9, viii. 30); the fringes on garments
(Norn. xv. 39, 40); the bonndary-etones of prop-
erty (Deut. xix. 14, xxvii. 17; Pror. xxii. 88); the
14 broad plates " made from the censers of the Ko-
rahites (Num. xvi. 38); above all, the Ark of Tes-
timony itself: all these are instances of the oar*
taken by the Legislator to perpetuate evident ol
the facta on which the legislation was founded, and
by which it was supported (Deut. Ti. 20-25).
Appeal to the same principle is also repeatedly
made in the case of prophecies as a teat of their
authenticity (Deut xviii. 22; Jer. xxriii. 9,16, 17)
John ill. 11, t. 38, x. 88, xir. 11; Luke xxiv. 48;
Acts 1. 8, ii. 83, iii. 15. 4o.).
Among special provisions of the Law with r»
spect to evidence are the following: —
• T5» UTS t: M*>™t: "•"••• ■"•* *"■
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WIZABD
1. Two witnesses at lout are required to estab-
6th sny charge (Num. xxxv. 30; Dent. xviL 6,
six. It; 1 K. xxi. 13: John rlii. IT; i Cor. ziii.
1; Heb. x. 28); and a like principle it laid down
by St. Paul a* a rule of procedure in certain cam
in the Christian Church (1 Tim. T. 19).
8. In the case of the suspected wife, eridence
bcaidet the husband's was desired, tbuugh not de
nianded (Num. v. 13).
3. The witiieaa who withhdd the troth waa cen-
sured (Lev. v. 1).
4. Falae witness waa punished with the punish
■wot due to the offense which it sought to ettab-
liah. [Oatiir.]
5. Slanderous reporta and officioua witness are
discouraged (Ex. xx. 16, xxiii. 1; Lev. xix. 16, 18;
DnL xix. 16-21; Prov. xxiv. 28).
6. The witnesses were the first executionera
(Deut xiii. 9, xvii. 7: Acta vii. 68).
7. In rase of an animal left In charge and tom
by wild beasts, the keeper waa to bring the carcase
in proof of the fact and disproof of his own crimi-
nality (Kx. xxii. 13).
8. According to Joaephus, women and slat-ex
were not admitted to bear testimony {Anl. iv. 8.
{ 15). To these exceptions the Miahnaadda idiots,
deaf, blind, and dumb persona, persons of infamous
character, and some others, ten in all (Selden, oV
Sfiudr. il. 13, 11; Otho, ttx. Rabb. p. 653).
The high-priest was not bound to give eridence in
any case except one affecting the king (ibid.). Va-
rious refinements on the quality of evidence and
the manner of taking it are given in the Mishna
(SmJtedr. iv. 5, T. 2, 3; Uaectth, i. 1, 9; Sheb.
lit 10, iv. 1, v. 1). In criminal cases evidence
was required to lie oral; In pecuniary, written evi-
dence was allowed (Otho, Lrx. Rilib. p. 653).
In the N. T. the original notion of a witness is
exhibited in the special form of one who attests his
belief in the Go»|>el by personal suffering. So St.
Stephen is styled by St. Paul (Acts xxii. 20), and
the " faithful Antipas " (Rev. ii. 13). St. John
also speaks of himself and of others as witnesses in
this sense (Rev. i. 9, vi. 9, xi. 8, xx. 4). See also
Heb. xi. and rii. 1, in which passage a number of
persons are mentioned, belonging both to 0. T. and
N. T. who bore witness to the truth by personal
end-vance; and to this passage may he added, as
bearing on the same view of the term " witness,"
Dan. iii. 21, vi. 16: 1 Mace. 1. 60, 63: 2 Marc,
vi. 18, 19. Hence it is that the use of the eccle-
siastical term " Martyr " has arisen, of which co-
pions illustration may be seen in Suicer, The*, vol.
*. p. 310, Ac [Marttr, Amer. ed.]
H. W. P.
WIZARD. [Maoic]
• WOE WORTH (Ex. xxx. 2) is equivalent
to '* woe be," i". e. to the day of which the prophet
peaks. Worth, from the Anglo-Saxon, means
to bo " or " become," like werden in German.
H.
WOLF (3HT, deb: Avieoj: hptu). There
MB be little doubt that the wolf of Palestine is the
somroon Omit lupus, and that this is the animal
so frequently mentioned In the Bible, though it is
true that we lack precise information with regard to
the Ciinila of Palestine. Hemprich and Ehrenberg
have described a few species, as, for instance, the
Cunts Syrian* and the C. ( Vulptf] Nilotic** (see
tguree la art Fox. I. 840 f.)j and Col. Hamilton
■irltt mentions, under the name of Htrbotm, a
WOKKH
species of black won*, as occurring in Alibis ami
Southern Syria; but nothing definite seems to bt
known of tola animal. Wolves ra doubtless far
more common in Biblical times than they are now
though they are occasionally seen by modern trav
ellers (see Kitto's Pkyical Hilton/ of PaUttimt,
p. 364, and Russell's S'aL Hi*, of Aleppo, it 184):
" the wolf seldom ventures so near the city aa the
fox. but is sometimes teen at a distance by the
sportsmen among the hilly grounds hi the neigh-
borhood: and the villages, aa well aa the herds,
often suffer from them. It is called dot in Arabic,
and is common all over Syria.**
The following are the Scriptural aUoaions to the
wolf: Its ferocity is mentioned in Gen. xfix. 27;
Ea. xxii. 27; Hah. L 8: Matt, vii. IS: it* noc-
turnal habits, in Jer. v. 6; Zeph iii. t; Hah. L 8:
its attacking sheep and lambs, John x. 18; Matt.
x. 16; Luke x. 3. Isaiah (xl 6, lxv. 83) foretefla
the peaceful reign of the Messiah under the meta-
phor of a wolf dwelling with a iamb; eruel perse-
cutors are compared with wolves (Matt, x. 16; Acta
xx. 29).
Wolves, like many other animal*, are subject to
variation in color; the common color is gray with
a tinting of fawn and long black hairs; the variety
most frequent in Southern Europe and the Pyrenees
is black; the wolf of Asia Minor is more tawny
than those of the common color.
The people of Nubia and Egypt apply the term
dieb to the CVtkw omMms, Fr. Cur. (see RnppeU's
Atlas sn dtr Rtite im MirdlicMen Africa, p. 46);
this, however, is a Jackal, and seems to be the
Lv/nu SyiiieuM, which Hemp, and Ehrenb. noticed
in Syria, and identical with the " Egyptian wolf"
figured by Ham. Smith in Kitto's CycL
W. H.
WOMEN. The position of women in the
Hebrew commonwealth contrasts favorably with
that which in the present day if assigned to them
generally in eastern countries. Tbe social equality
of the two aexea is most fully implied in the history
of the original creation of the woman, as well as in
the name assigned to her by the man, which dif-
fered from his own only in its feminine termination
(Gen. ii. 18-23). This narrative is hence effect-
ively appealed to aa' supplying an argument for
enforcing tbe duties of the husband towards the
wife (Eph. r. 28-31 ). Many usages of early times
interfered with the preservation of this theoretical
equality: we may instance the existence of polyg-
amy, the autocratic powers vested in the bead of the
family under the patriarchal system, and the treat-
ment of captives. Nevertheless a high tone was
maintained generally on this subject by the Mosaic
Law, and, aa far aa we have the mean* of judging,
by the force of public opinion.
Tbe most salient point of contrast in the usages
of ancient aa compared with modern oriental society
was tbe large amount of liberty enjoyed by ajiaiuai
Instead of lieing Immured in a harem, or appeal
ing in public with the face covered, the wive* and
maidens of ancient time* mingled freely and openly
with tbe other sex in tbe duties and amenities of
ordinary life. Rebekah travelled on a camel with
ber face unveiled, until (he came into the presenea
of her affianced (Gen. xxiv. 64, 68). Jacob sainted
Rachel with a kiss In tbe presence of the ahepherdr
(Gen. xxlx. II). Each of these maidens waa en-
gaged In active employment, the former in fca«tiin|
water from the well, the latter in tending ber nook
Sarah wot* no veil in Egypt, and yet that Ivan*
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WOMEN
m ground for supposing her to be married (Geo.
rJi. 14-19). An outrage on a maiden in the open
field was lulled with the severest puDiahment
(Deut. xxii. 35-37), proving that it wae not deemed
improper for her to go about unprotected. Farther
than thin," women played no inconsiderable part in
public celebrations: Miriam beaded a band of
women who commemorated with long and dance
the overthrow of the Egyptians (Ex. xr. SO, SI);
Jephthah's daughter gate her father a triumphal
reception (Judg. xi. 84); the maidens of Shiloh
danced publicly in the vineyards at the yearly ftast
(Judg. xxl. 31); and the women fSted Sanl and
David, on their return from the defeat of the Phi-
listines, with singing and dancing (1 Sam. xriii. 6,
7). The odes of Deborah (Judg. v.) and of Han-
nab (1 Sam. li. 1, etc.) exhibit a degree of intel-
lectual cultivation which is in itself a proof of the
position of the sex in that period. Women also
occasionally held public offices, particularly that of
prophetess or inspired teacher, as instanced in
Miriam (Ex. xr. 20), Huldah (S K. xxii. 14),
Noadiah (Neb. vi. 14), Anna (Luke ii. 86), and
above all Deborah, who applied her prophetical gift
to the administration of public affairs, and was so
entitled to be styled a "judge " (Judg. iv. 4).
The active part taken by Jezebel in the government
of Israel (1 K. xriii. 13, xxi. 36), and the usurpa-
tion of the throne of Judah by Athaliah (8 K xi.
3), further attest the latitude allowed to women in
public life.
The management of household affairs devolved
mainly on the women. They brought the water
bom the well (Gen. xxiv. 15; 1 Sam. ix. 11),
attended to the flocks (Gen. xxix. 6, etc. ; Ex. ii.
18), prepared the meals (Gen. xriii. 8; 3 Sam. xiil.
8), and occupied their leisure hours in spinning
(Ex. xxxv. 38 ; Prov. xxxl. 19) and making clothes,
either for the use of the family (1 Sam. ii. 19 ;
Prov. xxxl. 81), for sale (Prov. xxxl. 14, 34), or
for charity (Acts ix. 39). The value of a virtuous
end active housewife forms a frequent topic in the
book of Proverbs (xi. 18, xii. 4, xiv. 1, xxxi. 10,
eta.). Her influence was of course proportionaMy
great; and, where there was no second wife, she
controlled the arrangements of the house, to the
extent of inviting or receiving guests on her own
motion (Judg. iv. 18; 1 Sara. xxv. 18, etc.; 3 K.
iv. 8, etc.). The effect of polygamy was to transfer
female influence from the wives to the mother, as
is incidentally shown in the application of the term
gebtreh (literally meaning powerful) to the queen
mother (1 K. ii. 19, it. 13; 8 K. x. 13, xxiv. 13:
Jar. xiiJ. 18, xxlx. 3). Polygamy also necessitated
a separate establishment for the wives collectively,
r for each individually. Thus In the palace of
be Persian monarch there was a " house of the
women" (Esth. il. 9) which was guarded by
lnuehs (II. 3); in Solomon's palace the harem
was connected with, but separate from, the rest of
^ building (1 K. vil. 8); and on journeys each
wife had her separate tent (Gen. xxxl. 83). In
inch cases it is probable that the females took their
steals apart from the males (Esth. I. 9): but we
kave no reason to conclude that the separate system
travailed generally among the Jews. The women
rere present at festivals, either as attendants on
the guests (John xii. 8), or as themselves guests
(lob 1- 4: John ii. 8); and hence there la gnod
pound for concluding that on ordinary occasions
also they johtod the males at meals, though there ii
M fooitlve testimony to that effect.
WOOLEH
8561
Further Information on the subject of tins sftl
cle is given under the heads DnAOOiuaa, Dnxaa
Ham, Mabsiaok, Slavs, Veil, and Widow.
w.ua
WOOD. [FOBKBT.]
• WOOF. [WEAvnia.]
WOOL HP?; tj). Wool was an article
of the highest value among the Jews, as the staple
material for the manufacture of elothlng (Lev. xtiL
4T; Dent xxii. 11; Job xxxi. 80; Pror. xxxi. 18{
Ecxxxiv. 3; Hoe. II. 5). Both the Hebrew tern. «,
turner and pit, imply the act of shearing, the dis-
tinction between them being that the latter refoti
to the " fleece " (Deut. xriii. 4; Job xxxl. 80), M
proved by the use of the cognate ffinah, in Judg.
vi. 37-40, in conjunction with timer, in the sense
of " a fleece of wool." The importance of wool is
incidentally shown by the notice that Hesba's
tribute was paid In a certain number of nuns "with
the wool " (8 K. ill. 4), as well s» by its being
specified among the first-fruits to be offered to the
priest* (Deut. xviH. 4). The wool of Damascus
was highly prized in the mart of Tyre (Ez. xxvii.
18); and is compared In the LXX. to the wool of
Miletus (Ipia ix Mi\<tow), the feme of which was
widely spread in the ancient world (PHn. viii. 78;
Virg. Georg. ill. 806, iv. 334). Wool is occasion-
ally cited as an image of purity and brilliancy (fa.
18; Dan. vii. 9; Rev. 1. 14), and the flakes of
snow an appropriately likened to it (Pa. extvil. 16).
The art of dyeing it was understood by the Jews
(Mtahna, Shab. 1, <j 6). W. L. R
WOOLEN (LINEN and). Among the laws
against unnatural mixtures is found one to this
wt : "A garment of mixtures [tJtpStT,
$h<uUniz] shall not come upon thee" (Lev. xix.
19); or, as it is expressed in Dent xxii. 11, "thou
shalt not wear ihwitnei, wool and flax together."
Our version, by the help of the latter passage, hat
rendered the strange word thaatnli in the former
of linen and woolen ; " while in Deut. it is trans-
lated " a garment of divers sorts." In the Vulgate
the difficulty is avoided; and ki/9*»ao>, "spuri-
ous " or *' counterfeit," the rendering of the LXX.,
is wantiug in precision. In the Targum of Onkeka
the same word remains with a slight modification
to adapt it to the Chaldee; but in the Peshito-
Syriao of Lev. it is rendered by an adjective,
" motley," and in Dent, a " motley garment," cor-
responding in some degree to the Samaritan ver-
sion, which has "spotted like a leopard." Two
things only appear to be certain about thaatnH —
that it is a foreign word, and that its origin haa
not at present been trued. Its signification hi
sufficiently defined in Deut. xxii. 11. The deriva-
tion given in the Mishna ( OuVu'wt, ix. 8), which
makes it a compound of three words, signifying
"carded, spun, and twisted," is in keeping with
Kabbinioal etymologies generally. Other etymolo-
gies are proposed by Bochar'. (Hierta. pt. i. b. 8,
o. 46), Sinionis (Lea. tieb. and PfeiSer (Dub.
Vex. cent. 3, loo. xi.). The nat-mentirned writer
defended the Egyptian origin of the word, but hia
knowledge of Coptic, according to Jabknski, ex-
tended not much beyond the letters, and little
value, toerefore, is to be attached to the solution
wt-'cb he proposed for the difficulty. Jablouski
himself favor* the suggestion of Korster, that a
garment of linen and wooler was called by the
Egyptians thunlnct and tha' this word was but*
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8654
WORD, THE
rowed by the Hebrew*, and m Ileus by them in Che
farm Anatnta ( Opute. i. 984).
The reuon given by Josepbus (Ant. i«- ft, J 11)
for the law which prohibited the wearing a garment
woven of linen and woolen la, that raeh wen worn
by the prieata alone (see Mishna, Cilaim, ix. 1).
Of thla kind were the girdle (of which joaephua
aaya the warp waa entirely linen, Ant. UL 7, J 9),
epbod, and breaatplate (Brauniua, da Vat. Sac.
lltbr. pp. 110, 111) of the high-prieet, and the
girdle of the common prieata (Maimooides, CUi
Uianmbdaik, eviii.). Spencer conjectured that
the iiae of woolen and linen inwoven in the aame
garment prevailed amongat the ancient Zabli, and
waa associated with their idolatrous ceremoniea
(Deltg. fhb. ii 83, § 8); but that it waa per-
mitted to the Hebrew prieata, became with them it
eouM give riaa to no suspicion of idolatry Mai-
ffionidee found in the book* of the Zabii that
"the prieata of the idolaters clothed thrmaelvea
with robes of linen and woolen mixed together"
(Townley. Rtato— of At Loot of Mot; p. 207).
By " wool" the Talmndista understood the wool
of aheep (Mishna, Cilaim, ix. 1). It la evident
from Zeph. 1. 8, that the adoption of a particular
dress waa an indication of idolatrous tendencies,
and there may be therefore some truth in the
explanation of Maimonides. . W. A. W.
• WORD, THE (e Xiyof. rerona), John 1. 1,
14. This term la employed by St. John in a manner
peculiar to himself among the aaered writers, but
in sueh a manner as suggests that among those for
whom he immediately wrote, it waa already aaao-
eiated with a meaning or meanings aomewbat anal-
ogous to that which he designed to convey by it.
That this waa in general the ease, there ia abun-
dant evidence; but to determine precisely the vari-
eoa shades of meaning attached to it in different
quarters by those who lived at the time of the
Evangelist or not long before, and to show pre-
eiaely in what relation his own employment of it
stood to existing usage, are among the moat diffi-
oult problema in the hiatory of religious thought.
The idea of a distinction between the hidden and
the manifested Deity, between God aa He is in him-
self and aa He makes himself known in creation
and revelation, seems to hare been early entertained
among the Jew*, and waa naturally suggested by
many of the representations of the Old Testament,
snob, ». g. aa that of the Angel of Jehovah, Kx.
xxiii. 90, 91, and d aew h ae, the divine manifesta-
tion to Moses, Ex. xxxiii. 90-23, and the passage
'n which Wisdom ia introduced aa speaking, Prov.
-ill., particularly w. 93-81.
In the apocryphal hooka of Eeelesiaatleua (xxJv.
I, 4, 8, 9) and the Wisdom of Solomon (vU. 99-
17, ix. 4, 9), both works of Alexandrine origin, the
Muoettion presented In the pnsasga last referred to
a developed in such a way as strongly to favor the
supposition of a design to indicate a personal being
a* the medium of the divine communication with
the world, and In a special manner (Eoclus.) with
Israel. [Wisdom or Solomoh, $ 7.} But the
nast prominent form among those in which the
dea of the aelf-revaaling God waa wont to be ex-
1 among the Jews subsequently to the Cap-
vTOBD, THE
tivtty, seem* to have originated in what w«* the
standing representation of the divine agency em-
ployed in the O. T. The earliest statement in re-
lation to this subject i» "God mid, Let there be
light, and there waa light," Gen. i. I. In a simi-
lar manner not only U the whole work of original
creation elsewhere ascribed to the word of God (Pa.
xxxiii, 6, 9), but it i* hi* word that maintain* the
course of nature and aocompliabea the pu r poses of
Providenee (Pa. evil. 90, axlvii. 18, 18; la. lv. 11).
Nowhere however in the O. T. does the use of the
term exceed the limits of bold personification. Pre-
cisely at what period it began to be employed in
Jewish theology aa designating a distinct personal-
ity it ia impossible to aanertain. The earliest in-
stance of what ia even apparently such a use occur*
in Wiad. SoL xviiL 18, 18, Speaking of the de-
struction of the Brat-born in Egypt, the writer aaya,
"Thine almighty word (4 *-a*To8vnuto> row
Kiyt ) leaped down from heaven, out of thy royal
throne, aa a fierce man of war into the midst of a
land of destruction, bearing thine unfeigned com-
mandment (<H)» irvwitftror htrrayfyt o-e» qW-
omri aa a sharp sword." Here, whatever interpre-
tation we may put upon the passage, the distinc-
tion manifestly made between " thine almighty
word " and the " unfeigned commandment " inter-
poses a serious difficulty in the way of the explana-
tion resorted to by Grimm (JUxtg. Hondo, in loo.),
that the whole ia to be resolved into a " rhetorieo-
poetical personification of the divine will and agency
in the infliction of punishment." Thia representa-
tion, however, it should be added, la wholly with-
out a parallel, either in the same or In any nearly
contemporary work. The paaaagea Wiad. SoL ix.
1, xvi. IS, 26; Ecclus. xliii. 96, xlviil. 3, 5 —
oomp. 9 Pet. iii. 5, 7 ; Heb. xi. 3 — exhibit noth-
ing essentially different from the usage of the O.
T., and the same ia true of those paaaagea in the
book of Enoch where " the word " ia spoken of
(e. g. xiv. 94, xci. 1, cii. 1; see Hilgenfeld, Die
jad. Apokalyptik, p. 108, note 8). The paaaage in
Enoch xo. 88, is probably corrupt; lee Dillmanc
in toe.
Among the Jewa of Palestine the fact of the
early prevalence of some conception of the Word
as a distinct hypostasis has been by many very
confidently inferred from the Targuma or CnaMea
paraphrases of portions of the O. T. These writ-
ings, although their claims to antiquity have been
of late years considerably reduced [Versions, Au~
ClEKT (Tabgum)], doubtless represent long-stand-
ing Jewish tradition, and it ia among their most re-
markable characteristic features that whenever God
is spoken of in the Heb. especially aa interposing
in the affairs of men, the expression JM HTJP^g,
Mtmra da- Feyd (sometimes KT-OH, DtbHrA),
" the word of Jehovah," ia very oommonly substi-
tuted for the proper divine name." But there an
no data from which we may gather the exact form
of thought which lay at the foundation of the usage,
and the employment of it waa plainly determined
by no settled rule. Host, if not all the passages in
which the expressions above chad occur may be ex-
plained by a reference to the principle suggested an
• * Interchanged oeesMonaUy with other axsrea-
■tar.suehaa" - ! rnr/^raer4i*a.Ve|*,n^J3?#
•J"J aUcfctua* im-rtft, ''the majesty or glory of
Jehovah." The statement sometimes made that war
*n rDp^, " word of Jehovah," to In the Tar
gums expressly identified with toe Messiah sao henCty
be sustained D t T.
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WORD, THB
s. MM ft of this work (eomp. pp. 8406 ft, JH18 "),
sanely, tbe repugnance of the writers to bring the
DMh Being into too clow contact, as it were, with
mm. Comp. Shkohihah.
The writing of Philo, tbe Jew of Alexandria,
who nourished in the former half of tbe flnt ora-
tory, present the earliest approximation to a defi-
nite doctrine of the Word. Hie system, if system
it may be called, is a singular combination of Pyth-
egorentrism, Ptatonlsm, Stoicism, and tbe Emana-
tionism of tbe East with the doctrines of the O.
T. Scriptures. Of this system the doctrine of tbe
I'Ogos ■ baa been styled the central point, and it is
often presented here in terms which bear a striking
resemblance to tbe representations of St. John, al-
tboogh quite commonly a careful examination shows
that the resemblance lies in tbe wp ies sluu rather
than in the thought* That tbe Logos-doctrine of
St. John is in some way connected with that of
PhuY>, admits of no reasonable doubt. But the
manifold incongruities,' not to say sdf-oontradio-
nons, to be found in the writings of tbe latter, tbe
Ktraordinary latitude which he manifestly allows
himself in his representations, and above aH, tbe
wide contrast presented by bis whole style of think-
ing to that exhibited m the Fourth Gospel,'' forbid
as to believe that the author of that Gospel can
hare been indebted to tbe Alexandrian philosopher
for any fundamental element of doctrine.
Whatever may have been the connection between
the doctrine o* tbe Logos as found in tbe writings of
St. John, and tbe use that had been already made of
the term in various quarters, it is very evident that
in Ha essential features that doctrine was something
whoBy new to the world. It involved the revela-
tion of a fact for which language fumiahed no en-
tirely adequate expression. In such a ease there
are two courses open to the writer. He must either
invent a new term to designate the new thought to
be conveyed, or he must appropriate a term already
employed in a sense somewhat related to that he
WORD, THB
8555
a • The selection of this term by Philo was doubt-
leal determined by a reference to tba psouUar ass of
It in the O. T. above alluded to. In accordance with
tbe usage of Plato, from whom his conception of the
Logos In its main features was derived, vovc was the
ixpreerioQ which, but for this consideration, he would
naturally hare employed. D. S. T.
» • Thus the Logos U represented as the Son of
Qod (2k Pre/, e. 20, Opp. I 682 ed Mang ), the eldest
Son, tbe first-begotten, wptvfivrtmt viot , vearreyovoc
V JB« Cbnf. Unit. cc 14. 38, 1. 414, 427 ; Dt Agric. o.
IS, 1. 308; Dt Sunn, lib, I. e. 87, 1. 868); she image
sf Qod, euoWemS {Dt Opif. Mumdi, e. 8, L 8; Dt
Omf. Ling. c. 20, i. 418 ; Dt Somn. lib. I. c 41, 1.
168, and often elsewhere; his "sternal Image," Dt
Can/, ling, a. 28, 1. 427) ; the Instrument by which
tile world was made, opywov At* off o xoovot Karcwrrv-
owe (fl» Ottrub. c. 85, 1. 182, where note Phllo's dta-
_nctiou between to w$' 06 , to i( 08, to &** off, and to 5i'
t, as denoting respectively the primary or ettclent
vuse, tbe material, tbe Instrument or Intermediate
^ent, and the end or Anal cause ; comp. Ltgg. At-
\g. Ub. III. e. 81, 1 106, w»ti SsoS 6 Kiyot ovtcv esnr,
_• eoeVUve bfn/Amf wpowxaqwefMvov <*oo>o»o£m, also
0» Migr. Air. o. 1, L 487 ; Dt Ma mart h lib. II. e. 6,
i. 226) ; Ood's vicegerent, frtooxoc, upon whom all
hlngs depend {Dt Agric. c. 12, 1. 808 ; Dt Somn. lib.
I o. 41, l. 868) ; the Interpreter of God, isiuawoc at
Wtrfc 9wB (Lata;. AJUg. lib. Hi. c. 74, L 128;
OWrf Dt-u sit imnua. o. 29, 1. 288; Dt Norn. Afar.
I. 8, 1. 661) ; the light, de» {Dt Srnm. Bb, I e. 18 .
•B); ■»• fountain of wMom, tn^iat way*, than
wishes to express, and be must indicate in some
way the Dmitations or enlargements of significance
that are necessary to make it an adequate ex|onent
of bis meaning. Tbe latter course is adopted by
St. John, in accordance with the common practice
of the sacred writers. In the term Logos and its
Chaldee equivalents, as employed by the Jews of
Palestine and Egypt, be finds the nearest approx-
imation to such an expression as he needs in order
to set forth his own conception of the being that
has become incarnate in Jeans Christ. But the
term is employed in a great variety of ways, at
best indefinitely, and when most definitely, always
in a sense mora or leas diverse from that which 18
is his object to convey. The necessity is thus iaSi
upon him, in appropriating this term to his owe)
purpose, to guard ssmfutty against being misunder-
stood, and to make explicit statements in respect to
those points where the term, as commonly employed,
is likely either to fall short of fully conveying his
own idea, or to suggest some erroneous conception
of it. Accordingly, in announcing, by way of in-
troduction to his QospeL the doctrine of the Word,
as that apparently which lies at tbe foundation of
the whole history he is about to give, he first of all
declares, with manifest reference to Gen. 1. 1, " In
the beginning wit ('Br ipxf fl») tDe Word."
Here, as in tbe opening of his first epistle, is dis-
tinctly brought to view the great fact of the uncre-
ated, and therefore the eternal, existence of the)
Logos. Next follows a statement of the intimate
relation which the Legos sustains to God (ml &
Adyor tJk wpbs tow e)«oV), and notwithstanding
the distinction thus implied, it is immediately
added, "the Word was God." Then as if to guard
against tbe misapprehension being entertained that
the distinction indicated as existing in the divine
nature had originated in time, there is subjoined
tbe affirmation « The same was t» tht he gimmg
with God." To pursue farther the account given
of the Word in tbe sublime probgne of the Evan-
which those who draw obtain everlasting lifts far
otStav {Dt Pro/, c. 18,1.680); the intercessor »>r man,
larrat vow •VyroS, and mediator between God and the
world, separating and yet connecting both {Quit Rt
rum Die. Hans, c. 42, I. 601 1) ; high-priest, ip\tf
pw, free from all sin {Dt Prof. ec. 20, 21, 1. 662 f. ;
Dt Somn. Bb. I. e. 87, 1. 868), and perhaps advocate
or paraclete, wapaxAirret {Dt Mont, lib. HI. e. 14, H
166), hot In this passage some understand the tens
to be applied to the world as "the sen of God;" eomp.
Hangsy's nots. The Logos Is also oalled by Philo Scot,
« God," or rather, " a divine being." the term being
used by him in a lower sense {Dt Somn. lib. L e. 89,
1.866, eomp. Ugg. Atttg. lib. 111. e. 78, i. 128 ; Jtvrs-
poc Mc, "a second God," Pragm. ap, Basse. Prop.
St. vil. 12, Opp. II. 826). D. 8. T.
e • A single Illustration of these inccogmttiss maw
snflee. While Philo expressly Uentifles the Logos
with the Wisdom of God {Ugg. Atttg. Bb. L o. at,
Opp. I. 60, and elsewhere), be also represe n ts Wisdom
a* tbe spouse of God (£> Bbrietau, o. 8, 1. 861) end the
mother of the Logos (A Pre/, e. 20.1.682). D.8.T.
d • In lUnatratloo of the radical difference between
the religious system of Philo and that of St. John, It
needs only to be stated that Atrt Idea of a personal
Messiah finds no place In his writings, and his idea of
tbe creation precludes the ne c es s ity of such a Messiah
Contrast too his conception of God as a being dertti
of all qualities (Quod Dm til immul. e. 11, Opp. L
281) with soon passagss as John HI. 16, xvi. 27 l 1
Johnt- 3. D.a.t.y
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3656
WOBD, THK
[dirt, would nuke it Decenary to treneh too mneh
apou the proviuee of the commentator. The main
purpose of thia article if to point oat in general the
probable relation of St. John's doctrine upon thia
sulject to the previous history of the employment
of the term, and to ihow m what manner it may be
supposed that hit own representations have been
effected by existing tendencies of thought. While
in the view above presented of the way in which
his own special usage of the term was probably de-
termined, nothing has been said of its fitueas in its
more ordinary acceptations for the purpose to which
he applies it, we are under no necessity of suppos-
ing that in his selection of it, be had no regard to
its more common significance, whether in the lan-
guage of philosophy or in that of every-day lift, as
contributing to make it suitable for his purpose.
It is, in particular, far from improbable that the
import of \iyot as being preeminently the revela-
tion of thought may have been distinctly in his
mind, as most highly fit to be associated with Him
who is The Truth revealed.'
The explanation of 6 \iyoi as =■ i A«7»r, and
likewise that adopted by Ben, Tittmann, and
others, as = 6 \ey4utm, or 6 t-ray-ri\8ils, Ike
promised one, are wholly unsustained by usage.
Nor is there any valid foundation for supposing, as
many do, that the term was adopted by St. John
on the ground of its being specially suited, in oer-
tain of its acceptations, to express the idea of the
Divine Reason. It should be added, however, that
not only was the Evangelist furnished through the
already prevailing conceptions of the Word, with
the moat suitable expression of his great idea, but
he was thus enabled to avail himself of whatever
there was of truth connected with past speculations
upon the subject, and to show bow his own doctrine
effectually met the difficulties which had been felt
so long, and which attempts had been so variously
made to meet It was as if he had said to those
of his readers whom he more immediately had in
view, What you have vainly sought to find, and
what you may think that in your conception of
the Word, you hare found, I make known to you
b the history of Jesus Christ
Indeed, it is not in his presentation of the doc-
trine of the Word alone, that we find the indica-
tions of such a design. In all his writings we are
met by the recurrence of peculiar phrases and rep-
resentations (many of them often repeated), which
stand connected in such a manner with systems of
arror that came to their full development only in a
subsequent age, that we are enabled both to discern
the germs of those systems as already in being in
his own time, and to trace their origin in preceding
thought, at Che same time that we are called to
lute the admirable skill with which the inspired
writer, without resorting to the form of polemics,
Actually guards the truth against assault, and
iros the dangers which threaten it into a source
s* sttngth. D. S. T.
* Many works relating to the subject of thia ar-
ticle an referred to under John, Gospel or, vol.
A. p. 1439. Among the writers there named,
Lricke and Dorner, Niedner and Bucher, Stuart
and Norton, are partiotlariy worthy of consultation.
IM the commentators on the Gospel of John, be-
* The supposition entertained by many, that, in
designation The Wort, as understood with some
to its common auceptatkm, It Is Intended to
mrth an inwarl relation of the Divine Being to
WOBD, THK
sides Looks, the following are perhaps the most lav
•tractive in reference to the doctrine of the Logos
Grotius, Le Clero (on John i. 1-18 in his Lathi
translation of Hammond, L 891 ff., 2d ed.; oomp
his EpisU CrU. riL-ix.), Whitby, Wetstein, Pau-
lua, Kulnoel (who gives a detailed view of the ear-
lier literature), Tholnek, De Wette, Meyer, and
Baumgarten-Cruetus. Out of the host of other
writers who have treated of this subject, the follow-
ing may be selected as worthy of notice: C San-
dius, Diss, de \iy<p, appended to his Interp. Par.
adcaa in Quat. Lvang., Cosmop. [Amst], 1870,
pp. 259-803. Joh. Saubert, Diet, de Voce ktyot
ad Joh. L 1, Altorf., 1687, reprinted in Menthen's
Thesaurus (supplementary to the Critia Sacri), ii.
847-362. (P. Allix, ) Judgment of lie Ancient Jew-
iek Chunk against Ike Unitarians, Lond. 1699, 2d
ed. 1821 (untrustworthy). (Souverain,) Le Platan-
time aevoUi, Cologne, 1700 ; Eng. trans., Platomem
Unveiled, n. p. 1700; German translation by J. F.
C. Loffler, Vertuck OS. d. Platmitmu d. Kircken-
vOter, 2* Aufl., 1792, with an Appendix by the
translator. Paulas, Die GoOheU ale Ltkrer dunk
Werke u. Worte, Joh. 1. 1-18, in his MemorabiL
viU. 94-198 (1796); see also his Commenlar (1812).
Kett, De AoW in his Oputc. Acad. (1821), pp.
483-831. F. G. Suskind, Etrnu Hi. d. Macros
Ansichten der Stttte Joh. L 1-14, in his Mag. f.
chrislL Dogm. u. Moral, x. 1-91 (1803). Ber-
tholdt, Christologia Judcwrum, etc. Erl. 1811, pp.
104-184 (uncritical). C. W. Upham, Letter* on
Ike Logos, Boat 1828. Biumlein, Versuck die
Bedeutung dee j'ohan. Logos am den ReKgimmnjs-
temen des Orients mt enhmekebt, Tiib. 1888.
(Baumlein now confesses, Com. tie. d. Et. d. Jan.,
p. 23, that his representations in this work were
drawn from unreliable sources — the Oupnek'kat
and Kleuker's Zendavesta.) E. Burton, Inquiry
into Ike heresies of the Apostolic Age (Bampton
Lectures), Lect vii. Oxf. 1829. J. Pye Smith,
Scripture Testimony to Ike Messiah, 6th ed. Edin.
1859, i. 841-360 (Chaldee Targums), 383-388
(Philo), and elsewhere; oomp. W. Hindu's Review
of this work in the Monthly Repot, for 1881, re-
printed separately, Lond. 1832. J. F. Denham,
On the Doctrine of Ike Logos, in Kitto's Joum.
of Sac Lit. for Jan. 1849; iii. 107-186 (su-
perficial and inaccurate). James Strong, two arts,
in the Metk. Qunr. Rev. tor July and Oct 1851.
G. F. Simmons, Six Sermons, Bast 1856, pp. 81-
60. M. Nicolas, Des Doctrines religieuses des
Juift, etc, Par. 1860, pp. 143-215; oomp. art in
Christ. Exam, for Jan. 1863, on The Palestinian
Word, founded on Nicolas, and erroneously iden-
tifying the Logos of Philo with the Memra of the
Targums. A.Lamaon, Church of the First Thrtm
Centuries, 2d ed. Boat 1865, p. 68 ff. H. L. Han-
sel, art Philosophy (Greek), in Kitto's CyeL of
BibL Lit., 3d ed., iii. 520-531. Llddon, Tke Di-
vinity of our Lord (Bampton Lect 1866), 2d ed.
1868, p. 69 ff., 226 ff. Jos. Langen (Cain.), Das
Juaenthum in PalasHna aw Zeit Christi (1865-
pp. 248-281. L. T. Schuixe, Van Menscnensokm
u. com Ijogos, Goths, 1867 (dogmatic).
On the use of cotyta, Arf-yor, aim mniua aWioe
in the Apocrypha, see Brotschneider, System. Der
ttellung d. Doom. u. s. w. d apocr. Sckri'lem &
Himself, " the principle," as Tholnek expresses ta
" through which God Is revealed to Himself," would, H
admitted, make the declaration nugatory, " The Wert
was teiiA God." D I T.
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WORD, THE
A. T., Leips. 1805, pp. 191-975, when there we
lull reference* to the older literature; eee also the
irorlu referred to under Apocbtfua, L 186 f.,
adding Brueh'a Wdtheils-Lehre der Htbrder
(1861), p. 383 ff., 341 ff., end the irorlu of Gfrorer
and Dahne to be mentioned below.
On Philo's doctrine of the Logos one may fur-
ther consult the following essays : Cudworth's In-
tellectual System of the Universe, eh. ir. § 36,
with the elaborate note of Moaheim in hie Latin
translation of the work, Sd ed., i. 828 ff. (vol ii.
p. 820 ff. of Harriaon'a ed. of Cudwortb). J. B.
Carpzov, De kiytf Philonis nun Johanna), Helmst
1749, in opposition to Mangej (Pref. to Philo), re-
printed aa lib. vii. of toe PhiUmUma prefixed to
his Sacra JCxerc. in Ep. ad Hebr. (1750), pp.
eriL-elxiiii. E. H. Stahl, Enlwurf da Philo-
mscJten Lchrbtgriff's, in Kichbom'a AUgem. Bib-
Both. ir. 785-890 (1793). Cesear Morgan, Inttsti-
gatim of the Trinity of Plato and Philo Judams
(1795), reprinted Cambr. (Eng.), 1853. J. Bry-
ant, StntimerUs of Philo Judeus [aio] concerning
Me Aoyos, or Word of God, Cambr. (Eng.), 1797.
Qrossmann, Quattionwn PhUonearum Partic. I.,
II., Lips. 1839, 4to. (Valuable; purporti to give
all the passages in which the word \byos occurs in
Philo. ) Ufrbrer, Philo u. die jid.-iiUx. Theoto-
phie, 3 Abth. Stuttg. 1831, alao 1835 (Theil I. of bis
KriL Gesch. d. Urchristenlhums). Liicke praises
the anonymous renews of Groaamann and Gfrorer
in the Leiptig IML-Zeitung for 1831. Nr. 134-136,
and 1833, Nr. 353-356. J. G. Muller character-
ises Gfrcrer as » oft oberflanhlirh and breit" Nor-
ton, Statement of Seasons, etc. (1833), 3d ed.
Boat. 1856, pp. 314-349. Dahne, tiesch. Dar-
stelUmg d. jwL-aUx. Religions- Philos., 3 Abth.
Halle, 1834. (One of the moat thorough works on
the subject; comp. Baur's reriew in the Jahrb. f.
wits. Kritik, Nor. 1835, pp. 737-793.) Bitter,
Gtsch. d. Pkilos. ir. 418 r£ (1834), or ir. 407 ff.
Eng. trans. Semisch, Justin der M&rtyrer, it
967 ff. (1843), or ii. 166-907, Rylaod'e trans. A.
Franck, La Kabbnle, Par. 1843, pp. 893-338.
Keferatein, Philo's Lthre von den gSttUchen Mit-
telwesen, Leipz. 1846. (" Eine grundlicbe und
eingehende Arbeit " — J. G. MUller.) Steinhart,
art. Philo in Pauly'e ReaUEncycL ». 1499-1516
(1848). M. Wolff (Kabbin), Die phdonuchs Phi-
losophie, 3« Ausg., Gothenb. 1868. Hagenbaoh,
HisL of Doctrines, First Per., § 40, Eng. trans,
from 4th Germ, ed., N. Y. 1881. DOlhager,
Hddenthum u. Judenlhum (1867), pp. 838-848, or
ii. 398 ff., Eng. trans. J. G. Muller, art. Phiioia
Heraog's Real-Encyk. xt 678-603 (1869). B.
Jowett, St Paul and Philo, in his Epistles of St.
Paul, 3d ed., Lond. 1869, i. 448-614. Zeller's
Philos. d. Oriechm, ili. 601-631 (1863). (Excel-
lent; I hare not the 3d ed. (1868) at hand.)
Hoelemann, De Evang. Joanna Introitu (1866),
op. 33-63. Graetx, Gtsch. d. Juden, ill. 308 ff.
v 9« Ann. 1863). Ewald, Gcsch. d. Volkes Israel,
3* Ausg. vi. 283 ff. (1868). See alao the arts.
Alexandria and Philosopht in this Dio-
ionary.
The psesagea relied on in proof that the Targum-
WOBM
8557
• • The student should be on his guard against
las nuetranalatione whteh ha will And, in various
•Mteis, of the Targums on Pa. ax. 1, Is. xlB. 1, Gen.
ML 33, xxtUL 3D, xUx. 18, and Is. xvL 1. The
sfct»ae-l9^p or £ O^l? K79 > 5>»"»"«
lata regarded the MlmrA da- fTyii, ■< Word of Je-
hovah," aa a being or subsistence distinct from
God, the medium of his revelations tc man, will be
found in the works of Allix, Bertholdt, J. P. Smith,
and Langen, as referred to above, alao in Gfrorer'a
Jahrhundtrt des Heils (1838), i. 307-318, and the
Introductions to Etheridge's Trans, of the Tar-
gums on the Pentateuch, 3 vols. Lond. 1863-66.
In opposition to this view, which appears to be
wholly untenable, see the valuable Diss, of Saubart,
ubi supra, p. 851 ff.; Lightfoot, H<w. Hebr. on
John i. 1; J. G. Carpsov, Oil. Arc V. T. (1748),
p. 479 ff.; SiiaUnd, uhi sapr. p. 16 ff.; Faulua,
Comtn. 0b. d. £v. d. J oh. (1813), pp. 8-18, cor-
recting his earlier representations in the Memorab.
viiL 141 ff.; E. T. (=G.) BeogeL Opusc. Acad.
(1834), p. 398 ft; Burton, BampU Led. (1839 ,
p. 331; Noyes in the CAritf. Exam, for May,
1836, p. 333 f.; Stuart in the Bibl Sacra for Jan.
1860, p. 30 ff; and Bucher (Oath.), Des Apost.
Johannes Lthre nun Logos (1866), pp. 108-182,
who discusses the matter pretty thoroughly. See also
Levy's Ckald. WSrterb. do. d. Targ. ii. 88 (1868).
Some of the writers referred to above find the
Manra hypoataaixed in the later Targums, though
not the earlier; but there seems to be no good
ground for the distinction. The prise-essay of
S. Marbaum, Die Anthropomorphisn u. Anthro-
popathien bd Onkelos u. d. spStern Targumitn
mit besond. BerucksichL der Ausdrucke Memrr..
Jebara u. Schechintha, BresL 1870, 1 have not yet
seen. The older literature of the subject is given
in Wolf's Bibl. Hebr. ii. 1186 ff That the
Manra is identified by the Targuniista with the
Messiah has been maintained by some, not only
without any plausi bl e reason, but in opposition to
the clearest passages; see the Jerusalem Targ. on
Ex. xu. 43; Pseudo-Jonathan on Deut xxx. 4-
and Jonathan ben Uxsiel on la. xlii. 1."
On the Angel of Jehovah in the Old Test, sea
the references under Ahqeia, vol. L p. 98. Both
on this subject, and on the use of the terms She-
chinah and Metatron in the later Jewish writings,
the reader is particularly recommended to consult
Dr. Noyes's review of Hengstenberg in the Christ.
Examiner for May and July, 1836. On the later
Jewish notions generally, see the literature under
the art Messiah. a.
WORM, the representative in the A. V. of the
Hebrew words Sis, Bimm&h, and TdWik, Ttta,
or THAath, occurs in numerous paaaages in the
Bible. The first-named term, Sis (DO: ai$:
tinea) occurs only in Is- 11. 8, "For the 'ish
(ttty) shall eat them up like a garment, and the
sis shall eat them like wool" The word probably
denotes some particular species of moth, whoa*
larva is injurious to wool, while perhaps the former
name is the more general one for any of the
destructive tinea or " clothes moths." For far-
ther information on the subject the reader it
referred to Moth.
8. Rimmih (TT^H :
vermis, putredo, tinea).
vnttKiii, oSftVu, raxpia:
The manna that the dkv
" the word from baton the Lord " (Qen. zx. 8, Num.
zxUL 4, eomp. athsrMge, L 17, U. 18) may alao a Ulead ■
bu: note the similar use with 02/^9, pilhgam, let. I
2, aa. L 8, ate., and ass, for other' lUnstraaons of lot
ldlooi,Iarg.oaIa.ux.l l and<*«B.i.37(Jaraa.>. A
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8668
WORM
obedient Israelites kept till the morning of t week-
lay •' bred worms " (D^Sn), and stank (Ex.
*»i. SO); while of that kept over the Sabbath and
lathered the night before, it if aaid that "it did
net stink, neither was there an; worm (i lto"1)
therein." The Hebrew word ia connected with the
not DS"1 » to be putrid " (ace Geseniua, Tha.
a. T.), and points evidently to various kinds of
maggots, and the larva; of insects which feed on
putrefying animal matter rather than to earth-
worms; the worda in the original are clearly need
Indiscriminately to denote either true muuUdn, or
the larval ootidition of various insects. Thus, as
May be seen above, riutmth and tffc'n* are both
need toeipresa the maggot or eaterpUlar, whatever
it might have been that consumed the bad manna
In the wilderness of Sin. Job, under his heavy
affliction, exclaims, "My flesh is clothed with
rimxiik" (vii. JS; see also xvii. 14); there ia no
reason to doubt that the expression is to be under-
stood literally; a person in Job's condition would
very probably rifler from entases of some kind.
In Job xxi. SO, xxiv. 80, there is an allusion to
worms (insect larvae) feeding on the dead bodies
of the buried; our translators in the well-known
passage (xix. 88) — "And though after my skin
worms destioy this body " — have rather over-
Interpreted the words of the original, " Hy skin
shall have been oonsumed." "
The patriarch uses both round* and Utfik
(nypVl) in ch. xxv. 6, where he eompares the
estate of man to a rimmih, and the son of man to
a Uleih. This latter word, in one or other of its
forms (see above), ia applied in Deut. xxviii. 39
to some kinds of larva; destructive to the vines:
" Thou shalt plant vineyards .... but ahalt not
gather the grapes, for the tilintk shall eat them."
Various kinds of insects attack the vine, amongst
which one of the most destructive is the Tortiix
tititana, the little caterpillar of which eats off the
inner parts of the blossoms, the clusters of which it
binds together by spinning a web around them.
The " worm " which is said to have destroyed
Jonah's gourd was a t&ldath (Jonah iv. 7). Ml-
ehaelis (Sufpl. p. 3189) quotes Rumphius as assert-
ing that there is a kind of black caterpillar, which,
during sultry rainy weather, does actually strip the
plant of its leaves in a single night. In Is. lxvi. 84
allusion is made to maggots feeding on the dead
bodies of the alain in buttle. The worda of the
prophet are applied by our Lord (Hark ix. 44, 46,
48) metaphorically to the stings of a guilty con-
science in the world of departed spirits.
The death of Herod Agrippa I. was caused by
worms (ovraAnica'fyetTM, Acta xli. 88); according
to Josephus (ArU. xix. 8), his death took place five
tays alter his departure from the theatre. It is
curious that the Jewish historian makes no mention
sf worms in the oase of Agrippa, though he ex-
pressly notes it in that of Herod the Great (Am.
tvii. 6, { S). A similar death was that of Aotioohus
Epiphanes (3 Haoc. ix. 9; see also Kusebiue, £cd
Biit. viii. IK, and Ludan PtauhmanU i. p. 904;
esmpare Wetstein on Acta xii. 88). Whether the
warms were the cause or the result of the disease
la an immaterial question. The *> Angel of the
• the
i.e. "As
Is, rth-Wj?? >7IJ -VTfc»"h
that taws; shall ham uuaasana tab
WORSHIPPER
Lord struck Herod " with tome disease, tha tatas
of which was fatal, and the loathsome spestaela of
which oould not tail to hare had a marked humiilse-
ing effect on his proud heart. W. H.
WORMWOOD FTJlrt?, fa*id*: nupim.
XeAvi, iSim, and Irci-ymf. amaritttdo abtgmtlamm).
The correct translation of the Heb. word ocean
frequently in the Bible, and generally in a meta-
phorical sense, as in Dent. xxU. 18, where of tha
idolatrous Israelites it is said, " Lest there be among
you a root that beareth wormwood " (see also Prov.
v. 4). In Jer. ix. 16, xxiii. 16; Lam. iii. 16, It,
wormwood ia symbolical of bitter calamity and sor-
row; unrighteous judges are said to " turn Judg-
ment to wormwood " (Am. v. 7). The Orientals
typified sorrows, cruelties, and calamities of any
kind by plants of a poisonous or bitter nature.
[Gall, i. 861.] The name of the star which at
the sound of the third angel's trumpet fell upon
the rivers, was called Worm word ('AifirAis ; Her.
viii 11). Kitto (Pays, tfisf. o/ Palatine, p. 816)
enumerates four kinds of wormwood as found hi
Palestine — Arttmma nilotica, A. Judaic*, A.
fruticma, and A. cuterea. Rauwok? speaks of
some kind of wormwood under the name of Abtm-
lliimn tantonicum Judniatm, and says it is very
common in Palestine; this is perhaps tlm li ansin'ii
Judaica. The Hebrew Laanah is doubtless generic,
and denotes several species of Artemisia (Celsius,
/Wen*. L p. 480; Rosenmiiller, BibL Bat. p. 116).
W.H.
•WORSHIP (derived from worse, sad the
termination iliip) originally = arortnutest, beoasns
used to denote the honor or reverence of which one
was regarded as worthy, and, as a verb, signified to
pay such honor or reverence; the word not being
originally restricted, sa now, to religions worship.
Thus Wydine translates Matt. xix. 19, " Wondiip
thi fadir and tin modir," and in the marriage service
of the Church of England the bridegroom says to the
bride " with my body I thee wortkip." The noun
" worship " is so used in the A. V. Josh. v. 14; Lake
xiv. 10; and the verb occurs in Matt, xviii. 86 and
often elsewhere aa the rendering of roeawwsat when
it denotes the civil reverence or homage expressed
by the oriental custom of prostration. [Adoba-
tioh; Altar; Pbatbr; Pbisbt; Sacbdtcb,
etc.] A.
WORSHIPPER A translation of the Greek
word rtttxiptt, used once only, Acts xix. 86; in
the margin "Temple-keeper." The neocoros was
originally an attendant in a temple, probably en-
trusted with its charge (Eurlp. /on, 116, 181, ed.
Oind.; Plato, Leg. vi. 7, Bekk.; Theodoret, BitL
Ecd. Ui. 14, 16; Pollux, i. 14; Philo, JH Pro*.
Sac 8, li. 337; Hesychius explains it by 4 re*
raor Koajimr, Kaftir yif re valptar, Suidea,
laxrjtmr leal s vrpswiftt*, itX 1 titf i vapAr, ed.
Gaiaf. p. 8679). The divine honors paid in later
Greek times to eminent persons even in their life-
time, were imitated and exaggerated by the Romans
under the empire, especially in Asia (Plut. Lf-
83; Appian, Mithr. 76; Dion Cass. xxxi. 6). Tna
term ntocorot became thus applied to cities or com-
munities which undertook the worship of particular
ss np sr os s even in their lifetime; but there is nc
trace of the special tide being applied to any city
my skin," or, aa OavMssn renders It, "Tea, aHar sat
Uttn, whan this (baft) Is aastr o yet '' (Jtwrf. (.f.|
r-W).
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WOT AND WOTTBTH
■afore the iinM of Augustas. The fint osMirwucc
■f the term in connection with Epoetin ii on coins
of the age of Nero (A. D. 64-68), a time which
wonld sufficiently agree with its nee in the aeoonnt
of the riot there, probably in 66 or 66. In later
timet the title appeals with the numerical adjunct*
tit, tft* and even reroajrir . A coin of Nero's time
bear* ou one tide 't^ealmr nntcipm, and on the
mat a figure of the temple of Artemit (Miounet,
Inter, iii. 93; Eekhel, Doctr. Vet Num. ii. 690)
The ancient veneration of Artemit and her temple
on the part of the city of Epbrsus, which procured
far it the title of rmtipot rip 'Apri/utot, ■ too
well known to need illustration: but in later timet
it teemt probable that with the term yeawdpot the
pmctioe of Keocoriem beeame r o a m e d almost ex-
clusively for the veneration paid to Roman emperors,
towards whom many other cities alto of Asia
Minor are mentioned at Neocorists, e. $. Nicomt-
dla, Perinthut, Sardls, Smyrna, Hagnnia (Herod.
L 86; Strabo, ziv. 640; Aristid. Or. xlU. 776, ed.
Dind.; Mkmnet, Inter. iU. 97, Not. 881, 886;
Eekhel, De Num. ii. 580, 681; Boeckh, Inter.
8617, 8618, 8628, 8964, 8867, 8990, 8998, 8993;
Kraute, De Civ. Neocorii ; Hofmann, Lex. > ffeo-
eorot '). H. W. P.
•WOT and WOTTBTH occur repeatedly in
the A. V. (Gen. xxi. 86, xxxix. 8, xliv. It; Exod.
mil. 1, etc.) at forms of the indicative present of
tneoldverbto«a« = to" knot/." [ Win; Wir.l
A.
WRESTLING. [Games.]
WRITING. It it proposed in the present
article to treat, not of writing in general, its origin,
the people by whom and the manner in which it
was discovered, but limply with reference to the
Hebrew race to give men indications of their ao
qnaiutance with the art at are to be derived from
their books, to discuss the origin and formation of
their alphabet, and the subsequent development of
the present square character, and to combine with
this discussion an account, so far at can be ascer-
tained, of the material appliances which they made
use of in writing, and the extant to which the prac-
tice prevailed among the people.
It is a remarkable fact that although, with re-
spect to other arts, as for instance those of music
and metal working, the Hebrews have assigned the
honor of their discovery to the heroes of a remote
antiquity, there it no trass or tradition whatever of
the origin of letters, a discovery many times mora
remarkable and important than either of these.
Throughout the book of Genesis there is not a
single allusion, direct or indirect, either to the
atactics or to the existence of writing. The word
3ny , oitkab, " to write," doss not ones occur;
none of its derivatives are used; and 1ffl,tepher,
" a book," is found only in a single passage (Gen.
». 1), and there not in a connection which involves
the supposition that the art of writing was known
*t the time to which it refers. The signet of Judah
(Gen. xxxvUi. 18, 86) which had probably seme de-
fies engraven upon it, and Pharaoh's ring (Gen.
«h\ 48) with which Joseph was invested, have been
ip p sa hid to as indicating a knowledge quite con-
sistent with the existence of writing. But as there
kt nothing to show that the devices upon these
tings, supposing them to exist, were written cbar-
atlers, or in fact anything mete than embbmat-
sasl figures, they oanaot he iistlilsuil as throwing
WRITING
8559
moot fight upon the question. Vkmt the Egyp-
tians in the time of Joseph wire acquainted with
writing of a certain kind there it other evidence to
prove, but there is nothing to show that up to this
period the knowledge extended to the Hebrew
family. At the same time there it no. evidenot
against it. The instance brought forward by Heng-
stenberg to prove that " signets commonly bcre al
phabetio writings," is by no means so decisive aa
he would have it appear. It it Ex. xxxix. 80s
" And they made the pate of the holy crown of
pure gold, and wrote upon it a writing of the en-
gravings of a signet, •Holiness to the Lord."'
That is, this inscription was engraved upon the
plate as the device Is engraved upon a signet, in in-
taglio; and the expression has referen ce to tin
manner of engraving, and not to the figures en-
graved, and therefore cannot be appealed to as prov-
ing the existence of alphabetic characters upon
Jndah's signet or Pharaoh's ring. Writing is first
distinctly mentioned in Ex. xvU. 14, and the con-
nection clearly implies that it was not then em-
ployed for the first time, but wss so familiar as to
be used for historic records. Hoses is commanded
to preserve the memory of Amalek's onslaught in
the desert by committing it to writing. " And Je-
hovah said unto Moses, Write thit for a memorial
in the toot (not ' a book,' as in the A. V.), and
rehearse it in the ears of Joshua." It is clear that
tome special book is hers referred to, perhaps, aa
Aben Ears suggests, the book of the wart of Je-
hovah, or the book of Jashar, or one of the many
documents of the ancient Hebrews which have long
since perished. Or it may have been the book in
which Moses wrote the words of Jehovah (Ex. xxiv.
4), that is the laws contained in chapters xx.-xxiii.
The tables of the testimony are asid to be « written
by the finger of God " (Ex. nil. 18) on both sides,
and "the writing was the writing of God, graven
upon the tables" (Ex. xxxii. 16). It is not clear
whether the passage in Ex. xxxiv. 88 implies that
the second tables were written by Hoses oi by God
himself. The engraving of the gems of the high-
priest's breastplate with the names of the children
of Israel (Ex. xxviii. 11), and the inscription upon
the mitre (Ex. xxxix. 30) have to do more with ths
art of the engraver than of the writer, but both
imply the existence of alphabetic characters. Ths
next allusion is not so clear. TLe Israelites were
forbidden, in imitation of the Idolatrous nations, to
put any " brand " (lit " writing of burning ' ' ) upon
themselves. The figures thus branded upon the
skin might have been alphab eti cal characters, but
they were more probably e m blematical devioss,
symbolising some object of worship, for the root
30^i cAAoi (to write), b spplkd to pietuivHlnur-
ing (Judg. vilL 14), to mapping out a oonnttf
(Josh, xviii. 8), and to plan-drawing (1 Chr. xxvtt.
19). The corses against the sdult««s were written
by the priest « in the book," as before; and blotted
out with water (Num. v. 83) This proceeding,
though principally distinguished by its symbolical
character, involves tne use of soma kind of ink, and
of a material on which the curses were written
which would not be destroyed by water. The writ-
ing on door-posts and gates, alluded to in Dent.
vi. 9, ii. 80, though perhaps to be taken agina-
tively rather than literally, Implies certainly an
acquaintance with the art and the use of alphabetic
characters. Hitherto, however, nothing hat beau
said et the aataieatiou ef writing tothepunosss
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8560
WRITING
of ordinary life, or of the knowledge of the tit
among the common people. Dp to this point eoeb
Knowledge ie only attributed to Hoeea end the
priests. From Drat. xxiv. 1, 8, however, it would
appear that it waa extended to other*. A man who
wiahed to be eeparated from hia wife for her infidel-
ity, could reliere himeetf by a aummary process
"Let him write her a bill ClpP «?»»«•, "a book")
of divorcement, and give it in her hand, and and
her out of hla house." It ia not absolutely neces-
sary to infer from thia that the art of writing waa
an aoeompliahment poaeaawd by every Hebrew citi-
aeo, though there ie no mention of a third party ;
and it la more than probable that theee " bill* of
divorcement," though apparently ao informal, were
the work of profeaaional acribas. It waa enjoined
aa one of the dutiea of the king (Deut xvii. 18),
that be ahouid tranaoriba the book of the Law for
hia own private study, and we shall find hereafter
in the history that distinct alluaiona to writing
occur in the case of eereral kings. The remaining
instance* in the Pentateuch are the writing of laws
upon atone covered with plaster, upon which while
soft the inscription was cut (Drat xzrli. 8, 8), the
writing of the song of Hosea (Deut xxxi. 24), and
of the law in a book which waa placed in the side
of the ark (Deut xxxi. 36). One of the ftnt acta
of Joshua on entering the Promised Land waa to
Inscribe a copy of the Law on the stones of the
Altar on Mount Kbal (Josh, riii. 88). The surrey
of the country was drawn out in a book (Josh, xviii.
8). In the time of the Judges we first meet with
the profeaaional scribe PjpD, itpMr), in hla im-
portant capacity as marshal of the host of warriors
(Judg. t. 14), with hia staff (A. V. "pen") of
office. Ewald {Pott. Bach. I. 139) regards tdphft-
In thia passage aa equivalent to tRtT, tktpMt,
'•Judge," and certainly the context impliea the high
rank which the art of writing conferred upon its
po ssess or . Later on in the hiatory we read of
Samuel writing in " the book " the manner of the
kingdom (1 Sam. x. 28); but it is not till the reign
of David that we hear for the Brat time of writing
being used for the purposes of ordinary communi-
cation. The letter (lit " book ") which contained
Uriah'* death-warrant waa written by David, and
must have been intended for the eye of Joab alone;
who waa therefore able to read writing, and prob-
ably to write himself, though hia message to the
king, conveying the intelligence of Uriah'a death,
an* a verbal one (3 Sam. xl. 14, 16). If we ex-
amine the inataneea In which writing la mentioned
in connection with individual*, we shall find that
In all cases the writera were men of auperior position.
In the Pentateuch the knowledge of the art la attrib-
uted to Hoeea, Joshua, and the prieat alone. Sam-
uel, who waa educated by the high-priest, is men-
tioned a* one of the earliest historians (1 Chr. xxlx.
M), aa well aa Nathan the prophet (2 Chr. lx. 29),
Shemaiah the prophet, Iddo the aeer (3 Chr. xii.
18, xlll. 33), and Jehu the son of Hanani (8 Chr.
xx 84). letter* were written by Jesebel In the
sjame of Ahab and sealed with his seal (1 K. xxi.
I, 9, 11); by Jehu (2 K. x. 6); by Hesekiah (9
Chr. xxx. 1); by Rabahakeh the Aaayrian general
(3 Chr. xxxil. 17); by the Persian satrap* (Est. iv.
8, 7, 8); by Sanbattat (Neh. vi. 6), Tobiah (Neh.
vi. 19), Hainan (Eath. will. 8), Mordeeal and Es-
ther (Esth. lx. 29V The prophet EUJah wrote to
Ahab (3 Chr. xxi. IB); Isaiah wrote some of the
WBITLNO
history of hi* time (3 Chr. xxat S3); Jeremiah
committed his prophecies to writing (Jer. E. 80),
sometimes by the help of Baroch the scribe (Jer.
xxxvi. 4, 83); and the Suae prophet, Shemaiah ton
Nehelamite, endeavored to undermine Jeremiah's
influence by the letters which be wrote to the hkgb-
priest (Jer. xzix. 35). In Is. xxix. 11, 18, there m
clearly a distinction drawn between the man stem
was sble to read, and the man who was not, and it
seems a natural inference from what has been said
that the accomplishments of reading and writing
were not widely spread among the people, when
we find that they are universally attributed to those)
of high rank or education, kings, priests, prophets,
and profeaaional aeribee.
In addition to theee inataneea in which writing
is directly mentioned, an indirect allusion to ita
early existence is supposed to be found in the
name of certain officers of the Hebrew* in Egypt,
anjsa$, *****, lxx. ■ yPmu » rt - a (Ex. ▼. «,
A. V. "officer*"). The root of thia word baa bean
sought In the Arable Ja»tt, Kdara, " to write,"
and its original meaning is believed to be "writers,"
or " scribes; " an explanation adopted by Gesenins
in hia Ltzxctm Httraicum and Thetnwnu, though
he rejected it in hia Oadndtte der HebrOucktn
Spraehi amd SchrifL In the name Kirjatb-Se-
pher (Booktown, Josh. xv. 16) the indication of a
knowledge of writing among the Pbasniciana ia
more distinct Hitxig conjectures that the town
may hare derived its name from the discovery of
the art, for the Hittitea, a Canaanitiah race, inhab-
ited that region, and the term Hittite may |
bly have its root In the Arable jjai»-, ekatta, "to
write."
The Hebrews, then, a branch of the great She-
mltie fiunily, being in possession of the art of writ-
ing, according to their own hiatorical records, at a
very early period, the further queetkme arise, what
character they made use of, and whence they ob-
tained it It la scarcely possible in the pre se n t
day to believe that, two centuries since, learned
men of sober judgment eerioualy maintained, al-
most as an article of faith, that the square charac-
ter, as it is known to us, with the towel points and
accent*, was a direct r ev elati on from heaven, and
that the commandments were written by the finger
of God upon the tables of stone in that character.
Such, however, waa really the ease. But recent
inveatigatiooa have shown that, so far from the
square character having any claim to such a remote
antiquity and such an august parentage. It ia of
comparatively modern date, and baa been farmed
from a more ancient type by a gradual process of
development, the steps of which will be Indicated
hereafter, so flu- a* they can be aafelv ascertained
What then ana this ancient type ? Moat probably
the Phoenician. To the Phoenician!, the daring
seamen, and adventurous cokmisera of the ancient
world, tradition assigned the honor of the Invention
of letters (Plln. v. 13). This tradition may be of
no value as direst evidence, but as it probably orig-
inated with the Greeks, It shows thai, to them at
hast, the Phomletana were the inventor* of letters,
and that then were introduced Into Europe by
means of that Intercourse with Phoenicia which ia
Implied in the legend of Cadmus, the man of the
East The Phosnlctan eompaolnns of thia ban
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according to Herodotus (v. 68), taught the Greeki
nisii; aooomplishmenta, and among others the use
of letters, which hitherto they had not posse sse d .
So Lucan, Pkan. iii. 220: -—
" Phcenkcs priml, kma si ondUmus, and
Hansuram rudibus vooem signers Aguris.''
Pliny (vii. 56) was of opinion that letters were
of Assyrian origin, but he mentions as a belief held
by others that the; were disoorered among the
Egyptians by Mercury, or that the Syrians had the
honor of the invention. The last-mentioned theory
is that given by IModorus Siculus (v. 74), who says
that the Syrians invented letters, and from them
the Phoenicians, having learned them, transferred
them to the Greeks. On the other hand, accord-
ing to Tacitus (Aim. xi. 14), Egypt was believed
to be the source whence the Phoenicians derived
their knowledge. Be this as it may, the voice of
tradition represents the Phoenicians as the dissem-
inators, if not the inventors of the alphabet.
Whether it came to them from an Aramaean or
Egyptian source can at best be but the subject of
conjecture. It may, however, be reasonably in-
ferred that the ancient Hebrews derived from, or
shared with, the Phoenicians the knowledge of writ-
ing and the use of letters. The two nations spoke
languages of the same Shemitie family ; they were
brought into dose contact by geographical position :
all circumstances combine to render it probable
that the ancient Hebrew alphabet was the common
possession both of Hebrews and Phoenicians, and
this probability is strengthened by the results of
modern investigation into the Phoenician inscrip-
tions which have of late years been brought to
light. The names of the Hebrew letters indicate
that they must have been the invention of a Sbem
itic people, and that they were moreover a pas-
toral people may be inferred from the same evidence.
Such names as Aleph (an ox), Uiniel (a camel),
Lamed (an ox-goad), are most naturally explained
by this hypothesis, which necessarily excludes the
seafaring Phoenicians from any claim to their in
rention. If, as has been conjectured, they took
the first idea of writing from the Egyptians, they
would at least have given to the signs which they
invented the names of objects with which they
themselves were familiar. So far from this being
the ease, the letters of the Hebrew alphabet contain
no trace whatever of ships or seafaring matters: on
the contrary, they point distinctly to an inland and
pastoral people. The Shemitie and Egyptian al-
phabets have this principle in common, that the
object whose name is given to a letter was taken
originally to indicate the letter which begins the
name; but this fact alone is insufficient to show
that ihe Shemitie races borrowed their alphabet
A* 01 Egypt, or that the principle thus held in
common may not have been the possession of other
nations of a still earlier date than the Egyptians.
"The phonetic use of hieroglyphics," says Mr.
Kenrick, "would naturally suggest to a practical
people, such as the Phoenicians were, a simplifica-
tion of the cumbrous system of the Egyptians, by
dispensing altogether with the pictorial and sym-
bolical use, and assigning one character to each
sound, instead of the multitude of homophones
which made the reading of the hieroglvnnios so dif-
ficult; the residence of the 'Phoenician shepherds,'
the Hyksos, in Egypt might afford an opportunity
for this adaptation, or it might be brought about
by commercial intercourse. We cannot, however
234
WRITING 8561
trace such a resemblance between the earliest Phoe-
nician alphabet known to us, and the phonetis
characters of Egypt, as to give any certainty to
this conclusion " (Phtmicin, pp. 164, 165).
Perhaps all that can be inferred from the tradi-
tion that letters came to the Greeks from the Phoe-
nicians, but that they were the invention of tot
Egyptians, is that the Egyptians possessed an al-
phabet before the Phoenicians. WahL De Wette,
and Kopp are inclined to a Babylonian origin, un-
derstanding the Jupoi of Diodorus and the Syri of
Pliny of the Babylonians. But Gesenlus has shown
this to be untenable, because (1) Pliny distinctly
mentions both Syri and Auyrii, and by no means
confounds them; and (2) because the inscription
on the seal-atone, on which Kopp based his theory,
is nothing more than Phoenician, and that not of
the oldest form, but inclining to the somewhat later
Aramaic character. This seal-stone or brick eon-
tuned, besides a cuneiform inscription, some
Shemitie characters which were deciphered by
Kopp, and were placed by him at the head of his
most ancient alphabets (Bildtr und Schriflen, ii.
154). Gesenius, however, read them with a very
different result. He himself argues for a Phoeni-
cian origin of the alphabet, in opposition to *
Babylonian or Aramaean, on the following grounds:
1. That the names of the letters are Phoenician,
and not Syrian. Several of the names are found
alike in the Hebrew and Aramaic dialects : as for
instance, btth, gimtl, znin, mm, ma, rnh, thin,
but others are not found in Syriac at all, at least
not in the same sense. Altph, in Syriac signifies
"a thousand," not "an ox;" dnleth is not "a
door," and for this, as well as for vnu, yod, mtm,
pe, koph, and tau, different words are used. The
Greek forms of the names of the letters are some-
what in favor of an Aramaic origin, but there is no
proof that they came in this shape from the East,
and that they were not so modified by the Greeki
themselves. 2. It is not probable that the Aramaic
dialect was the language of the inventors ; for th»
letters * 1 V M, which to them were certainly con-
sonants, had become so weak in the Aramaio that
they could scarcely any longer appear as such, and
could not have been expressed by signs by an in-
ventor who spoke a dialect of this kind. 3. It
the Phoenician letters are pictorial, as there seems
reason to believe, there is no model, among the old'
Babylonian discoverers of writing, after which they
could have been formed ; while, on tho other hand,
it is extremely probable that the Phoenicians, from
their extended commerce, especially with Egypt,
adopted an imitation of the Egyptian phonetis
hieroglyphics, though they took neither the figures
nor the names from this source. The names of
some of the letters lead us to a nomad pastoral
people, rich in herds: aleph (an ox), gimtl (a
camel), lamtd (an ox-goad), btth (a tent), dnleth
(a tent-door), tmu (a tent-peg), chtth (a hurdle oi
pen). It is a little remarkable that Gesenius did
not see that this very fact militates strongly against
the Phoenician origin of the letters, and pom's, as
has been observed above, rather to a pastoral man
a seafaring people as their inventors. But whether
or not the Phoenicians were the inventors or the
Shemitie alphabet, there can be no doubt of their
Just claim to being its chief disseminators; aui
with this understanding we may accept the geneal-
ogy of alphalieta as given by Gesenlus. and exhib-
ited in the accompanying table.
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Ponrian.
.Um.
Krnsoan. Bomu. Uter Greek.
Umbrian | j
Ototn. Ranis f
BemnitO. 1
Celti
.1
iln- Coptic. Gothic.
Dorian.
Samaritan. Paunjmn*. Bab aanem
satfnngelo
and Naerorlan,
fmblan.
MM.
Whatever minor differences ma; exist batmen
the ancient and more modern Shemltic alphabets,
they have two chief characteristics in common:
(1.) That the; contain only eonsonanta and the
three principal long rowels, M, 1 * [which mutt
hare been consonants originally. — W. H. W.] ;
the other rowels being represented by signs above,
below, or in the middle of letters, or being omitted
altogether. (3.) That they are written from riglit
to left The F.thiopic, being perhaps a non-Shem-
itic alphabet, is an inception to this rale, as is
the cuneiform character in which some Shemitic
inscriptions are found. The same peculiarity of
Egyptian writing was remarked by Herodotus. No
instance of what is called bouglrtf-.edm writing —
that is in a direction from right to left, and from
left to riglit in alternate lines — is found in Shem-
itic monuments.
The old Shemltic alphabets may be divided into
two principal classes : (1.) The Phoenician, as it
exists (") in the inscriptions in Cyprus, Malta,
Carpentras, and the coins of Phoenicia and her
colonies. It is distinguished by an absence of
vowels, and by sometimes having the words divided
and sometimes no' (*.) In the inscriptions on
Jewish coins, (c In the Phoenicio-Egyptian
writing, with three vowel signs, deciphered by
Cartas on the mummy bandages. From (a) are
derived (at), the Samaritan character, and (e), the
Greek. (3.) The Hebrew-Chaldee character; to
which belong (a), the Hebrew square character;
(A), the Palmyrene, which has some traces of a
cursive hand ; (c), the Eatrangek), or ancient Syr-
ia*; and (if), the ancient Arabic or Cuflo. The
eldest Arabic writing (the Himyaritic) was per-
haps the same as the ancient Hebrew or Phoe-
nician.'
It remains now to consider which of all these
was the alphabet originally used by the ancient
Hebrews. In considering this question it will on
many accounts be more convenient to begin with
the common square character, which is more fa-
il • ffehroasr (Mfmnsest Sfnth; pp. 77, 78) di-
vides the Phoenician remain* Into four palamgraphleal
■ las ses. The lint, whloh be makes provisionally, u
he had no monument to put In It, Is the original
Annate Phoenician used with little alteration op to
the seventh century before Christ, To this chue, we
may my, belongs the Hoablte monument of King
Meeha, (ret given to the public by M. Oanneau In
January, 1870. The second class Is the mwtorn Phoe-
nician, exvemtlng from the seventh or sixth century
Path
Its. Ulgurta, or
Old;
Cusjo.
Nleehl.
miliar, and which from this familiarity as note
constantly associated with the Hebrew hmrnags)
and writing. In the Talmud (Sank. foL 91, 83)
this character is called S|TtI? 2TI?, "square
writing," or JTTWtf SH?, "Assyrian writ-
ing; " the latter appellation being given because,
according to the tradition, it same up with the
Israelites from Assyria. Under the term Assyria
are included Chaldsea and Babylonia iu the wider
sense; for it is dear that in ancient writers the
names Auyiam and Chalaam are applied indif-
ferently to the same characters. The letters of the
inscription on the tomb of Sardanapalus are called
Chaldaaan (Athen. xii. 639) and Assyrian (Athen.
xii. 469; Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 8, J 4). Again,
the Auyrinn writing on the pillars erected by
Darius at the Bosporos (Her. lv. 87), is catted by
Stimbo .Perevm (xv. 503). Another derivation
for the epithet rf^Wt^, nAikirUk, as applied
to this writing, has been suggested by Rabbi Jndah
the Holy, who derives it from rn»H9, ssews*-
iherelh, "blessed;" toe term being applied to it
because it was employed In writing the sacred
books. Another etymology (from "ltr<J, Mar,
to be straight), given by the Hebrew grammarian
Abraham de Bslmia, describes it as the straight,
perpendicular writing, so making the epithet equiv-
alent to that which we apply to it in calling it the
square character. Hupfeld, starting from the same
root, explains the Talmudio designation as merely
a technical term need to denote the more modern
writing, and as opposed to ^3T% rants, " broken,''
by which the ancient character is described.* Ac-
cording to him it signifies that which is firm,
strong, protected and supported as with fbrtn and
walls, referring perhaps to the horizontal strokes
on which the letters rest as on a foundation.
In this view he comperes it with the Ethiopia
character, which is called in Arabic Q>**m/»,
I. o. until the time of Christ, end celled by M. <le
Togtte the " fgdonlan." The third darn Is the Car-
thagtassn, and the fourth the New Panic of the nun
of the Roman domination of North Africa and Spain.
W. H.W.
» • Probably she Tahnnd ot Teatee Is right If
printing this word yVI Instead of Tf 5"\ from
root Tf'Pf, "to cut, engrave." W. HW
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"mpportad." It must be confessed that none of
these explanation* are to aatiafaetorj aa to be un-
hesitatingly accepted. Tbe only nut to be derived
bom the word fVWt&V ii that it ii the sonrae
of tbe whole Talmudic tradition of the Babylonian
origin of the eqnara character. Thia tradition ia
embodied in the following passages from tbe Jeru-
salem and Babylonian Talmuda : " It is a tradi-
tion : R. Jose says Eira was fit to have the Law
given by hi* hand, but that the age of Moan pre-
vented it; yet though it waa not given by his
hand, the writing and the language were: the
writing waa written in the 9yriac tongue, and in-
terpreted in the Syriac tongue (Ear. iv. 7), and
they oould not read the writing (Dan. t. 8) ; from
hence it is learned that it waa given on the same
day. R. Nathan says the Law was given in broken
character* (Y^^» rants), and agrees with R. Jose;
but Rab (». e. R. Judah the Holy) says that tbe
Law was given iu the Assyrian (■'. t. the square)
character, and when they sinned it was turned into
the broken character, and when they were worthy,
in the day* of Ezra, it wns turned to them again
in the Assyrian character, according to Zech. ix.
12. It is a tradition : K. Simeon ben Eleaaar says,
on the account of R. Elearar ben Parta, who also
says, on tbe account of Eliezer Hammodal, tbe Law
was written in the Assyrian character" (Talm.
Jems. MegiUah, fol. 71, 72, 73). But tbe story, a*
best known, ia told in tbe Babylonian Talmud:
" Mar Zutra, or as others Mar Ukba, says, at first
the Law was given to Israel in the Hebrew (^337,
i. e. the Samaritan) writing and the holy tongue;
and again it was given to them, in the days of
Ezra, in the Assyrian writing and the Syrian
tongue. Tbey chose for the Israelites the Assyrian
writing and tbe holy tongue, and left to the /**«
the Hebrew writing and the Syrian tongue. Who
are the Jdiotat R. Chasda says, the Cutheans
(or Samaritans). What is tbe Hebrew writing?
R. Chasda says, the Libonaah writing " (Sanhed.
fol. 21, 2; 22, 1). The Libonaah writing is ex-
plained by R- Solomon to mean the large charac-
ters in which the Jews wrote their amulet* and
mtttunth. The broken character mentioned above
can only apply to the Samaritan alphabet, or one
very similar to it. In this character are written,
lot only manuscripts of the Samaritan Pentateuch,
varying in age from the 13th to the 16th century,
but also other works in Samaritan and Arabia.
Tbe Samaritans themselves call it Hebrew writing,
in contradistinction to the square character, which
tbey call the writing of Ezra. It has no rowel
points, but a diacritical mark called Marhtlono is
Miployed, and words and sentences are divided.
A form of character more ancient than the Samari-
tan, though closely resembling it, is found on the
coins struck under Simon Maccabeus, eir. B. c.
142. Of this writing Gesenius remarks (art. Pa-
laogrnphie in Ersch and Umber's t'neycbpddie)
that it was most probably employed, even in manu-
scripts, during the whole lifetime of the Hebrew
language, and was gradually displaced by the square
character about the birth of Christ. An examina-
tion of the characters on the Maccabsean coins
tbows that they bear an extremely close resem-
blance to those of the Phoenician inscriptions, and
*n many cases are all hut identical with them.
the figures of thn» characters (T, B, D) J} not
■seur, and that of 3 ia doubtful.
WRITING 8568
In order to explain the Talmudic story abova
given, and the relation between the square char-
acter and that of the coins, different theories have
been constructed. Some held that the square char-
acter was sacred, and used by the priests, while
the character on the coins was for the purposes of
ordinary life. The younger Buxtorf ( De LiL Heir.
Gen. Ant.) maintained that the square alphabet
was the oldest and tbe original alphabet of ths
Hebrews, and that before the Captivity the Sa-
maritan character had existed side by side with it;
that during the Captivity the priest* and mors
learned part of the people cultivated the square or
sacred character, while those who were left in
Palestine adhered to the common writing. Ezra
brought the former back with him, and it was
hence called Assyrian or Chakuean. The other
waa used principally by the Samaritans, though
occasionally by the Jews themselves, as is shown
by the character* on the Maccabssan coins. Thia
opinion found many supporters, and a singular
turn waa given to it by Morinus (De Lingua Pri-
mavn, p. 271) and Loesoher (De Gum Ling.
Heir. pp. 207, 208), who maintained that the char-
acters on the coins were a kind of tachygraphie
writing formed from the square character. Hart-
mann (Ling. JEinl p. 28, Ac) also upheld the
existence of a twofold character, the sacred and
profane. The favorers of this hypothesis of a
double alphabet had some analogies to which they
could appeal for support. The Egyptians had a
twofold, or even a threefold character. The cunei-
form writing of tbe ancient Persians and Medes
was perhaps a sacred character for monuments, the
Zend being used for ordinary life. The Arabs,
Persians, and Turks, employ different characters
according as tbey require them for letters, poems,
or historical writings. But analogy is not proof,
and therefore tbe passage in Is. viii. 1 has been
appealed to as containing a direct allusion to the
ordinary writing a* opposed to the sacred charac-
ter. But it is evident, upon examination, that the
writing there referred to ia that of a perfectly
legible character, such as an ordinary unskilled
man might read. Irenaeus (Adv. Uttret. ii. 24;,
indeed, speaks of sacerdotal letters, but his infor-
mation is not to be relied on. In fact the sole
ground for the hypothesis lies in the fact that tbe
only specimens of the Hebrew writing of common
life are not in the usual character of the manu-
scripts. If this supposition of the coexistence of
a twofold alphabet be abandoned as untenable, we
must either substitute for it a second hypothesis,
that the square character was the exclusive posses-
sion of the kingdom of Judah, and that the Sa-
maritan was used in the northern kingdom, or that
the two alphabet* were successive and not con-
temporary. Against the former hypothesis stands
the fact that the coins on which tbe so-called
Samaritan character occurs were struck at Jeru-
salem, and the names Hebrew and Auyt-vm, aa
applied to the two alphabets, would still be unar. .
counted! for. There remains then the hypothesis
that the square character and the writing of tbe
coins succeeded each other in point of time, and
that the one gradually took the place of tbe other,
Just a* in Arabic the Nischi writing has displaced
the older Cufic character, and in Syriac the Es-
traugelo has given place to that at present in use
But did the square character precede tbe charactei
on the coins, or -vas tbe reverse the case ? Accord-
ing to some of the doctors of the Tali lud (Saws.
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8564 WRITING
bL 81, 9; 22, 1), in the passage above quoted, the
Law was given to the Israelites in the Hebrew char-
acter and the holy tongue. It was given again
in the dajs of Ezra in the Assyrian character and
the Aramaean tongue. By the " Hebrew " char-
acter is to lie understood what is elsewhere called
the " broken " writing, which is what is commonly
called Samaritan ; and by the Assyrian writing is
to be understood the square character. But Rabbi
Judah the Holy, who adopted a different etymology
for the word JTTItTH (Assyrian), says that the
Law was first given in this square character, but
that afterwards, when the people sinned, It was
nhanged into the broken writing, which again, upon
their repentance in the days of Kara, was converted
into the square character. In both these eases it
is evident that the tradition is entirely built upon
the etymology of the word asliihirlth, and varies
according to the different conceptions formed of its
meaning: consequently it is of but slight value as
direct testimony. The varying character of the
tradition shows moreover that It was framed after
the true meaning of the name had become lost.
Urigen (on Ks. be. 4) says that in the ancient
alphabet the Inu had the form of a cross, and
{Bexapla, i. 86, Montfaucon) that in some HSS.
of the LXX. the word 71 Vl* was written in an-
cient Hebrew characters, not with those in use in
his day, " for they say that Ezra used other [let-
ters] after the Captivity." Jerome, following
Origen, gives out as certain what his predecessor
only mentioned as a report, and the tradition in
his hands assumes a different aspect. " It is cer-
tain," he says, " that Ezra the scribe and doctor
of the law, alter the taking of Jerusalem and the
restoration of the Temple under Zerubbabel, dis-
covered other letters which we now use: whereas
up to that time the characters of the Samaritans
and Hebrews were the same And the tetra-
grammaton name of the Lord we find in the present
day written in ancient letters in certain Greek
rolls " (ProL Gal in Libr. Reg.). The testimony
of Origen with regard to the form of lew under-
goes a similar modification. " In the ancient He-
brew letters, which the Samaritans use to this day,
the last letter, iau, has the form of a cross."
Again, in another passage ( Ep. 136 ad MarctlL
ii. 704, Ep. 14, ed. Martianay) Jerome remarks
that the Ineffable name 71171% being misunder-
stood by the Greeks when they met with it in
their books, was read by them pipi, i. e. mm-
It has been inferred from this that the ancient
iharscters, to which both Jerome and Origen refer
in the first-quoted passages, were the square char-
acters, because in them alone, and not in the Sa-
maritan, does any resemblance between mrP and
mm exist. There is nothing, however, to show
that Jerome contemplated the same case in the two
sassoges. In the one he expressly mentions the
"ancient characters," and evidently as an excep-
tional instance, for they were only found in " cer-
tain rolls; " in the other he appears to speak of an
occurrence by no means uncommon. Again, it is
Jerome, and not Origen, who is responsible for the
assertion that in the Samaritan alphabet the Tau
* * These remarks need modification If we teks as
pa standard of comparison some lately discovered
sod quite old Samaritan inscriptions, such as the
of a copy of the Decalogue built Into
WK1TUIO
has the form of a cross. Origen merely says thla
is the ease in the ancient or original (apx*'°<t.
Hebrew characters, and his assertion is tine of lbs
writing on the M accabann coins, and of the an-
cient and even the more modem Pbasnieian, but
not of the alphabet known to us as the Samari-
tan. It seems clear, t h ere fo re, that Jerome's lan-
guage on this point cannot be regarded ae strictly
accurate.
There are many arguments which go to show
that the Samaritan character is older than the
square Hebrew. One of these is desired from the
existence of the Samaritan Pentateuch, which, ac-
cording to some writers, must date at least from
the time of the separation of the two kingdoms,
the northern kingdom retaining the ancient writing
which was ones common to both. But there is no
evidence for the existence of the Samaritan Penta-
teuch before the Captivity, and the opinion which
now most commonly prevails is that the Samaritans
received it first in the Maccabcan period, and with
it the Jewish writing (Havemick, EM. i. 294).
The question is still for from being decided, and
while it remains in this condition the arguments
derived from the Samaritan Pentateuch cannot be
allowed to have much weight. Hupfeld (Stud, tad
Krit. 1830, ii. 279, Ac.) contends that the common
theory, that the Samaritans received their writing
from the ancient Israelitish times, but maintained
it more faithfully than the Jews, is improbable,
because the Samaritans were a mixed race, entirely
different from the ancient Israelites, and had, like
their language, a preponderating Aramaic dement:
consequently, if they had had a character peculiar
to themselves, independently of their sacred book,
it would rather have been Aramaic. He argues
that the Samaritans received their present writing
with their Pentateuch from the Jews, because the
Samaritan character differs hi several important
particulars from that on the Phoenician monu-
ments, but coincides in all characteristic deviations
with the ancient Hebrew on the Maccabsjan coins.
These deviations are — (1) the horizontal strokes in
beih, mem, and nan, which have no parallel on
the Phoenician monunieuts: (2) the angular heads
of frsfa, daleth, and especially 'am, which last
never ooours in an angular form in Phoenician:
(3) the entirely difierent forms of ttade and ma,
as well as of aotn and eamech, which are not
found on the Maccabasan coins. In the Samaritan
letters atepk, cheth, tamed, ehm, there is a clos e r
relationship with the forms of the old Hebrew: the
only marked deviation is in the form of Iau." To
these considerations Hupfeld adds the traditions of
Origen and Jerome and the Talmud already given,
and the fact that the Samaritans have preserved
their letters unchanged, a circumstance which is
intelligible on the supposition that these letters
were regarded by them with superstitious reverence
as a sacred character which had come to them from
without, and which, in the absence of any earlier
indigenous tradition of writing, necessarily became
a lifeless permanent type.
The names of the letters, and the correspondence
of their forms to their names in the Phoenician
and Phosnieio-Samaritan alphabets, supply another
argument for the superior antiquity of this to the
Hebrew square character: «. o. 'Ain (an eye),
Mohammedai -noaqua, of which Boson gives a t
(Zetitck d. DtuiKk. Morg. On. xlli. 2781 Ben, coat
trary to Hupfeld, the (oa is a simple cross, basse
precisely the old PhomUan (boa. V7 H. W.
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ehieh on the Mini and Phoenician monument* hi*
Ihe form o i #«* (a haul ), q.° On the other hud,
the name* Van (a nail or peg), Zam (a napoo),
Caph (the hollow hand), correspond to tbeir forms
better In the square character: this, however, at
most, would oolv prove that both an derived from
the same original alphabet in which the corre-
spondence between the shape and name of each let-
ter was more complete. Again, we trace the Phoe-
nician alphabet much further back than the square
character. The famous inscription on the sarcoph-
agus of Eshmunazar, found at Sidon in 1855, is
referred by the Due de Luynes to the sixth century
■- a The date of the inscription at Marseilles is
suurs uncertain. Some would place it before the
bui dation of the Greek colony there, B. O. 600.
Tbvre Is reason to believe, however, that it is much
a.nre recent. Besides these we have the inscrip-
tions at SigSMim and Amyeke in the ancient Greek
character, which is akin to the Phoenician. On the
other hand, the Hebnao-Chaldee character is not
bund on historic monuments before the birth of
Christ. A consideration of the various readings
which have arisen from the interchange of similar
characters in the present text leads, as might natu-
rally he expected, to results which are rather favor-
able to the square character, for in this alone are
the manuscripts written which have come down to
as. The following examples are given, with one
axesption, by Gesenlus: —
(a.) In the square alphabet are confounded —
a and 3. rnato, Neh. xii. u = rrsstD,
Neb. xii. 3; "H3T, 1 Chr. ix.
16 = 'TIT, Neh. xi. 17.
' 1P*% 1
WHITING
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land \
1PV\ Gen. xlvi. 97
Chr. L 48.
2 and D. iTVTO, 1 K. vU. JO-DTPD,
9 Chr. It. 11.
3 «ndi. ro»n,Ps.xvia.ia=n-iB7n,
9 Sam. xxii. 19.
t and ,. TWO, Ps. xxxi. 8 = ) WD, Ps.
lxxi.S.
(4.) In both alphabets are confounded —
Tamil. nBn,lChr. L«— nO^Gen.
x. S; 0*31*1, 1 Chr. i. 7 =
ffOTl, Gen. x. 4; PtH, Lev.
xL 14=nrTI, Deut. xiv. 13;
h*t*\ p,. xvui. u-im,
9 Sam. xxU. 11.
(b.) In the Phosnician alone —
a md x abn, 9 Sam. xxiii. 99 — -rbn,
1 Chr. xi. 80.
* and W, whence probably * N S, Josh. xxi. It
= yjJV,lCht. vi.44.
3«ndB. *1»3, 1 Chr. xl. o7=« v "*9,
9 Sam. xxtti. 85.
(el) fa neither—
3 and "I. DVT3, Neh. viL 7=.Dim, Ear
U. 9.
3 and n. \rv\ Num. xxvi. ss =nnn,
1 Chr. vil. 20. **On, 1 Chr.
vi. 78 [61] as niOn, Josh, xxi
83.
The third class of these readings seems to point
to a period when the Hebrews used the Phoenician
character, and a comparison of the Phosnician
alphabet and the Hebrew coin-writing shows that
the examples of which Gesenius makes a fourth
class, might really be included under the third: for
in these some forms of 3 and "1, as well as of 3
and n, are by no means unlike. This eiroum-
stanoe takes away some of the importance which
the above results otherwise give to the square char-
acter. Indeed, after writing his Utbraitclit Sprach*
mcf Bckrifl, Gesenius himself appears to have
modified some of the conclusions at which he ar-
rived hi that work, and instead of maintaining that
the square character, or one essentially similar to
it, was in use in the time of the LXX., snd that
the Maccabees retained the old character for their
coins, as the Arabs retained the Cuftc some cento- .
ries after the introduction of the Nischi, he con-
cludes as most probable, in his article Paldographie
(in Ersch and timber's Encycl.), that the ancient
Hebrew wsa first changed for the square character
about the birth of Christ. A comparison of the
Phoenician with the square alphabet shows that the
latter could not he the immediate development of
the former, and that it could not have been formed
gradually from it at some period subsequent to the
time of the Maccabees. The essential difference
of some characters, and the similarity of others,
render it probable that the two alphabets are both
descended from one more ancient than either, of
which each has retained some peculiarities. This
more ancient form, Hupfeld (HtbiSucht Gram-
matik, § 7) maintains, is the original alphabet
invented by the Babylonians, and extended by the
Phoenicians. From this the square character was
developed by three stages.
1. In its oldest form it appears on Phoenician
monuments, stones, and coins. The number of the
inscriptions containing Phoenician writing was 77,
greater and smaller, in the time of Gesenius, but it
has since been increased by the discovery of the
famous sarcophagus of Eshmunazar king of Sidon,
and the excavations which have still more recently
been made in the neighborhood of Carthage have
brought to light many others which are uow in the
British Museum. Those described by Gesenius
were found at Athens (three bilingual), at Malta
(four, one of which is bilingual), in Cyprus, among
the ruins of KJtium (thirty-three), in Sicily, in the
ruins of Carthage (twelve), and in the regions of
Carthage and Numidia. They belong for the most
part to the period between Alexander and the age
of Augustus. A Punic inscription on the arch of
Septimius Sevens brings down the Phoenician
character as late as the beginning of the third cen-
tury after Christ. Besides these inscriptions om
stone, there an » number of coins bearing Phcsni-
• • Ho sort of dependence can be put on this arru- j palawgraphleal data, without considering the nisi
snsrt The oldest KuA has a triangular, and not a blaoce they may be Imagined to bear to the mstata
Nasal head, and the gradual development of the I of their names. W. E W.
Bahsew square characters Is evident enough from I
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WBITDTO
tian characters, of which thoM found in Cilicia are
Um moat ancient, and belong to the time* of the
Fenian domination. The character on all then ia
essentially the tame. In iu beat form it ia found
on the Sicilian, Maltese, Cyprian, and Carthaginian
inscription*. On the CicWan coins it is perhaps most
original, degenerating on the later coins of Phoenicia,
Spain, and the neighboring islands, and becoming
almost a cursive character in the monuments of Nu-
niidia and the African provinces. There are no
final letters, and no divisions of words. The char-
acteristics of the Phoenician alphabet aa it ia thus
discovered are, that it is purely consonantal; that
it consists of twenty-two letters written from right
to left, and is distinguished by strong perpendicu-
lar strokes, and the dosed heads of the letters; that
the names and order of the letters were the same
as in the Hebrew alphabet, aa mar be inferred
from the names of the Greek letters which came
immediately from Phoenicia; and that originally
the alphabet waa pictorial, the letters representing
figures. This hat position baa been strongly op-
posed by Wuttke (Ztittck. d. D. It. «. xL 76,
etc.), who maintains that the ancient Phoenician
alphabet contains no traces of a pictorial character,
and thai the letters are simply combinations of
strokes. It it impossible here to give his argu-
.ments, and the reader is rrf e n e d for further infor-
mation to his article. This ancient Phoenician
character in its earliest form waa probably, says
Hupfeld, adopted by the Hebrews from the Canaan -
ites, and used by them during the whole period of
the living language till shortly before the birth of
Christ. Closely allied with it are the characters on
the Maceabasan coins, and the Samaritan alphabet.
8. While the old writing remained so almost
unchanged among the Phoenicians and Samaritans,
it was undergoing a gradual transformation among
its original inventors, the Aramaans, especially
those of the West. This transformation was effected
by opening the heads of the letters, and by bending
the perpendicular stroke into a horizontal one,
which in the cursive character served for a connect-
ing stroke, and in the inscriptions on atone for a
basis or foundation for the letters. The character
in this form ia found in the earliest stage on the
stone of Carpentraa, where the letters V, 3, 1, 1,
hare open heads; and later in the inscriptions on
the ruins of Palmyra, where the characters an dis-
tinguished by the open heads degenerating tome-
times to a point, and by horizontal connecting
strokes. Betides the stone of Carpentraa, the older
form of the modified Aramaean character it found
on tome fragments of papyrus found in Egypt, and
mums, lis! in the library at Turin, and in the Mu-
seum of the Duke of Blacas. Plates of these an
given in Getenius' M ommta i a Pkamdn (tab.
88-33). They belong to the tune of the later
Ptol emies, and an written in an Aramaie dialect.
The inscription on the Carpentraa atone was the
work of heathen scribe*, probably, as Dr. I*vy
suggests (Ztilttk. d. D. M. G. xL 67), the Baby-
lonian colonists of Egypt; the writing of the papyri
In attributes to Jews. The inscription on the vase
rf the Serapeum at Memphis is placed by the Due
da Laynet and M- Marietta in the 4th century
•. c. In the Haass fragments the heads of the
13,1,1, have fallen away altogether. In
the forma of 71, M, 2, we see the origin of the
figures of the square ch aracter. The final forms
WHITING
of Capk and Jfun occur for the first tune. The
Palrayreue writing rep r e s en ts a later stage, and
belongs principally to the second and third centu-
ries after Christ, the time of the greatest pro s perity
of Palmyra. The oldest inscription belongs to the
year 396 of the Greeks (A. D. 84), and the latest
to the year 569 (a. d. 257). The writing waa not
confined to Palmyra, for an inscription in the tame
character was found at Abilene. Tim Palmynaa
inscriptions are fifteen in number: ten bilingual, ia
Syriac and Greek, and Syriac and Latin. Two are
preserved at Rome, four at Oxford. Those at Rome
differ from the rest, in having lost the heada of the
letters 3, 1. T, S, while the forms of the \ D, JT,
are like the Phoenician. Of the cursive Assyrian
writing, which appears to be allied to the Aranueei,
Mr. Layard remarks, « On monuments and remain
purely Syrian, or such as cannot be traced to a
foreign people, only one form of character has been
discovered, and it so closely resembles the cursive
of Assyria, that there can be little doubt as to the
identity of the origin of the two. If, there fo re, the
inhabitants of Syria, whether Phoenicians or others,
were the inventors of letters, and those letters were
tuch at exist upon the earliest monuments of that
country, the cursive character of the Assyrians may
have been at ancient as the cuneiform. However
that may be, tins hieratic character has not yet
lieen found in Assyria on remains of a very early
epoch, and it would seem probable that simple per-
pendicular and horizontal lines preceded rounded
forms, being better suited to letters carved on stone
tablets or rocks. At Nimroud the cursive writing
was found on part of an alabaster vase, and on
fragments of pottery, taken out of the rubbish
covering the ruins. On the alabaster vase ft ac-
companied an inscription in the c un e iform charac-
ter, containing the name of the Kborssbad king, to
whose reign it is evident, from several circum-
stances, the vats must be attributed, it has also
been found on Babylonian bricks of the time of
Nebuchadnezzar" (Nin. ii. pp. 165, 166). M
Fretnel discovered at Kasr some fifty fragments of
pottery covered with this cursive character in ink.
These, too, are sod to be of the age of Neboehad-
nezzar (Joto-a. Arint. July 1853, p. 77). Dr. Levy
{Ztittck. d. D. M. U. ix. 465) maintains, in
accordance with the Talmodic tradition, that the
Jews acquired this cursive writing in Babylon, and
brought it back with them after the Captivity
together with the Chaldee language, and that it
gradually displaced the older alphabet, of which
fragments remain in the forms of the final letters.
t. While this modification was taking place ia
the Aramaic letters, a similar process of change
was going on in the old character among the Jews.
We already find indications of this in the Macea-
basan coins, where the straight strokes of some let-
ters are broken. The Aramaic character, too, had
apparently an influence upon the Hebrew, propor-
tioned to the influence e ze r ei ted by the Aramaic
dialect upon the Hebrew language. The beads of
the letters still left in the Pahnyrene character sre
removed, the position sad length of several oalkme
strokes are altered (as in JT, IT, 3, 3). Itloattat
character of a cursive band by the seats s i kin of
the several letters, sad the stiff ornaments whisk
they received at the hands of eaBit^atthera, and that
became an sagalsr, uniform, broken ch a racter, fraw
which it receive. Its name sjwrs (S31J3 3.1$
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n the lettcn **, 3, 3, 3, D, 3, D, 5, 9, H, the
fgypto-Aramaie appears the older, aud the Pal-
-nyrene moet resembles the square character. In
ithert, oo the contrary, ai II, tO, p, "I, the square
character is closely allied to the form* in the Blacai
fragments; and in tome, aa 1, it, \ T, \ IB, both
the older alphabet! agree with the square character.
So far ai regards the development of the square
character from the Aramaean, as it appears on the
stone of Carpentras and the ruins of Palmyra, Hup-
■jld and Ueaenius are substantially agreed, but they
Hfhr widely on another and very important point.
U (senilis is disposed to allow some weight to the
tradition as preserved in the Talmud, Origen, and
Jerome, that the Hebrews at some period adopted
s character different from their own. The Chaldee
square alphabet he considers as originally of Ara-
maic origin, but transferred to the Hebrew lan-
guage. To this conclusion he appears to be drawn
by the name Attyriim applied in the Talmud to
the square character, which be infers was probably
the ancient character of Assyria. If this were the
ease, it is remarkable that no trace of it should be
found on the Assyrian monuments; and, in the ab-
sence of other evidence, it is unsafe to build a
theory upon a name, the interpretation of which
is uncertain The change of alphabet from the
Phoenician to the Aratucan, and the development
uf the Syriac from the Aramssan, Gesenius regards
as two distinct circumstances, which took place at
different times, and were separated by a consider-
able interval. The formation of the square charac-
ter he maintains cannot be put earlier than the
second century after Christ. Hupfeld, on the other
band, with more show of reason, rejects altogether
the theory of an abrupt change of obaracter, because
be doubts whether any instance can be shown of a
simple exchange of alphabets in the ease uf a people
who have already a tradition of writing. The an-
cient letten were in use in the time of the Macca-
bees, and from that period writing did not cease,
hot was rather more practiced in the transcrip-
tion of the sacred books. Besides, on comparing
the I'almyrene with the square character, it is clear
that the former has been altered and developed,
» result wbich would have been impossible in the
<ase of a communication from without which over-
whelmed all tradition and spontaneity. The case
of the Samaritans, on the other hand, is that of a
people who received an alphabet entire, which they
regarded as sacred in consequence of its associa-
tion with their sacred book, and which they there-
fore retained unaltered with superstitious fidelity.
Moreover, in the old Hebrew writing on the coins
we see already a tendency to several important al-
terations, as, for example, in the open heads of 3
anJ "l,aud the base lines of 3, 3, Q, 3; and
•any letters, a* 71, are derived rather from the
.ein-ebaracter then from the Palmyrane, while Q
ml p are entirely Phoenician. Finally, Hupfeld
«dds, « It is in the highest degree improbable — nay,
vhnoet ineonoeivable — that the Jews, in the fervor
,f their then enthusiasm for their sacred books,
WRITING
8567
• Another link between the Palmynne and the
•|*an character Is supplied br to* writing on seme
sf *ae Babylonian bowls, dr«cnood by Mr. Layard
should, eunsdously and without apparent reason,
have aoopted a foreign character, and abandoned the
ancient writing of their fathers."
Assuming, then, as approximately true, that the
square character of the Hebrews was toe natural
result of a gradual process of development, and
that it was not adopted in its present shape from
without, but became what it is by an internal or-
ganic change, we have further to consider at what
time it acquired its present form. Kopp (Biltier
wan* Schrifim, ii. 177) places it as late as the 4th
century after Christ; but he appears to be guided
to his conclusion chiefly by the fact that the Pal-
myrene character, to which It is most nearly allied,
extended into the 3d century. It is evident, how-
ever, from several considerations, that in the 4th
century the square character was substantially' the
same as it is to this day, and had for some time
been so. The descriptions of the forms of the let-
ters in the Talmud and Jerome coincide most ex-
actly with the present; for both are acquainted
with final letters, and describe as similar those let-
ters which resemble each other in the modern al-
phabet, as, for instance, 3 and 3, *T and "1, IT
and n, 1 and ■*, T and ], D and D. The ealB-
grapbie ornaments which were employed in the
writing of the synagogue rolls, as the tagyin on
the letters p t 1 D J 0, the point in the
broken headline of n ( ft ), and many other pre-
scriptions for the orthography of the Torah are
found in the Talmud, and show that Hebrew cal-
ligraphy, under the powerful protection of minute
laws observed with superstitious revereuce, had long
received its full development, and was become a
fixed unalterable type, as it has remained ever since.
The change of character, moreover, not only in the
time uf Jerome and the Talmud, but even as early
as Origen, was an event already long passed, and
so old and involved in the darkness of fable as to be
attributed in the common legend to Ezra, or by
most of the Talmudists to God Himself. The very
obscurity which surrounds the meaning of the termi
?yi and fTH TO as applied to the old and new
writing respectively, is another proof that in the
time of the Talmudists the square character had
become permanent, and that the history of the
changes through which it had passed had been lost
In the Mishna (Skabb. xii. 5) the case is mentioned
of two Zaitu (TT) being written for Chtth (IT),
which could only be true of the square character.
The often-quoted passage, Matt. v. 18, which is
generally brought forward as a proof that the square
character must have been in existence in the time of
Christ, who mentions Ura, or yorf, se the smallest
letter of the alphabet, proves at least that the old
Hebrew or Pbosnknan character was no longer in
use, but that the Palmyrene character, or one very
much like it, had been introduced. From these
circumstances we may infer, with Hupfeld (Stud.
wad KrU. 1890, ii. 888), that Wniaton's conjecture
is approximately true; namely, that about the first
or second century after Christ the square character
assumed its present form ; though in a question in-
volved in so much uncertainty, it is impossible n»
pronrince with great positiveness. a
(.Via. and Bab. p. 809), which Dr. Levy (Z-Ustk L D.
M. O.) assigns to the 7th century a ». [8es the plan)
Ir Boh-adara ed. of Ds ">tte's Einl. (18691. — i .1 ,
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Next to the Mattered hinta u to the shape of the
Hebrew letters which we find In the writing* of
Jerome, the most direct evidence on this point is
supplied by the so-called Alphabet*™ Jemtanm,
which is found in a MS. (Codex Msrchalianus, now
lost) of the LXX of Urn. ii. It ia the work of a
Greek scribe, imperfectly acquainted with, or more
probably entirely ignorant of Hebrew, who copied
slavishly the letters which were before him. In
ibis alphabet i"t is written TI; , and 1 are of nearly
equal length, the latter being distinguished by two
dots; P is made like p, and n like H. The let-
ters on the two Abraxas gems in his possession were
thought by Hontfancon (Pralim. nd Bex. Oriy.
1. 28, S3) to have been Hebrew; but a* they hare
not been fairly deciphered, nothing can be inferred
from them. Other instances of the occurrence of
the Hebrew alphabet written by ignorant scribes
are found in a Codex of the New Testament, of
which an account is given by Trescbow (Tent.
deter. Old. Vet. aliquut Gr. N. T.), and three
have been edited from Greek and Latin MSS. in
the Notaeau Traiti Diplomatique published by the
Benedictines. To these, as to the Alphubetum
Jetuitarwn, Keunicott justly attributes no value
(DiutrU (Jen. p. 69 note). The same may be said
of the Hebrew writing of a monk, taken from the
work of Rabanus Maurus, De inventione linyuaruiu.
The Jews themselves recognize a double character
in the writing of their synagogue rolls. The earlier
of then is called the Tarn writing (3H3 DTI) as
some suppose, from Tarn, the grandson of Baahi,
who flourished in the ] 2th century, and is thought
to be the inventor; or, according to others, from
the perfect form of the letters, the epithet Tarn
being then taken as a significant epithet of the
square character, in which sense the expression
TVpn naVTB, dthViuh thammih, occurs in the
Talmud (Shabbath, fol. 103 b). Phylacteries writ-
ten in this character were hence called Tarn fephiL-
lin. The letters have fine pointed corners and per-
pendicular tayy'm CP3TI), or little strokes attached
to the seven letters \f3T3M?tD. The Tarn writ-
ing is chiefly found In German synagogue rolls, and
probably also in those of the Polish Jews. The
Wtlth writing C3T13 »Vn), to which the Jews
assign a later date than to the other, usually occurs
in the synagogue rolls and other manuscripts of the
Spanish and eastern Jews. The figures of the let-
ters are rounder than in the Tarn writing, and the
taggm, or crown-like ornaments, terminate in a
thick point But besides these two forms of writ-
ing, which are not essentially distinct, there are
minor differences observable in the manuscripts of
different countries. The Spanish diameter is the
most regular and simple, and is for the most part
large and bold, forming a true square character.
The German is more sloping and compressed, with
pointed corners; but finer than the Spanish. Be-
tween these the French and Italian character is in-
termediate, and is hence called by Kennicott ( Diet.
Gen. p. 71) character intermedin*. It Is for the
Most part rather smaller than the others, and the
■ * Dr. Donaldson's conjectural are at bast rather
hnelful. His lacoq 1 class doss Dot consist of " Ibrw
BUtes."' Iran If fl can he called such, 1 Is no mutt
WBIT1RO
of the letters an rouxder (Eichhoru, Em/ D
87-41; Tychseu, Tentamen de tar. ad. Bebr. f
T. MSS. yeneribue, p. 264; Beuermum. At tat
paiaog. Bebr. p. 43).
The Alphabet. —The oldest evidence on the sub-
ject of the Hebrew alphabet is derived from the al-
phabetical psalms and poems; Pes. xxv., xxxiv.,
xxxvii., sxi., cxii., cxix., cxlv.; Prov. xxxL 10-31,
Lam. i.-iv. From these we ascertain that the num-
ber of the letters was twenty- two, as at present.
The Arabic alphabet originally consisted of the
same number. Ireucus (Adv. Bar. ii. 84) says
that the ancient sacred letters were ten in number.
It has been argued by many that the alphabet of
the Phoenicians st first consisted only of sixteen let
ten, or according to Hug of fifteen, t, tS, 3, D
0, 2 being omitted. The legend as told by I Any
(vii. 66) is as follows. Cadmus brought with him
into Greece sixteen letters; at the time of toe Tro-
jan war Palamedes added four others, 8, H, *, X,
and Simonides of Meke four more, Z, H, V, O.
Aristotle recognized eighteen letters of the original
alphabet, A B TAEZI KAMNOnPlTTt,
to which and X were added by Epichannua
(comp. Tac. Ann. xi. 14). By Isidore of Seville
(Orig. i. 3) it is said there were setenteen. But
in the oldest story of Cadmus, ss told by Herodotus
(v. 58) and Diodorus (v. 24), nothing is said of
the number of the letters. Recent investigations,
however, have rendered it probable that at first the
Shemitic alphabet cousisted of but sixteen letters.
It is true that no extant monuments illustrate the
period when the alphabet was thus curtailed, but
as the theory is based upon an organic arrangement
first proposed by I-epaiua, it may be briefly noticed
Dr. Donaldson (New Cratyhu, p. 171, 3d ed.) says.
" Besides the mutes and breathings, the Hebrew
alphabet, as H now stands, has four sibilants, T, D,
"2, W. Now it is quite clear that all these four
sibilants could not have existed in the oldest stats
of the alphabet. Indeed we have positive evident*
that the Ephraimites could not pronounce IT, but
substituted for it the simpler articulation D
(Judges xii 6). We consider it quite certain, that
at the first there was only one sibilant, namely this
D, or Kimech. Finally, to reduce the Shemitic al-
phabet to its oldest form, we must omit caph, which
is only a softened form of kuph, the liquid reth, and
the semivowel jad, which are of more resent intro-
duction. . . . The remaining 16 letters appear in
the following order: M, 3, 3, 1, ft, 1, IT, IS, b,
B, 3, D, V, B, p, ft If we examine this order
more minutely, ws shall see that it is not arbitrary
or accidental, but strictly organic according to the
Shemitio articulation. We have four classes, each
consisting of 4 letters: the first and second classes
consist each of 3 mutes preceded by a breathing,
the third of the 8 liquids and the sibilant, which per-
hapa closed the oldest alphabet of all, and the fourth
contains the three supernumerary mules preceded
by a breathing." ° The original 16 letten of the
Greek alphabet, corresponding to those of tin
and never was, so far as w* know. Why lour st
lanti « could not nave existed in tne oldest seats < f t
alphabet " It would be dUkult to show If the Is
foege was developed soOeisntly, at th* rajs* tta I
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WBITINO
gaamUie, are thus given by Dr. Donaldson (ibid.
p. 175).
H|aaT|nhne|?0 3|c IsId pn
a I b r a |'E j f h e|AMN|a|o|n9T
" In the Greek alphabet, u it u now given in
the grammars, F and Q are omitted, and ten other
sbaracters added to these." The Shemitie Tmde
P) became seta (f), Caph (3) became kappa («-),
and Tod?) became iota (i). Reth (">) ni adopted
and called rho (p), and JdV, which waa used by
the Doriana for Sty/ta (Her. i. 139), is only an-
other form of Ztin (Y). Shin (ttj) or Sin (JD)
is the original of {?, which from some cause or
other has changed placet with aiyna, the Shemitie
Sameek, just as £jjra has been transferred from its
position. In like manner Mem became /iv, and
JVun became Hi. With the remaining Greek let-
ters we have nothing to do, as they do not appear
to have been Shemitie in origin, and will therefore
proceed to consider the Hebrew alphabet as known
to as.
With regard to the airangement of the letters,
our chief sources of information are as before the
alphabetical acrostics in the Psalms and Lamenta-
tions. In these poems some irregularities in the
arrangement of the alphabet are observable. For
instance, in Lam. ii., Hi., lv., Q stands before V :
in Ps. xxxvU. ? stands before D, and 5 is want-
ing: in Pse. xxv., xxxiv. 1 it omitted, and in both
there is a final verse after fl beginning with 0.
Hence S has been compared with the Greek a),
and the transposition of V and 2 has been ex-
plained from the interchange of these letters in
Aramaic But as there are other irregularities in
the alphabetical psalms, no stress can be laid upon
these points. We find, for example, in Ps. xxv.
two verses beginning with N> while 3 is omitted;
in Ps. xxxiv. two begin with "I, and to on.
The names of the letters are given in the LXX.
of the Lamentations as found in the Vatican MS.
at printed by Hal, and in the Codex Friderico-Au-
gustannt, published by Teschendorf. Both these
ancient witnesses prove, if proof were wanting,
that in the 4th century after Christ the Hebrew
letters were known by the same names at at the
present day. These names all denote sensible ob-
leots which had a resemblance to the original form
of the letters, preserved partly in the square alpha-
bet, partly in the Phoenician, and partly perhaps in
the alphabet from which both were derived.
The following are the letters of the Hebrew al-
phabet in their present shape, with their names
and the meanings of these names, so far as they
esn be ascertained with any degree of probability.
H, Aleph. flby — ffot*, an ox (comp. Plut,
Bymp. tiucut, ix.° 2, § 3). In the old
Phoenician forma of this letter can still be
taabst was adopted, to distinguish the sounds, the
llphabst mutt have represented the current pronun-
slatton. Ths language, and even its literature, prub-
Ibty, had reached ronaldersble development before
ilphebetto characters were derived from older hiero-
(r/pme or syllable fonns. Theoldest Inscriptions ifcrw
WBITIXG 8669
traced tome resemblance to an ox-bead.
3, Detk. .". , 3=n ,, .3, a house. The figurt
in the square character corresponds more to
its name, while the Ethiopic (\ has greater
resemuiance to a tent. Gr. /Sjjra (B).
3, GimtL b9 , 3=?p|, a camel. The an-
cient form is supposed to represent the head
and neck of this animate In Phoenician it
is "|, and in Ethiopic *Y which when
turned round became the Greek yinna
(=7apAs>), r. Gesenius holds that the
esrliest form •^represented the camel's
hump.
"T, Daltth. rfo^—rfVy., a door. The sig-
nificance of the name is seen in the older
form /\ , whence the Greek S4\ra, A, a
tent-door. [The simple trisngle of the
Greek A U a yet older form found in the
Moabite Inscription, and still more resem-
bles a tent-door. — W. H. W.]
n, He. NH, without any probable derivation ;
perhaps corrupted, or merely a technical
term. Ewald says it is the tame as the
Arabic S«J* a hole, fissure. Hupfeld con-
nect! it with the interjection KH, « lo ! "
The corresponding Greek letter it E, which
is the Phoenician 3 turned from left to
right.
1, Van. 1J, a hook or tent-peg; the tame at
the old Greek Bav ( f), the form of which
resembles the Phoenician ■♦. [But the -
old Phoenician 1 is Y and not <0, and .
corresponds in shape with the Greek T, with .
which it alto corresponds in sound. The
Greek t has been supposed to be a late ad-
dition to the Greek alphabet, but it is found <
in the oldest inscriptions, and its shape
shows it to have been borrowed, with the.
other Phoenician characters, from the East:
— W. H.W.I
t, Znin. y%, probably = M*/", mono, a
weapon, sword (Ps. xliv. 7): omitting the.
final letter, it was also called % tot (Mash,
Shabb. xii. 5). It appears to be that same
aa the ancient Greek Sdr. [The same in
name, perhaps; but the oldest form of
ftjra, as found in the inscriptions from
Halicamassut and Teos, is I, the same
as the most antique Znin. — W. H. W.]
0, Chelh. JVP, a fence, inclosure (= Arab
i«uLs»., from JoL», Syr. ^Ow, it)
surround). Comp. the Phom. L^. Ohtth
is the Greek fjra (H).
til the letters ({Q kapptni to be misting In ths grsal
Moabite Inscription), and they an all present In the
alphabet received by the Greeks. W. H: W.
a • Kl-ebboff't StudimzurQack.d. gricrh. Alpha.
keu, to th» AMandl. of ths Berlin Assd.^ 1168, p.3H
\v\Ht W
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WMTUTG
EJ, TtL t5 s », a make, or /Tfc, a basket.
The Greek erjra.
\ Tod. TY 1 " T, a hand. The form of the
fetter waa perhaps originilly longer, aa in
the Greek I (iWa). The Phoenician ( rrf )
and Samaritan ( fll ) figures hare a kind of
distant resemblance to three fingers. In
Ethiopic the name of the letter is ynnum,
the right hand. [Bat these are neither
the oldest Phoenician nor Samaritan forma.
The archaic Yod, jg, had but two "fin-
gers." — W. H. W.]
3, Caph. f\S, the hollow of the hand. The
Greek ximra («) ia the old Phoenician form
(a) reversed.
v, Lamed. "Vff?, a cudgel or ox-goad (eomp.
Judg. iii. 31). The Greek ndp&a (A);
Phoenician, £„ ^. [In the Hoabite stone
and other very old inscriptions, the lower
part of the Lamed ia curved. — A.]
E, If cat. QV?=DV3, water, aa it ia com-
mouly explained, with reference to the Sa-
maritan 53. In the old alphabets it U 7,
in which Gesenius sees the figure of a tri-
dent, and so possibly the symbol of the sea.
The Greek pS corresponds to the old word
"lO, " water," Job ix. 80. [The oldest
form of M em, as M. de Vogue - shows, is
not "7 but "V; and resembles waves more
than a trident. — \V. H. W.]
3, ffun. ]Xi a fish, in Chaldee, Arabic, and
Syriac. In almost all Phoenician alphabets
the figure ia */. On the Maltese inscrip-
tions it is nearly straight, and corresponds
to its name. The Greek rv ia derived
from it.
D, Samech. T**^?! a P ro Pt n" 0111 ^T59» to
support; perhaps, says Gesenius, the same
aa the Syriac \ TVKT\ t'moeo, a triclin-
ium. But this interpretation is solely
founded on the rounded form of the letter
in the square alphabet ; and he has in an-
other place (.l/on. Plum. p. 83) shown how
this hat come from the old Phoenician,
which has no likeness to a triclinium, or to
anything else save a flash of lightning strik-
ing a church spire. The Greek aty/ta is
undoubtedly derived from Samech, as it*
form ia from the Phoenician character, al-
though its place in the Greek alphabet ia
occupied by (i. [The mime of aeyim
aeons to be derived from Snmekh, but its
shape from that of Shin. Samekh agrees
in its earliest form with that of {?, which
occupies its place in the alphabet The
oldest form of the Greek g which has been
preserved ia 3E, which comes very near to
the SnmekA, sfc, which in this antique
form ia presented to us for the first time in
the Moabito Inscription. — W. H. W.]
.V, 'Am. )?P, an eye; in the Phoenician and
WHITING
Greek alphabets O. Originally it had twt
powers, aa in Arabic, and waa re presen ted
in the LXX. by r, or a simple breathing
T, Pe. H9= njj, a mouth. The Greek «■« ia
from ^9, the oonstruct form of HJ.
J?, Ttade. *>~X$ or ,| "T*j*, a fish-hook or prong
for spearing the larger fish. Others expiate
it as a nose, or an owU One of the Phoe-
nician forma ia \f. From Ttade ia derived
the Greek fljra.
p, Kcpk. f\\), perhaps the tame aa the Ar-
abic v_AA the back of the bead. Gese-
nius originally explained it at equivalent to
the Chaldee *VP, the eye of a needle,* or
the hole for the handle of an axe. Hitatg
rendered it " ear," and others " a pole."
The ok) Hebrew form (P), inverted % be-
came the Greek niwwa ( ^ ); and the
K,rm ( 9 \ which occurs on the ancient
Syracuaan coins [and in the Moabite In-
scription — W. H. W.], suggests the origin
of the Roman Q.
"I, Rah. WH, a head (eomp. Aram. B7N"}
=tto>h). The Phoenician S when turned
round became the Greek p, the name of
which, h&, ia corrupted from Bah.
B? Shin yW Compare ?Q7, a tooth, aometimea
& A used for a jagged promontory.
W Bin. 1 S Q7 J The letters W and to were prob-
ably at first one letter, and afterwarda be-
came distinguished by the diacritic point,
which was known to Jerome, and called by
him accentm ( Quoit. Hebr. in Gen. ii. 83;
Am. viii. 12). In Pa. cxix. 161-168, and
Lam. iii. 61-68, they are used ptvmiacu-
outly, and in Lam. iv. 21 19 ia put for V.
The narrative in Judg. xii. 6 points to a
different* of dialect, marked by the differ-
ence in sound of these two letters. Tbe
Greek {i is derived from Shin, as rv ft run
JVtin. [The name of the Greek {? may be
corrupted from that of SAM ; but its shape,
as we have seen, is from that of Samech,
whose place it occupies. So aiytui, with
the name of Samech, has the place and
form of Shin, both being represented by
W in the earliest alphabets. — W. H. MT ]
f\ Tnu. VJ 1 ! a mark or sign (Es-ix. 4); prob-
ably a sign in the shape of a cross, such aa
cattle were marked with. This significa-
tion correspondi to- the shapes of the oU
Hebrew letter on coins-)-, X, from tbe
former of which comet the Greek roi (T).
In tbe mystical interpretation of tbe alphabet
given by Eusebius (Prop. Kvang. x. 5) It it evi-
dent that Ttadt was called Tiedei, and Kcph waa
called KoL The Polish Jews still call the former
Tsadek.
Diritumi tf Words. — Hebrew was originally
written, like most ancient languages, without any
divisions between the words." In moat Greek in
• • At trtt sight it appears Strang* that tbe wirds In aactsot manuscripts should bs thus ran t ega lh a r aa.
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WETTING
Kriptiont there ere no Mich divisions, though in
several of the oldest, as the Eugubine Table* and
the Sigeean inscription, there are one or two, while
others have at many as three points which serve
this purpose. The same is the ease with the Phoe-
nician inscriptions. Host hare no divisions of
words at all, but others have a point, except where
the words are closely connected." The cuneiform
character has the same point, as well at the Samar-
itan, and in Cufio the words are separated by
spaces, as in the Araniso- Egyptian writing. The
various readings in the LXX. show that, at the
time this version was made, in the Hebrew MSS.
which the translators used the words were written
in a continuous series.' 1 Tbe modern synagogue
rolls and the MSS. of the Samaritan 1'entateuch
have no vowel- points, but the words are divided,
and the Samaritan in this respect differs bat little
from the Hdaew.
Final Lrllti j, etc. — In addition to the letters
above described, we find in all Hebrew MSS. and
printed books the forms "7, Q, }, f\, y, which are
the shapes assumed by the letters 3, D, 2, 0, 2,
when they occur at the end of words. Their in-
vention was clearly due to an endeavor to render
reading more easy by distinguishing one word from
another, but they are of comparatively modern date.
The various readings of tbe LXX. show, as has
been already said, that that version was made at a
time when the divisions of words were not marked,
and consequently at this time there could be no
final letters. Geaenius at first maintained that on
the Palmyrene inscriptions there were neither final
letters nor divisions of words, but he afterwards ad-
mitted, though with a little exhibition of temper,
that the final JVirn was found there, after his error
bad been pointed out by Kopp (Bild. u. Schr. ii
13S; Ues. Man. Pham. p. 82). In the Aramseo-
Egyptian writing both final Caph, and final Nun
occur, at may be seen in the Blacas fragments given
by Uesenius. The five final letters " are mentioned
in Bereshith Rabba (parash. i. fol. 1, 4), and in
both Talmudt; in the one (T. Bab. Sabbat, fol.
104, 1) they are said to be used by the seers or
prophets, and in the other (T. Hieros. MegMih
foL 71, 4) to be an Halnmh or tradition of Moses
from Sinai; yea, by an ancient writer (Pirke Eli-
ezer, c. 48) they are said to be known by Abra-
ham " (Gill, Duterlation concerning the Antiquity
WHITING
3571
0/ At Bet. Language, etc., p. 69). The final Jfeai
in the middle of the word rOttf? (Is. ix. 6) is
mentioned in both Talniuda (Talm. Bab. Sanhe-
dim, fol. 94, 1; Talm. Jer. Stmh. foL 27, 4), and
by Jerome (in toe). In another passage Jerome
(/Vol ad Libr. Reg.) speaks of the final letters as
if of equal antiquity with tbe rest of the alphabet.
The similarity of shape between final Mem (3) and
Samtch (S) is indicated by the dictum of Rab
Chotdti, as given in the Babylonian Talmud (iff
gittnk, c. 1; Shnbbath, fol. 104, 1), that " Mem
and Samtch, which were on the Tables (of tbe Law)
stood by a miracle." It was a tradition among
tbe Jews that the letters on the tables of stone given
to Moses were cut through the stone, to as to be
legible on both sides; hence the miracle by which
Mem and Samtch kept their place. The final letters
were also known to Epiphaniua (De Men*, el P<m-
deribut, § 4). In our present copies of the Hebrew
Bible there are instances in which final letters occur
in the middle of words (see Is. ix. 6, at above),
and, on the contrary, at the end of words the ordi-
nary fbrmt of tbe letters are employed (Neh. ii. 18;
Job xxxviii. 1) ; but these are only to be regarded
as clerical errors, which in some MSS. are corrected.
On the ancient Phoenician inscriptions, just ss in
the Greek uncial MSS. the letters of a word were
divided at the end of a line without any indication
being given of such division, but in Hebrew MSS.
a twofold course has been adopted in this case. II
at the end of a line tbe scribe found that he had
not space for the complete word, he either wrote
as many letters as he could of this word, but left
them unpointed, and put the complete word in the
next line, or he made use of what are called ex-
tended letters, litem dilatabila (as M, PI, and
the like), in order to fill up the superabundant
space. In the former case, in order to indicate that
the word at the end of the line was incomplete, the
last of the unpointed letters was left unfinished, or
a sign was placed after them, resembling sometimes
an inverted 3, and sometimes like fl, "S, or Q. II
the space left at the end of the line is inconsiderable
it is either rilled up by the first letter of the next
word, or by any letter whatever, or by an arbitrary
mark. In some cases, where the space is too small
for one or two consonants, the scribe wrote the
succession of continuous Hues. Yet In feet our mode
of separating tha words is the artificial one, and th«
vtber is the natural one, in reducing oral discourse to
Trltten. Spoken speech is an unbroken current. It
3 not the ear at all. except as slightly aided by soma
Intonation of the voice, but the mind which separates
the speech Into words, and thus apprehends tbe mean,
.ng of what Is uttered. The speaker runs together
different words in the same manner as he runs to-
gether different syllables of the same word. The old
method therefore simply adjusted the eye to the ear,
«nd so made the discourse appear on parchment or
stone very much as It sounded from the tougne of
tbe speaker. H.
a • The words are separated by points In some of
She most ancient Phoenician inscriptions, ss in the
sscond from Citlom, that from Tncca, the bilingual of
Sardinia, and notably so In the oldest of all, tbe Ho-
abtte Inscription, which also separates sentences by a
perpendicular line. W. II. W.
6 * And yet these esses are so rare that, afte
careful comparison, I find but six or eight In the five
■oaks of Moses, and even thaai generally require a
slight variation In the letters, so that not much can
be deduced on the subject. These oases are Gen. vil.
11, U^ifrS for Di* "ijpy; Gen. xx. 16, iv>3
jfinj; for rinpbi bb; oen.xi.17. obso
Sjfo for bjNtp biD; Num. xxlll. 10, ">D*
-li-9 for ISppsi; Num. xxiv. 22, )|7 "l^aV
rra-)y ««■ rva—rs ffi^-tsab; D.ut,xxvi.»,
-13^ DTP for ngfc MaTg: Deut. xxxllL »,
apparently ahf) nh?"l UH^tA) lor TinS}
ttJip nhyUJi and perhaps Deut. xsxil. 8, ^JJ
S» i#y 'or S« -10^33 for bgnt^ *oa-
cf. Deut. xxxtli. 2, when n'ltfhl seems to have
I been read for HI B/M. These ere also specimens
' of the scores of cases where the vowels were differ
lently read. W. H W
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8572
W KITING
sxcluded letters in a smaller farm on the margin
above the line (Eichhorn, EM. ii. 57-69). That
atbrevialiont were employed in the ancient Hebrew
writing it shown by the inscriptions on the Macea-
basan coins. In HSS. the frequent!; recurring
words are represented by writing some of their let-
ters only, as '"W* or 'tCW* for , W"lt&\ and a
frequently recurring phrase by the first letters of its
words with the mark of abbreviation ; as fl 7 3
tor ITDH dVw 1 ? V, * or "•"■» for TYtTT,
which is also written * or * \ The greater and
mailer letters which occur in the middle of words
(eomp. Ps. lux. 16; Gen. ii. 4), the impended let-
ter* (Jndg. xviii. 30; Ps. lux. 14), and the tn-
frted letters (Num. x. 85), are transferred from
the MSS. of the Masoretes, and hare all received
st tbe bands of the Jews an allegorical explanation.
In Judg. xviii. 30 the suspended Nun in the word
" Manasseb," without which tbe name is " Hose*,''
it said to be inserted in order to conceal the dis-
grace which the idolatry of bit grandson conferred
upon the great lawgiver. Similarly the small 3
in the word PiriSS,?, « to weep for her " (Gen.
xxiii. 8), i* explained by Baal Hatturim as indicat-
ing that Abraham wept little, because Sarah was
an old woman.
Numbers were indicated either by letters or
figures. The latter are found on Phoenician coins,
on tbe sarcophagus of Eshmunazar, on the Pal-
myrene inscriptions, and probably also in the Ara-
maso-Egyptian writing. On the other hand, letters
are found used as numerals on tbe Maccahann
coins, and among the Arabs, and their early adop-
tion for the same purpose among the Greeks may
have been due to the Phoenicians. It is not too
much to conjecture from these analogies that figures
and letters representing numbers may have been
employed by the ancient Hebrews. It is even pos-
sible that many discrepancies in numbers may be
explained in this way. For instance, in 1 Sam. vi.
19, for 50,070 the Syrisc has 5,070; in 1 K. iv.26
[v. 6] Solomon had 40,000 horses, while in the
parallel passage of 2 Cbr. ix. 25 he has only 4,000;
according to 2 Sam. x. 18, David destroyed 700
chariot* of the Syrians, while in 1 Chr. xix. 18,
the number is increased to 7,000. If figures were
In use such discrepancies are easily intelligible. On
the other hand, the sewn years of famine in 2 Sam.
ixiv. 13, may be reconciled with tbe three of 1 Chr.
«i. 12 and the LXX. by supposing that a scribe,
writing the square character, mistook 3 (= 8) for
T ( = 7). Again, in 2 Chr. xxi. 20, Jehoram dies
at the age of 40, leaving a sou, Ahaziah, who was
42 (2 Chr. xxii. 2). In the parallel passage of
2 K. viii. 26 Ahaziah is only 22, so that the scribe
prnliably read 3Q instead of 33. On the whole,
Gcsenius concludes, the preponderance would be in
favor of the letters, but he deprecates any attempt
to explain by this means the enormous numbers we
meet with in the descriptions of armies and wealth,
and the variations of the Samaritan and LXX. from
the Hebrew text in Gen. v.
Voicei-pointM and Diacritical ifarht. — It is im-
possible here to discuss fully the origin and antiq-
uity of the vowel-point* and other marks which sre
bond In the writing of Hebrew HSS. The moat
WBITOTG
that can be done will be to givi a summary of
results, and to refer the reader tc the source* ot
fuller information. Almost all the teamed Jew*
of the Middle Ages maintained the equal antiquity
of the vowels and consonants, or at least the intro-
duction of the former by Est* and the men of tbe
Great Synagogue. Tbe only exception* to thai uni-
formity of opinion are some few hint* of Aben Earn,
and a doubtful passage of tbe book Coat Tbe
same view was adopted by the Christian writers
Raymund Martini (dr. 1278), Peres de Valentin
(eir. 1480), and Nicholas de Lyra, and the** Hi*
followed by Luther, Calvin, and Pellicanua. The
modem date of tbe rowel-point* was first argued
by Elias Levita, followed on tbe same side by
Cappellus, who was opposed by tbe younger Bux-
torf. Later defenders of their antiquity have been
Gill, James Robertson, and Tychsen. Others, like
Hottinger, Prideaux, Schultens, J. D. Miehaelia.
and Eichhorn, have adopted an intermediate view,
that tbe Hebrews had aome fow ancient vowel-pointa,
which they attached to ambiguous words. " Tbe
dispute about the antiquity and origin of the He-
brew rowels commenced at a very early date; for
while Har-Nartronai II., Gaon in Sura (859-869),
prohibited to provide tbe copies of the Law with
vowels, because these signs had not been communi-
cated on Mount Sinai, but had only been introduced
by the sages to sssist tbe reader; tbe Karaites
allowed no scroll of tbe Pentateuch to be used in
the synagogue, unless it was furnished with vowels
and accents, because they considered them a* a
divine revelation, which, like the language and the
letter, was already given to Adam, or certainly to
Moses " (Dr. Kalisch, ffeb. Gr. ii. 66). No vowel-
points are to be found on any of the Jewish coins,
or in the Palmyrene inscriptions, and they are want-
ing in all the relics of Phoenician writing. Soma
of the Maltese inscriptions were once thought by
Gesenius to have marks of this kind (Gttck. dtr
JJebr. Spr. p. 184), but subsequent examination
led him to the conclusion that tbe Phoenician mon-
uments have not a vestige of vowel-points. The
same was the case originally in the Estrangelo
and Cufic alphabets. A single example of a dia-
critical mark occurs for the first time on one of the
Carthaginian inscriptions (Gesen. Man, Phm. pp.
66, 179). It appears to correspond to tbe diacrit-
ical mark which we meet with in Syriac writing,
and which is no doubt first alluded to by Ephraem
Syrus (on Gen. xxxvi. 24, Opp. i. 184). The age
of this mark in Syriac is uncertain, but it is most
nearly connected with the mnrheUmo of the Samar-
itans, which is used to distinguish words which
have tbe same consonants, but a different pronun-
ciation and meaning. Tbe first certain indication
of vowel-point* in a Shemitic language is in the
Arabic. Three were introduced by AIL son of Ahu-
Thalleb, who died a. h. 40. The Sabian writing
also has three vowel point*, but its sge is uncertain.
Five vowel-point* and several reading mark* were
introduced into the Syriac writing by Theophilua
and Jacob of Edesss. The present Arabic syateu
of punctuation originated with tbe introduction of
the Nischi character by Ebn Molds, who died A. D.
939. On the whole, taking into consideration tha
nature and analogies of the kindred Shemitic Ian
guages, and the Jewish tradition that tbe •oweai
were only transmitted orally by Moaea, and were
afterwards reduced to signs and fixed by Ezra ant
the Great Synagogue, the preponderance of evidence
goes to show that Hebrew was written with***
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WRITOTO
raweb or diacritical marks all the Uma that it was
» living language. The fact that the synagogue
rolls are written without points, and that a strong
traditional prescription against their being pointed
rxists, is in favor of the later origin of the rowel
marks The following passages from the Old Tes-
tament, quoted by Gesenius, tend to the same con-
elnsion. In Gen. xix. 37, the name Moab (2yiC),
la explained as if it were 21JD, " from a father,"
in which case all trace not only of vocalization, but
of the quiescent letter has disappeared. In Gen.
xxxi. 47, **'"???» Gilead is made to take its name
Bom TS/2, " heap of witness," and Gen. 1. 11,
D?"3£a , ?3N = Q'n?O l ?3y. So also in 2 K.
axil. 9, "lgbrt )p£ rtl»l appears in the parallel
narrative or 2 Chr. xxxiv. 16 as H^t 1*Jt» M3»]
^QDn, which could not have happened if the
chronicler had had a pointed text before him. Upon
examining the version of the LXX. it is equally
clear that the translators must have written from
an unpointed text. It is objected to this that
the twa( Xtyi/ufa are correctly explained, and
that they also distinguish between words which
have the same consonants but different vowel-points,
and even between those which are written and pro-
nounced alike. On the other hand they frequently
confuse words which have the same consonants
but different vowels. The passages which Gesenius
quotes ( O'rtch. d. Hub. Spr. § 50) would necessarily
be explained from the context, and we must besides
this take into consideration that in the ambiguous
caws there were in all probability traditional in-
terpretations. The proper names afford a more
accurate test. On examining these, we find that
they sometimes have entirely different rowels, and
sometimes are pointed according to an entirely dif-
ferent system, analogous to the Arabic and Syriao,
but varying from the Masoretic. Examples of an
entirely different vocalization are, ''ftDN, H/iaSt,
)?>!?;. I««rr<u», ITflt IeooWi»i, T.'f'?, M<wo X ,
"•pTlOt M<v8»xa4«», n^piwl. Po/mAios,
rrjE?, SoaVmar, "OSD, 3o0o X (u, «>«. That
the punctuation followed* by the LXX. was essen-
tially distinct from that of the Maaoretes is evident
from the following examples. Moving tJieva at the
beginning of words is generally represented by a;
as in SapovqA, Xa0a*8, ZafiavKaV- seldom by «,
ss in BcAiaA, Xspovj&Mi before "1 or * by o or u,
as ioSo/ia, 2oAo/ua»>, VofMfpv., Zopo$a$tk, e)vAi-
roeip, etc. Paihach is represented by < ; as MeA-
yurtttXt Ns^floA*!^, EAi<ra£<0. Paihach fur-
lnmm= t ; e. g. n<n)f, TtX&ovt, Uticat, taint*.
Other examples might be multiplied. We find in-
stances to the same effect in the fragments of the
other Greek versions, and in Josephus. The agree-
ment of the Targuma with the present punotuation
plight be supposed to supply an argument in favor
f the antiquity of the latter, but it might equally
be appealed to to show that the translation of the
Targuma embodied the traditional pronunciation
which was fixed in writing by the punctuators. The
Talmud has likewise been appealed to in support of
■he antiquity of the modern points; but its utter-
ances on this subject are extreme!; dark and dinV
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3678
cult to understand. They have respect ot the out
hand to those passages in which the sense of a text
is disputed, in so far as it depends upon a different
pronunciation ; for instance, whether in Cant i. %
we should read ^f^Pt or T\*7 W; in Ex. xxi. 8,
'l-pai or YTJ"? ; in Ler. x. 95, D* , ?3u? or
n'-ystp; in is. Br. 13, it©? or noa. a
Rabbinio legend makes Joab kill his teacher, be-
cause in Ex. xvu. 14 he had taught him to read
"OX for "IJt. The last passage shows at least,
that the Talmudists thought the text in David's
time was unpointed, and the others prove that the
punctuation could not hare been fixed as it must
have been if the vowel-points had been written.
But in addition to these instances, which are suit-
posed to involve the existence of vowel-points, there
are certain terms mentioned in the Talmud, which
are interpreted as referring directly to the rowel
signs and accents themselves. Thus in the treatise
Berachoth (fol. 83, 3) we find the phrase *>U22
mill, ta'dmt Ihdrdh, which Is thought to denote
not only the distinctive accents and those which
mark the tone, but also the vowel-poiuta. Hupfeld,
however, has shown that in all probability the term
U"S?tS, ia'am, denotes nothing more than a logical
sentence, and that consequently D^DStS P'CS,
pttik W dmim (Nedarim, fol. 37, 1), is simply a
division of a sentence, and has nothing whatever to
do either with the tone or the vowels (Stud. u. KriL
1830, ii. 5«7). The word IWO, ttmdn (Gr. <nr
fittov) which occurs in the Talmud (Nedarim, foL
53), and which is explained by Rashi to signify the
same as *Ttp3, nikkid, "a point," has been also
appealed to as an evidence of the existence of the
vowel-points at the time the Talmud was com-
posed, but its true meaning is rather that of a mne-
monic sign made use of to retain the memory of
what was handed down by oral tradition. The
oldest Biblical critics, the collectors of the Keri and
Cethib, have left no trace of vowel-points: all their
notes hare reference to the consonants. It is now
admitted that Jerome knew nothing of the present
rowel-points and their names. He expressly says
that the Hebrews very rarely had vowels, by which
he means the letters V, \ 1, H, M, in the middle
of words ; and that the consonants were pronounced
differently according to the pleasure of the reader
and the province in which he lived (Kpiti. ad
i'txiyr. 125). The term accmtut, which he there
uses, appears to denote as well the pronunciation of
the vowels as the nioe distinctions of certain con-
sonantal sounds, and has do connection whatever
with accents in the modern sense of the word. The
remarks which Jerome makes as to the possibility
of reading the same Hebrew consonants differently,
according to the different vowels which were affixed
to them, is an additional proof that in his day the
vowel-points were not written (see his Comvu us
Hot. xiii. 3 ; Hob. iii. 5). Hupfeld concludes that
the present system of pronunciation had not com-
menced in the 6th century, that it belonged to a
new epoch in Jewish literature, the Masoretic in
opposition to the Talmudlo, and that, taking iuts
consideration that the Syrians and Arabs, among
whom the Jews lived, had already made a bqguv
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WBITIKG
■ring in punctuation, then is the highest probabil-
ity that the Hebrew system of point* it not indig-
enous, but transmitted or suggested from without
ySlud. u. Krit. 1830, ii. 589). On nich a queation
it it impossible to pronounce with absolute certainty,
bat the above conclusion hat been arrived at by one
of the first Hebrew scholar* of Europe, who has
devoted especial attention to the subject, and to
whose opinion all deference is due.
" According to a statement on a scroll of the
Law, which may hare been in Susa from the eighth
amtury, Moses the Punctator (Hannakdan) was
the first who, in order to facilitate the reading of
Mm Scriptures for his pupils, added rowels to the
consonants, a practice in which he was followed by
Us son Judah, the Corrector or Reviser (Hamma-
gath). These were the beginnings of a full system
of Hebrew points, the completion of which has, by
tradition, been associated with the name of the
Karaite Acha of Irak, living in the first half of the
sixth century, and which comprised the vowels and
accents, dagesh and rapheh, keri and kethiv. It
was, from its local origin, called the Babylonian or
Assyrian system. Almost simultaneously with
these endeavors, the scholars of Palestine, especially
of Tiberias, worked in the same direction, and here
Kabbi Mocha, a disciple of Anan the Karaite, and
his son Moses, fixed another system of vocalization
(about 570), distinguished as that of Tiberias,
which marks still more minutely and accurately the
various shades and niceties of tone snd pronuncia-
tion, and which was ultimately adopted by all the
Jews. For though the Karaites, with their char-
acteristic tenacity, and their antagonism to the
Rabbanites, clung for some time to the older signs,
because they had used them before their secession
from the Talnindical sects, they were, at last, in
957, induced to abandon them in favor of those
idopted in Palestine. Now the Babylonian signs,
besides differing from those of Tiberias in shape,
are chiefly remarkable by being almost uniformly
placed above the letters. There still exist some
manuscripts which exhibit tbem, and many more
would probably bare been preserved had not, in
later times, the habit prevailed of substituting in
old codices the signs of Tiberias for those of Baby-
lonia " (Dr. Kalisch, Ilebr. Oram. ii. 63, 64).»
From the sixth century downwards the traces of
punctuation become more and more distinct. The
Masorah mention* by name two vowels, kamttt
and pnthaeh (Kalisch, p. 66). The collation of
the Palestinian and Babylonian readings (8th cent.)
refers at least in two passages to the mnppik in He
(Eichhorn, EinL I 374); but the collation set on
foot by Ben Asher and Ben Naphtali (cir. A. d.
1034) has to do exclusively with vowels snd read-
ing-marks, and their existence is presupposed in
the Arabic of Saadias and the Veneto-Ureek ver-
sion, and by all the Jewish grammarians from the
11th century onwards.
It now remains to say a few words on the
accent*. Their especial properties and the laws
by which they sre regulated properly belong to the
department of Hebrew grammar, and full informa-
tion on these points will be found in the works of
Seaenius, Hupfeld, Ewald, and Kalisch. The object
WRITING
of the ascent* is twofold. 1. They am to nan
the tone syllable, and at the same time to abow th*
relation of each word to the sentence: hence they
are called EF&lf $, as marking the sense. 3.
They indicate the modulation of the tone accord-
ing to which the Old Testament was recited in
the synagogues, and were hence called DW33.
" The manner of recitation was different for the
Pentateuch, the prophets, and the metrical books
(Job, the Proverbs, and the Psalm*): old modes
of cantillation of the Pentateuch and the prophets
(in the Haphtaroth) hare been preserved in the
German and Portuguese synagogues; both differ
indeed, considerably, yet manifestly abow a com-
mon character, and are almost like the same com-
position sung in two different keys; while th*
chanting of the metrical books, not being employed
in the public worship, has long been lost " (Kalisch,
p. 84). Several modern investigators have decided
that the use of the accents for guiding the public
recitations is anterior to their use a* marking the
tone of words and syntactical construction of sen-
tences. The great number of the accents is in
favor of this hypothesis, since one sign alone would
hare been sufficient to mark the tone, and the log-
ical relation of the different parts of a sentence
could hare been indicated by a much smaller num-
ber. Geseniut, on the other hand, is inclined to
think that the accents at first served to mark the
tone and the sense (Gach. p. 821). The whole
question is one of mere conjecture. The advocates
for the antiquity of the accents would carry them
back as far as the time of the ancient Temple ser-
vice. The Gemara (Ntdaritn, fol. 87, 9; Mtgittak,
o. i. fol. 3) makes the Invites recite according to
the accents even in the days of Nehemiah.
Writing Mnttrialt, tie. — The oldest docu-
ments which contain the writing of a Shemitic race
are probably the bricks of Nineveh and Babylon
on which are impressed the cuneiform Assyrian
inscription*. Inscribed bricks are mentioned by
Pliny (vii. 56) as used for astronomical obaena-
tions by the Babylonians. There is, however, no
evidence that they were ever employed by the He-
brews, 6 who certainly at a very early period prac-
ticed the more difficult but not more durable
method of writing on stone (Ex. xxir. 19, xxxi. 18,
xxxii. 15, xxxiv. 1, 38; Deut- x. 1, xxvii. 1; Josh,
riii. 33), on which inscriptions were cut with an
iron graver (Job xix. 34; Jer. xvii. 1). They
were moreover acquainted with the art of engraving
upon metal (Ex. xxviii. 36) and gems (Ex. xxviii.
9). Wood was used upon some occasions (Num.
xvii. 3; comp. Horn. JL vii. 175), and writing tab-
lets of box-wood are mentioned in 3 Esdr. xiv. 94.
The " lead," to which allusion is made in Job xix.
34, is supposed to have been poured when melted
into the cavities of the stone made by the letters
of an inscription, in order to render it durable,'
and does not appear ever to hare been used by the
Hebrews as a writing material, like the x^f™
uoA^SSiroi at Thebes, on which were written
Hesiod's rForts and Day$ (Pans. ix. SI, § 4;
comp. Plin. xiii. 31). Inscriptions and documents
which were intended to be permanent went wriUas
• For further Information on the Babylonian ays-
Mm of punctuation, see Pinsker's Budtitvng in die
Bttbytvmich-Hrbrmtcht Punktationtsyttem, Just pub-
I at Tirana (1868).
• Th* ease of aaekM (iv. 1) is evidently an i
Uon.
<= Copper was used tor th* same purpose. II. Bttts
found txace* of It In letters on the pavement slabs
Khorsabsd (Larard, Ate. Hi. 188].
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WHITING
a tablcta of brass (1 Mace. viii. 22, n.. 97), bat
bam the manner in which the; are mentioned it is
deer that their ute was exceptional. It ii most
probable that the most ancient u well at the most
common material which the Hebrews used for
writing was dressed skin in some form or other.
We know that the dressing of skins was practiced
by the Hebrews (Ex. xxt. 6; Lev. xiii. 48), and
they may hare acquired the knowledge of the art
from the Egyptians, among whom it had attained
great perfection, the leather-cutters constituting
one of the principal subdivisions of the third caste.
The fineness of the leather, says Sir G. Wilkinson,
" employed for making the straps placed across the
todies of mummies, discovered at Thebes, and the
lieauty of the figures stamped upon them, satisfac-
torily prove the skill of ' the leather-cutters,' and
the antiquity of embossing: some of these bearing
the names of kings who ruled Egypt about the
period of the Exodus, or 3,300 years ago " (Anc.
Eg. iii. 166). Perhaps the Hebrews may have
borrowed, among their other acquirements, the use
of papyrus from the Egyptians, but of this we have
no positive evidence. Papyri are found of the most
remote Pharaonic age (Wilkinson, Anc. Eg. iii.
148), so that Pliny is undoubtedly in error when
he says that the papyrus was not used as a writing
material before the time of Alexander the Great
(xiii. 21). He probably intended to indicate that
this was the date of its introduction to Europe.
Ancient WrUng Msssrtals
[ii the Bible the only allusions to the use of papyrus
are in 3 John 12, where xdpnir occurs, which
refers especially to papyrus paper, and 3 Mace. iv.
20, where xajrrfipia is found in the same sense.
In Josephus {Ant. iii. 11, § 6) the trial of adultery
is made by writing the name of God on aafcin, and
the 70 men who were sent to Ptolemy from Jeru-
salem by the high-priest Eleatar, to translate the
Law into Greek, took with them the thins on which
(be Law was written in golden characters (Ant. xii.
2, f 10). The oldest Persian annals were written
ou skins (Diod. Sic ii. 32), and these appear to
have been most frequently used by the Shemitic
races if not peculiar to tbem.e Of the byssus
which was used in India before the time of Alex-
ander (Strabo xv. p. 717), and the Dalra-leaves
mentioned by Pliny (vii. 23), there Is no trace
unong tbs Hebrews, although we know that the
sabs wrote their earliest copies of the Koran upon
a The word for " book," "ISD, sej*«r, is from a
mot, "150. s&ptar, n to scrape, shave," and Indl
partly aetata Ic «he ue> of skin as a writing mate-
wiurnra 8676
the roughest materials, as atones, the shoulder-
bones of sheep, and palm-leaves (De Sacy, item.
de FAcad. du Intcript. 1. p. 307). Hendotua,
after telling us that the Ionlana learnt the art of
writing from the Phoenicians, adds that tbey culled
their books skins ( T «b $i&\ovs SifeVpat ), because
they made use of sheep-skins and goat-skins whan
abort of paper (/J(j8A»t). Among the Cyprians, a
writing-master was called 814 8t pdAetaVot- Parch-
ment was used for the MSS. cf the PenUteucL in
the time of Josephus, and the fupfipdytu of 2 Tim
iv. 13 were skins of parchment. It was one of the
provisions in the Talmud that the Law should be
written on the skins of clean animals, tame or wild,
or even of clean birds. There are three kinds of
skins distinguished, on which the roll of the Pen-
tateuch may be written: 1. *]?£>., kdtph (3ttg.
ii. 2; Shabb. viii. 8); 2. DlBDlD3n=8j Xok r-
tJi or S(J«o-roi; and 3. Vl?, gML The last
is made of the undivided skin, after the hair is
removed and it has been properly dressed. For
the other two the skin was split. The part with
the hairy side was called keleph, and was used for
the UplUUin or phylacteries; and upon the other
( D2VT) the Mestizoes were written (Maimonidee,
HUc. TephiL ). The skins when written upon were
formed into rolls (DSbsOt mlgiltdtk; Ps. xl. 7
(8); conip Is. xxxiv. a; Jer. xxxvi. 14; En. ii. 9:
Zech. v. 1). They were rolled upon one or two
sticks and fastened with a thread, the ends of which
ware sealed (Is. xxix. 11; Dan. xii. 4; Rev. v. 1,
etc.). Hence the words T?|, gdlal (<fAWttr),
to roll up (Is. xxxiv. 4; Rev. vi. 14), and t£TI5j!,
ptSnu (Iwawriovttv), to unroll (2 K. xix. 14;
Luke iv. 17), are used of the closing and opening
of a book. The rolls were generally written on one
aide only, except in Ex. ii. 10; Rev. v. 1. They
were divided into columns (HVlTf, dMthith,
lit, "doom," A. V. " leaves," Jer. xxxvi. 23); the
upper margin was to be not less than three fingers
broad, the lower not less than four; and a space
of two fingers' breadth was to be left between every
two columns (Waehner, Ant. Ebnaar. vol i. sect.
1, cap. xlv. § 337). In the Herculaneum rolls the
columns are two fingers broad, and in the MSS. in
the library at Stuttgart there are three columns on
each side, each three inches broad, with an inch
space between the columns, and margins of three
inches wide (Leyrer in Horzog's EncykL " Schrift-
zeichen " ). The case in which the rolls were kept
was called r<vx«> <* "Vi?. Talmudic T??, cerec,
or KJ^?i oared. But besides skinr, which wen
used for the more permanent kinds of writing
tablets of wood covered with wax (Luke i. CI,
wirufSia) served for the ordinary purposes of Kfc.
Several of these were fastened together and formed
volumes (mO1t0,= tomos). They were written
upon with a pointed style (tt£, 'It, Job xix. 34),
sometimes of iron (Pa. xlv. 1 (2); Jer. viii. 8, ivtt.
1) For harder materials a graver (tff^rl, ckent,
El. xxxiL 4; Is. viii. 1) was employed: the hard
point was called l? : b3, Uipptren (Jer. xvU. 1).
For parchment or sains a reed was used (3 John
13: 3 Mace. iv. 20 and according to some tb*
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WBITIKO
Law ww to be written with nothing else (Waehner,
| 384). The iuk, V?, dlyt (Jer. ixzvi. 18), b't-
erally .. black," like the Greek ftikar (8 Cor. iii.
i; 3 John 13; 8 John 13), wu to be of lamp-
bLiek dissolved in gall juice, though sometimes a
mixture of gall juioe and vitriol wai allowable
(Waehner, § 836). It waa carried in an inkttand
("ISbn riDp,, kettth haubphir), which waa
suspended at the girdle (Ex. ix. 2, 8), aa is done at
the present day in the East. The modern scribes
" have an apparatus consisting of a metal or ebony
tube for their reed pens, with a cup or bulb of the
same material, attached to the upper end, for the
Ink. This they thrust through the girdle, and
carry with them at all times " (Thomson, Tin
Laid and the Book, p. 131). Such a case for
holding pens, ink, and other materials for writing
la called in the Hishna V'?'??'!' kalmir'm, or
}V^P7|2. kaimarytn (caiamaiium ; Miahn.
CtUm, ii. 7; Mikv.x. 1) while pWj'lin, th-bntik
(Mish. Celim, xvi. 8), is a case for carrying pens,
penknife, style, and other implements of the writer's
art. To professional scribes there are allusions In
Fa. xlv. 1 [3]; Err. vii. 8; 8 Eadr. xiv. 31. In
the language of the Talmud these are called
l^bs?, labldiin, which is a modification of the
Let. Uoeliitrii (Talm. Shabb. Sol. 16, 1).
For the literature of this subject, see especially
Gesenius, Getchiciite dtr hebrdischen Sprache und
Schrift, 1816; LehryebSudt dtr htbr. Sprache,
1817; Afonumenta Phanicia, 1837; Art. Pala-
ographie in Krscb and Gruber's Ally. Encycl. :
Hupfeld, AutfUhrticht hebrauehe Grammatik,
1841, and his articles iu the SttuHtn und KriHken,
1830, Band 2: A. T. [G.] Hoffmann, Grammatiea
Syriaca, 1827 : A. G. Hoffmann, Art. HtbraUche
Schrift in Erscb and G ruber: Kurst, Lthrgebiude
der aramdiichen Idiome, 1835: Kwald, Autjuhr-
tiches Lehrbuch dtr htbr. Sprache: Saalschiitz,
Fortchungen im Gtbittt dtr htbrittch-Sygpt-
itehen Archdologie, 1838; besides other works,
which have been referred to in the course of this
»rticle. W. A. W.
* This may be a suitable place to speak of the
uniting on the Moabite stone recently discovered
<n the east of the Dead Sea. In August, 1868,
the Kev. F. Klein, connected with the Church
Missionary Society in Jerusalem, met with this
nonumental stone at Dhiban, the ancient Dibon
,'|-l , "l) on a journey from Et-Snlt to Ktrak, a
region seldom visited by Europeans and still com-
paratively unknown. He copied a small part of
(he inscription and took measurements, which show
the stone to have been about 3 feet 9 inches long,
3 feet 4 inches in breadth, and 1 foot 3 inches
hick. It was in almost perfect preservation, lying
with the inscription uppermost, and was a basaltic
stone, exceedingly heavy. No inscription was on
the bottom of the side, which was perfectly smooth,
and without marks. But unfortunately, before the
stone could be properly examined, owing to the
unwillingness of the Arabs to give it up, it was
broken into fragments by cold water having been
thrown upon it after it had been heated by fire.
We are indebted mainly to the efforts of ('apt.
Varren, and the French vice-consul at Jerusalem,
at. Ganneau, for impressions or tqucezes taken of
the main block and some of the recovered parts,
WRITING
from which we learn the character and impHtance
of this interesting monument The investigations
are not yet complete, but are supposed to establish
the following results. (1.) The stone is undoubt-
edly the oldest Shemitic monument yet found. (2.;
It is stated by Mr. Deutsch, of the British Mu-
seum, that the characters appear older " than many
of the Assyrian bi-lingual cylinders in the British
Museum, the date of which is, at the very least,
as old aa the ninth century, a. c" (3.) The stone
chronicles the achievements of one Mesha, king
of the Moabites. Now i! was about this time
(namely, 900 B. c.J, that Mesha lived, against
whom Jehoram and Jehosht phat fought (3 K. iii-
4 ffi). [Mesha.] (4.) The inscription is full of
well-known Biblical names, such as Beth-Bamoth
Beth-Baal-Meon, Horouaim, and Dibon. (5.) Men-
tion is frequently made of Israel, a rival power,
and of Chemosh, the national God of Moab. (6.)
It is invaluable to the student of alphabets. Nearly
the whole of the Greek alphabet is found here, not
merely similar to the Phoenician shape, but as
identical with it aa can well be.
Some of the words, and even lines, it should be
added, are too illegible to be clearly deciphered;
some parts of the stone remain (if still existing)
to he examined, and interpreters differ somewhat
in the reading of portions of the text in their
possession. One value of the discovery is its con-
firming the Scripture intimations (1 Sam. vii. 13
and xv. 12), that the inhabitants of Palestine, like
those of Egypt and Assyria, had monumental
records, and it encourages the hope that by per-
severance still others may be found. (For fuller
details see Quart Statement of the Pal Explor.
Fund, Nos. ir. and v.)
Among the best account* of this stone la un-
questionably that of Prof. Schlottmann, Die Sitget-
taule hi eta' s Kbnigt dtr Moabiter ; em Beitrag
ear heorditchen Alterthumtkunde (Halle, 1870),
supplemented by an art. in the ZtiUehr. d. D. M.
GeieUtchaft, 1870, p. 253 ff. He gives at length
the details of its discovery, and shows the impos-
sibility of any collusion or fraud on the part of
the Arabs. He presents a German translation of
the epigraph, supplying in brackets the missing a
illegible words, on conjectural grounds of course,
and gives the same in Hebrew, for the sake of com-
paring the cognate dialects. It is remarkable that
no word occurs in the Moabite fragment of which
the root does not exist in the Hebrew Biblical text.
It reads in this respect, as M. de Vogiie' remarks,
almost like a page from the Hebrew Scriptures.
Prof." Schlottmann points out various important
connections between this document and the Biblical
history. Prof. G. Rawlinson, on "the Moabite
Stone" (Conttmp. Rev. Aug. 1870, pp. 17-112),
dwells particularly on "the pakeographiial value
of the discovery." He argues, among other points,
that the more primitive forms of the letters oc
" the stone " resemble the objects from which tbej
are named much more strikingly than the later
forma, and therefore confirm the theory of the
pictorial origin of alphabetic writing. He finds
evidence, also, in the closer resemblance between
these more primitive figures and the earliest Greek
letters, that the Greeks borrowed the art of writing
from tie Pbceniciaiis at a much earner date that
many have assigned to that event. Letters, ac-
cording to this view, were not necessarily unkni w»
to the Greeks in the time of Homer and Heriod
The Pentateuch and other oldest parte of the Ho
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«n» Scriptural wen Dot improbably written at first
in characters like those represented on the Moabite
■tone.
Essays on the Moabite (tone, with translations
of the inscription, hare also been published by
MM. Uanneau, de Vogiie\ Sachs, Derenbourg,
Nuideka, Neubauer, Ham;, Geiger, and others,
and in this country by the Bar. W. H. Ward
(Proctedingt of the Jmer. Oriental Society Sot
May, 1870), to whom we are indebted for the
oakoographical supplements to the present article.
Mr. Ward's essay is to appear, enlarged, in the
8iU. Sacra for Oct. 1870. H.
* The last few yjars have seen the study of the
history of writing advanced considerably by the
labon of Osiander, Geiger, Levy, Lauth, Brugsch,
Kirahhoff, Lenonnant, de Vogiie\ and others.
Scores of new and important inscriptions in vari-
ous languages, of which the moat important is
that of King Mesha of Moab, found the present
year in the ancient Dibon, have been discovered
and seized upon by eager students.
Tin general result of these investigation! has
been to magnify the importance and to extend the
sway of the old Canaanite or Phoenician alphabet,
aud to indicate more clearly to us its original
characters. It is not improbable that every style
of script now in use, with the exception of the
Chinese and Japanese, is the lineal descendant
of the letters of Cadmus.
Whether the three systems of picture-writing,
the Egyptian, the Central American, and the
Chinese; the two alphabetic systems of the an-
cient Persians and the Phoenicians, and the mixed
system of Assyria had all a common origin, as
(jeiger maintains, in the valley of the Euphrates,
it is as yet impossible to deeide. In order to ex-
press thought to the eye, pictures would first be
employed. These pictures would next stand for
the first syllable of the words which they had
represented, and finally for the first vocal elements
of those syllables. Such, no doubt, was the his-
tory of the Shemitic alphabet. The names of the
letters seem to point to a hieroglyphic period, as
they nil signify objects of whioh pictures could be
drawn. Then the feet that the Shemitic alphabet
has no vowels points to a period when the vowel
system of the language was less developed, and
when each written consonant carried its own vowel
with it, as in the syllabic system of ancient As-
syria. We know of two modern cases, one of the
Uherokee Indian Sequoya or Guest, and the other
of Doalu Bukere in Africa, in whieh savages, hav-
ing gained some inkling of the civilized method
of representing fractions of words by arbitrary
signs, have themselves invented an alphabet. It
is a suggestive feet that in both of these cases the
system which they hit upon was syllabic. Sequoya
In 1823 had devised an alphabet composed of two
hundred syllables, which he afterwards reduced to
eighty five. Such was probably the original syl-
labic character of the Shemitic alphabet, consisting
of consonants followed by tbe primitive vowel n.
Had the alphabet originally been formed by making
en ultimate analysis of sounds it would be difficult
o explain the fact that the vowels, the most prom-
inent elements in such an analysis, an all absent.
It is now generally admitted that the Phoenician
or Sbemitic alphabet was derived from the Egyp-
tian hieratic characters (Brugsch, Zattekr. f.
Sieaographie, 186-1, p. 70 ff., and in his Bildung
a. Ent>o. d. Sekrifl, Berl. 1888. F. Lenormant,
235
WHITING
8677
8*r la prop, de talph. phtn., Par. 1888. Lauth.
Ueberd. Sgypt. Urtprmig tins. Buchanben u. Sf.
fern, in the SiUungtb. d. bair. Akad. d. Wit.,
1887, ii. 84-134. G. Ebers, Agyptm u. d. Bieher
.Hose's, Leips. 1888, pp. 147-151. Schroder, Die
phbnix. Sprnche, Halle, 1869, p. 76. E. Schrader,
hi De Wette'i EM. in d. Bicker d. A. T., 8*
Aufl., 1869, p. 189). Taking as oar basis for com-
parison on the one hand the most archaio Phoeni-
cian forms as given on gems and seals and on the
Moabite Inscription, and on the other the most
ancient hieratic characters as found on the papyrus
Print, a manuscript of the twelfth dynasty, and so
older than the Hyksos, we find that in at least
half of the Phoenician letters then is an evident
resemblance to the corresponding hieratic. In the
Phoenician, as in the Hebrew, Dnleth and Reek ars
almost identical. The same is true in the hieratic
writing. In these two letters, and in Lamed, Nun,
and Shin, the resembianoe is quite striking. Prob-
ably the adaptation of the Egyptian characters to
the use of the Phoenician or Canaanite language,
was due to the large Sbemitic colony which occu-
pied the Delta of the Nile even before the Hyksos
invasion ; although some have given the credit to
the Hyksos conquerors, aud others even to the
Israelites, although their condition in Egypt was
certainly not favorable to literary pursuits.
The names of the letters are pure Sbemitic and
not Egyptian. This shows that although hieratic
characters wen borrowed, the Egyptian names
wen not taken with them. In selecting these
names it is probable that the simplest and most
familiar objects wen chosen which happened to
have names beginning with the desired letter
In most cases it Is useless to try to find in the
characters any resemblance to the objects whose
names they bear. Thus in the Egyptian hiero-
glyphic Lamed is a lion. This in the hieratic is
reduced to a conventional form which was adopted
almost exactly iuto the Phoenician alphabet, but
with a change of name bom " lion " to "T9 /,
'• an ox-goad," which it does not resemble at all in
shape. The most we can say is that the selection
of common visible objects for names of the letters
is in imitation of the Egyptian picture-writing, and
in a few oases it may have been possible, as In
fT^, a door, and D S D, water, to find words
beginning with the requisite letter which agreed in
sense with the shape of the letters.
We can be approximately certain of the origins
form of the Phoenician letters. By far the most
important monument for this purpose is the Moab
lie column of Mesha, belonging to the first half of
the ninth century before Christ. Next in impor-
tance to this an the inscriptions on some weights
found in Assyria by Layard, and which an nearly
as old. Beside 'these an quite a number of seals
and gems of extreme antiquity. The later Phoeni-
cian monuments are counted by hundreds, and one
of them, the great Sidouian inscription, is of con-
siderable palawgraphical value. De Vogiie - con-
cludes as the result of his study of these remain*
that the alphabet in its archaic form was charac-
terized by the prevalence of sharp angles (Journal
Amatujue, 1867, p. 171). The zigzag shape of Mem
and Shin is a certain proof of the antiquity of the
monument that contains them. A few letters, nota-
bly Znym and 7Viole, retained their sharp angles to a
late period. Of this original form we do net |
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WRITING
i single pun example, unless it be a tingle
bseus, bearing the legend £n>Ds t « belonging to
Shollum," which may be a» old as the time of Da-
vid. In the Moabite Inscription these sharp angles
are generally preserved, although Lamed has lost its
angle to the right, and Beth, Kaph, Mem, JVun,
and Pe , cum their first stroke somewhat to the left.
Agin, which means "an eye," may hare been
originally circular, as we here find it, and the same
may hare been the case with Vau and Koph, both
of which have rounded heads on the Moabite stone.
We here first find Dakth the simple Greek Delia, A,
and quite distinguishable from Rah ; and Samekh
identical with the earliest Greek g as found in the
t'-oicyra inscriptions of the forty-fifth Olympiad,
r rom this archaic Phoenician, of which Leiiormant
gives the characters so sir as they were then known
(Heme Archeobt/ique, 1867), were derived the
Greek letters of which we have specimens as old as
the ninth century before Christ, written so exactly
in the Phoenician character, and still turned to the
left, that Prof. F. Hitzig (Zeilschr. d. U. M. G.
1858, p. S73) baa tried to translate, as if Phoeni-
cian, the inscription from Shera, cut under the
picture of a fish, •• [Ti]/uu> eypaf' M«-"
The first stage in the modification of the original
Phoenician character was the substitution of trans-
verse bars for the original zigzags, first in Mem
and afterwards in Shin. At the same time the
letters show more curves, and in the Aramaean
dialects all the zigzags disappear; and the heads
of Belk, Dulttli, and Re$h, which were at first closed
and triangular, are opened at the top. From the
Aramaean character by gradual changes was derived
the Palmyrene and the modern square Hebrew.
This is hardly the place to give the genealogy of
any other than the square Hebrew of all the alpha-
bets that are descendants of the old Shemitic. For
the Greek, reference may be made to the elaborate
alphabets of Greece, Asia Minor, and the Ionian
Islands given by Kircbboff (Stud, satr Ge$ck. d.
yrieeh. Alphabet; in the Abh. d. Akad. d. Win.
m Berlin, 1863). For the Latin Mommsen has
done a similar sen-ice. Weber, following Prinsep,
makes it not improbable (Zeittchr. d. D. M. G. x.
389 it) that the Sanskrit had a similar origin, car-
rying with it all the alphabets of India, Burmah,
Java, and Thibet. His argument, however, is by
no means universally accepted as conclusive. The
Zend and Pehlevi alphabets are of Shemitic origin,
as Spiegel shows in his Gram, der Huzwnretch-
iprache, pp. 26, 34 ff. Klaproth has remarked
that the Mongolian, Tungusian, and Manchu alpha-
bets an from the Syrian ; though modified, it is
true, by the perpendicular columnar arrangement
«f the Chinese. Add to these the Samaritan,
Ototopic, and Syriac ; the Arabic, with its chanc-
ers modified or unmodified as accepted by Turks,
Persians, Malays, Hindostanees, Berbers, and Tou-
ireks; still further remember that the Cyrillian
md tilagolilic alphabets of Bulgaria and Russia,
and the Gothic of Ulphilas, were of Shemitic origin
through the Greek, and those of tbe rest of the
civilized world through the latin: and we have
the Chinese left aa the only living written language
whose alphabet is not lineally descended from that
of Cadmus. To the literature lefe ired to above,
add M. A. Levy, Phtnizucke Studien, 4 Hefte. Breal.
1868-70; Siegelu. Gemmen, ibid. 1869; Die pa U
aseren. Intehrijlen, in Zeifckr. d. D. M. G., 1864,
p. M C W. H. W.
TEAR
X.
XANTHICU8. [Mokth, lit 900 J
Y.
YARN (n.)i7B; tOjTQ). Ibe notice of yarr
is contained in an extremely obscure passage ic
1 K. x. 28 (9 Chr. i. 16): " Solomon had borset
brought out of Egypt, and linen yarn ; tbe king's
merchants received the linen yarn at a price." Thi
LXX. gives Ik 8sksW, implying an original read-
ing of Slp/pp ; the Vulg. has dt Coa, which Is
merely a Latinized form of the original. Tbe He-
brew .Received Text Is questionable, from the cir-
cumstance that the second mittih has its final
vowel lengthened as though it were in the strinsf
construclui. Tbe probability is that the term does
refer to some entrepot of Kgyptian commerce,
but whether Tekoah, as in the LXX., or Coa, aa in
the Vulg., is doubtful. Gesenius (The*, p. 1202)
gives the sense of " number " as applying equally
to the merchants and the horses: "A band of
the king's merchants bought a drove (of horses) at
a price; " but the verbal arrangement in 2 Chr. it
opposed to this rendering. Thenius (ivwj. Hdb.
on 1 K. x. 28) combines this sense with the former,
giving to the first mikvih the sense '• from Tekoah,"
to the second the sense of "drove." Berthean
(Extg. Hdb. on 2 Chr. i. 16) and Flint (Lex. a. v.)
side with the Vulgate, and suppose tbe place called
Coa to have been on the Egyptian frontier: "The
king's merchants from Coa (». e. stationed at Coa)
took the horses from Coa at a price." The sense
adopted in the A. V. it derived from Jewish in-
terpreters. W. L. B.
YEAR (HJW: f T „: anmu), the highest or-
dinary division of time. The Hebrew name is
identical with the root HDttJ, " be or it repeated,
did the second time;" with which are cognate the
ordinal numeral ^307. "second," and the cardi-
nal, tP3$, "two." The meaning la therefore
thought to be "an iteration," by Gesenius, who
compares the Latin anmu, properly a circle. Ge-
senius also compares the Arabic {Jy^, which he
says signifies "a circle, year." It signifies "a
year," but not " a circle," though st octanes
meaning "around:" its root is JL>> "it be
came altered or changed, it shifted, passed, retakes
and passed, or became complete" (on Mr. Lane i
authority). The ancient Egyptian REM', « •
year," seems to resemble annus ; for in Coptic oas
of the forms of Its equivslett, pOUIU, the
Bashmuric pAJUUU, eKsLttlU, is identic'
with the Sahidic p4JULIU, "a handle, rkg,"
p<SJUlIiei, "rings." The sense of the He
brew might either be a recurring period, or a eh*
cle of seasons, or else a period circling through the
seasons. The first sense is agreeable with tny
period of time ; the second, with the Egyptiaa
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YEAB
■primitive year," which, by the me of tropical
Masons as divisions of the " Vtgoa Year," i* ehown
to hare been tropical in reality or intention ; the
laird agrees with all " wandering yean."
I. Teen, properly so called.
Two years were known t>, and apparently used
by, the Hebrews.
1. A year of 360 days, containing twelve months
of thirty days each, is indicated by certain passages
in the prophetical Scriptures. The time, times,
and a half, of Daniel (vii. 25, xii. 7), where "time"
(Ch. IfflDt Heb. TyO) meaua "year," evi-
dently represent the same period as the 42 months
(Bar. zL 2) and 1,260 days of the Revelation (xi. 3,
zU. 6), for 360 X 3.6 = 1,260, and 30 X 42=1,260.
This year perfectly corresponds to the Egyptian
vague year, without the five intercalary days. It
appears to have been in use in Noah's time, or at
least in the time of the writer of the narrative of the
Flood, for in that narrative the interval from the
17th day of the 2d month to the 17th day of the
7th of the same year appears to be stated to be a
period of 150 days (Geo. vii. 11, 24, viii. 3, 4, comp.
13), and, as the 1st, 2d, 7th, and 10th mouths of
one year are mentioned (viii. 13, 14, vii. 11, viii 4,
5), the 1st day of the 10th mouth of this year being
separated from the 1st day of the 1st month of the
next year by an interval of at least 54 days (viii.
5, 6, 10, 12, 13), we can only infer a year of 12
months. Ideler disputes the former inference,
arguing that as the water first began to sink after
150 dajs (and then had been 15 cubits above all
high mountains), it must have sunk for some days
ere the Ark could have rested on Ararat, so that
the second date must have been more than 150
days later than the first (Hundbwh, i. 69, 70, 478,
472). This argument depends upon the meaning
of the expression " high mountains," and upon the
height of " the mountains of Ararat," upon which
the Ark rested (Gen. viii. 4), and we are certainly
justified by Shemitic usage, if we do not consider
the usual inference of the great height attained by
the Flood to be a necessary one (G'enetis of the
Karlk ami of Man, 2d ad. pp. 97, 98). The ex-
act correspondence of the interval mentioned to 6
months of 30 days each, and the use of a year of
380 days, or 12 such months, by the prophets, the
latter fact overlooked by Ideler, favor the idea that
such a year is here meant, unless indeed one iden-
tical with the Egyptian vague year, of 12 months
of 80 days and 6 intercalary days. The settle-
ment of this question depends upon the nature and
history of these years, and our information on the
latter subject is not sufficiently certain to enable us
to do more than hazard a conjecture.
A year of 860 days is the rudest known. It Is
tanned of 12 spurious lunar months, and was
probably the parent of the lunar year of 354 days,
' and the vague year of 365. That it should have
continued any time in use would be surprising
were it not for the convenient length of the months,
rhe Hebrew year, from the time of the Exodus, as
we shaft see, was evidently lunar, though in some
Banner rendered virtually solar, and we may there-
fore infer that the lunar year is as old as the date
•f the Exodus. As the Hebrew year was not an
Egyptian year, and as nothing is said of its being
new, save in it* time of commencement, it was per-
haps earlier in use among the Ixraelitet, and either
nought into Egypt by them or borrowed from
Shemita settlers.
TEAR
357S
The vague year was certainly in use in Egypt la
as remote an age as the earlier part of the Xlltb
dynasty (B. c. cir. 2000), and there can be no rea
sonable doubt that it was there used at the time
of the building of the Great Pyramid (b. a cir.
2350). The intercalary days seem to be of Egyp-
tian institution, for each of them was dedicated to
one of the great gods, as though the innovation had
been thus made permanent by the priests, and per-
haps rendered popular as a series of days of feast-
ing and rejoicing. The addition would, however,
date from a very early period, that of the final
settlement of the Egyptian religion.
As the lunar year and the vague year run up
parallel to so early a period as that of the Exodus,
and the former seems to have been then Shemite,
the latter then, and for several centuries earlier,
Egyptian, and probably of Egyptian origin, we
may reasonably conjecture that the former origi-
nated from a year of 360 days in Asia, the latter
from the same year in Africa, this primitive year
having been used by the Noachiana before their
dispersion. ,
2. The year used by the Hebrews from the time
of the Exodus may be said to have been then insti-
tuted, since a current month, Abib, on the 14th
day of which the first Passover was kept, was then
made the first month of the year. The essential
characteristics of this year can be clearly deter-
mined, though we cannot fix those of any single
year. It was essentially solar, for the offerings of
productions of the earth, first-fruits, harvest-prod-
uce, and ingathered fruits, were fixed to certain
days of the year, two of which were in the periods
of great feasts, the third itself a feast reckoned from
one of the former days. It seems evident that the
year was made to depend upon these times, and it
may be observed that such a calendar would tend
to cause thankfulness for God's, good gifts, and
would put in the background the great luminaries
which the heathen worshipped in Egypt and in
Canaan. Though the year was thus essentially
solar, it is certain that the months were lunar, each
commencing with a new moon. There must there-
fore have been some method of adjustment. The
first point to be decided is how the commencement
of each year was fixed. On the 16th day of Abib
ripe ears of corn were to be offered as first-fruits
of the harvest (Lev. ii. 14, xxiii. 10, 11): this was
the day on which the sickle was begun to be put
to the com (Deut. xvi. 9), and no doubt Josephus
is right in stating that until the offering of first-
fruits had been made no harvest-work was to be
begun (Ant. ili. 10, § 6). He also states that ears
of barley were offered (ibid.). That this was the
case, and that the ears were the earliest ripe, is
evident from the following circumstance! The
reaping of barley commenced the harvest (9 Sam,
xxi. 9), that of wheat following, apparently with-
out any considerable interval (Ruth ii. 23V On
the day of Pentecost thanksgiving was offered for
the harvest, and it was therefore called the " Feast
of Harvest." It was reckoned from the com-
mencement of the harvest, on the 16th day of the
1st month. The 50 days must include the whole
time of the harvest of both wheat and uirley
throughout Palestine. Aocording to the observa-
tions of modern travellers, barley is ripe, in the
warmest parts of Palestine, in the first days of
April. The barley-harvest therefore begins about
half a month or less after the vernal equinox.
I Each year, if solar, would thus begin at about thai
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8680 TBAB
equinox, when the earliest eui of barley mutt be
ripe. As, however, the mouths were lunar, the
gomniencenient of the year mint hare been fixed
by a new moon near this point of time. The new
moon niust have been that which fell about or next
after the equinox, not more than a few daya before,
on account of the offering of first-fruits. Ideler,
whoae observations on this matter we have thua &r
followed, auppoeea that the new moon waa chosen
by observation of the forwardness of the barley-
crops In the warmer parts of the country (Bani-
buch, i. 190). But such a method would have
caused confusion on account of the different times
of the harvest in different parts of Palestine; and
in the period of the Judges there would often have
lew. two separate commencements of the year in
legions divided by hostile tribes, and in each of
which the Israelite population led an existence
almost independent of any other branch. It is
more likely that the Hebrews would have deter-
mined their new year's day by the observation of
heliacal or other atar-risings or settings known to
mark tha right time of the solar year. By such a
method the beginning of any year could have been
fixed a year before, either to one day, or, suppos-
ing the month -commencements were fixed by
actual observation, within a day or two. And we
need not doubt that the Israelites were well ac-
quainted with such means of marking the periods
of a solar year. In the ancient Song of Deborah
we read how •• They fought from heaven ; the stars
in their courses fought against Sisera. The river
of Kiahon swept them away, that ancient river, the
river Kishon " (Judg. v. 20, 21). The stars that
marked the times of rain are thus connected with
the swelling of the river In which the fugitive
Canaanitea perished. So too we read how the Lord
demanded of Job, " Canst thou bind the sweet In-
fluences of Cimah, or loose the bands of Cesil ? "
(Job xxxviii. 31). " The best and most fertilizing
of the rains," in Palestine and the neighboring
lands, save Egypt, '■ fall when the Pleiades set at
dawn (not exactly heliacally), at the end of au-
tumn; rain scarcely ever falling at the opposite
season, when Scorpio sets at dawn." That Cimah
signifies the Pleiades does not admit of reasonable
doubt, and Cesil, as opposite to it, would be Scor-
pio, being identified with Cor Scorpionis by Aben
Ezra. These explanations we take from the arti-
cle Famine [vol. i. p. 810 4, and note]. There-
fore it cannot be questioned that the Israelites,
even during the troubled time of the Judges, were
well acquainted with the method of determining
the seasons of the solar year by observing the stars.
Vot alone waa this the practice of the civilized
Egyptians, but, at all times of which we know their
history, of the Arabs, and also of the Greeks in the
time of Heeiod, while yet their material civilization
and science were rudimentary. It has always been
the custom of pastoral and scattered peoples, rather
than of the dwellers in cities; and if the Egyptians
te thought to form an exception, it must be recol-
ected that they used it at a period not remote
.rom that at which their civilization came from the
plain of Sbinar.
It follows, from the determination of the proper
new moon of the first month, whether by observa-
tion of a stellar phenomenon, or of the forwardness
•f the crops, that the method of intercalation can
«ily have been that in use after the Captivity, the
addition of a thirteenth month whenever the twelfth
ended too long before the equinox for the offering
YEAR
of the first fruits to be made at the time fixed
This method is in accordance with the permission
granted to postpone the celebration of the Passover
for one month in the case of any out who was
legally nnclean, or journeying at a distance (Num.
ix. 9-13); and there ia a historical instance in the
case of Hezekiah of such a postponement, for both
reason*, of the national oelebration (2 Chr. xxx.
1-1, 18). Such a practice as that of an intercala-
tion varying in occurrence ia contrary to western
usage; but the like prevails In all Muslim countries
in a far mom inconvenient form in the ease of the
commencement of every month. The day is deter-
mined by actual observation of the new moon, and
thua a day is frequently unexpectedly added to or
deducted from a month at one place, and months
commence on different daya at different towna in
the same country. The Hebrew intercalation, if
determined by stellar phenomena, would not be lia-
ble to a like uncertainty, though aueb may bate
been the case with the actual day of the new moon
The later Jews bad two commencement* of the
year, whence it ia commonly but inaccurately said
that they had two years, the sacred year and the
civiJL We prefer to speak of the sacred and civil
reckonings. Ideler admit* that these reckonings
obtained at the time of the Second Temple, The
sacred reckoning waa that instituted at the Exodus,
according to which the first month was Abib: by
the civil reckoning the first month was the seventh.
The interval between the two oommencementa waa
thua exactly half a year. It has been supposed
that the institution at the time of the Exodus was a
change of commencement, net the introduction of a
new year, and that thenceforward the year had two
beginninga, respectively at about the vernal and the
autumnal equinoxes. The former supposition ia a
hypothesis, the latter may almost be proved. The
strongest point of evidence as to two beginnings of
the year from the time of the Exodus, etraugeh
unnoticed in thia relation by Ideler, is toe circum-
stance that the sabbatical and jubilee years com-
menced in the 7th month, and no doubt on the
10th day of the 7th month, the Day of Atonement
(Lev. xxv. 9, 10), and aa this year immediately fol-
lowed a sabbatical year, the latter must have begun
in the same manner. Both were full years, and
therefore must have commenced on the first day
The jubilee year was proclaimed on the first day of
the month, the Day of Atonement standing in the
same relation to its beginning, and perhaps to the
civil beginning of the year, as did the Passover to
the sacred beginning. This would be the most
convenient, if not the necessary commencement of
a year of total cessation from the labors of agricul-
ture, aa a year so commencing would comprise the
whole round of such occupations in regular sequence
from seed-time to harvest, and from harvest to vint-
age and gathering of fruit. The command as to .
both years, apart from the mention of the Day of
Atonement, clearly shows this, unless we suppose-
but this is surely unwarrantable, that the injunction
in the two places in which it occurs follows the reg-
ular order of the seasons of agriculture (Ex. xxiii.
10, 11; Lev. xxv. 8, 4, 11), but that thia waa not
intended to apply in the case of the observance-
Two expressions, used with reference to the that
of the Feast of Ingathering on the 15th day of the
7th month, must be here noticed. Thia feast it
spoken of a* njUpn m*g?, « in the going oat •
or "end of the year" (Ex. xxUi. 16), and m
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YEAR
njtgpn nSlpJ?, [at] the change of the yew "
(iniv. 99), the latter a vague expression, as far as
ire can understand it, but quite consistent with the
uther, whether indicating the turning-point of a
natural year, or the half of the year by the sacred
reckoning. The Rabbins use the term HS^pip
to designate the commencement of each of the four
seasons into which they divide the year (Htmdbuch,
• 550, 551). Our view is confirmed by the simi-
larity of the 1st and 7th months as to their observ-
ances, the one containing the Feast of Unleavened
Bread from the 15th to the 21st inclusive; the
other, that of Tabernacles, from the 15th to the
93d. Evidence in the same direction is found in
the special sauctification of the 1st day of the 7th
month, which in the blowing of trumpets resembles
tbe proclamation of the jubilee year on the Day of
Atonement. We therefore hold that from the time
of the Exodus there were two beginnings of the year,
with the 1st of the 1st and the 1st of tbe 7th
month, tbe former being the sacred reckoning, the
latter, used for the operations of agriculture, the
civil reckoning. In Egypt, in the present day, the
Muslims use the lunar year for their religious ob-
servances, and forordinary affairs, except those of
agriculture, which they regulate by the Coptic
Julian year.
We must here notice the theories of the deriva-
tion of the Hebrew year from the Egyptian vague
year, as they are connected with the tropical point
or points, and agricultural phenomena, by which
the former was regulated. The vague year was
commonly used by the Egyptians; snd from it only,
if from an Egyptian year, is the Hebrew likely to
have been derived. Two theories hare been formed
connecting the two years at the Exodus.
(1.) Some hold that Abib, the first month of the
Hebrew year by the sacred reckoning, was the Egyp-
tian Epiphi, called in Coptic 6HHIU, and in Ara-
*
bic, by the modern Egyptians, v_a*J|, Abeeb, or
Ebeab, the 11th month of the vague year. The
similarity of sound is remarkable, but it must be
remembered that the Egyptian name is derived
from that of the goddess of the month, PEP-T or
APAP-T (?) » whereas the Hebrew name has the
sense of "an ear of corn, a green ear," and la derived
from the unused root 2 JN, traceable in 3H, " ver-
dure," 2M, Chaldee, " fruit," wl i " green fodder."
Moreover, the Egyptian P is rarely, if ever, repre-
sented by tbe Hebrew 2, and the converse is not
common. Still stronger evidence is afforded by the
■set that we find in Egyptian the root AB, " a nose-
gay," which is evidently related to Abib and its cog.
nates. Supposing, however, that the Hebrew calen.
a The ommas of the Egyptian months, derived from
heir divinities, are alons known to us in Greek and
'optic forms. These forms are shown by the names
f the dlvlultiM given In the sculptures of the celling
if the Bamemum of El-Kurnah to be corrupt; bet
In ssvenl eases they are traceable. The following
*n certain : 1. tW, ©C0OYT, divinity TUT
(Tooth), u well Ma goddess, i 11—*% II<W3IU,
nWB, i. «. PAPTKH, belonging to Plan. *- 'AMc,
is.eajp, HATH**. ». n«x*v, m/)Ca)ft,
YEAR 8531
dar was formed by fixing the Egyptian Epiphi as tin
first month, what would be the chronological result r
The latest date to which the Exodus is assigned ii
about u. c. 1390. In the Julian year B. c. 139f
the month Epiphi of the Egyptian vague year com
menced May 16, 44 days after the day of the vernal
equinox, April 3, very near which the Hebrew year
must have begun. Thus at toe latest date of the
Exodus, there is an Interval of a month and a half
between the beginning of the Hebrew year and
Epiphi 1. This interval represents about 180 yean,
through which the vague year would retrograde in
the Julian until the commencement of Epiphi cor-
responded to the vernal equinox, and no method can
reduce it below 100. It is possible to effect thus
much by conjecturing that the month Abib began
somewhat after this tropical point, though the pre-
cise details of the state of the crops at the time of
the plagues, as compared with the phenomena of
agriculture in Lower Egypt at the present day,
make half a month an extreme extension. At the
time of the plague of hail, the barley was in the ear
and was smitten with the flax, but the wheat was
not sufficiently forward to be destroyed (Ex. ix. 31,
82). In Lower Egypt, at the present bay, this
would be the case about the end of February sod
beginning of March. The Exodus cannot have
taken place many days after the plague of hail, so
that it must have occurred about or a little after
the time of tbe vernal equinox, and thus Abib can-
not possibly have begun much after that tropical
point: half a month Is therefore excessive. We
have thus carefully examined the evidence as to tbe
supposed derivation of Abib from Epiphi, because
it has been carelessly taken for granted, and more
carelessly alleged in support of the latest date of
the Exodus.
(2.) We hare founded an argument for the date
of the Exodus upon another comparison of the He-
brew year and the vague year. We have seen
that the sacred commencement of the Hebrew year
was at the new moon about or next after, but not
much before, the vernal equinox: tbe civil com-
mencement must usually have been at the new moon
nearest the autumnal equinox. At tbe earliest date
of tbe Kxudus computed by modern chronologers,
about tlie middle of the 17th century r. o., the
Egyptian vague year commenced at or about the
latter time. The Hebrew year, reckoned from the
civil commencement, and the vague year, therefore,
then nearly or exactly coincided. We hare already
seen that the Hebrews In Egypt, if they used a
foreign year, must be supposed to have used the
vague year. It is worth while to inquire whether a
vague year of this time would further suit the char-
acteristics of the first Hebrew year. It would be
necessary that the 14th day of Abib, on whieh foil
the full moon of the Passover of tho Exodus, should
correspond to the 14th of Phamenoth, in a vague
year commencing about the autumnal equinox. A
KIIUNS, i. e. PAKHUNS. 11. 'BincU, eilHIU,
PKP-T, or APAP-T. The names of months ars then-
fore, la their corrupt forms, either derived from the
names of divinities, or the same as those names. The
name of the goddess of Bplphl Is written PT III, of
PT, " twice." As T Is the feminine termination, Uw
rot appears to be P, « twice," thus PXP-T or APAP-T,
the latter being tepslus's reading, (flee lapslus
DnJmdkr, abch. Ml. bl. 170, 171, Omm. d. JBg 1
141, atd Pooia, Harm J^yptimta, pp. 7-9. 14. U
M)
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8582
YEAB
kill maun fell an the 14th of Phamenoth, or Thunv
day. April 81, B. c. 1668, of a vague year eommeno-
ioe od the day of the autumnal equinox, Oct. 10,
a. C 16S8. A full moon would not fall on the aame
day of the vague year within a shorter interval than
twenty-five yean, and the triple near coincidence of
new moon, vague year, and autumnal equinox, would
not recur in leu than 1,600 vague yean (£na
Brit. 8th ed. A'^sp/, p. 468). This date of the
Exodus, B. c. 1858, U only four yean earlier than
Hales's, b. c 1648. In confirmation of this early
date, it must be added that in a list of confederates
defeated by Thothmes [II. at Hegiddo in the 83d
year of his reign, are certain names that we believe
can only refer to Israelite tribes. The date of this
king's accession cannot be later than about B. c.
1460, and his 33d year cannot therefore be later
than about B. c. 1440." Were the Israelites then
settled in Palestine, no date of the Exodus but the
longest would be tenable. [Chronology.]
II. Divisions of the Year. — 1. Seasons. Two
seasons are mentioned in the Bible, Y)\£i " * am '
oier," and *V?.'"'t "winter." The former properly
means the time of cutting fruits, the latter, that of
gathering fruits ; they are therefore originally rather
summer and autumn than summer and winter.
But that they signify ordinarily the two grand di-
visions of the year, the warm and cold seasons, »%
evident from their use for the whole year in the ex-
pression fll'nj V?il " summer and winter" (Pa.
Ixxiv. 17; Zech. xiv. 8, perhaps Gen. viii. 32), and
from the mention of " the winter bouse " (Jer. xxxvi
33) and " die summer bouse " (Am. iii. 16, where
both are mentioned together). Probably ^QH,
when used without reference to the year (as in Job
xxix. 4), retains its original signification. In the
promise to Noah, after the Flood, the following re-
markable passage occurs: " While the earth re-
niaineth, seed time and harvest, and cold and heat,
and summer and winter, and day and night shall
not cease" (Gen. viii. 83). Here "seed-time,"
STt, and "harvest," *T , ?B» «re evidently the
agricultural seasons. It seems unreasonable to
suppose that they mean winter and summer, as the
beginnings of the periods of sowing and of harvest
ire not separated by six months, and they do not
last for six months each, or nearly so long a time.
The phrase « cold and heat," HIT) ~lp, probably
indicates the great alternations of temperature,
l*he whole passage indeed speaks of the alternations
of nature, whether of productions, temperature, the
seasons, or light and darkness. As we have seen,
the year wss probably then a wandering one, and
therefore the passage is not likely to refer to it, but
to natural phenomena alone. [Seasons; CHRO-
NOLOGY.]
3. Month: — The Hebrew months, from the
Ume of the Exodus, were lunar. The year appears
jrdinarily to have contained twelve, but, when in-
tercalation was necessary, a thirteenth. The older
year contained twelve months of thirty days each.
^Mohth; Chronology.]
3. Week*. — The Hebrews, from the time of the
institution of the Sabbath, whether at or before the
Exodus, reckoned by weeks, but, as no lunar year
YOKE
could have contained a number of weeks without a
fractional excess, this reckoning was virtually inde-
pendent of the year as with the Muslims. [Week ,
Sabbath; Chronology.]
4. FetthuU, Holy Day, and /Visol — The
Feast of the Passover was held on the 14th day of
the 1st month. The Feast of Unleavened Bread
lasted 7 days; from the 16th to the Slat, inclusive,
of the same month. Its first and last days were
kept as sabbaths. The Feast of Weeks, or Pen-
tecost, was celebrated ou the day which ended seven
weeks counted from the 16th of the 1st month,
that day being excluded. It was called the " Feast
of Harvest," and •• Day of Flnt-fruits." The Feast
of Trumpets (lit. " of the sound of the trumpet ",
was kept as a sabbath on the 1st day of the 7th
month. The Day of Atonement (lit "of Atone-
ments ") was a bat, held the 10th day of the 7th
month. The •> Feast of Tabernacles," or " Feast
of Gathering," was celebrated from the 15th to the
22d day, inclusive, of the 7th month. Additions
made long after the giving of the Law, and not
known to be of higher than priestly authority, an
the Feast of Purim, commemorating the defeat of
Haman's plot; the Feast of the Dedication, re-
cording the cleansing and re-dedication of the
Temple by Judas Maccabeus; and four fasta.
III. Sacred years. — 1. The Sabbatical year,
ntSatyn ri3t??, « the fallow year," or, possibly,
"year of remission," or Sl^D(p alone, kept every
seventh year, was commanded to be observed as a
year of rest from the labors of agriculture, and of
remission of debts. Two Sabbatical yean are re-
corded, commencing and current, B. c. 164-3 and
136-5. [Sabbatical Year; Chronology.]
3. The Jubilee year, bgVn HJtp, << the year
of the trumpet," or 73V alone, a like year,
which immediately followed every seventh Sabbat-
ical year. It has been disputed whether the Jubi-
lee year was every 49th or 50th: the former in
more probable. [Jubilee; Chronology.]
&8.F.
• YETjLOW. [Colors.]
• YEK = ere, in the A. V. ed. Mil. Num.
xi. 33, xiv. 11. H.
YOKE. 1. A well-known implement of hus-
bandry, described in the Hebrew language by tba
terms mil,'' mttahf and 'oV the two former specif-
ically applying to the bows of wood out of which
it was constructed, end the last to the applieatloa
(binding) of the article to the neck of the ox. Tin
expressions are combined in Lev. xxvi 18 and El.
xxxiv. 87, with the meaning, " bands of the yoke."
The term " yoke " is frequently used metaphor-
ically for lubjtctitm (e. g. 1 K. xii. 4, 9-11; la. ix.
4; Jer. v. 6) : hence an " iron yoke " represe n ts an
unusually galling bondage (Dent, xxviii. 48; Jer.
xxviii. 13). 8. A pair of oxen, so termed as oeing
yoked together (1 Sam. xi. 7; 1 K. xix. It, 31;.
The Hebrew term, turned,' it also applied to asses
(Judg. xix. 10) and mules (3 K.. v. 17), and even
to a couple of riders (Is. xxL 7). 8. The tens
turned is also applied to a certain amount of lana
equivalent to that which a couple of oxen cook
plough in a day (Is. v. 10; A. V. "acre "), cor
• The writer's paper on this subject not having yet
asaa published, he must rvfcr to the abstract in the
lunsm. No. 1847, star. 21. 1888.
eHa • rr^Sa. * bfc. • tjj*
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YOKE-FKLLOW
esponding to the latin jugum (Varro, B. R I.
10). The term stands ic tbia sense in 1 8un.
liv. U (A. V. "yoke"); but the text is doubtful,
end the rendering of the LXX. suggests that the
true reading would refer to the instruments («V
KsxAofi) wherewith the slaughter was effected.
[Oxkx.J W. L. B.
* YOKE-FELLOW. The interest of this
word lies in the question whether the Greek word
ififvy* or rir(uyt) is correctly so rendered, Phil,
iv. 3, or should be taken as a proper name, Sjpygut
or Sjfnsyotu. if as In the A V. it has the appel-
lative force, it must be a man who is meant and
not a woman; for the accompanying adjective
(t»t)«-h) has properly three terminations, and is
here masculine, and henee though the noun may be
masculine or feminine, the Apostle's wife is not to be
thought of, as some strangely imagine, in opposition
also to the manifest inference from 1 Cor. vil. 8
that Paul was never married (070/101)- Some
suppose Luke to be intended, who from the omis-
sion of his name in Phil> i. 1 appears not to have
been at Kome when Paul wrote the letter; and
others that it was Epaphroditus, who was at the
Apostle's side at the moment, and was thus abruptly
addressed (ipari xai ire). Theee and similar ex-
planations presuppose a knowledge of personal rela-
tions on the part of the readers rendering the allu-
sion obvious to them though utterly obscure to us.
We think the best view after all to be that of
Meyer (Br. an die PhiUpper, in loc), Laurent
(NeutaL Studien, pp. 134-137), and others, that
Syzygus or Symsygus is a proper name, borne by
one who had been associated with Paul in Chris-
tian labors, who was at Philippi when the Apostle
wrote the letter, and was well known there as
deserving the encomium which this appeal to him
implies. Paul nowhere else uses this word (av(vyo%)
of any one of his official associates, not using it in
fact in any other passage. It is found here in the
midst of other proper names (w. 2, 8); and the
attributive " genuine " (yrtivtt) corresponds finely
and significantly to the appellative sense of such a
name. That sueh an alliteration is not foreign to
Paul's manner, see Philem., w. 10, 11. The name,
it is true, does not appear anywhere else; but many
other names also are found only in single instances,
and certainly many names must have been in use
among the ancients which have not been trans-
mitted at all. Paul himself repeatedly mentions
persons in his epistles who are named only once,
and a catalogue of names might be made out from
the Acta of the Apostles, of those whose whole his-
'«ry for as lies in a single passage. H.
z.
ZAANATM, THE PLAIN OF O'lbj*
CJ3JS3 : tfit »Afo««ToorTo»»i Alex. 8. as
ruvojurmr: ValHu qua vocatur Senium); or,
more accurately, "the oak by Zaannaim," such
being probably the meaning of the word ildn.
[Plaut, lii. 9847 A.] A tree — probably a sacred
tree — mentioned u marking the spot near which
lleber the Kenite was encamped when Sisera took
refuge in his tent (Judg. ir. U). Its situation is
leaned as " near Kedesh," t. e. Kedesh-Kaphtali,
,be name of which still lingers on the high ground,
«<» th of Bqfed, and wast of the Lake of u-BuUk,
ZAAVAN
8683
usually Identified with the Waters if Merom. The
Targum gives as the equivalent of the name, muhor
aggcmga, " the plain of the swamp," and in tht
well-known passage of the Talmud (Sfegtibik Je-
ruth. i. ) which contains a list of several of the
towns of Galilee with their then identificatione, the
equivalent for '* Elon (or A(jalon) be-Zaaunaliu" is
Agmya hnk-todeih. Ague appears to signify a
swamp, and can hardly refer to anything but the
marsh which borders the lake of Suiek on the north
side, and which was probably more extensive in the
time of Deborah than it now is [Mbrom]. On the
other band, Professor Stanley has pointed out ( Jeu-
uh Chun*, p. 324; Loaxlika, p. 197) how appro-
priate a situation for this memorable tree is afforded
by " a green plain .... studded with massive
terebinths," which adjoins on the south the plain
containing the remains of Kedesh. The whole of
this upland country is more or leas rich in tere-
binths. One such, larger than usual, and bearing
the name of Sejar em-Afeanah, is marked on the
map of Van de Velde as 8 miles N. W. of Kedet.
These two suggestions — of the ancient Jewish and
the modern Christian student — may be left side
by side to await the result of future investigation.
In favor of the former is the slight argument to be
drawn from the early date of the interpretation,
and the fact that the basin of the Hukh is still the
favorite camping-ground of Bedouins. In favor
of the Utter is the instinct of the observer and the
abundance of trees in the neighborhood.
No name answering to either Zaannaim or Agne
has yet been encountered.
The Keri, or correction, of Judg. iv. 11, substi-
tutes Zaanannim for Zaanaim, and the same form
is found in Josh. xix. 83. This correction the lex-
icographers adopt as the more accurate form of the
name. It appears to be derived (if a Hebrew word )
from a root signifying to load beasts as nomads do
when they change their places of residence (Gesen.
Thee, p. 1177). Such a meaning agrees well with
the habits of the Kenites. But nothing can be
more uncertain than such explanations of topo-
graphical names — most to be distrusted when
most plausible. O.
ZA'AKAN (1^[ruAriiAera.:]an*od>;
[Comp. J<urtt>0 •» 'extra). A place named by
Micah (i. 11) in his address to the towns of the
Slicftlak. This sentence, like others of the same
passage, eontains a play of words founded on the
meaning (or on a possible meaning) of the name
Zaanan, as derived from gattah, to go forth: —
" The Inhabitiess of Tsaaaan <
1 not forth'
The division of the passage shown in the LXX.
and A. V., by which Zaanan is connected with
Betb-esel, is now generally re cog nis ed as Inac-
curate. It la thus given by Dr. Pussy, In his
Commentary: "The inhabitant of Zaanan came
not forth. The mourning of Beth-eeel shall take
from you its standing." So also Ewald, De Wette,
and Zunx.
Zaanan Is doubtless identical with Zmjcijr.
0.
•ZAAKAKTUM (D^SS?: Bwe/ufr ,
Ya» tut ! Alex. Bee-srarut; Comp. Xeermrtpt
Sa-namm), Josh, six, 83. [Zaamaim.] A.
ZA'AVAN (1)71 Idupitttd] : ZewraV,
Alex. Ivvirap, lawny: Zavm). A Hortte ehiaf,
son of Eacr the sou of Seir (Gen. rxxri. 37; t Or
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8684
ZABAD
I. 42). The LXX. appear to have read pi
In 1 Cbr. the A. V. has Zavah.
ZATBAD ("T^t \sifl,prt$enl]:Za»a, Zufttr;
Alex. Zafiar In 1 Cbr. xl.: Zubad: short for
i"P"T3? : me Zebadlah, Zabdi, Zabdiel, Zebedee,
11 Cod oath given Aim ").
J. Son of Nathan, ion of Altai, eon of Ahlai,
Sheshan'a daughter (1 Chr. il. 31-87), and hence
called aon of Ahlai (1 Chr. xi. 41). He waa one
of David'i mighty men, but none of hia deed* have
been recorded. The chief interest connected with
him in hia genealogy, which is of considerable im-
portance in a chronological point of view, and as
throwing incidental light upon the structure of the
book of Chronicles, and the historical value of the
genealogies in it. Thus In 1 Chr. il. 86-41, we
have the following pedigree, the generations pre-
Jeding Jeralimeel being prefixed : —
(1.) Judah. (IS.) Nathan.
(2.) Phane. (14.) Zabu>.
(8.) Hearon. (16.) Bphlal.
(4-) Jerahmeel. (160 Obed.
(6.) Onam. (17.) Jehu.
(6.)'Shammat (18.) axaxuh.
(7.) Nadab. (19.) Hales.
(8.) Appahn. (20.) Kleanh.
(9.) labJ. (21.) Biaamal.
(10.) Sheahan. (22.) Sballum.
(11.) Ahlai, his | = Jarha the (28.) Jekamtah.
danghtar { Kgypdan.
(12.) Attal. (24.) Manama.
Here, then, is a genealogy of twenty-four gen-
erations, commencing with the patriarch, and ter-
minating we know not, at first sight, where; but as
we happen to know, from the history, where Zahad
the son of Ahlai lived, we are at least sure of this
(act, that the fourteenth generation brings us to
the time of David; and that this ia about the cor-
rect number we are also sure, because out of seven
other perfect genealogies, covering the same inter-
val of time, four hare the same number (fonr-
tetn), two have fifle en, and David's own has eleven.
[Gkkbal. op Jesus Christ, 1. 888 ]
But it also happens that another person in the
toe ia an historical personage, whom we know
to have lived during the usurpation of Athauah,
namely, Asariah the aon (i. e. grandson) of Obed
(2Chr.xxiii.l). [Azabiah, 18.] He wu fourth
after Zabad, while Jehoram, Athaliah's husband,
was *u*A after David — a perfectly satisfactory cor-
respondence when we take into account that Zabad •
may probably hare been considerably younger than
David, and that the early marriagea of the kings
have a constant tendency to increase the number
if generations in the royal line. Again, the last
name in the line is the sixth after Asariah; but
Hexekiah was the sixth king after AtbaUah, and we
know that many of the genealogies were written
tut by " the men of Hexekiah," and therefore of
course came down to hia time [Bkchkk 1. 289]
(see 1 Chr. iv. 41; Pror. xxv. 1). So that we
may conclude, with great probability, both that
this genealogy ends in the time of Hezekiah, and
that all its links are perfect.
One other point of Importance remains to be
juuoed, namely, that Zabad is oalled, after his
■ Be doss not appear In the list In 2 Baas, jodr.,
tod may therefor* tie presumed to have bean added
n the Mter part of Darld'a reign.
ZABADBAN8
great-grandmother, the founder of his Ljeaa, art
ofAklai. For that Ahlai was the name of She-
than't daughter ia certain from 1 Chr. ii. 81; ant
it ia also certain, from w. 86, 38, that from her
marriage with Jarha descended, in the third gen-
eration, Zabad. It ia therefore at certain at such
matters can be, that Zabad the aon of Ahlai, Da-
vid's mighty man, was so called from Ahlai hia
female ancestor. The case is analogous to that
of Joab, and Abiabai, and Atahel, who are always
called mmt of Zervirth, Zeruiah, like Ahlai, having
married a foreigner. Or if any one thinks there is
a difference between a man being called the ton of
hia mother, and the ton of hia great-grandmother,
a more exact parallel may lie found in Gen. xxr.
4, xxxvi. 12, 13, 16, 17, where the descendants of
Keturab, and of the wives of Esau, in the third
and fourth generation, are called " the eons of Ke-
turab," " the sons of Adah " and " of Baabeniath '
respectively.
a. (ZajiAS; [Vat] Alex. Zo0«{.) An Epbraim-
ite, if the text of 1 Chr. ril. 21 ia correct. [See
Shuthklah.]
3. (ZojSeS; [Vat Zo0aAi] Alex, Zafitt) Son
of Shimeath, an Ammonitesa, an assassin who,
with Jehoxabad, slew king Joash, according to 2
Chr. xxlv. 26; but In 2 K. xii. 21, hia name ia
written, probably more correctly, Joaachar [Joza-
chak]. He was one of the domestic servants of
the palace, and apparently the agent of a powerful
conspiracy (2 Chr. xxv. 8; 2 K. xiv. 6). Joes*
had become unpopular from his idolatries (2 Chr.
xxir. 18), his oppression (ibid. 22), and, above ail,
his calamities (ibid. 23-25). The explanation
given in the article Jozacbab it doubtless the
true one, that the chronicler represents this violent
death of the king, as well as the previous invasion
of the Syrians, at a Divine judgment against him
for the innocent blood of Zechsriah shed by him :
not that the assassins themselves were actuated by
the desire to avenge the death of Zecbariab. They
were both put to death by Amaziah, but their
children were spared in obedience to the law of
Motes (DeuL xxiv. 16). The coincidence between
the names Zeckariah and Jotachar it remarka-
ble. I A. C. H.
*. (ZaBit [Vat Zaflatafi]-) A layman of
Israel, of the sons of Zattu, who put away hit for-
eign wife at Eira'e command (Ear. x. 27). Ha Is
called Sabatcb in 1 Etdr. lx. 28.
5. ([Rom.] Zo849; [Vat FA., with prec word,
A«ofoj8»A; Alex.] Zafiat.) One of the descend-
ant* of Hashuni, who bad married a foreign wile
after the Captivity (Ex. x. 33); called Baxxaia in
1 Esdr. lx. 83.
6. (ZoAtt; [Vat FA. Jetf/si] Alex, om.)
One of the sons of Nebo, whose name Is mentioned
under the same circumstance! at the two preceding
(Err. x. 43). It is represented by Zabadaias to
1 Etdr. lx. 86. W. A. W.
ZABADAIAS [4 ayL] (Zaflatal*,: SaaV
ttdw). Zabad 6 (1 Etdr. lx. so; oomp. Ex. x.
48).
Z A B A D E ' A N 8 fowoperly Zabad^abs.)
(Zafiettuoc, [Sin. ZajBaSauoii] Alex. Zatkteat
Zabadai). An Arab tribe who were attacked and
spoiled by Jonathan, on hia way back to D a ma at s si
from hit fruitless pursuit of the army of Demetruaa
(1 Mace xll. 81). Josephos oaDa them Nabetaaa*
(Ant. xttl. 8, « 10), but he is evidently in error
Nothing certain to known of them. Ewald (Oatoi
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ZABBAI
if. 383 Suds a trace of their name In that of the
place Zabda given by Robinson In hie 1UU; but
thb U too far south, between the Tarmuk and the
Zurkn. Miehaelis vtggests the Arab tribe Zo-
btidek ; but the; do not appear in the necessary
locality. Jonathan had puriued the enemy's army
aa far as the river Eleuthertu (ffahr el Ktbir), and
was on hit march back to Damascus when he at-
tacked and plundered the Zabadeanx. We must
look for them, therefore, somewhere to the north-
mat of Dunascua. Accordingly, on the road from
Damascus to Baalbek, at a distance of about 8}
boon (98 miles) from the former place, is the vil-
lage Ztbddny, standing at the upper end of a plain
of the same name, which is the very centre of An-
ti-Ubonua. The name Ztbddny is possibly a ratio
of the ancient tribe of the Zabadeana. According
to Burckhardt (Syria, p. 3), the plain •• is about
three quarters of an hour in breadth, and three
hours in length; it is called Ard Zebdtni, or the
district of Zebdeni ; it is watered by the Barrada,
one of whose sources is in the midst of it; and liy
the rivulet called Motet Ztbdeni, whose source is in
the mountain behind the village of the same name.''
The plain is " limited on one side by the eastern
part of the Anti-Ubnnus, called here Djtbtl Zeb-
dtni." The village is of considerable size, contain-
ing nearly 3,000 inhabitants, who breed cattle, and
the silkworm, and have some dyeing-houses (ibid.).
Not far from Ztbddny, on the western slopes of An-
ti-Iibanua, is another village called Kt/r Zetvid,
which again seems to point to this sa the district
formerly occupied by the Zabadeans. W. A. W.
ZAB'BAI [2 syl. J ("$T [perh. pure, innocent] :
Zoloft: Zttbbal). 1. One of the descendants of
Bebai, who had married a foreign wife in the days
of Kara (Ear. x. 28). He ia called Josabad in 1
Esdr. U. 29.
2. (ZoloS; FA. Zafyov. Zackat) Father of
Baruch, who assisted Nehemiah in rebuilding the
lity wall (Neh. iii. 30).
ZAB'BUD ("Plat [ciren, bubnced], Keri,
"VIST : Zafioit; [Vat. omits:] Zaehur). One of
Ihe sons of Bigvai, who returned in the second car-
avan with Ezra (Ear. viii. 14). In 1 Esdr. rUi. 40
his name is eoirupted into Istalcubos.
ZABDETJS [properly Zabd.eus] (ZojSoojoi:
Vulg. om.). Zbbadiah of the sons of Immer (1
Etdr. Ix. 81; eomp. Ex. x. 20).
ZABDI O??! [Jehovah fatty. Zapfyl
rat. -$pti] ; Alex! Zafipi in Josh. vii. 1: Zabdi).
Son of Zerah, the son of Judah, and ancestor of
Achao (Josh. vii. 1, 17, 18).
». (ZafiSii [Vis. ZcASet.]) A Benjamite, of
the sons of Sfaimhi (1 Chr. viii. 19).
3 ([Vat. Zaxpti:] Znbavie.) David's officer
(sw the produce of the vineyards far the wine-cel-
lars (1 Chr. xxvii. 37). He is called "the Shiph-
aalte," that is, in all probability, native of She-
pham," but his native place has not been traced.
4. ([Rom.] Vat. and Alex. om. ; FA. third hand,
tfv»: Zebedtie.) Son of Asaph the minstrel
Neb. xi. 17); called elsewhere Zacccb (Neb. xii.
•6)andZiCHKl (lCbr.Ix 15).
ZACCRJEXrd
8586
• • They plant this eras Id the Bast by she wayside,
sua It Is sully seosoded berate the blanches start
sat eomperatlvaly near the fraud. [Siousoaa, note
•1 H.
ZAB'DIEL (b^75J [gift of God]: ZaB-
8rn> [ v «*- -«*H : Zabdtti). 1. rather of Jaabo-
beam, the chief of David's guard (1 Chr. xxvii. 3)
8. (BoMa.; Alex. ZoxpnjA; [FA- 1 0a(iri\.])
A priest, eon of the great men, or, as the margin
gives it, " Haggedolim" (Neh. xi. 14). He had
the oversight of 128 of his brethren after the return
from Babylon.
3. *(ZoSMA; Joseph. ZdflnAot: ZnbdieL) An
Arabian chieftain who put Alexander Baku to
death (1 Mace. xi. 17; Joseph. Ant. ziii. 4, § 8).
According to Dudorus, Alexander Baku was mur-
dered by two of the officers who accompanied bin
(Hiiller, Fragm. Bid. ii. 16).
ZA'BTJD (TQT [giten] : Zofieft; Alex. Zafl-
0ou0: [Comp. ZafiovS:] Zabud). The sou of
Nathan (1 K. iv. 5). He is described as a priest
(A. V. "principal officer; " Pkibst, iii. 2576), and
as holding at the court of Solomon the confidential
post of '• king's friend," which had been occupied
by Hushai the Archite during the reign of David
(2 Sam. xv. 37, xvi. 16; 1 Chr. xxvii. 33). Ink)
position, if it were an official one, was evidently dis-
tinct from that of counsellor, occupied by Ahitho-
phel under David, and had more of the character
of private friendship about it, for Absalom con-
versely calls David the "friend" of llushai (3
Sam. xvi. 17). In the Vat. MS of the LXX. the
word " priest " is omitted, and in the Arabic of the
London Polyglot it is referred to Nathan. The
Peshito-Syriac and several Hebrew MSS. for " Za-
bud " read " Zaccur." The same occurs in the
case of Zabbud.
ZABTJLON (ZoBwAtv: Zabulm). The
Greek form of the name Zibulum (Matt. ir. 18,
15, Bev. vii. 8).
ZACOAI [2 syLJ 0|T [pure, innocent]:
Ztucxoi; [Vat. FA. ZaBov in Neh.]; Alex. Zex-
X«u in Ezra: Zachal). The sons of Zaccai, to the
number of 760, returned with Zerubbabel (Ear. ii
9 ; Neb. vii. 14). The name is the same which
appears in the N. T. hi the familiar form of Zao-
CH.KU8.
ZACOHJETJS [A. V. Zaochb/us] (Zojr-
Xeuos'- ZaccnoMU). The name of a tax-collector
near Jericho, who being short in stature climbed op
Into a sycamore t ies , 8 in order to obtain a sight of
Jesus sa He passed through that place.* Luka
only has related the incident (xix. 1-10). Zaechat-
us wss a Jew, as may be inferred from his name,
and from the met that the Saviour speaks of him
expressly aa " a son of Abraham " (vlbs 'ABpad/i).
So the latter expression should be understood, and
not in a spiritual sense; for it was evidently meant
to assert that he was one of the chosen race, not-
withstanding the prejudice of some of his country-
men that his office under the Roman government
made him an alien and outcast from the privileges
of the Israelite. The term which designates this
office (ipxrrt\awns) is unusual, but describes him
do doubt as the superintendent of customs or trib-
ute in the district of Jericho, where he lived, as
one having a commission from his Bomau principal
(mancept, pubiicanui) to collect the Imposts levied
» • The A. V. {lake rfx. 1) has: « And [Jesus] en-
tered and pu»d thrones Jericho," as if the incident
took pises after our Lord bad left the dry. But the
verb Is •ufax* r °i """ P°**««# through, which p l ssss
the oc cur rence In Jerloh* B.
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3586
ZACCHIEUS
sn the Jewi by the Romans, and who in the exe-
sution of that trust employed subalterns (the or.
diuarj rt\mmu), who wen accountable to him, as
he in tarn « accountable to hie superior,
whether he raided at Rome, u mi mole com-
monly the eue, or in the province itself (nee Winer,
Bealu. ii. 711, and KcL of Ant. p. 806). The
office mutt have been a lncratire one in inch a
region, and it ia not strange that Zacdueus U men-
tioned by the Evangelist as a rich man (oJtOi j)v
wAoioioi). Joeephus atatea (Art. xt. 4, § 2) that
the palm groves of Jericho and it* gardens of ladsam
■ere given as a source of revenue by Antony to
Cleopatra, and, on account of their value, were af-
terwards redeemed by Herod the Great for his own
benefit. The sycamore-tree is no longer found in
that neighborhood (Robinson, BiU. Ret. L 659);
but no one should be surprised at this, since " even
the solitary relic of the palm-forest, seen as late as
1838 " — which existed near Jericho, has now dis-
appeared (Stanley, S. f P.p. 307)." The eager-
ness of Zacchieus to behold Jesus indicates a deeper
interest than that of mere curiosity. He must
have had some knowledge, by report at least, of the
teachings of Clirht, as well as of bis wonder-work-
ing power, and could thus have been awakened to
tome just religious feeling, which would make him
the more anxious to see the announcer nf the good
tidings, so important to men as sinners. The
readiness of Christ to take up his abode with biin,
and his declaration that " salvation " had that day
come to the house of his entertainer, prove suffi-
ciently that " He who knows what ia in man **
perceived in him a religious susceptibility which
Rtted him to be the recipient of spiritual blessings.
John the Baptist must often have preached near
Jericho, and Zacdueus may on some occasion have
been a bearer. Reflection upon his conduct on the
part of Zacchieus himself appears to have revealed
to him deficiencies which disturbed his conscience,
and he was ready, on being instructed more fully
in regard to the way of life, to engage to " restore
fourfold " for the illegal exactions of which be
would not venture to deny («f two's ti iavitotpir-
rnaa) that he might have been guilty. At all
events he had not lived in such a manner as to over-
some the prejudice which the Jews entertained
against individuals of his class, and their censure
fell on him as well as on Christ when they declared
that the latter had not scorned to avail Himself of
toe hospitality of " a man that was a sinner." The
Saviour spent the night probably (piwi, ver. 5
and anraAvvwi, ver. 7,* are the terms used) In the
house of Zacchieus, and the next day pursued his
Journey to Jerusalem. He was in the caravan from
Galilee, which was going up thither to keep the
Vassorer. The entire some is well illustrated by
)ostenae (Lange's BibeUoert, iii. 285).
We read in the Rabbinic writings also of a Zac-
ihseus who lived at Jericho at this same period,
well known on his own account, and especially as
the father of the celebrated Rabbi Jocbanan ben
Zachai (see Sepp's Ltbm Jem, iii. 166). This per-
son may have been related to the Zacchieus named
in the sacred narrative. The family of the Zaccbari
was an ancient one, as well as very numerous.
• * Both these statements now require correction.
The sycamore and the palm-tree cannot be said to
flourish there, hut It Is found that they are not yet
•xthut. Sn Pun-Tan, vol. ID. p. SOS, note 6, set
traumas, vol. In. p. 8111, note *. H
ZAOHABIAH
They are mentioned in the books of Ezra (H. •
and Nehemiah (vii. 14) as among those who re-
turned from the Babylonian Captivity under Zarub
babel, when their number amounted to seven hun-
dred and sixty. It should be noticed that the
name ia given as Zaccai in the Authorised Ver-
sion of the Old Testament. (See Bishop Hall's
discourse on Zacdueus in bis Cimitmplatttmt on lie
N. T. bk. iv. 8, and Archbishop Trench, on Zac-
chasus, in hi* Stadia m the GotpeU.) H. B. H.
ZACCHETJS [properly Zaccb^os] (Zoc-
yoToj: Zuekamt). An officer of Judas Macca-
beus (2 Mace. x. 19). Grotins, from a mistaken
reference to 1 Msec. v. 1)6, wishes to read col r»r
rev ZaxapLov B. F. W.
ZACOHTJB C"W3! [mMfiO\: Zaxxoip;
[Vat. omits:] Zadntr). A Simeonite, of the
family of Hishma (1 Chr. iv. 86). His descend-
ants, through his son Shimei, became one of the
most numerous branches of the tribe.
ZACOUB CTOT [mmffuq-. Za X «ipi [Vat.
Zaxxovpl] Alex. Zaxpov- Ztckur). 1. A Reo-
benite, father of Shammua, the spy selected from
his tribe (Num. xiii. 4).
3- (.itutxoifi [Vat] Alex. leutvovp: Zaekur.)
A Herarite Levite, son of Jaaziah (1 Chr. xxiv.
87).
3. (laxxoip, ZairxeepS [Vat laxxotn, Zax~
X<n>9\\ Alex. Zaxxavp: Znc/ntr, [ZtcMvr.]) Son
of Asaph, the singer, and chief of the third divisioa
of the Temple choir aa arranged by David (1 Chr.
xxv. 2, 10; Neh. xii. 35).
*• (ZoKYoip; [Vat ZaAuwpO **A. 3axX°y> '■
Zachw. ) The son of Imri, who assisted Nehemiah
in rebuilding the city wall (Neh. iii. 2).
8. (ZsurvsV-) A Levite, or family of Levitea,
who signed tie covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x.
12).
9. (Zaxxoip.) A Levite, whose son or descend-
ant rlsnaii was one of the treasurers over the
treasuries appointed by Nehemiah (Neh. xiii. 13).
ZAOHABI'AH, or properly Zkcbaiu'ab
(!"P"i;t, " remembered by Jehovah: " Zaxopfcu;
[Vat." A(apiat in 2 K. xiv. 29; Alex. Afopm in 2
K. xiv. 29, xv. 8, 11 :] Zachariae), was son of
Jeroboam TI., 14th king of Israel, and the last of
the boose of Jehu. There ia a difficulty about
the date of his reign. We are told that AmasUb
ascended the throne of Judah in the second year of
Joash king of Israel, and reigned 29 years (2 K.
xiv. I, 2). He was succeeded by Uzzutb or Axa-
riah, in the 27th year of Jeroboam II., the successor
of Joash (2 K. xv. 1 ), and Usxiah reigned 52 years.
On the other hand, Joash long of Israel reigned 16
years (2 K. xiii. 10), was succeeded by Jeroboam,
wbo reigned 41 (9 K. xiv. 28), and be by Zach-
ariab, who came to the throne in the 38th year
of Usxiah king of Judah (2 K. xv. 8). Thus we
have (1) from the accession of Amaxiah to the 38th
of Usxiah, 29+88 = 87 years: but (2) from the
second year of Joash to the accession of Zschariah
(or at least to the death of Jeroboam) we have MH-
41 = 56 years. Further, the accession of UsvJafc,
placed in the 27th year of Jeroboam, according tc
» • Lake uses ntraAwrai elsewhere only mtx.ll
slid evIdtaUy of a lodging a* On night. Thataraiei
Itself may denote a snorter « breaking ire," or koH
but *** the night" Is more probabW here. at
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ZACHARIAS
kite above raekooing occurred In tl * 16th. And
this Utter synchronism is confirmed, and that with
the 37th year of Jeroboam centred cted, by 2 K.
liv. 17, which telle ui that Amadah king of Judah
•arrived Jouh king of Israel by 16 yean. Moat
■Jironologen assume an interregnum of 11 yean
between Jeroboam'* death and Zaehariah's acces-
sion, during which the kingdom wu suffering from
the anarchy of a disputed succession, but this seems
unlikely after the reign of a resolute ruler like Jero-
boam, and does not solve the difference between 2
K. xiv. 17 and xv. 1. We are reduced to suppose
that our present MSS. have here incorrect numbers,
to substitute 16 for 37 in 9 K. xv. 1, and to believe
that Jeroboam II. reigned 62 or 63 yean. Jose-
ph™ (ix. 10, § 3) places Uzziah's accession in the
14th year of Jeroboam, a variation of a year in
these synchronisms being unavoidable, since the
Hebrew annalists in giving their dates do not reckon
tactions of years. [Israel, Kikgdom or, vol. ii.
1178 a.] Hut whether we assume an interregnum, or
an error in the MSS., we must .place Zaehariah's
secession b. c. 771-772. His reign lasted only six
months. He was killed in a conspiracy, of which
Shallum was the head, and by which the prophecy
'« 2 K. x. 80 was accomplished. We are told that
Airing his brief term of power he did evil, and
kept up the calf-worship inherited from the first
Jeroboam, which bis rather bad maintained in
regal splendor at Bethel (Am. vtt. 13). [Shal-
uiu.] G. E. L. C.
2. (Alex. Zaxxatas-) The father of Abi, or
Abyah, Hezekiah? mother (2 K. xviii. 2). In 2
Chr. xxix. 1 he is called Zkchakiah.
ZACHAM'AS ([i-ememo«-ed by Jehovahy.
Zarapias- Vulg. om.). L Zechariah the priest
in the reign of Josiah (1 Esdr. i. 8).
2. In 1 Esdr. 1. 16 Zacharias occupies the place
of Heman in 2 Chr. xxxv. 16.
3. (Xapalas ; Alex. Zapeat ; [Aid. Zox<t-
pfotO Artortt.) = Skraiak 6, and Azariar
SO (1 Esdr. v. 8; comp. Ezr. ii. 2; Neh. vii. 7). It
is not clear from whence this rendering of the name
is derived. Our translators follow the Geneva
Version [and the Bishops' Bible. This form of
the name comes from the Aldine edition. — A.].
4. (Zavopfos: Zacharias.) The prophet Zkch-
akiah (1 Esdr. vi. 1, vii. 3).
5. Zkchakiah of the sons of Pharoah (1 Esdr.
riil. 30; comp. Ezr. viii. 3).
6. Zechariah of the sons of Bebai (1 Esdr.
riii. 37; [comp.] Ear. viii. 11).
7. Zechariah, one of " the principal men and
turned," with whom Ezra oonsulted (1 Esdr. viii.
44; comp. Ear. viii. 18).
8. Zechariah of the sons of Elam (1 Esdr. ix.
27; eomp. Ear. x. 26).
0. Father of Joseph, a leader in the first cam-
paign of the Maccabaean war (1 Mace. v. 18, 56-
32).
10. Father of John the Baptist (Luke i. 6, etc.).
[John the Baptist.]
IX. Son of B a rachiaa, who, out Lord says, wss
•lain by the Jews between the altar and the Temple
(Matt, xxiii. 36' Luke xi. 61). There has been
much dispute who ibis Zaohariaa was. From the
lime of Urigen, who relates that the father of
'ohn the Baptist was killed in the Teniae, many
sf the Greek Fathers have maintained that this la
lb* person to whom our Lord aJudes; but there
an be little or no doubt that the allusion is to
ZADOK
3587
Zacharias, the am of Jeholada (2 Chr. niv. 20
21). As the book of Chronicles — In which tin
murder of Zacharias, the son of Jeholada, occurs
— close* the Hebrew canon, this assassination was
the last of the murders of righteous men recorded
in the Bible, just a* that of Abel was the first
(Comp. Benan, VU de Jim, p. 353.) The name
of the father of Zacharias is not mentioned by St.
Luke; and we may suppose that the name of Bara-
chiaa crept into the text of St Matthew from •
marginal gloss, a confusion having been made
between Zacharias, the son of Jeholada, and Zach-
arias, the son of Barachiaa (Barechiah), the
prophet. [Comp. Zechariah, 6.]
ZACH'ABY (Zacharku). The prophet Zt*av
ariah (2 Esdr. i. 40).
Z A CHER OJT, in pause 1JJ [memorial]:
Zaxxoip; [Vat. Zarovp-] Zacher). One of the
sons of Jehiel, the father or founder of Gibeon, by
bis wife Maachah (1 Chr. riii. 31). In 1 Chr. ix.
37 be is cslled Zechariah.
ZA'DOK <StVVf [jtut, vprifkQ : ZoMk;
[Vat. Alex, also Zattymit, laSSccK, and other
forms:] Sadoc: "righteous"). L Son of Abitub,
and one of the two chief priests in the time of Da-
vid, Abiathar being the other. [Abiathar.]
Zadok was of the house of Eleazar, the son of Aaron
(1 Chr. xxiv. 3), and eleventh in descent from
Aaron. The first mention of him is in 1 Chr. xii-
28, where we are told that he joined David at He-
bron after Saul's death with 22 captains of his
father's house, and, apparently, with 900 men
(4600-3700, vv. 26, 27). Up to this time, it may
be concluded, he had adhered to the house of Saul,
But henceforth his fidelity to David was inviolable.
When Absalom revolted, and David fled from
Jerusalem, Zadok and all the Levites bearing the
Ark accompanied him, and it was only at the
king's express command that they returned to Jeru-
salem, and became the medium of communication
between the king and Uushai the Archite (2 Sun.
xv., xvii.). When Absalom was dead, Zadok and
Abiathar were the persons who persuaded the elders
of Judah to invite David to return (2 Sam. xix
11). When Adonyah, in David's old age, set up
for king, and had penuaded Joab, and Abiathar
the priest, to join his party, Zadok was unmoved,
and was employed by David to anoint Solomon tc
be king in his room (1 K. i.). And for this fidel-
ity he was rewarded by Solomon, who " thrust out
Abiathar from being priest unto the Lord," and
« put in Zadok the priest " in his room (1 K. ii
27, 86). From this time, however, we hear littb
of him. It Is said in general terms in the enumera-
tion of Solomon's officers of atate that Zadok wsa
the priest (1 K.. iv. 4; 1 Chr. xxix. 22), but no
single set of his is mentioned. Even in the detailed!
account of the building and dedication of Solomon'*
Temple, his name does not occur, so that though
Josephus says that •' Sadoc the high-priest was the
first high-priest of the Temple which Solomon
bt._t" (Ant- x. 8, $ 6), it is very doubtful whether
be 'ived till the dedication of Solomon's Temple,
and it Menu far more likely that Azariah, his son
or grandson, was high-priest at the dedication
(comp. 1 K. iv. 2, and 1 Chr. vi. 10, and see
Azariah 2). Had Zadok been present, it is
scarcely possible thst he should not have been
named In so detailed an account as that in 1 K.
viii. [Pigh-priebt, U. 1071.]
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8588
ZADOK
Several Interesting queftloni arise In eonneetion
with Zadok in regard to the high-priesthood. And
first, at to the causa which led to the descendants
sf Ithamar occupying the high-prieethood to the
prejudice of the bouse of Eleazar. There ii, how-
ever, nothing to guide us to any certain conclusion.
We only know that Phinehas the son of Eleazar
was high-priest after his father, and that at a sub-
sequent period Eli of the bouse of Ithamar was
high-priest, and that the office continued in his
house till the time of Zadok, who was first Abia-
thar'a colleague, and afterwards superseded him.
Zadok's descendant* continued to be hereditary
high-priests till the time of Antiochus Eupator,
and perhaps till the extinction of the office. [HiGH-
PBIKST, ii. 1078.] But possibly some light may
be thrown on this question by the next which
arises, namely, what is the meaning of the double
priesthood of Zadok and Abiathar (2 Sam. xv. 29 ;
1 Clir. xxiv. 6, 31). In later times we usually find
two priests, the high-priest, and the second priest
(2 K. xxv. 18), and there does not seem to have
been any great difference in their dignity. So too
Luke iii. 2. The expression " the chief priest of
the house of Zadok " (2 Chr. xxxi. 10), seems also
to indicate that there were two priests of nearly
equal dignity. Zadok and Abiathar were of nearly
equal dignity (2 Sam. xv. 35, 36, xix. 11). Hophni
and Phinehas again, and Eleazar and Ithamar are
coupled together, and seem to have been holders
of the office as it were in commission. The duties
of the office too were in the case of Zadok and
Abiathar divided. Zadok ministered before the
Tabernacle at Gibeon (1 Chr. xvi. 39), Abiathar
had the care of the Ark at Jerusalem. Not, how-
ever, exclusively, as appears from 1 Chr. xv. 11 ;
2 Sam. xv. 24, 26, 29. Hence, perhaps, it may be
concluded that from the first there was a tendency
consider the office of the priesthood as somewhat
?( the nature of a corporate office, although some
af its functions were necessarily confined to the
chief member of that corporation ; and if so, it is
very easy to perceive how superior abilities on the
jus hand, and infancy or incapacity on the other,
might operate to raise or depress the members of
this corporation respectively. Just as in the Saxon
royal families, considerable latitude was allowed as
to the particular member who succeeded to the
throne. When hereditary monarchy was estab-
lished in Judasa, then the succession to the high-
priesthood may have become more regular. Another
lircumstance which strengthens the conclusion that
J>e origin of the double priesthood was anterior to
Zadok, is that in 1 Chr. ix. 11 ; Neh. xi. 11,
Ahitub the father of Zadok seems to be described
as " ruler of the House of God," an office usually
held by the chief priest, though sometimes by the
second priest. [Hioh-pkikst, ii. 1069 a.] And
1 this is so, it implies that the house of Eleazar
had maintained its footing side by side- with the
house of Ithamar, although for a time the chief
dignity had fallen to the lot of Eli. What was
ladok's exact position when he first Joined David,
s impossible to determine. He there appears
jiferior to Jehoiada " the leader of the Aaron-
tea."
3. [XaJaV: Sadoc.] According to the gene-
alogy of the high-priests in 1 Chr. vi. 12, there
was a second Zidok, son of a second Ahitub, son
of Amariah; about the time of King Ahaziah.
But it is highly improbable that the same sequence,
Amariah, Ahitub, Zadok, should occur twice over;
ZADOK.
and no trace whatever remains in history of this
second Ahitub, and second Zadok. It is probable
therefore, that no such person as this second Zadok
ever existed; but that the insertion of the twc
names is a copyist's error. Moreover, there two
names are quite insufficient to fill up the gap
between Amariah In Jehoshaphat's reign, and
Shallum in Amon's, an interval of much above 200
years.
3. [Vat in 2 Chr. xxvii. 1, SoSau.] Fatties
of Jerushah, the wife of King Uzziah, and mother
of King Jotham [2 K. xv. 38; 2 Chr. xxvii. 1].
He was probably of a priestly family.
4. [SoSauc, SoSovk; in Neh. x. 21, Tat. FA.
SoSeW; iii. 4, FA. SooW, Alex, omits.] Son
of Boons, who repaired a portion of the wall in the
time of Nebemlah (Neh. iii. 4). He is probably
the same a* is in the list of those that sealed the
covenant in Neh. x. 21, as in both cases his name
follows that of HeahezabeeL But if so, we know
that be was not a priest, as his name would at first
sight lead one to suppose, but one of " the chief of
the people," or laity. With this agrees his patro-
nymic Baana, which indicates that he was of the
tribe of Judah ; for Baanah, one of David's mighty
men, was a Netophathite (2 Sam. xxiii. 29), i. e.
of Netopbah, a city of Jndah. The men of Tekoah,
another city of Judah, worked next to Zadok.
Meshullam of the house of Methezabeel, who pre-
ceded him in both lists (Neh. iii. 4, and x. 20, 21),
was also of the tribe of Judah (Neh. xL 24). In-
termarriages of the priestly house with the tribe
of Judah were more frequent than with any other
tribe. Hence probably the name of Sadoc (Matt.
i. 14).
6. [SaSSovc; FA. Sasou^.] Son of Immer,
a priest who repaired a portion of the wall over
against his own house (Neh. iii. 29). He belonged
to the 16th course (1 Chr. xxiv. 14), which was
one of those which returned from Babylon (Ear.
ii. 87).
6. [SaieW, iattoix; Alex, in Ear. SacJovx
FA. in Neh. Saiotm- Sadoch, Sadoc] In Neh.
xi. 11, and 1 Chr. ix. 11, mention is made in a
genealogy of Zadok, the son of Meraioth, the son
of Ahitub. But as such a sequence occurs nowhere
else, Meraioth being always the grandfather of
Ahitub (or great-grandfather, as in Est. vii. 2, 8), a
it can hardly be doubtful that Meraioth is inserted
by the error of a copyist, and that Zadok the son
of Ahitub is meant.
It is worth noticing that the N. T. name Juntos
(Acts i. 23, xviii. 7; Col. iv. 11) is the literal
translation of Zadok. Zedekiah, Jehozadak, may
be compared.
The name appears occasionally in the post-bibli-
cal history. The associate of Judah the Gaulonite,
the well-known leader of the agitation against the
census of Qnirinus, was a certain Pharisee named
Zadok (Joseph. Ant. xviii. 1, $ 1), and the sect of
the Sadduoees is reputed to have derived both ill
« Compare the following p etl g i— : —
1 Chr. Tt 8-14. A. O, a. Ei.tU.1-S. Hsk.zLU.1
Chr. Ix.ll.
afamloth. Monloth. afaatoth.
Afriak,
Amariah. Anurias. Amariah.
Ahitub. Atiltab. Ahitub.
Zadok. Zadok. Zadok.
Shallum. ShaUttm.
Hllklah.
Sanlah.
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ZAHAM
name and origin from a person of the tune name,
a disciple of Antigonus of Socho. (See the cita-
tion* of Lightfbot, Htbr. ami Ta!m. Exerc. on
Matt iii. 8.) The personality of the last men-
tioned Sadok hat been strongly impugned in the
utklo Sadducxes (p. 8778 t); but aw, on the
Other hand, the remark of M. Renau (Hi dc Jew,
f. 918). A. C. H.
• 7. (3oM*; Tat FA. SoMov/c: Sadoe.) A
scribe in the time of Ne hcni iah, one of the " trees-
urera " (Men. xiii. 13). A.
ZAHAM (DHJ [loathing]: Zod> ; [Vat
PooWafi;] Alex. ZaXa/x'- Zoom). Son of Reho-
boam by Abihail, the daughter of Eliab (9 Chr. xi.
19). A* Eliab wa* the eldest of Davld'i brother*,
it i» more probable that Abihail was hii grand-
daughter.
ZA'IB CT>^ [mall, fat,]: [Bom. State;
Vat] 2«ivp; Alex, omitat Setrn). A place named
In !K. riii. 91 onlj, in the account of Joram'a
expedition agalnit the Edoroltea. He went over to
Zair with ail hi* chariot*; there he and hi* force
appear to hate been surrounded," and only to have
steeped by cutting their war through in the night
The parallel account in Chronicle* (9 Chr. xxt 9)
agree* with this, except that the word* " to Zair "
are omitted, and the word* " with hi* prince* »
inserted. This is followed by Joeephu* {Ant. ix. 5,
§ 1). The omitted and inserted words have a cer-
tain similarity both in sound and in their compo-
nent tetter*, TjPS? and T^tfDy ; and on
this it ha* been conjectured that the latter were
substituted Tor the former, either by the error of a
copyist, or intentionally, because the name Zair was
not elsewhere known (see Krai, Comin. on 9 K.
riii. 81 ). Other* again, a* Mora* ( Clnvnik, p. 918)
and Ewald ((Jack. iii. 594), suggest that Zair Is
identical with Zoar (1SS or "WIS). Certainly
in the Middle Age* the road by which an army
pawed from Judaa to the country formerly occu-
pied by Edom lay through the place which was then
believed to be Zoar, below Ktrak, at the 8. E.
quarter of the Dead Sea (Fuleber, (Sutn Dti, p.
406), *nd so far this is in favor of the identification;
but there is no other support to it in the MS. read-
ings either of the original or the Versions.
The Zoar of Genesis (a* will be seen under that
bead) was probably near the N.E. end of the lake,
and the chief interest that exist* in the Identifica-
tion of Zair and Zoar, resides in the fact that if
it could be established it would show that by the
Jme 2 K. viil. 91 was written, Zoar had been shifted
rom its original place, and had come to be located
where it was in the days of Joseph, Jerome, and
the Crusades. Possibly the previous existeno* there
nf a place called Zair, assisted the transfer.'
A third conjecture grounded on the reading* of
I he Vulgate {Sara) and the Arable version (Ba'ir,
•A*Lv) is, that Zair Is an alteration for Seir
lySW), the country Itself of the Edomites (The-
■ Thl* t* not, however, the Interpntatkn of the
si rats* to the neighboring parts of thr country of
~ 1 on 1 Chr. zxi. 9.
ZALMUNNA 8589
niaa, Kwrtg. Ex. Handb.). The objection to this
Is, that tile name of Seir appears not to have bean
known to the author of the Book of King*.*
O.
ZAXAPH ftbf [ftrwiM, mound] : a.Ae>;
[Vat 2«x«; FA.] ZKvp: Stltph). Father of
Hanun, who assisted in rebuilding the city wall
(Neh. iii. 30).
ZAI/MON (finV? [sAarfy]: 'EaA«5»; Alex.
J»AA»m; [Comp-a*V«4»: J Selmm). AnAhnhita,
one of David's guard (9 Sam. xxiii. 98). In 1
Chr. xi. 39 be is called lun, which K fnniwHt
(Oitt p. 187) decide* to be the true reading.
ZAI/MON, MOUNT, CftpV y iTI [s*oo>
mount]: [tool 2t\/uir ; Vat Alex.] opot a>
umy: moot Seltmm). A wooded eminence in tee
immediate neighborhood of Sbecbem, from which
Abimelech and his people cut down the boughs with
which he suffocated and burnt the Sbechemites who
bad taken refuge in the citadel (Judg. Ix. 48). It
is evident from the narrative that It was close to
the city. But beyond this there does not appear to
be the smallest indication either in or out of the
Bible of its position. The Rabbis mention a place
of the same name, but evidently Tar from the neces-
sary position (Schwarx, p. 187 ). The name Sultimg-
jth is attached to the S. E. portion of Mount Ebal
(see the map of Dr. Rosen, Xtilsch. der D. ii. G.
xlv. 634) | but without further evidence, it is hazard-
ous even to conjecture that there is any connection
between this name and Tsalmon.
The reading of the LXX. is remarkable both in
Itself, and in the fact that the two great MSS. agree
in a reading so much removed from the Hebrew;
but it is impossible to suppose that Hermon (at any
rate the well-known mountain of that name), i* re-
ferred to in the narrative of Abimelech.
The possibility of a connection between this
mount and the plaos of the same name in Pa. Ixvill.
14 (A. V. Salmon), is discussed under the head of
Salmon, p. 2791 f.
The name of Dalmanutha has been supposed tc
be a corruption of that of Tsalmon (Otho, La.
Rnbb. •■Dalmanutha"). G.
ZALMCr-NAH (njb 11 ?^ [Aady] : iikpmri, •
Salmona). The name of a desert-station of the Is-
raelites, whieh they reached between leaving Mount
Hor acid camping at Punoo, although they must
have turned the southern point of Edomitish terri-
tory by the way (Num. xxxiii. 41). It lias on the
east side of Edom; but whether or not identical
with Mann, a few miles E. of Petra, sa Raumar
thinks, is doubtful. More probably Zalmonah
may be in the Wathf Mm, which run* into the
Arabah dose to where Elath anciently stood.
H. H.
ZALMtTN'NA (Sp^3 1 ?« , [perh. lAefter de-
nted' to one] : [Vst] SsApsvo, [exo. once, Xak;
Rom.] Alex. aoAiiavet, and so aho Joeephu*: Sal
mana). One of the two " kings " of Midiau whoas
capture and death by the hands of Gideon himself
s • under the hwb Sodom and Zou (As» «J.„
the nadsr will and re ason* tar the belief that the la»
tar has sot been « shifted from it* original place."
8. W.
e Ins variations of the MSB. at the LXX. (Holma
and Parsons) are vary stngulse — •« turn, « S*a», an
Qa. But they do not point to any dlflsreaw la UN
Hebrew text from that now tilting
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6690
ZAMBI8
nrmed the hit act of hit great conflict with Hid
iao (Judg. viii. 6-81; Pi. lxxxiil. 11). No satis-
factory explanation of the name of Zalmunna
has been given. That of Geaeniua and Flint
("shelter ii denied him")« can hardly be enter-
lamed.
The dUtinction between the "kings'* Oj*?®
and the " prince* " 0^Sp)of the Midiaoitee on
this occasion is carefallj maintained throughout the
narrative* (viii. 6, 12, 36). " Kings " of Hidian
are also mentioned in Num. xxxi. 8. But when the
same transaction is referred to in Josh. xiii. 21,
they are designated by the title NitU (^07?),
A. V. « prince*." Elsewhere (Num. xxil. 4, 7 ) tbr
term ttktmm is used, answering in signification, it
not In etymology, to the Arabic theikh. It is dif-
ficult, perhaps impossible, to tell how far these dis-
tinctions are accurate, and how far they represent
the imperfect acquaintance which the Hebrews must
have had with the organization of a people with
whom, except during the orgies of Shittim, they
appear to hive been always more or less at strife
and warfare (1 Chr. t. 10, 10-23).
The vast horde which Gideon repelled must hare
included many tribes under the general designation
of " Midianltes, Aiualekites, children of the East; "
and nothing would be easier or more natural than
for the Hebrew scribes who chronicled the erects to
confuse one tribe with another in so minute a point
as the title of a chief.
In the great Bedouin tribes of the present day,
who occupy the place of Midian and Aoialek, there
is no distinctive appellation answering to the melee
and tar of the Hebrew narrative. Differences in
rank and power there are, as between the great
chief, the acknowledged head of the parent tribe,
and the leaser chiefs who lead the sub-tribes into
which it is divided, and who are to a great extent
ndependent of him. But the one word theikli is
imployed for all. The great chief is the Sheikh
4-iebb; the others are an el^natheikh, " of the
.heikha," i. e. of sheikh rank. The writer begs to
sxpress his acknowledgments to Mr. Layard and
Mr. Cyril Graham for information on this point.
O.
ZAM3I8 (Zap/Spf [Vat- -Am,]; Alex. Zap-
flpiss [AM. Zaixftlf-] Zambru). The same as
Amabiah (1 Etdr. ix. M; comp. Ear. z. 48).
ZAfcTBRI (Zo/iflol; [Sln.Zo/*/Jp«:] Zamri).
Zimri the Simeonite slain by Phinehaa (1 Mace.
U. 28).
ZATHOTH (ZoauM; [Tat] Alex. Zopo0:
Zalkoim) = Zattu (1 Esdr. ix. 28; comp. Ear. x.
»)•
ZAMZUSTMIMS (DNSttpt [see below]:
[Rom.] ZtxonfJy [Vat -pew]; Alex. [Zopfop-
usm>:] /onaammim). The Ammonite name for
the people, who by others (though who they wen
does not appear) were called Rkphaoc (Drat. ii.
80 only). They are described as having originally
been a powerful and numerous nation of giants, —
"great, many, and tall," — inhabiting the district
a The anlntelUflbUltT of the nanus Is In fhror of
Ihetr being correctly retained rather than the imm.
and It should not In overlooked that they are not,
HkeOreb and Zaeb, attached akn to toealMas, which al-
ways throw a doubt on the name when attributed to
a parson at wett.
ZANOAH
which at tlie time of the Hebrew conquest was ia
the possession of the Ammonites, by amen the
Zamxummim had a long time previously been de-
stroyed. Where this district was, it ia not per-
haps possible exactly to define; but it probably lay
in the neighborhood of Rabbath-Ammon (Ammin),
the only city of the Ammonites of which the name
or situation is pre s e r ved to us, and therefore east-
ward of that rich undulating country from which
Hoab had been forced by the Amorites (the mod-
ern BeUca), and of the numerous town* of that
country, whose ruins and names are still encoun-
tered.
From a alight similarity between the two names,
and from the mention of the Emim in connection
with each, it is usually assumed that the Zsmam-
mim are identical with the Zor.ru (Geaeniua, Thet.
p. 410 a; Rwald, 6'escA. 1. 308, ante,- Knobel on
Gen. xlv. 6). Ewald further supports this by iden-
tifying Ham, the capital city of the Zoom (Gen.
xiv. 5) with Amman. But at beat the identifica-
tion la vary conjectural
Various attempts have been made to explain the
name: as by comparison with the Arable (•'y°'v
"long-necked;" or ayalejaS, ** strong and big"
(Simonis, Onom. 186); or as "obstinate," tram
C£T (Luther), or ss "noisy," from DtpT (Geee-
nius, Thet. p. 419), or ss onomatopoetic, 1 intended
to imitate the unintelligible Jabber of foreigners.
Michselis (SuppL No. 629) playfully recalls the
likeness of the name to that of the well Zem-cem
at Mecca, and suggests thereupon that the tribe
may have originally come from Southern Arabia.
Notwithstanding this banter, however, he ends his
article with the following discreet words, " Nihil
historic, nihil originis populi novimus: fas sit ety-
mologiam eque ignorare." G.
ZANO'AH (ITQT [pern, monk, bog] : ZauiaV
in both HSS.; [Aid. Zons; Comp. Zoroe'O Za
not). In the genealogical liste of the tribe of Jndah
in 1 Ch., Jekuthiel is said to have been the father
of Zanoah (iv. 18) ; and, as far as the passage can
be made out, some connection appears to be intended
with " Kthiah, the daughter of Pharaoh." Zanoah
is the name of a town of Jndah [Zanoah 2], and
this mention of Bitbiah probably points to soma
colonization of the place by Egyptians or by Israel-
ites directly from Egypt. In Seetsen'a account of
Sanute (or more accurately Za'nttak), which is
possibly identical with Zanoah, there Is a curious
token of the influence which events in Egypt still
exercised on the place (Aetsea, iii. 29).
The Jewish int o pi e t as considered the whole of
this passage of 1 Chr. iv. to refer to Hoses, and in-
terpret each of the names which it contains aa titles
of him. " He was chief of Zanoach," says the
Targum, "because for his sake God put o*»»$
(njt) the sins of Israel." «.
ZANO'AH (rfOJ [aura* or bog]). The
name of two towns in the territory of Jndah
J. (Tomf, Zorsl; Alex. Zom>; [In Neh. xL *C
» Jossphus inverts the dtettooUoo. Be striae Ore*
and Zseb OaeiAnt, and Zebah and Bslmnnna ^wanaw
(AM. v. 7, 1 6).
e la (his ssnss tea name was applied by eantrover-
of the 17th century sa a nickname tor fkaatfc*
to speak with!
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Z APHK ATH-P AANEAH
Rom. Vat. FA.' Alex, omit, FA.* Zwm'] JBssol,
[Zauna.]) In the fite/eta* (Josh, it. 84), turned
in tin same group with Zoreah and Jirniuth. It
is possibly identical with Zdtt&'a," a site which wee
pointed out to Dr. Bobineon from Beit Netty
(BibL Ra. ii. 18), and which in the mape of Van
de Veldt and of Tobler (ttte Wamientng) it located
on the N. side of the Wady /email, 8 miki E. of Za-
reak, and 4 milct N. of Yai-muk. This potitioo is
sufficiently in accordance with the (tatement of Je-
rome (OmtmaeL " Zannohna"), that It wae In the
district of Eleutberopolis, on the road to Jerusalem,
and called Zsnua.
The name reran in iU old connection in the Hate
of Nehemiah, both of the towns which were re-
inhabited by the people of Judah after the Captiv-
ity (xi. 80 »), and of those which assisted in repairing
the wall of Jerusalem (iii. 13). It is an entirely
distinct place bom
2. (Zajcaral/i [Vat-«j^]l Alex. Zaracucfip: r
Zanoil) A t6Vn In the highland district, the
mountain proper (Josh. xv. 56). It Is named in
the same group with Maon, Carmd, Ziph, and other
places known to lie south of Hebron. It is (as Van
de Velde suggests, Memoir, p. 354) not improbably
Identical with Sawbte, which is mentioned by Sect-
ion (Reuen, iii. 29) at below Senuta, and appears
to be about 10 miles S. of Hebron. At the time
of his visit it was the last inhabited place to the
south. Robinson (BibL Ret. ii. 904, note) gives
the name differently, jjojjkf V, Za'nttah; and
it will be observed that, like Zcum'ak just men-
tioned, it contains the 'Am, which the Hebrew
name does not, and which rather shakes the identi-
According to the statement of the genealogical
lists of 1 Chr., Zanoah was founded or colooixed by
a person named Jekuthiel (ir. 18). Here it is also
mentioned with Socho and Eshtemoa, both of which
puces are recognisable ic the neighborhood of
Za'n&ah. G.
ZAPH'NATH-PAANB'AH (i"l29$
Cn?9 [see below]: VoySofUptu^x- Aikator -
mania"), a name given by Pharaoh to Joseph (Gen.
xH. 45). Various forms of this name, all traceable
to the Heb. or I JCX. original, occur in the works of
the early Jewish and Christian writers, chiefly Jo-
tephus, from different MSS. and editions of whose
Ant. (ii. 6, § 1) no less than eleven forma have been
collected, following both originals, some variations
being very corrupt; but from the translation given
by Josephus it is probable that he transcribed
the Hebrew. Pbilo (De Nominum Mut. p. 819,
e, ed. Col. 813) and Theodoret (I. p. 106, ed.
Sehulx) follow the LXX., and Jerome, the Hebrew.
'Hie Coptic version nearly transcribes the LXX.,
^TOiieCUJULc^AJlHIC.
In the Hebrew text the name is divided into two
parts. Every such division of Egyptian words be-
ing in aosordanos with the Egyptian orthography,
u No-Ammon, Pi-beseth, Poti-pherah, we cannot,
if the name be Egyptian, reasonably propose any
ahange in this case; if the name be Hebrew, the
same is certain. There is no prmAfade reason
lor any change in the consonants.
■ "/Us name, howevw ( e «j|'\)
■Men Is not present la iks Bases* HUM
EAPHJTATH-PAAffEAH 3691
The LXX form seems to Indicate the same divis-
ion, as the latter part, (ku^x, » identical witk
the second part of the Hebrew, while what pre-
cedes is different. There is again no primi facte
reason for any change from the ordinal y reading
of the name. The cause of the difference bom
the Hebrew in the earlier part of the name must
be discussed when we come to examine its mean-
ing.
This name has been explained as Hebrew or
Egyptian, and always as a proper name. It has
not been supposed to be an official title, but this
possibility has to be considered.
1. The Rabbins interpreted Zaphnath paanaah
as Hebrew, in the sense "revealer of a secret."
This explanation is as old as Josephus (aywrraV
t&ptrfir, Ant. ii. 6, { 1 ) ; and Theodoret also follows
it (raw hwoptrfrrmr tp/ivrevrtir, I. p. 106, Schuli).
Philo offers an explanation, which, though seem-
ingly different, may be the same (ir iaroKpi<rn
e-TOita nelnr; but Hangey conjectures the true
reading to be ir iroxpityji errtfia broKptriperor,
i c). It must be remembered that Josephus per-
haps, and Theodoret and Pbilo certainly, follow the
LXX. form of the name.
2. Isidore, though mentioning the Hebrew inter-
pretation, remarks that the name should be Egyp-
tian, and offers an Egyptian etymology: " Joseph
. . . . hunc Pharao Zaphanath Phaaneoa appes-
lavit, quod Hebraice absoonditorum repertorem
sonat .... tamen quia boo nomen ab ASgyptio
ponitur, ipsius lingua debet habere rationem.
Interpretatur ergo Zaphanath Pbaaneca JSgyptio
sermone salvator mundi " ( Orig. vii. c 7, i. iii.
p. 327, Arev.). Jerome adopts the same render-
ing.
8. Modern scholars have looked to Coptic for
an explanation of this name, Jablonski and others
proposing as the Coptic of the Egyptian original
ncooT ii $ejieg, « nctrrf, eta,
"the preservation" or « preserver of the age."
This is evidently the etymology Intended by Isidore
and Jerome.
We dismiss the Hebrew interpretation, as un-
sound in itself, and demanding the Improbable
concession that Pharaoh gave Joseph a Hebrew
name.
It is impossible to arrive at a satisfactory result
without first inquiring when this name was given,
and what are the characteristics of Egyptian titles
and names. These points having been discussed,
we can show what ancient Egyptian sounds corre-
spond to the Hebrew and LXX. forms of this name,
and a comparison with ancient Egyptian will then
be possible.
After the sooount of Joseph's appointment to la
governor, of bis receiving the insignia of authority,
and Pharaoh's telling him that he held the second
place In the kingdom, follow these words: '•And
Pharaoh called Joseph's name Zaphnath-paaneah;
and he gave him to wife Asenath the daughter cf
Poti-pherah priest of On." It is next stated, « And
Joseph went out over [all] the land of Egypt"
(Gen. xli. 45). As Joseph's two sons were born
" before the years of famine came " (ver. 60), it
seems evident that the order is here strictly chro-
nological, at least that the events spoken of art of
» Here the name Is contracted
« These cartons words are pro*
Zanoah to the name ftUowu* It. flala, or bae-CMn
luesd by,
■la. or ha
Digitized by LjOOQIC
3592 ZAPHNATH-PAANEAH
the time before the famine. It is scarcely to be
supposed that Pbaraoh would have named Joseph
" the preterver of the age," or the like, when the
calamity, from the wont effect* of which hit ad-
ministration p r mr v ud Egypt, had not come. The
name, at fint sight, seems to be a proper name,
but, as occurring after the acoount of Joseph's ap-
pointment and honors, may be a title.
Ancient Egyptian titles of dignity are generally
connected with the king or the gods, as SOTEN-
SA, king's son, applied not only to royal princes,
but to the governors of KEE9H, or Cush. Titles
of place are generally simply descriptive, as MEK-
KETU, '• superintendent of buildings " (•' pul.lio
works " ?). Some few are tropical. Ancient Egyp-
tian names are either simple or compound. Sim-
ple names are descriptive of occupation, as HA,
" the shepherd," an early king's name, or are the
•mmes of natural objects, at PE-MAY(?), "the
cat," eta. ; more rarely they Indicate qualities of
character, as S-NUFRE, " doer of good." Com-
pound names usually express devotion to the gods,
at PET-AMEN-APT, •> Belonging to Amen of
Thebes; " some are composed with the name of the
reigning king, as SHAFKA-SHA, '• Shafra rules; "
SESEKTESEN-ANKH, " Seeerteeen lives." Oth-
ers occur which an more difficult of eiplatiallon, as
AMEN-EM-HA, '< Amen In the front," a war-
ery ? Double names, not merely of kings, bnt of
pr ivate persons, are found, bat are very rare, as
8XUFRE ANK.HEE, '« Doer of good, living one."
These double names are usually of the period before
the XVIIIth dynasty.
Before comparing Zaphnath-paaiieah and Paon-
thomphanech with Egyptian names we mutt ascer-
tain the probable Egyptian equivalents of the letters
of these forms. The Egyptian words occurring in
Hebrew are few, and the forms of tome of them
evidently Shemltlcized, or at least changed by their
use by foreigners: a complete and systematic alpha-
bet of Hebrew equivalents of Egyptian letters then-
fore cannot be drawn up. There are, on the other
hand, numerous Shemltic words, either Hebrew or
of a dialect very near It, the geographical names of
places and tribes of Palestine, given, according to a
system, in the Egyptian inscriptions and papyri,
from which we can draw up, as M. de Rouge 1 has
done (Rente ArchMogique, N. 8. iii. 8S1-35+), a
oomplete alphabet, certain in nearly all its details,
and approximatively true in the few that are not
determined, of the Egyptian equivalents of the He-
brew alphabet. The two comparative alphabets do
not greatly differ, but we cannot be sure that in the
endeavor to ascertain what Egyptian sounds are
intended by Hebrew letters, or their Greek equiv-
alents, we are quite accurate in employing the
latter. For instance, different Egyptian signs are
ised to represent the Hebrew "1 and /, bnt it it
. y no means certain that these signs in Egyptian
represented any sound bat R, except in the vulgar
ilalect.
H it important to observe that the Egyptians had
a hard "t," the parent of the Coptic 35. and 6,
which we represent by an Italic T; that they had
an " a " corresponding to the Hebrew 9, which
we represent by an Italic A ; and that the Hebrew
B may be represented by the Egyptian P, abo
pronounced r"h, and by the F. The probable
jrlginala of the Egyptian name of Joseph may be
iu* stated: —
ZAPHNATH-PAANEAH
"can
T P N T
F
for t • p
PSKT K
B V 3 n
P A N KH
♦ • ' • X
P N KH
F
The second part of the nam* In the Hebrew ■
the tame at in the I .XX., although in the latter it
it not separate: we therefore examine it Ant. It
it identical with the ancient Egyptian proper name
P-ANKHEE, "the living," borne by a king who
was an Ethiopian ruling after Tirhakah, and prob-
ably contemporary with the earlier part of the reign
of Paamtnetiebus I. The only doubtful point in
the identification it that it it not certain that the
"a" in P-ANKHEE it that which represents the
Hebrew V. It it t symbolic sign of the kind
which serves as an initial, and at the same time
determines the signification of the word it partly
expresses and sometimes singly represent*, and it
ia only used in the single sense "life," " to live."
It may, however, be conjectured from its Coptic
equivalents to have begun with either a long or a
guttural «*," ( *UIA£ B, 8, «Ulg B,
OJU£, OJl£ a, OJl£>, OBJIO M,
OOJIAg B, OtMUlg 8).
The second part of the name, thus explained,
affords no clew to the meaning of the first part,
being a separate name, as in the case of a double
name already eited 8NUFRE ANKHEE. The
LXX. form of the first part is at ones recog nis ed
in the ancient Egyptian words P-SENT-N, "the
defender •' or » preterver of " the Coptic 11 CWf"
JUL) "the preterver of." It it to be remarked
that the ancient Egyptian form of the principal
word is that found In the LXX., bnt that the
preposition N in hieroglyphics, however pronoooeed,
is always written N, whereas in Coptic Jt becomes
•jt before IT. The word SENT does not appear
to be used except at a divine, and, under the Ptol-
emies, regal title, In the latter cats for Soter. The
Hebrew form teems to represent a compound nam*
commencing with TETEF, or 7EF, "he tail," a
not infrequent element in compound names (the
root being found in the Coptio 3£0, JtOT : 8
£00, SOT), or TEX, "Incense, delight"?
the name of the sacred incense, alto known to us
in the Greek form kv*)i (Plutarch, de Ind. el Our.
c. 80, p. 883; Mote. .V. m. I. 84, Spr.). But, If
the name commence with either of these words, the
rest teems inexplicable. It it remarkable that the
last two consonants are the tame as in Atenath,
the name of Joseph's wife. It hat been s uppo sed
that In both oases this element is the name of the
goddess Neith, Asenath having bean conjectured to
be AS-NF.ET; and Zaphnath, by Mr. Oeborn, we
believe, m'-NEET, "the d*llght(?) of Neltb "
Neith, the goddess of Sals, it not likely to nave bee*
reverenced at HaUopolia, the city of Asenath. It
is abo improbable that Pbaraoh would have given
Joseph a name connected with Idolatry ; for Joseph's
position, unlike Daniel's, when he was fint called
Belteabaxxar, would have enabled him effectually so
protest against receiving inch a name. The latter
nart of the nam* might suggest the possibility el
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ZAPHON
the fetters "amah" corresponding to ANKH.and
the whole preceding portion, Zaphnath and the
initial of this part, {brining toe name of Joseph's
Pharaoh; the form being that of SESEKTESKN-
ANKU, "SeaerteHii lives," already mentioned;
but the occurrence of the letter P shorn that the
form is P-ANKHEE, and were this not sufficient
proof, no name of a Pharaoh, or other proper name
U known that can be compared with the supposed
first portion. We have little doubt that the mon-
uments will unexpected!; supply us with the infor-
mation we need, giving us the original Egyptian
name, though probably not applied to Joseph, of
whose period there are, we believe, bnt few Egyp-
tian records. B. 8. P.
ZA'PHON flTD? [nortkvard] : JoevCr i
Alex. tatpMf Saphon). The name of a place
mentioned in the enumeration of the allotment of
the tribe of Gad (Josh. xiii. 87). It is one of the
places in " the valley " which appear to have con-
stituted the " remainder " ("1£I!) °f *■»> kingdom
of Sihon " — apparently referring to the portion of
the same kingdom previously allotted to Reuben
(vv. 17-21). Toe enumeration appears to proceed
from south to north, and from the mention of the
Sea of Chinneroth it is natural to infer that Zaphon
was near that lake. No name resembling it has
yet been encountered.
In Judg. xii. 1, the word rendered " northward "
(Uipktn&k) may with equal accuracy be rendered
u (0 Zaphon." Thbi rendering is supported by the
Alex. LXX. (K,<p«ra) and a host of other M8S.,
and it has consistency on its side. G.
• Of the later critics, Ewald, Bunsen, Keil, and
Caasd make Zaphon a proper name. It la evident
from w. 1 and 6 that the Ephraimites iro ned the
Jordan, and the main direction of the march would
be from west to east. If they went northward it
would be for strategic reasons which are not appar-
ent. The known existence of a place of this name
(Josh. xiii. 87) fully justifies this conclusion (see
especially Caasel, Ricklcr u. Hulk, in toe.). Ber-
tbeau (RiehUr, p. 168), De Wetta (Ueoeruf-
ung) and Perret-GentU (version), prefer " north-
ward." H.
ZATtA (ZomI: Zttra). Zaeah [or Zbrah]
the son of Judah (Matt. L 8).
ZAR'ACES (ZoaeWnf i [Tat ZapoM*:] Zar-
oeefet). Brother of Jeacim, or Jehoiakim, king
of Judah (1 Eedr. L 88). His name ia apparently
a corruption of Zedekiah
ZA BAH (TTIi iritmg of light] t Zupi:
lata). Properly Zkrah, the son of Judah by
Tamer (Gen. xxxriii. 80, xlvi. 12).
ZARAIAS [3 syL] [Bom.] (Tat omit; Alex.
lay mar Vulg. omits). 1. Ziuiuh, one of the
ancestors of Ezra (1 Eedr. viii. 8); called Arra in
sEsdr. i.2.
%. (Zapoiai: Zarmm.) Zbrahiah, the father
of EUboenai (1 Eedr. viii. 81).
*. (Zoaa/ai; [Alex, omits:] Zariae.) Z*»A-
max, the son of Michael (1 Eedr. vUL 84).
ZATtEAH (HYT? [perh.p^o/Aor«o]
ZABBTAN
8698
• In 1 K. xvll. », the Alex. MS. has Sbfas, bat In
the ether two passages sgrsss with the Tat
» the name is given ss Sup/urn* by Jin Sdits ;
sari*** by HauadevUla ; and Smr fm m by "
Tat [Bom. Alex. FA.i] omit; Alex, [rather
FA.*] Sapoa: Saraa). The form in which our
translators have once (Neb. xi. 29) represented the
name, which they elsewhere present (law accu-
rately) as Zorah and Zokkah. G. .
ZATtEATHITBS, THB O'tTlV
[patr.] : o'i 2aoataiof- Baraita). The inhab-
itants of Zakear or Zorah. The word occur*
in this form only in 1 Chr. ii. 63. Elsewhere the
same Hebrew word appears in the A. T. aa THB
ZORATHITKS. G.
ZA/KED, THB VALLEY OF ("H* ''rH
[«o% of tUek foliage] : [Bom.] pdpay'i Zapit;
[Tat <p-Zap*r;] Alex. <*. Zapt- tor rem Zared).
The name is accurately Zerkd ; the change in the
first syllable being due to its occurring at a pause
It is found In the A T. in this form only in Num.
xxi. 12; though In the Hebr. it occurs also Dent
ii. 13. G.
ZAB/EPHATH <JVTf)^, i\e.Tsarfch [smeaV
ing home, Gee.]: Zaprwrd;" in Obad. plural:
Surtphtha, [Sarepla].). A town which derives
its claim to notice from having been the resi-
dence of the prophet Elijah during the latter part
of the drought (1 K. xvii. 9, 10). Beyond stat-
ing that it was uear to, or dependent on, Zidoa
(l S, T'? l ?\ the Bible gives no clew to its position.
It is mentioned by Obediah (ver. 20), but merely
aa a Canaanite (that is Phcenician) city. Josephs*
(Ant, viii. 13, $ 2), however, states that it was
" not far from Bidon and Tyre, for it lies be-
tween them." And to this Jerome adds (Omm.
>• Sarefta ") that it -lay on the public road," that
la the coast-road. Both these conditions are im-
plied in the mention of it in the Itinerary of Paula
by Jerome (JSpit. Paula, § 8), and both are ftsr-
filled in the situation of the modem village of Stra-
fend * (JkAJ v> e ')> » name which, except in its
termination, U almost Identical with the ancient
Phoenician. Strafend has been visited and de-
scribed by Dr. Robinson (B. R. ii. 478) and 3r.
1'hoinson (Lnnd and Book, eh. xii.). It appears
to have changed its place, at least sines the 11th
century, for it is now more than a mile from the
coast, high upon the slope of a hill (Bob. p. 474),
whereas, at the time of the Crusades, it was an the
shore. Of the old town, considerable indications
remain. One group of fonndationa is on a head-
land called Ain tl-Krntarah i but the chief remains
are sooth of this, and extend for a mile or more,
with many fragments of columns, ebbs, and other
architectural features. The Roman road is said to
be unusually perfect there (Beamont, Diary, etc,
ii. 188). The site of the chapel erected by the
Crusaders on the spot then reputed to be the site
of the widow's bouse, la probably still preserved.'
(See the citations of Robinson.) It is near the
water's edge, and is now marked by a wely and
small khan dedicated to eUKkudr, the weU-knowa
personage who unites, ia the popular Moslem frith,
Eujah and St George.
In the N. T. Zarephata appeals under the Greek
form of Sardta. Q.
ZAR'ETAN 0/71?» •• «• Tsarthan [oooi-
c A grotto (as usual) at thslbesef the hill on which
the modern Tillage stands Is now shown as the mat-
of KUJah (Tan as Tela*, Sff.klHV
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8694
ZARKTH-8HAHAR
mg]: LXX. omits in both M8S.: Sartkan). An
baccarats representation of the name elsewhere
more correctly given as Zabthah. It ocean only
in Josh. iil. 16, In defining the position of Adam,
the city by which the upper waters of the Jordan
remained during the passage of the Israelites:
" The waters rushing down from abort stood and
rose up upon one heap very far off— by Adam, the
city that is by the aide of Zarthan." No trace of
these names has been found, nor is anything known
of the situation of Zarthan.
It is remarkable that the LXX. should exhibit
no ■ trace of the name, G.
ZA'RETH-SHA'HAR (~>IT&»n HT^,
i. e. Zereth has-ahachar [brightness of dawn]:
3«0aM nil Xu&r [Tat. Itutr] ; Alex. 2ap6 not
2iw>: Sereth Auahar). A place mentioned only
in Josh. xiii. 19, in the catalogue of the towns al-
lotted to Reuben. It is named between Sibmah
and Beth-peok, and is particularly specified as
"in Mount ha-Emek" (A. V. "in the Mount of
the Valley "}. From this, however, no clew can be
gained to its position. Seetsen OReuen, ii. 369)
proposes, though with hesitation (see his note), to
identify it with a spot called Sard at the mouth of
the Wady Zerka Main, about a mile from the
edge of the Dead Sea. A place Skak&r is marked
on Van de Velde'a map, about six miles south of
a-Salt, at the head of the valley of the Wady
Bar. Bat nothing can be said of either of these
in the present state of oar knowledge. 6.
ZAR'HITES, THK frTflTl [pair.] :
Sopot; [Vat] Alex, o Zaposi, [exe. Vat. Zoom in
1 Chr. xxvii. 11, Alex.] Zooim in Josh.: ZartUas,
Zart, tiirpt Zarahi and ZaraS). A branch of the
tribe of Judah: descended from Zerah the son of
Jndah (Num. xxvi. 13, 30; Josh. rii. 17; 1 Chr.
xxvii. 11, 13). Aohan was of this family, and it
was re presen ted in David's time by two distin-
guished warriors, Sibbechai the Hushathite and
Maharai the Netophathite-
ZARTTANAH (n}iTJ| [oooBno] : S,o-<r
•Vtr; Alex. ZcrXtartar; [Comp. AM. Soe«aV:]
Sri-Owm). A place named in 1 K. iv. 18, to de-
fine the position of Beth-shram. It Is possibly
identical with Zarthan, but nothing positive can
be said on the point, and the nana has not been
d isc o vere d in post-biblical times. Q.
ZARTHAN C|£n? [ooohng]: 3.^; Alex.
Suumu*: AwtsoM).
1. A place in the decor or circle of Jordan,,
mentioned in connection with Sueeoth (lK.ru.
«)•
9. It is also named, in the amount of toe pas-
sags of the Jordan by the Israelites (Josh. iii. 1«X
as denning the position of the city Adam, which
was beside (T3B) It The difference which the
translators of the A. V. have introduced into the
name in this passage (Zabxtas) has no existence
in the original.
3. A place with the similar name of Zaktajtah
(which iu the Hebrew diners from the two forms
already named only in Ha termination) la men-
tioned in the list of Solomon's eommisaariai die-
It is then specified as" dote to " (V$g)
i Ibis Is not only the ease to tba two principal
S. ; the edition of Beams and Parsons Shows it in
i onfr, and mat a cursive MS. of the Uth cant.
ZSBADTAH
Beth-shean, that is, in the upper part »f the Jor
dan Valley.
4. Further, in Chronicles. Zxkedatrah h sub-
stituted for Zarthan, and this again b not impos-
sibly identical with the Zererah, Zererath, or Zere-
rathah, of the story of Gideon. All these spots
agree in proximity to the Jordan, but beyond this
we are absolutely at fault as to their position.
Adam is unknown; Sbccoth is, to say the least,
uncertain; and no name approaching Zarthan
has yet bean encountered, except it be SurtnbtA
iiuloyo), the name of • lofty and isolated ho
which projects from the main highlands into the
Jordan Valley, about 17 miles north of Jericho
(Van de VeMe, Memoir, p. 854). Bat -Sarfaoei.
if connected with any ancient name, would seem
rather to represent some compound of the ancient
Hebrew or Phoenician Tear, which in Arable is
represented by Sir (\y*o), as in the name of the
modern Tyre. ^ G.
ZATH'OE (Zaevn: Zadata). Thia nama
occurs in 1 Esdr. viii. 38, for Zatttt, which ap-
pears to hare been omitted in the Hebrew text of
Ear. viii. 5, which should read, " Of the sans of
Zsttu, Shechaniah the son of JahaaieL"
ZATHTJ1 (ZotW; [Vat Zoror:] Demm).
Zattv (1 Esdr. v. 12; comp. Ear. a. 8).
ZATTHTT (rWTT [bttlg, planant, FOrst]:
ZoeWai Alex. ZaMstna: ZMu). FJsewbers
Zatto (Neh. x. H).
ZATTU (KWt [lovely, plea*mi] t Z r wss d ,
ZosWo, ZaftWa; Alex. ZaMem: FA. Z oaw se s,
ZaeWsia: JSeliua). The eons of Zatta were a
fiunily of laymen of Israel who returned with Ze-
rubbabel (Ear. ii. 8; Neh. vii. 13). A second di-
vision accompanied Earn, though in the Hebrew
text of Ear. viii. 6 the name haa been omitted.
[Zathok.] Several members of this fiunily had
married foreign wives (Ear. x. 87).
ZATAN = Zaaya* (1 Chr. i. 49).
ZA'ZA (KTT [projection, FOrst]: 'Of«>; Alsx-
Ofefo; [Aid. Zofd; Comp. !,&:] Zm\. One
of the sons of Jonathan, • descendant of Jerahmear
(1 Chr. ii. 13).
ZEBADI'AH {rrnyt [gift of Jtkooak,
Gss.]: Za£aS(at [Vat A(ajS<u3m; Alex. AtoJBsr
8m,.] ZabtuUa). L A Bsnjamite of the asna of
Beriah (1 Chr. viii. 15).
8. [Zafiatla.1 A Benjjamite of the sons of B
psal (1 Chr. rHi. 17).
3. [Vat. M. Za/3t3ia.] One of the sons of Ja.
robam of Gedor, a Benjamite who Joined the for-
tunes of David in his retreat at Ziklag (1 Chr. ML
T).
4. (Zo/SaJfor; [Vat A/SStuu;] Alex. Imjttmt i
Znbn&u.) Son of Asahei the brather of Josh (1
Chr. xxvii. 7).
5. ([Rom. Alsx. ss in 4; Vat Zm0»em-\Zeb»-
aSo.) Son of Michael of the sons of Shephetiah
(Ear. viii. 8). He returned with 80 of his dan ia
the second caravan with Kara. In 1 Esdr. viii. M
he la eaBrd Zaraias.
•• (ZoJJMo; [Vat] FA. Zejttsaa.) A
[This MB., however, Ho, 68, Is osacri bea ry ■sh aai
as "qnantlvls pntH." Camp. art. Bapnaanrr, p
3914. TheOem^R>tya>ttalarnadsl*aMr.--A.
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ZEBAH
•T the sera of tamer who had married a foreign
•rife after the return from Babylon (Kir. x. 80).
Called Zabdkus in 1 Kadr. iz. SI.
7. PHJT3T : Zafittiu; [Vat Zaxopuu :] Alex.
Zafia&iaf- 4)2mliat.) Third eoo of Meshelemiah
the Korhit* (1 Chr. xxtL S).
8. (Za0Ski; [V*t ZajSJeios.]) A Levite in
the reign of Jehosbaphat who ni aent to teach
the Law in the citiea of Judah (3 Chr. xvii. 8).
9. [As in 8.] The eon of Iahmael and prince
of the house of Judah in the reign of Jehotliaphat
(S Chr. zix 11). In conjunction with Amariah
the chief priest, he was appointed to the superin-
tendence of the I writes, priests and chief men who
had to decide all causes, civil and eecleshutical,
which were brought before them. They possibly
may have formed a kind of court of appeal, Zebe-
diah acting for the interests of the king, and Ama-
riah being the supreme authority in ecclesiastical
EEBBDEB
8695
ZrTBAH (TtJT [soenjfee]: z<$,4: Ztbtt).
One of the two •• kings " of Midian who appear to
have commanded the great invasion of Palestine,
snd who finally foil by the hand of Gideon him-
self. He is always coupled with Zalmunna, and is
mentioned in Judg. vill. 6-81 ; Ps. Ixxiiii. 11.
It is a reinarkaUe instanoe of the umooscious
artlessneas of the iiarratiTe contained in Judg. vi.
M-viii. 28, that no roeutioii is made of any of the
shierJt of the Midianites during the early part of the
story, or indeed until Gideon actually comes into
contact with them. We then discover (riii. 18)
that while the bedouins were ravaging the crops
in the valley of Jeareel, before Gideon's attack,
three « or more of his brothers had been captured
by the Aral*, and put to death by the hands of
Zelwh sad Zalmunna themselves. But this mate-
rial fact is only incidentally mentioned, and ia of a
piece with the later references by prophets and
psalmists to other events in the same struggle, the
interest and value of which have been alluded to
under Orrb.
Ps. lxxxiii. IS purports to have pr e served the
very words of the cry with which Zeba and Zal-
munna, rushed up at the head of their hordes from
the Jordan into the luxuriant growth of the great
plain, « Seize these goodly » pastures! "
While Oreb and Zeeb, two of the Inferior lead-
ers of the incursion, had been slain, with a vast
number of their people, by the Ephraimltes, at the
central fords of tie Jordan (not improbably those
■ear Jim- Dnmieh), the two kings had succeeded
in making their escape by a passage further to the
nrth (probably the ford near Beth-shean), and
thence by the Wady Yubii, through Gilead, to
Tarkor, a place which ia not fixed, but which lay
asabtleat high up on the Hauran. Here they
■are reposing with 15,000 men, a mere remnant of
their huge horde, when Gideon overtook them.
Had they relisted there ia little doubt that they
might have easily overcome the little band of
■ fainting " heroes who had toiled after them up
the tremendous passes of the mountains; but the
-mum of Gideon was still full of terror, and the
• Bfeaerlsaf^allovatblstormertbfenvmthe ass
«r the plural (net the dual) to the word brethren
Vs. »).
a Such Is the meaning of " pssturss of Qod " In
Bedoufaa were entirely unprepared tor his attack
— they fled in dismay, and the two kings were
taken.
Such was the Third Act of the great Tragedy.
Two more remain. First, the return down the
long defiles leading to the Jordan. We see the
cavalcade of cameis, jingling the golden chains, and
the orescent-shaped collars or trappings hung round
their necks. High aloft rode the captive chiefs
dad in their brilliant k^fiytht and embroidered «o-
bayeh; and with their "collars" or "Jewels" in
nose and ear, on neck and arm. Gideon probably
strode on foot by the tide of his captives. They
psaaed Penuei, where Jacob had seen the vision o(
the face of God; they passed Succoth; they
crossed the rapid stream of the Jordan ; they a»
eeoded the highlands west of the river, and at
length reached Ophrah, the native village of their
captor (Joseph. Ant. It. 7, § 5). Then at last the
question which must have been on Gideon's tongue
during the whole or the return found a vent There
is no appearance of its having been alluded to be-
fore, but It gives, ns nothing else could, the key to
the whole pursuit It was the death of his broth-
ers, "the children of his mother," that had sup-
plied the personal motive for that steady persever-
ance, and had led Gideon on to his goal against
hunger, fidntness, and obstacles of all kinds.
" What manner of men were they which ye slew
at Tabor? " Up to this time the sheikhs may
have believed that they were reserved for ransom ;
but these words once spoken there can have been
no doubt what their rate was to be. They met it
like noble children of the Desert, without fear or
weakness. One request alone they make — that
they may die by the sure blow of the hero himaaal
— " and Gideon arose and slew them ; " and not
till he had revenged his brothers did sny thought
of plunder enter his heart — then, snd not till then,
did be lay hands on the treasures which ornamented
their camels. Q.
ZEBA1M (0^5T!, in Neb. D^SH [on-
tabes] : [Vat] imoi *Ao-s0a>«u>; [Rom.] Alex,
'AtrfUmtlp; in Neb, »(. lafrdp [Vat Alex. FA.
•eua] : Aubaim, Bataint). The sons of Pochereth
of hat-Taebaim are mentioned hi the catalogue of
the families of " Solomon's slaves," who returned
from the Captivity with Zerubbaliel (Ezra II. 67;
Neb, Til. W). The name ia in the original all bat
identical with that of Zbboim.c the fellow-city of
Sodom ; and at many of " Solomon's slaves " ap-
pear to have been of Canaaoite d stock, it is possible
that the family of Pochereth were descended from
one of the people who escaped from Zeboim in the
day of the great catastrophe in the Valley of the
Jordan. This, however, can only be accepted as
conjecture, and on the other hand the two names
Pochereth hat-Taebaim are considered by some to
hare no reference to place, but to signify the
"enarer or hunter of roes " (Geseniua, Thet. p.
UOS *; Bertheau, Eweg. Htndi. Ear. U. 67).
G.
ZEB'EDEE O^IT or r*P73| [JdmaA'
gift]'. Z'jSfbuof). A fisherman of Galilee, the
lather of the Apostles James the Great and John
e arren to the double ytd. This name, on the
other hand. Is distinct tram the Zxsom of Benjamin,
if Sss Uus n otfco f more at langth radar I"
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8696
ZBBINA
(Matt. hr. 91), and the fanaband of Salome (Hast,
ixvil. 56; Mack xt. 40). He probably lived other
it Bethsaida or In iti immediate neighborhood.
It has been inferred from the mention of hit "hind
servants " (Hark i. 30), and from the acquaint-
ance between the Apostle John and Annas the
high-priest (John xviii. 15), that the family of
Zebedee were in easy circumstances (comp. John
viz. 97), although not above manual labor (Matt.
ir. 91). Although the name of Zebedee frequently
occurs as a patronymic, for the sake of distinguish-
ing his two sons from others who bore the tame
names, he appears only once in the Gospel narrative,
namely in Matt. ir. 21, 23, Mark i. 19, 20, when
he it teen in his boat with his two tons mending
their nets. On this occasion be allows hit toot to
leave him at the bidding of the Saviour, without
raiting any objection ; although it does not appear
that he was himself ever of the number of Christ's
disciples. Hit wife, indeed, appears in the cata-
logue of the pious women who were in constant
attendance on the Saviour towards the close of hit
ministry, who watched Him on the cross, and
ministered to Him even in the grave (Matt, xxvil.
55, 56 ; Mark xr. 40, xri. 1 ; comp. Matt. xx. 90,
and Luke viii. 3). It it reasonable to infer that
Zebedee was dead before this time. It is worthy
of notloe, and may perhaps be regarded aa a
minute confirmation of the evangelical narrative,
that the name of Zebedee la almost identical in
signification with that of John, since It it likely
that a father would desire that his own name
should be, at it were, continued, although in an
altered form. [Joust THE Afostlx.] W. B. J.
ZJBBI'NA (KJ'UT [eouoAtoraoU]: Z.$tr-
mir; [Vat Zav/Su>; FA. (with next word) Zeut-
HfinJha ;] Alex, omits: Zabma). One of the
sons of Nebo, who had taken foreign wives after
the return from Babylon (Ear. x. 43):
ZEBO'IM [or ZEBOI/IM]. Thit word
represents in the A. V. two names which in the
original are quite distinct
1. (D*l?, D^bS, C?VO?, and, in the
AX, DMaS: [ Bom - 3««"W a 3«f&W*H
[2f0oe(at; Vat 2*0smim i] Aha. Xt$cnu, Se-
•Wet* [le/JeMi*:] SeMm) One of the Ave
titles of the " plain " or circle of Jordan. It It
mentioned in Gen. x. 13, xiv. 3, 8; Dent xxix. 98;
tod Hot. xi. 8, in each of which postages it is
either coupled with Admah, or placed next it in
the lists. The name of iti king, Shemeber, it
areserved (Gen. xiv. 2); and It perhaps appears
again, at Zebaim, in the lists of the menials of
the Temple.
No attempt appears to have bean made to dis-
cover the site of Zeboim, till M. da Saulcy sug-
gested the Talia Stbaan, a name which he, and
be alone, reports at attached to extensive ruint on
the high ground between the Dead Sea and Kerak
( Voyayt, Jan. 23; Map, tht 7). Before however
this can be accepted, M. de Saulcy mutt explain
-ow a place which stood in the plain or circle of
a In Ota. x. 19 only, thlt appears In Tat. (Hal),
ttfimruU. [TB* Tat MS. dots not contain this part
efGeoesfc — A.]
e • The co nj e c t ur e of M. da Sauiey bat no appar-
ent basis ; but the pre s en t distance of the site from
me rhrar Is not a nttal objection to It. The explana-
tion asked for above, the reader will find from Mr.
trove's own pen In the truck Lor (U. 1886). 8. W.
8KBTJX
tit Jordan, tau have been situated ut the bit*
lands at least 50 miles from that river. [Sat
Sodom and Zoak.]
In Gen. xiv. 2, 8, the name is given in the A V
Zeboum, a more accurate representative of tht
form in which it appears in the original both then
and in Deut xxix, 23>
9. The Valley op Ziboix (EPyhJSn ">|*
[Vat] To. T»» 2tuwu> : [Rom. *U.' XmflU;
Comp. 2o3otr;J the passage is lost in Alex.: Valla
Stboim). He name dinars from the preceding,
not only in having the definite article attarhwi to
It, but also in containing the eharacterietie and
stubborn letter Am, which imparts a definite char
acter to the word in pronunciation. It wsa t
ravine or gorge, apparently east of Miebmaeh, men
tioned only in 1 Sam. xiii. 18. It it there de
scribed with a curious minuteness, whieh is un-
fortunately no longer intelligible. The road run-
ning from Michmash to the east, is specified at
" the road of the border that looketh to the ravine
of Zeboim towards the wilderness." The wilder-
nets (midbar) Is no doubt the district of uncultivated
mountain tops and sides which Bee between the
central district of Benjamin and the Jordan Val-
ley ; and here apparently the ravine of Zeboim
should be sought In that very district there it
a wild gorge, bearing the name of jSAavt td-DMri
(avyflJI {Jpb\* "ravine of the hyena," the
exact equivalent of fie Aot-fsecVia*. Up thit
gorge runs the path by whieh the writer was eon-
ducted from Jericho to Afukhmu, in 1858. It does
not appear that the name hat been noticed by
other travellers, but it is worth investigation. G.
• The name Zeboim (with the Am) also occurs
in Neb. xl 84 (Rom. Vat. Alex. FA.» omit; FA.t
St/Swi/a, Comp. 3<fWu), perhapt designating a
town near the ravine of the tame name. It it
mentioned in connection with Undid, NebeBai,
Lod and Ono. A.
ZEBU'DAH (iTTOt: Keri TWOI [often,
tateutd]: *I«AeVa>l [Vat IsAXo;] Alex, EuA-
|oe>; [Comp. ZoJBovoa >] SeWo). Daughter of
Pedaiah of Roman, wife of Josiah and mother of
king Jehoiakim (9 K. xxiii. 86). The Peshito-
Syriao and Arabia of the London Polyglot read
TTVSI » *b« Targum hat TTTCtt.
ZE'BTJL fi%] [kttUatkm, chamber]: %+
j8eo\: Zeowl). Chief man ("fa, A. V. » ruler":
of the city of Shechetn at the time of the contest
between Abimekwh and the native Canaaanitoa.
His name occurs Judg. Ix. 88, 30, 88, 88, 41. He
governed the town at the "officer " (TpB : Mr
mvot) of Abimdesh while the biter waa absent,
and be took part against the Caoaanites by shut-
ting them out of the city when Abi n c l ec h was
encamped outside it Hit eonversatfon with GtaJ
the Canaanite leader, aa they stood in the gate of
Shechem watching the approach of the
bands, gives Zebu] a certain individuality ai
the many characters of that time of eoofuaion.
a
e The writer was eeeetansakjd by Mr. Osst m l B. I
Rogers, well known as on of the beet living s eaa t sts
In the common Arabic, who wrote down the name lei
him at the moment [Dr. Ten Dyes. wrUss Ike taw
word without doobltaf the >. — A.1
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ZBBUIiONlTK
KKBtTLONITK O^S^n, with the def.
allele [fit.] : „ Za0ovA«Wnrt [Vst. -»«-] ; Aid.
to both rem*, a Zafltanrrntt Zabuhniltt), i. t.
member of the tribe of Zebulun. Applied only to
Elok, the one judge produced by the tribe (Jadg.
ill. 11, 12). The article being found in the origi-
nal, the aentenee abould read, "Hon the Zebulon-
He." G.
ZBB-ULUN (l^t, }^CH, and "llVcfl
[abode, aWnno] : ZajSwAoV : Zalmlon). The
tenth of the eons of Jacob, according to the order
hi which their birth* are enumerated; the tilth
and bet of Leah (Gen. us. SO, xxxv. 23, xhri. 14;
1 Chr. U. 1). Hie birth is recorded in Gen. zxx.
19, 20, when the origin of the name » a> uenal
ascribed to an exclamation of bis mother's, » ' Now
wilt my htuband * dwell-with-me (uscaM), for I
ban borne him six aout! * and she called hit name
Zebutuii."
Of the iudividnal Zebalnn nothing fa) recorded.
The Hat of Gen. xlvi. ascribe* to him three sons,
founders of the chief families of the tribe (couip.
Num. xxvi. 26) at the time of the migration to
Egypt. In the Jewish traditions he is named as
the first of the five who were presented by Joseph
to Pharaoh — Dan, Naphtali, Gad, and Asber be-
ing the others ( Targ. Pttwtjmt. on Gen. zlrii. 2).
During the Journey from Kgypt to IHdestine the
tribe of Zebulun formed one of the first camp,
with Judah and Issachar (also sons of Leah),
marching under the standard of Judah. Its num-
bers, at the census of Sinai, were 67,000, surpassed
only by Simeon, Dan, and Judah. At that of
Shittim they were 60,50(1, not having diminished,
but not having increased nearly so much ss might
naturally be expected. The head of the tribe at
Sinai was Eliab son of Helon (Num. rii. 24); at
BhUoh, Kliraphan sou of Parnach (to. xxxiv. 25).
Its representative amongst the spies was (iaddiel
eon of bodi (xiii. 10). Besides what may be im-
plied in its appearances in these lists, the tribe is
not recorded to have taken part, for evil or good, in
any of the events of the wandering or the conquest.
Its allotment was the third of the second distribu-
tion (Josh. xix. 10). Judah, Joseph, Benjamin,
had acquired the south and the centre of the
country. To Zebulun fell one of the fairest of the
remaining portions. It is perhaps impossible, in
the present state of our knowledge, exactly to de-
fine its limits : c but the statement of Joeephus
(AM. v. 1, § 22) is probably iu the main correct,
that it reached on the one aide to the lake of Gen-
neaaret, and on the other to Carmel and the Med-
iterranean. Ob the south it was bounded by
l—ntisr who lay in the great plain or valley of
the Kiskon; on the north It had Naphtali and
ZBBULTJN
850.
Asber. In this district the tribe po ssessed the
outlet (the " going-out," Deut xxxiii. 18) of tbs
plain of Akta; the fisheries of the lake of Galilee:
the splendid agricultural capabilities of the great
plain of the Bxttnuf (equal in fertility, and almost
equal in extent, to that of Jexreel, and with the
Immense advantage of not being, as that was, the
high road of the Bedouins); and, last not least, it
included sites so strongly fortified by nature, that
in the later struggles of the nation they proved
more impregnable than any In the whole country.*
The sacred mountain of Tabor, Zebulun appears
to have shared with Issachar (Deut. xxxiii. 10),
and it and Simmon wen allotted to the Mersrits
Invites (1 Cbr. vi. 77). But these ancient sanc-
tuaries of the tribe were eclipsed by those which
arose within it afterwards, when the name of Zeb-
ulun was superseded by that of Galilee. Nazareth,
Cans, Tiberias, and probably the land of Genaeae-
ret itself, were all situated within its limits.
The fact recognized by Joeephus that Zebulun
extended to the Mediterranean, though not men-
tioned or implied, as for as we can discern, in the
lists of Joshua and Judges, is alluded to in the
Blessing of Jacob (Gen. xilx. 18) c —
n zebulun dweus at to* shore of the asas,
s>en he at the shore of ships :
And his thighs are upon Zldon " —
a passage which seems to show that at the
date at which it was written, the tribe was taking
a part in Phoenician • commerce. The " way of
the sea " (Is. ix. 1), the great road from Damascus
to the Mediterranean, traversed a good portion of
the territory of Zebulun, and must have brought
its people into contact with the merchants and the
commodities of Syria, Phoenicia, and Kgypt.
Situated so far from the centre of government,
Zebulun remains throughout the history, with one
exception, in the obscurity which envelops the
whole of the northern tribes. That exception,
however, is a remarkable one. The conduct of tbs
tribe during the struggle with Sisera, when they
fought with desperate valor side by side with then-
brethren of Naphtali, was such as to draw down
the especial praise of Deborah, who singles these
out from all the other tribes (Jndg. v. 18):—
« Zebulun Is a people that threw away Its lit) even
unto death :
And NaphssH, on Ins high places of the laid."
The same poem contains an expression which asanas
to imply that, apart from the distinction gained by
their conduct in this oontest, Zebulun was already
in a prominent position among the tribes: —
« Out of Haehlr came down governors ;
And out of Zebulun those that handle the pan (as
the wand) of the scribe ; "
a Of these three forms the list Is employed in
iSeaaats, Isaiah, Psalms, and Chronicles, except Gen.
.». u, sod 1 Cbr. xxvIL 1» ; also occasionally in
lodges j the second la round in the rest of the Penta-
<eueh, In Joshua, Judges, mallei, and the above place
a Chronicles. The third and more extended form la
amnd in Judg. 1. SO only. The first and second are
■sad ludUKrlmlnately : «. gr- J udg. Iv 6 and V. 18
exhibit the Srst ; Judg. Iv. 10 and v. 14 the assond
tanu.
» This stay Is not pt sc tiw d iu the original of the
• Blessing of Jacob," though the language of the A.
» Implies It. The word rendered " dwell " Is Geo.
tax II Is 7'~l27\ with no relation to the name Zsb-
ulnn. The LXX. put a different point on the ax
elamatton of Leah > " kty husband will ebooea me '■
(aipcnK Ml- This, however, hardly Implies any
difference in the original text. Josephus (.sal. L It,
t 8) gives only a general explanation : "a pledge of
goodwill towards her."
e (lew of the towns In the catalogue of Josh. xta.
10-16 have been Identified. The tribe Is omitted to
the lists of 1 Chronicles.
t Sspphoria, Jotapate, fee.
• In the "Tsataaamt of ftaMaa n (labrhaus,
FtwUpitr. T. T. 1. 680-16) great stress Is laid on his
skill In taming, and he la oommemorassd ss the fits*
to navigate a skiff on the sea.
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3698 ZEBULTJNITES
referring probably to the office™, who registered
end marshalled the wurion of the hott (eomp.
Josh, i 10). One of these " scribes " may hare
been Eloh, the single judge produced by the tribe,
who is recorded as baring held office for tan years
(Judg. xii. 11, 12).
A similar reputation U alluded to in the men-
tion of the tribe among those who attended the
inauguration of David's reign at Hebron. The
expressions are again peculiar: "Of Zebulun such
sa went forth to war, rangers of battle, with all
tools of war, 50,000; who eould set the battle in
wrar; they were not of double heart" (1 Chr. xii.
18). The same passage, however, shows that
while proficient in the arte of war they did not
neglect those of peace, but that on the wooded
hills and fertile plains of their district they pro-
duced bread, meal, figs, grapes, wine, oil, oxen, and
sheep in abundance (rer. 40). The bead of the
tribe at ibis time was Iahmaiah ben-Obadiah (1
Chr. xxrii. 19).
We are nowhere directly told that the people of
Zebulun were carried off to Assyria. TigkUh-
pileser swept away the whole of Naphtali (9 K. xr.
89; Tob. i. 2), and Shalmaneser in the same way
took "Samaria" (xrii. 6); but though the de-
portation of Zebulun and Issacbar is not in so
many words asserted, there is the statement (xrii.
18) that the whole of the northern tribes were
removed; and there is also the well-known allusion
of Isaiah to the affliction of Zebulan and Naphtaii
(ix. 1), which can hardly point to anything but
she invasion of Tiglath-piieser. It is satisfactory
to reflect that the very latest mention of the Zebu-
ZBCHABIAH
(unites is the account of the visit of a large num-
ber of them to Jerusalem to the Passover of Ue»-
ekiah, when, by the enlightened liberality of the
king, they were enabled to eat the feast, even
though, through long neglect of the provisions
of the Law, they were not cleansed in the manner
prescribed by the ceremonial law. In the visions
of Esekiel (xhriii. 26-33) and of St. John (Rev.
vii. 8) this tribe finds its-due mention. G.
ZEBTJLTJNITBS, THB ^ihOfTl, i e.
"the Zebukmite" [pan-.]: ZufiooXAp: Zabmlom).
The members of the tribe of Zebulun (Num. xxvi.
17 only). It would be more literally accurate if
spelt Zebulohites. * G.
ZEOHARI'AH flTnjT fVeAoeu* remem-
*•»»]! Zax«W<" : ^odumai). 1. The eleventh
ia order of the twelve minor prophets. Of hie
personal history we know but little. He is called
ia his prophecy the son of Berechiah, and the
grandson of Iddo, whereas in the book of Esra (r.
1, vi. 14) he ia said to hare been the son of Iddo.
Various attempts have been made to reconcile this
discrepancy. Cyril of Alexandria (Prtf. Com-
wteut. ad Ztck.) supposes thai Berechiah was the
father of Zeehariah, according to the flesh, and
that Iddo was bis instructor, and might be re-
garded as his spiritual father. Jerome too, accord-
ing to some MSS., has in Zeeh. 1. 1, "filium
Buracbias, filium Addo," as if he supposed that
Berechiah and Iddo were different names of the
raoie person ; and the same mistake occurs In the
LSX. : ror toS Bopax'ov, <>B>r ' ASSti. Gcsentus
ILm. *. v. 15) and Bosenmuller (On Ztck. L 1)
take "1J in the passages in Earn to mean '
son," as in Gen. xxix. 6 Laban is termed "tin
son," <*. e. "grandson," of Nabor. Others, again,
have suggested that in the text of Eara no men-
tion is made of Berechiah, because be was akready
dead, or because Iddo was the more distinguished
person, and the generally recognized head of the
family. Knobel thinks that the name of Berechiah
has crept into the present text of Zeehariah from
Isaiah riii. 2, where mention is made of a .Zeeha-
riah " the son of Jebtrtduat," which is virtually
the same name (LXX. Booaxfou) as Berechiah."
His theory is that chapters ix.-xi. of our present
book of Zeehariah are really the week of the older
Zeehariah (Is. riii. 2); that a later scribe finding
the two books, one bearing the name of Zeehariah
the son of Iddo, and the other that of Zeehariah the
son of Berechiah, united them into one, and at the
same time combined the titles of the two, and that
hence arose the confusion which at present exists.
Tnis, however, ia hardly a probable hypothesis.
It is surely more natural to suppose, as the prophet
himself mentions his father's name, whereas the
historical books of Eara and Nehemiah mention
only Iddo, that Berechiah bad died early, and that
there was now no intervening link between the
grandfather and the grandson. The son, in giving
his pedigree, does not omit his father's name: the
historian passes it over, sa of one who was but
little known, or already forgotten. This view is
confirmed if we suppose the Iddo here mentioned
to have been the Iddo the priest who, in Neh. xii
4, is said to bare returned from Babylon in com-
pany with Zerubbabel and Joshua. He is there
'said to bare bad a son Zeehariah (ver. 18), who
was contemporary with Joiakim the son of Joshua;
and this falls in with the hypothesis that, owing
to some unexplained cause — perhaps the death of
his father — Zeehariah became the next repre-
sentative of the family after his grandfather Iddo.
Zeehariah, according to this view, like Jeremiah
and Esekiel before him, was priest as well as
prophet. He seems to hare entered upon his office
while yet young O^JOj Zeeh. ii. 4; eomp. Jer. L
8), and must have been ton in Babylon, wham
he returned with the first caravan of exiles under
Zerubbabel and Joshua.
It was in the eighth month, in the second year
of Darius, that be first pubBdy discharged his
office. In this he acted in concert with Haggai,
who must have been considerably hie senior, if, at
seems not improbable, Haggai had been carried
into captivity, and hence had himself been one of
those who bad seen "the house" of Jehovah "in
her first glory " (Hag. ii. 8). Both prophets had
the same great object before them ; both directed
all their energies to the building of the Second
Temple. Haggai seems to have led the way In tins
work, and then to bare left it chiefly in the hands
of his younger contemporary. The foundations of
the new building had already been laid in the time
of Cyrus; but during the reigns of Cambyses and
the peeudo-Smerdis the work bad been broken off
through the Jealousies of the Samaritans. Whan,
however, Darius Hystaspis ascended the throne.
(621), things took a more favorable turn. He
seems to bare been a large-hearted and gracious
prince, and to have bean wag-disposed towards the
■ As HesakUh (Is. 1. 1, Has. 1. 1) and Jehssarteh
8) K. xvUl 1, 9. 10), Ooulab (Jer. xxH. 24. xxxvU. 1)
and Jocetriatt (Jer. xxfv. 1, xavn. 20), AsM (1 Ote. rt
») and JaaaU (1 Oar. xr. 18).
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ZBCHABTAH
lews. Encouraged by *.•>« hopes which his s«-
icaslon held out, the prophets exerted themselves
o the utmost to secure the completion of the
Temple.
It is impossible not to tee of how great moment,
under such circumstances, and for the discharge of
the special duty with which he was entrusted,
would be the priestly origin of Zechariah.
Too often the prophet had had to stand forth in
direct antagonism to the priest In an age when
the service of God had stiffened into formalism,
and the priests' lips no longer kept knowledge, the
prophet was the witness for the truth which la;
beneath the outward ceremonial, and without which
the outward ceremonial was worthless. But the
thing to be dreaded now was not superstitious
formalism, but cold neglect. There was no fear
now last in a gorgeous temple, amidst the splen-
dors of an imposing tibial and the smoke of
sacrifices erer ascending to heaven, the heart and
life of religion should be lost. The fear was all the
other way, lest even the body, the outward form
and service, should lie suffered to decay.
The foundations of the Temple had indeed been
•id, bat that was all (Ezr. r. 16). Discouraged
by the opposition which they had encountered at
first, the Jewish colony had begun to build, and
were not able to finish; and even when the letter
came from Darius sanctioning the work, and prom-
ising his protection, they showed no hearty dis-
position to engage in it. At such a time, no mors
fitting instrument could be found to rouse the
people, whose heart had grown cold, than one who
u-lted to the authority of the prophet the zeal and
the traditions of a sacerdotal family.
Accordingly, to Zechariah's influence we find
the rebuilding of the Temple in a great measure
ascribed. " And the elders of the Jews builded,"
it is laid, " and they prospered through the proph-
esying of Haggai the prophet, and Zechariah the
ton of «ddo" (Est. vi. 11). It is remarkable that
in this juxtaposition of the two names both are not
styled prophets: not u Haggai and Zechariah the
prophet*," but " Haggai the prophet, and Zecha-
riah Ate •on of Iddo." Is it an improbable con-
jecture that Zechariah Is designated by his father's
(or grandfather's) name, rather than by his office,
in order to remind us of his priestly character?
Be this as it may, we find other indications of the
close union which now subsisted between the priests
and the prophets. Various events connected with
the taking of Jerusalem and the Captivity in Baby-
lon had led to the institution of solemn fast-days;
tad we find that when a question arose as to the
propriety of observing these fast-days, now that the
eity and the Temple were rebuilt, the question wss
referred to " the priests which were in the house of
Jehovah, and to the prophets,"— a recognition, not
only of the joint authority, but of the harmony
subsisting between the two bodies, without parallel
m Jewish history. The manner, too, in which
Joshua the high-priest is spoken of in this proph-
ZECHAKIAH
3599
■ Heme Psrad-JSplpoanlua, speaking of Haggai , says
ul aVT&c fyoAAcr ixtl rpwroc aAAifAoifia (in allusion
* the Hallelujah with whleh soma of tone Psalms
•agio) iid Xtyuur aAXaXovta ( tartr tiftra 'Ayyafoe
nmVZe.x*puK.
■ Tr. HsgUlt, M. 17, %. 18, 1 ; Beshl ad Babm
■ettra, fbl 16, 1.
« Pssud-Eplph.de Proph. cap. 21, oCnx $»Wr Sort
<•> XaXia&w 4*s Tpofitprftin col hm Zr iroAU «f
eoy shows how lively a sympathy Zechariah fel
towards him.
Later traditions assume, what ia indeed very
probable, that Zechariah took personally an active
part in providing for the liturgical service of the
Temple. He and Haggai are both said to have
composed psalms with this view. According to
the LXX., Pss. exxxvii., cxlr.-cxlvlii. ; according
to the Peshito, Pss. exxv., exxvi.; according to
the Vulg., Ps. cxi.; are psalms of Haggai and
Zechariah." The triumphant " Hallelujah," with
which many of them open, was supposed to be
characteristic of those psalms which were first
chanted in the Second Temple, and came With an
emphasis of meaning from the lips of those who
had been restored to their native land. Toe allu-
sions, moreover, with which these psalms abound,
as well as their place in the psalter, leave us in no
doubt as to the time when they were composed,
and lend confirmation to the tradition respecting
their authorship.
If the later Jewish accounts' may be trusted,
Zechariah, as well as Haggai, was a member of
the Great Synagogue. The patristic notices of the
prophet are worth nothing. According to these,
he exercised his prophetic office in Chaldna, and.
wrought many miracles there; returned to Jeru-
salem at an advanced age, where he discharged the
duties of the priesthood, and where he died and
was buried by the side of Haggai."
The genuine writings of Zechariah help us but
little in our estimation of his character. Soma
faint traces, however, we may observe in them of
his education in Babylon. Leas free and inde-
pendent than he would hare been, had his test trod
from childhood the soil, —
" Where each old poeoo mountain
Inspiration breathed around,"
he leans avowedly on the authority of the older
prophets, and copies their expressions. Jeremiah
especially seems to have been his favorite; and
hence the Jewish saying, that " the spirit of Jere-
miah dwelt in Zechariah." But in what may be
called the peculiarities of his prophecy, he ap-
proaches more nearly to Esekiel and Daniel like
them he delights in visions; like them he use*
symbols and allegories, rather than the bold figures
and metaphors which lend so much force and
beauty to the writings of the earlier prophets,
like them he beholds angels ministering before
Jehovah, and fulfilling his behests on the earth.
He is the only one of the prophets who speaks of
Satan. That some of these peculiarities are owing
to his Chaldamn education can hardly be doubted.
It is at least remarkable that both Ezekiel and
Daniel, who must have been influenced by the
same associations, should in some of these respects
so closely resemble Zechariah, widely as they differ
from him in others.
Even in the form of the visions a careful crit-
icism might perhaps discover some traces of the
Xai no ^ ww r , as*. Dorotheas, m. 1*4 : " Hie Zeea.
arias * Chakuea venit cum state Jam asset prevents
atque ibl populo mulls vaocuuUus est prodlguurae
proband! gratia sdldit, st sacerdotio Hleroaolymls fane*
tui sat," ste. Wdorns, cap. El. " Zachsriu a* regions
Ohaldawrom valde sanex in terrain ■nam nratsas est,
In qua st mortuos sat as sapultns Juxta Afgatdm qu*
•sett in pan "
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8600
ZECHARIAH
prophet's early training. PaMiUy the " valety of
mjrtles" in the first vision ma; here been sug-
gested by ChakUsa rather than by Palestine. At
uy rate it U a curious bet that myrtles are never
mentioned in the history of the Jem before toe
exile. They are found, betide* this paiaage of
Zechariah, in the Deutero-Isaiah ill. 19, hr. 13,
and in Neh. viil. 15. a The forme of trial in the
third vision, where Joehua the high-priest 1* ar-
raigned, atem borrowed from the practice of Per-
sian rather than Jewish court* of law. The filthy
garment* in which Joshua appears are those which
the accused mutt assume when brought to trial;
the white robe put upon him is the caftan or robe
of honor which to this day in the East is put upon
the minister of state who hss been acquitted of the
charges laid against him.
The vision of the woman in the Ephah it also
oriental in its character. Ewald refers to a very
similar vision in Tod's Rnjatlhan, U ii. p. 688.
Finally, the chariots issuing from between two
mountains of brass must have been suggested, there
aan scarcely be any doubt, by some Persian sym-
Otber peculiarities of style must be noticed,
when we come to discuss the question of the In-
tegrity of the Book. Generally speaking, Zecha-
rlah's style is pure, and remarkably free from
Cbaldaitms. As Is common with writers in the
decline of a language, he seems to have striven to
imitate the purity of the earlier models; but in
orthography, and in the use of some words and
phrases, be betrays the influence of a later age.
He writes fit*, and T1J, and employs PPrjl
(v. 7) in its later use at the indefinite article, and
fYniptyt with the fern, termination (lv. IS). A
full collection of these peculiarities will be found in
Kiieter, Mtkttmata ta .ZecA., etc.
Contents of the Prophecg. — The book of Zech-
ariah, in its existing form, consists of three prin-
cipal parts, shape, i— viii., chaps, ix.-xi., chaps.
xii-xiv.
I. The first of these divisions is allowed by all
critics to be the genuine work of Zechariah the son
of Iddo. It consists, first, of a short Introduction
or preface, in which the prophet announces his
commission ; then of a series of visions, descriptive
of all those hopes and anticipations of which the
bnilding of the Temple was the pledge and sure
foundation ; and finally of a discourse, delivered two
years later, in reply to questions respecting the ob-
servance of certain established fasts.
1. The short Introductory oracle (chap. 1. 1-6)
a a warning voice from the past. The prophet
solemnly reminds the people, by an appeal to the
experience of their fathers, that no word of (jod
had ever (alien to the ground, and that therefore,
if with sluggish indifference they refuted to eo-
■ In the last passage the people are told to " Men
olrre-brenehec and evprese-branofaw, and myrtie-
branchee sod pain-branches .... to make booths "
lor the celebration of the Viast of Tabernacles. It Is
Interesting to compare this with the original direotton,
ts given in the wilderness, when the only trees men-
dined are " palms and willows of the brook.'' Pales-
ine was rich in the olive and cypress. la ft very im-
stobable that the myrtle may have been an importa-
us mm Babylon ? father was also called Hadettah
the myrtle), perhaps her Persian designation (Ksth. tt.
I; and the myrtle le said to be a native of Persia.
ZECHARIAH
operate in the building oi the Temple, they man
expect the judgments of God. This warning
manifestly rests upon the former warnings of Hag
gti.
8. In a dream of the night there pasted before
the eyes of the prophet a series of visions (chap.
L 7-vi. 15) descriptive in their different aspect* of
evente, some of them shortly to come to peat, and
others losing themselves in the mitt of the future.
These visions are obscure, and accordingly the
prophet asks their meaning. The interpretation it
given, not as to Amos by Jehovah Himself, but by
an angel who knows the mind and will of Jehovah,
who intercedes with Him for others, and by whom
Jehovah speaks and issues his commands: at one
time he it called " the angel who spake with ate "
[or "by me"] (1. 9); at another, "the angel of
Jehovah " (L 11, IS, iii. l-«).
(1.) In the first vision (chap. L 7-18) the prophet
tees, in a valley of myrtles,* a rider upon a rata
horse, accompanied by others who, having been sent
forth to the four quarters of the earth, had returned
with the tidings that the whole earth was at rest
(with reference to Hag. ii. 30). Hereupon the
angel asks how long this state of things shall hat,
and is assured that the indifference of the heathen
shall cease, and that the Temple shall be built in
Jerusalem. This vision seems to have been partly
borrowed from Job i- 7, etc
(9.) The second vision (chap. ii. 1-17, A. V. i.
18-iL 13) explains kov the promise of the first is
to be fulfilled. The four horns are the symbols of
the different heathen kingdoms in the four quarters
of the world, which have hitherto combined against
Jerusalem. The four carpenters or smiths sym-
bolise their destruction. What follows, ii. 6-9
(A V. ii. 1-6), betokens the vastly extended area
of Jerusalem, owing to the rapid increase of the
new population. The old prophet*, in foretelling
the happiness and glory of the times which should
succeed the Captivity in Babylon, had made a great
part of that happiness and glory to consist in the
gathering together again of the whole dispersed
nation in the land given to their fathers. This
vision was designed to teach that the expectation
thus raised — the return of the dispersed of Israel
— should be fulfilled; that Jerusalem should be toe
large to be compassed about by a wall, but that
Jehovah Himself would be to her a wall of fire—
a light and defense to the holy city, and destruc-
tion to her adversaries. A song of joy, in prospect
of so bright a future, closes the scene.
(8.) The next two visions (iii. iv.) are occupied
with the Temple, and with the two principal per-
sons on whom the hopes of the returned exiles
rested. The permission granted for the rebuilding
of the Temple had no doubt stirred afresh the
malice and the animosity of the enemies of the
Jews. Joshua the high-priest had been singled
out, it would seem, at the especial object of attack.
» Kwald understands by TT vSQ not R a vauey '
as the A. V. renders, but the heaven)}
tent or tabernacle (the expression being ohceea wttfe
reference to the Mosaic tabernacle), which k the
dwelling-place of Jehovah. Instead of " myrtles " he
understands by D^DTH (with the LXX- awe srfewe
me epe W reW emveevutv) tt mou nt ai n s , " and empseecj
these to be the " two moemtalns " awatwned vi 1
and which are there called " mountain e braes **
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ZECHARIAH
■d perhaps formal accusations had already ban
kid mgaimt him before the Pereian court.' 1 The
prophet, in vision, tee* him •uuimoiied before m
higher tribunal, and solemnly acquitted, despite the
oharga of the Satan or Adversary. This ia done
with the form* still usual in an eastern court.
The filthy garments in which the accused is expected
(n stand are taken away, and the caftan or robe of
honor is put upon him in token that his innocence
has been established. Acquitted at that bar, he
need not fear, it is implied, any earthly accuser.
He shall be protected, be shall carry on the build-
ing of tbe Temple, be shall so prepare the way for
the coming of the Messiah, and upon the foun-
dation-stone laid before him shall the seren eyes
of God, the token of his ever-watchful Providence,
rest.
(4.) The lost vision (iv.) supposes that all oppo-
sition to tbe building of the Temple shall be re-
moved. This sees the completion of the work. It
has evidently a peculiarly impressive character; for
the prophet, though his dream still coutinues,
seems to himself to be awakened out of it by the
angel who speaks to him. The candlestick (or
more properly chandelier) with seven lights (bor-
rowed from the candlestick of the Mosaic Taber-
nacle, Ex. xxv. 31 ff.) supposes that the Temple is
already finished. Tbe seven pipes which supply
each lamp answer to tbe seven eyes of Jehovah iu
the preceding vision (Hi. 9), and this sevenfold
■apply of oil denotes the presence and operation of
the Divine Spirit, through whose aid Zerubbabel
will overcome all obstacles, so that, as his hands
had laid the foundation of the house, his hands
should also finish it (iv. 9). The two olive-branches
of the vision, belonging to the olive-tree standing
by the candlestick, are Zerubbabel himself and
Joshua.
The two next visions (v. 1-11) signify that the
land, in which the sanctuary has just been erected,
shall be purged of all its pollutions.
(5.) First, tbe curse is recorded against wicked-
ness in the whole kind (not in the whole earth, as
A- V. ), v. 3 ; that due solemnity may be given to
ft, it is inscribed upon a roll, and the roll U repre-
sented ss flying, in order to denote the speed with
which the curse will execute itself.
(6.) Next, the unclean thing, whether in the
form of idolatry or any other abomination, shall be
utterly removed. Caught and shut up as it were
in a cage, like some savage beast, and pressed down
with a weight as of lead upon it so that it cannot
escape, it shall be carried into that land where all
evil things have long made their dwelling (Is. xxxiv.
18), the land of Babylon (Shinar, r. 11), from
which Israel had been redeemed.
(7.) And now the night ia waning fast, and the
morning la about to dawn. Chariots and hones
appear, issuing from between two brazen moun-
tains, tbe horses like those in the first vision ; and
these receive their several command* and an sent
forth to execute the will of Jehovah in the four
quarter* of tbe earth. The four chariots are images
of the lour winds, which, according to Ps. civ. 8,
ss servants of God, fulfill his behests; and of the
sne that goes to the north it is particularly said
fat it shall let the Spirit of Jehovah rest there —
t it a spirit of anger against tbe nations, Assyria,
iabykm, Persia, or is it a spirit of hope and desire
it return in the hotrta of those of the exiles who
UECBARIAH
8601
• So Bwald. Die Prophet**, a. 63b,
still lingered in the land or their eaptivity 1 StSha-
lin, Maurer, and others adopt the former view,
which seems to be in accordance with tbe preceding
vision : Ewald gives the latter interpretation, and
thinks it ia supported by what follows.
Thus, then, the cycle of visions is completed.
Scene after scene is unrolled till the whole glowing
picture is presented to the eye. AU enemies
crushed ; the land repeopled and Jerusalem girt as
with a wall of fire; the Temple rebuilt, more truly
splendid than of old, because mora abundantly filled
with a Divine Presence; tbe leaders of tbe people
assured in tbe most signal manner of the Divine
protection ; all wickedness solemnly sentenced, and
the land forever purged of it: such is the mag-
nificent panorama of hope which the prophet dis-
plays to his countrymen.
And very consolatory must such a prospect ban
seemed to tin weak and disheartened colony in Je-
rusalem. For tbe times were dark and troublous.
According to recent interpretations of newly-dis-
covered inscriptions, it would appear that Darius I.
found it no easy task to hold his vast dominions.
Province after province had revolted both in the
east and in the north, whither, according to the
prophet (vL 8), tbe winds had carried the wrath
of (iod; and if the reading Mudraja, i. e. Egypt, is
correct (Lassen gives Kurdistan), Egypt must have
revolted before the outbreak mentioned in Herod,
vii. 1, and have again been reduced to subjection.
To such revolt there may possibly be an allusion
in the reference to " the land of the south " (vL
6).
It would seem that Zechariah anticipated, as a
consequence of these perpetual insurrections, ths
weakening and overthrow of the Persian mon-
archy and the setting up of the kingdom of God,
for which Judah in faith and obedience was to
wait."
Immediately on these visions there follows a
symbolical act. Three Israelites had just returned
from Babylon, bringing with them rich gifts to
Jerusalem, apparently as contributions to the- Tem-
ple, and had been received in the house of Josiah
tbe son of Zephaniah. Thither the pcopbet is
commanded to go, — whether still in a dream or
not, is not very clear, — and to employ the silver
and the gold of their offerings for the service of
Jehovah. He is to make of them two crowns, and
to place these on the head of Joshua the high -
priest, — a sign that in the Messiah who should
build the Temple, the kingly and priestly offices
should be united. This, however, is expressed
somewhat enigmatically, as if king and priest
should be perfectly at one, rather than that tbe
same person should be both king and priest. These
crowns moreover, were to be a memorial in honor
of those by whose liberality they had been made,
and should serve at the same time to excite other
rieh Jews still living in Babylon to the t'ke lib-
erality. Hence their symbolical purpose having
been accomplished, they were to be laid ap in the
Temple.
8. From this time, foe a space of nearly two
years, the prophet's voice was silent, or his words
Lave not been recorded. But in tbe fourth year
of King Darius, in the fourth day of the ninth
month, there came a deputation of Jews to the
Tempi*, anxious to know whether the fast-day*
which bad been instituted during the seventy
» StabeUn. WbUeie. «•«•**■> SUca o. 818
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3602
ZEOHARIAH
years' captivity were (till to be observed. On the
one hand, now that the Captivity mi at an end,
and Jernaalem mi rising from her ashes, each eet
timet of mourning teemed quite out of place. On
the other hand, there wat ttill much grounc fcc
nriona nne aaiu e a ij for tome time after their return
they had lufftred severely from drought and famine
(Hag. i. 6-11), and who oould tell that they would
not so rafter again 1 the hostility of their neigh-
bor! had not stated ; they were ttill regarded with
no oommon jealousy; and large nnmbun of their
brethren had not yet returned from Babylon. It
wat a question therefore, that teemed to admit of
much debate.
It it remarkable, at hat been already noticed,
that this question thould have been addressed to
priests and prophet! conjointly in the Temple.
This close alliance between two classes hitherto to
separate, and often so antagonistic, wat one of the
most hopeful circumstances of the timet. Still
Zecharish, as chief of the prophets, hat ths decision
of this question. Some of the priesta, it is evident
(tU. 7), were Inclined to the more gloomy view;
but not to the prophet In language worthy of
hit position and hit office, language which reminds
nt of one of the most striking passages of hit great
predecessor (Is. Mil. 5-7), be lays down the suns
principle that God lores mercy rather than fasting,
and truth and righteousness rather than sackcloth
and a tad countenance. If tbey had perished, he
reminds them it was because their hearts were
hard while they fatted ; if they would dwell safely,
they mutt abstain from fraud and violence and not
from food (vil. 4-14).
Again he foretellt, but now In vision, the glori-
ous timet that are near at hand when Jehovah
shall dwell In the midst of them, and Jerusalem be
called a city of truth. He sect her streets thronged
by old and young, her exiles returning, her Temple
standing in all its beauty, her land rich In fruitful-
dcss, her people a praise and a blessing in the earth
(riii. 1-15). Again, he declares that " truth and
peace " (vr. 18, 19) are the bulwarks of national
prosperity. And once more reverting to the ques-
tion which had been raised concerning the observ-
ance of the fasts, ha snnounces, in obedience to the
command of Jehovah, not only that ths fasts are
abolished, but that the days of mourning shall
henceforth be days of joy, the fasts lie counted for
festivals. His prophecy conclude! with a prediction
that Jerusalem shall be the centre of religious wor-
ship to all nations of the earth (viii. 16-93).
II. The remainder of the book consists of two
sections of about equal length, ii.-xl. and xii.-xiv.,
each of which has an inscription. They have the
general prophetic tone and character, and in subject
they so far harmonize with i.-viii., that the prophet
seeks to comfort Judah in a season of depression
with the hope of a brighter future.
1. In the first section be threatens Damascus
and the tea-coast of Palestine with misfortune; but
declares that Jerusalem shall be protected, for Je-
huvah himself shall encamp about her (where li. 8
reminds us of ii. 5) ; her (ting shall come to her,
he shall speak peace to the heathen, so that all
weapons of war shall perish, and his dominion shall
be to the ends «f the earth. The Jews who are
still in captivity thall return to their land; tbey
shell be mightier than Javan (or Greece); and
Ephnim and Judah once more united shall van-
naaa all enemies, The land too shall be fruitful
■ «f see (crop, rii 19). The Tataphim and the
ZICHAKIAH
Use prophets may indeed have spoken Baa, be*
upon these will the Lord execute judgment, and
then He will look with favor upon bis people and
bring back both Judah and Ephraim from tfaess
captivity. The possession of Guead and Lebauox,
u again premised, at the special portion of Ephrahn.
and both Egypt and Assyria shall be broken and
humbled.
The prophecy now takes a sodden tarn. Aa
enemy it teen approaching from the north, who
having forced the narrow passes of Lebanon, the
great bulwark of the northern frontier, carries den-
otation Into the country beyond. Hereupon the
prophet receives a commission from God to feed bis
Hock, which God himself will no more feed basnet
of their divisions. The prophet undertakes ths
office, and makes to himself two stoves (naming tan
ons Beauty, and the other Union), in order to tend
the flock, and cuts off several evil shepherds whom
his soul abhors; but observes at the same time that
the flock will not be obedient. Hence he throws
up his office; he breaks asunder the one crook in
token that the covenant of God with Israel was dis-
solved. A few, the poor of the flock, acknowledge
God't band herein; and the prophet demanding
the wages of his service, receives thirty pieces of
silver, and casts it into the house of Jehovah. At
the suns time he sees that there is no hops of iiiihi
between Judah and Israel whom be had trusted Is
feed as one flock, and therefore cuts in p iece s ths
other crook, in token that the brotherhood between
them is dissolved.
9. The second section, xii.-iiT., fa entitled,
11 The burden of the word of Jehovah for IaraeL"
But Jtmtl is here need of the nation at large, net
of Israel as distinct from Judah. Indeed, ths
prophecy which follows, concerns Judah and Jeru-
salem. In this the prophet beholds the near ap-
proach of troublous timet, when Jerusalem should
be hard preesad by enemies. But in that day J*
hovah shall come to save them: "the bouse of
David be as God, aa the angel of Jehovah " (xii. 8)
and all the nations which gather themselves against
Jerusalem shall be destroyed. At the same time
the deliverance shall not be from outward enemies
alone. God will pour out upon them a spirit of
grace and supplications, so that they shall bewail
their sinfulness with s mourning greater than that
with which they bewailed the beloved Josiah in the
valley of Hegiddon. So deep and so true shall be
this repentance, so lively the aversion to all evil,
that neither idol nor fake prophet shall again be
seen in the land. If a man shall pretend to proph-
esy, "his father and his mother that begat nisi
thall thrust bun through when he prophaneth,"
fired by the same righteous indignation as Fhinehas
was when be slew those who wrought folly in land
(xii. 1-xiiL 6).
Then follows a abort ap os tr o p he to the sword of
the enemy to turn against the shepherds of the
people; and s further announcement of eearoUag
and purifying judgments; which, however, it must
be acknowledged, is somewhat abrupt. Ewakfi
suggestion that the paaeage xiil. 7-8, is hare oat of
place', and should be transposed to the end of chap,
xi. la certainly ingenious, and does not seem im-
probable.
The prophesy cl o us with a grand and starring
picture. All nations aw ga th e r e d together agates)
Jerusalem; and seem already sure of their pray
Half of their cruel work has been accomplishes
when Jeawrah himself appears on behalf of aa
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SKOHARIATI
teople. At hit ooming ill nature a moved: the
Houut of Olivet on which bu feet rest cleaves
itnnder; a mighty earthquake heaves the ground,
and even the natural succession of day and night ia
broken. He goea forth to war against toe adver-
saria of his people. He establishes his kingdom
over all the earth. Jerusalem is safely inhabited,
and rich with the spoils of the nations. All nations
that are still left shall come up to Jerusalem, as
the greet centre of religious worship, there L> wor-
ship •' the King, Jehovah of hosts," and the city
from that day forward shall be a holy city.
Such is, briefly, an outline of the second portion
af that book which is commonly known as the
Prophecy of Zechariah. It is Impossible, even on
• cursory view of the two portions of the prophecy,
not to fed how different the seetieo xi.-xiv. is from
the section i.-viii. The next point, then, for our
consideration is this, — Is the book in its present
form the work of one and the same prophet, Zecha-
riah the son of Iddo, who lived after the Babylonish
(tile?
Integrity. — Mede was the first to call this in
question. The probability that the later chapters
Srom the ixth to the xivth were by some other
(.ropliet, seems first to have been suggested to him
by the citation in St. Matthew. He says (Epist
xxxi.), " It may seem the Evsngelist would inform
as that those latter chapters ascribed to Zachary
(namely, ixth, xth, xith, etc.), are indeed the proph-
ecies of Jeremy ; and that the Jews had not rightly
attributed them." Starting from this point, be
goes on to give reasons for supposing a different
author. '• Certainly, if a man weighs the contents
of some of them, they should in likelihood he of sn
eider date than the time of Zachary ; namely, before
the Captivity : for the subjects of some of them
were scarce in being after that time. And the
chapter out of which St Matthew quotes may seem
to bare somewhat much unsuitable with Zachary 's
time; as, a prophecy of the destruction of the
Temple, then when he was to encourage them to
build it. And how doth the sixth verse of that
chapter suit with his time? There is no scripture
ttith they are Zacbary's; but there is scripture
saith they are Jeremy's, ss this of the Evangelist."
He then observes that the mere fact of these being
found in the same book as tbe prophecies of Zecha-
riah does not prove that they were his; different*
of authorship being allowable in tbe same way as
in the collection of Agur's Proverbs under one title
with those of Solomon, and of Psalms by other
<nthors with those of David. Even the absence of
fresh title is, he argues, no evidence against a
uhange of author. " The Jews wrote in rolls or
volumes, and the title was but once. If aught
were added to the roll, ok timililudmtm argumemti,
or for some other reason, it had a new title, as that
of Agar; or perhaps none, but was inirvper."
The utter disregard of anything like chronological
•rder in tbe prophecies of Jeremiah, where " some-
times all is ended with Zedekiah; then we are
brought back to Jehoiakim, then to Zedekiah
again " — makes it probable, he thinks, that they
were only hastily and loosely put together in those
distracted times. Consequently tome of them
Bight not have bean discovered till after the return
torn tbe Captivity, when they were approved by
IStehirlth, and to came to be incorporated with his
prophecies. Mede evidently rests his oointon, partly
sn tbe authority of St Matthew, and partly on the
marianta of ths later chapters, which '-s considers '
ZECHARIAH
8603
require a date earlier than tbe exile tie say
again (Epist lxi.): " That which month nm inort
thar the rest is in chap, xii., which contains a
prophecy of tbe destruction of Jerusalem, and a de-
scription of the wickedness of tbe inhabitants, for
which God would give them to tin sword, and have
no more pity on them. It is expounded of tbe de-
struction by Titus; hot methiuks such a prophecy
was nothing seasonable for Zachary s time (when
the city yet, for a great part, lay in her ruins, and
the Temple had not yet recovered hers), nor agree-
able to the scope of Zacbary's commission, who,
together with his colleague Haggai. was sent to en-
courage the people lately returned from captivity to
build their temple, and to instaurate their common-
wealth. Wat this a fit time to foretell the destruc-
tion of both, while they were but yet a building?
and by Zachary, too, who was to encourage them ?
would not this better befit the desolation by Neb-
uohadneExar 1 "
Archbishop Keweome went further. He Insisted
on the great dissimilarity of style as well as subject
between tbe earlier and later chapters. And he was
the first who advocated the theory which Bunaen
calls one of the triumphs of modern criticism, that
the last six chapters of Zechariah are the work of
two distinct prophets. His words are : " Tbe eight
first chapters appear by the introductory parts to
be the prophecies of Zechariah, stand in connection
with each other, are pertinent to the time when
they were delivered, are uniform in style and man-
ner, and constitute a regular whole. But the six
last chapters are not expressly assigned to Zecha-
riah; are unconnected with those which precede:
the three first of them are unsuitable In many parts
to tbe time wbem Zechariah lived; all ef them
have a more adorned and poetical turn of composi-
tion than the eight first chapters; and they mani-
festly break the unity of tbe prophetical book."
"I conclude," he continues, "from internal
marks in chaps, ix., x., xi., that these three chapters
were written much earlier than the time of Jere-
miah and before tbe captivity of the tribes. Israel
is mentioned chaps, ix. 1, xi. 14, (But that this
argument is inconclusive, see Mai. ii. 11.) Ephraim,
chaps, ix. 10, 13, x. 7 ; and Assyria, chap. x. 10,
11. ... . They seem to suit Hosea'a age and
manner The xiith, xiiHh, and xivth chap-
ters form a distinct prophecy, and were written
after the death of Josiah ; but whether before or
after the Captivity, and by what prophets, is uncer-
tain. Though I incline to think that the author
lived before the destruction of Jerusalem by the
Babylonians." In proof of this he refers to xiii. %
on which be o b s e rv es that the "prediction that
idols and false prophets should cease at the final
restoration of the Jews seems to bare been uttered
when idolatry and groundless pretensions to tbe
spirit of prophecy were common among the Jews,
and therefore before the Babylonish Captivity."
A large number of critics have followed Mede
and Archbishop Newcome in denying the later date
of the last six chapters of the book. In England,
Bishop Kidder, Whiston, Hammond, and mora
recently Pye Smith, and Davidson; in Germany,
Fliigge, Eichhora, Bauer, Bertholdt, August!,
Forberg, RosenmiiUer, Gramberg, Credner, Ewald,
Manrer, Knobel, Hitzig, and Bleek, are agreed in
maintaining that these later chapters are not tbe
work of Zechariah the son of Iddo.
On tbe other hand, the later date of these chap-
ters has been maintained among ourselves by Blar
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3604 ZBCHAKIAH
nay and Henderson, and on the continent by
Carpeov, Beekhaus, Jahn, Koster, Hengstenberg,
Havernick, Keil, De Wette (in later edition* of his
EMeittmg ; in the first three he adopted a differ-
ent view), and Stabelin.
Those who impugn the later date of these chap-
ters of Zeehariah rest their arguments on the
change in style and subject alter the riiith chapter,
but differ much in the application of their criticism.
RosenmuUer, for instance (SduL m Proph. .Win.
sol. iv. p. 257), argues that chaps, ix.-iiv. are so
alike in style, that they must have been written by
one author. He alleges in proof his fondness for
images taken fawn pastoral life (iz. 16, x. 2, 3, xi.
», 4, S, 7, 8, 9, 11, IS, 17, xiii. 7, 8). From the
slksBon to the earthquake (xiv. 5, eomp. Am. i. 1 )
he thinks the author must bare lired in the reign
of UasJah.
Davkbon (in Home's IntruL H. 982) in like
■aanner declares for one author, but suppo ses him
so hare been the Zeehariah mentioned Is. Tin*. 2,
who Brad in the reign of Abas.
Eichharn, on the other band, whilst also assign-
ing (in his Kinlritung, ir. 444) the whole of chap*,
bt.-xiv. to one writer, is of opinion that they are
the work of a laUr p rophet who flourished in the
tuneof Alexander.
Others again, as Bertholdt, Geeeniua, Knobd,
Maurer, Bnnsen. and Ewald, think that chaps.
ix.-xi. (to which Ewald adds xiii. 7-4)) are a dis-
tinct prophecy from chaps. riL-xlr., and separated
from them by a considerable interred of time. These
critics conclude from internal evidence, that the
former portion was written by a prophet who Bred
in the reign of Abas (Knobd gives ix^ x. to tbe
reign of jotham, and xL to that of Ahax), and
most of them conjecture that he was the Zeehariah
the son of Jeberecbiah (or Berechiah), Mentioned
la. tuL 2.
Ewald. without attempting to identify the prophet
with any particular person, contents himself with
remarkinc that he was a subject of the Southern
kingdom iss may be inferred from expressions sack
as that in ix. 7, and from the Miai'miic hopn
which he utters, and ka which he resembles bis
co u n t! j ma n and contemporary Issmb<: and that
Eke Amos and Hoses before him, thoozh a sa-
tire of Judah, he directs fail prophecie s sgaaoat
Kphrsim.
There is the same general at mt aasang the
■at aimed critics a* to the date of the section
ZECHAHTAH
of our present book are not from the same author
as the first eight The other carries the dismem-
berment of tbe book still farther, and maintains
that the sis last chapters are the work of two dis-
tinct authors who lired at two distinct periods of
Jewish history. The arguments advanced by tba
supporters of each theory rest on the same grounds.
They are drawn partly from the di f fere n c e in style,
sod partly from tbe difference in tbe nature of the
contents, tbe historical references, etc, in the dif-
ferent sections of the book; but the one sees thai
difference only in ix.-zrr-, as compared with
i.-viii.; the other sees it also in xu -xiv., aa com-
pared with ix.-xt We must accordingly eon-
TWy s3 sasari it to a period fanninBsiili pre-
rioos to tbe Babylonish CaMsrity. and hence the '
author srust bate been ccctecnmrary with tbe
asoahet Jeremiah. Bouses ioectines him with .
Crijah the scr of She-aaiah of Kiraili jsai iai ;Jer.
rot 2sV-2*. . wbe reryb e a ed - be tbe naase af Je-
knwah ** acasst Jadaa sod Jerasalem-
Aeeaerl-.-vs w this hrpoc.-x-Kj we bare tbe works
af three cLAweat prophets coureted oe&o oae bank.
aasl pasanc asoar one name: —
1. «. barters n. -xi. tbe hook of Zeehariah I,
crcter'.'TvnrT of lasiab. under Abas, abeart TX-
2. CMMers xii.-ir»-. astbor suJtaowa or psr-
aaps Crj»x a ccctesrporarr of Juuiai; about
•OTarsVK
X Chapters L-t=u the work af the bob ar
araaaV.> of todo. Hae-caTa-i
OaVilS.
We bare then two d^aoset
tawssatsserely ssarna that tl
1. The difference generally in the style and con-
tents of chapters ix--siv., aa uumpai ed with chap-
ten i.~™i.
2. Tbe diflerenoes between xn.— sir-, as manual ad
with ix--iL
1. The dif feinwei in point of style betw e en the
hitter and former portions of the prophecy is ad-
mitted by all critics. BosenmuB
that of toe first eigbt chapters aa '
poor," and that of the remaining six aa u poetic,
weighty, concise., glowing." But without adm i t t ing
so sweeping a criticism, and one which the verdict
of abler critics on the foi i nu portion has contra-
dicted, them can be nodoubt that the general tone
and character of tbe one section is in decided con-
trast with that of the other. - As be passes sua
the first half of the prophet to the second,** say*
Ejebborn, "no leader can sail to p e rceiv e how
strikingly diflereot are the impressions which see
aside upon him by the two. The manner of l
big in the second portion is for loftier i
mysterious; the images esapioy
more magnificent; the point of view and tbe 1
son are chanced. Once the Temple and the «
nances af rencion fora a sd the central paint I
which the prophet's wards restated, and to l
tbev ever nt maul: now these have vaaanved. The
af expresses, hitherto aa often re-
now as it were forgotten. TWehrana-
Ineieal notices which before aasrked the day oa
which each several prophecy was at hud, sow fad
as altogether. Cbald a writer al at one* bare
forgotten so eaeirelTaa habeas* thaaght? Cassa
Cbald the world' shoot baa. the madeaf esaawaaos.
the images amployed. he so vstafiy fail I in the
east of one and the same writer?" (£naL iv. 44*.
,Cu»h _
L Chapters L-eas. are anarJaat ay certain peeal-
iaritjss of idiom and sjasaashp which 4m net
occar afierwaras. taaatsta esatasaTaaa ate a The
ward of Je ho v ah came aaaa,- ear. <L 7. iv. 8, ri.
9, *i 1. 4, 8, rax X. IS ; -Thas math Jehovah
God' af heats" (i. 4, It. 17. a. U, vas. 2, 4. «,
T. 3. 14. 18. 20, 23 ; -And I Bawd ap same eyes
and saw " (L 18. a. X, v. 1. vi. 1): aaaa af these
ix.-nv. Oa the othar hand, the stoat '-la that
waica it ooeors turns il_. The fotxa af the av
wJveassae to the srp-
mm.Ls>.l.aaaat
•5.1.T
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ZEOHARIAH
sondes in iB. 1, It. 6, rl. 10, vii. 8: the writer
(or writen ) of the second portion of the book never
does this. It has also been observed that after the
fint eight chapters we hear nothing of " Satan,"
or of " the seven eyes of Jehovah ; " that there are
no more visions; that chap. zi. eonteina an alls-
gory, not a symbolic action ; that here are no rid-
dles which need to be solved, no angehu interpret
to solve them.
[(. Chapters ix.-xi. These chapters, it is al-
leged, have also their characteristic peculiari-
ties:—
(1.) In point of style, the author resembles
Uoaea more than any other prophet: such is the
verdict both of Knobel and Ewald. He delight)
to picture Jehovah as the Great Captain of his
people. Jehovah comes to Zion, and pitches his
camp there to protect her (ix. 8, 9). He blows the
trumpet, marches against his enemies, makes his
people his how, and shoots his arrows (ix. 13, 14);
or He rides on Judah as his war-horse, and goes
forth thereon to victory (x. 3, 6). Again, he speaks
of the people as a flock, and the leaders of the peo-
ple as their shepherds (ix. 16, x. 3, 8, xi. 4 If.).
He describes himself also, in his character of
prophet, as a shepherd in the last passages, and
assumes to himself, in a symbolic action, which
however may have been one only of the imagina-
tion, all the guise and the gear of a shepherd. In
general be delights in images (ix. 3, 4, 13-17, x. 3,
6, 7, Ac-), some of which are striking and forcible.
(2.) The notes of time are also peculiar: —
1. It was a time when the pride of Assyria was
yet at its height (x., xi.), and when the Jews had
already suffered from it. This first took place in
the time of Menaheni (a. c. 772-761).
2. The Trans-jordanic territory had already been
swept by the armies of the invader (x. 10), but a
still further desolation threatened it (xi. 1-3).
The first may have been the invasion of Pul (1
Chr. v. 86), the second that of Tiglath-Pileser."
8. The kingdoms of Judah and Ephraim are
both standing (ix. 10, 13, x. 6), but many Israel-
ites are nevertheless exiles in Egypt and Assyria
(ix. 11, x. 6, 8, 10, Ac).
4. The struggle between Judah and Israel Is
■apposed to be already begun (xi. 14). At the
same time Damascus is threatened (ix. 1). If so,
the reference must be to the allianos formed be-
tween Pekah king of Israel and Resin of Damas-
cus, the consequence of which waa the loss of Elath
<73»)-
5. Egypt and Assyria are both formidable powers
(x. 9, 10, 11). The only other prophets to whom
these two nations appear as formidable, nt the $amt
lime, are Hosea (vii. 11, xii. 1, xiv. 3) and his con-
temporary Isaiah (vii. 17, Ao.) ; and that in proph-
ecies which must have been uttered between 743
and 740; The expectation seems to have been that
the Assyrians, in order to attack Egypt, would
inarch by way of Syria, Phoenicia, and Philiatla,
along the coast (Zech. ix. 1-9), as they did after-
ZECHARIAH
3601
■ So Knobel supposes. Ewald also refers, xi. 1-8,
|o toe deportation of Tiglath-Puemr, and thinks that
a. 10 refers to some earlier deportation, the Assyrians
having Invaded thle portion of the kingdom of Israel
In the former half of Pekah's reign of twenty years.
to this Bunssn ( dolt in da G««A. 1. 4C0) objects
that we have no record of any earlier removal of the
■batrifante from the land than that of Tlglath-PUeser,
mien scanned at the close of Pekah's reign, and
wards (Is. xx. 1), and that the kingdom of Israel
would suffer chiefly in consequence (Zech. ix. 9-
12), and Judah in a smaller degree (ix. 8, 9).
6. The kingdom of Israel is described as "a
flock for the slaughter" in chap, xi., over which
three shepherds have been set in one month. This
corresponds with the season of anarchy and confu-
sion which followed immediately on the murder of
Zechariah the son of Jeroboam II. (760). This son
reigned only six months, his murderer Shattum but
one (2 K. xv. 8-15), being put to death in his
turn by Menahem. Meanwhile another rival king
may have arisen, Bunaen thinks, in some other part
of the country, who may have fallen as the mur-
derer did, before Menahem.
The symbolical action of the breaking of the two
shepherds' staves — Favor and Union — points the
same way. The breaking of the first showed that
God's favor had departed from Israel, that of the
second that all hope of union between Judah and
Ephraim was at an end.
All these notes of time point In the same direc-
tion, and make it probable that the author of chaps.
ix.-xi. was a contemporary of Isaiah, and prophe-
sied during the reign of Ahaz.°
8. Chaps, xii.-xiv. — By the majority of those
critics who assign these chapters to a third author,
that author is supposed to have lived shortly before
the Babylonish Captivity. The grounds for sepa-
rating these three chapters from chapters ix.-xL
areas follows: —
1. This section opens with its own introductory
formula, aa the preceding one (ix. 1) does. This,
however, only shows that the sections are distinct,
not that they were written at different times.
2. The object of the two sections is altogether
different. The author of the former (ix.-xi. ) has
both Israel and Judah before him ; he often speaks
of them together (ix. 13, x. 6, xi. 14, comp. x. 7);
he directs his prophecy to the Trans-jordanic terri-
tory, and announces the discharge of his office in
Israel (xi. 4 ff.). The author of the second sec-
tion, on the other hand, has only to do with Judah
and Jerusalem : he nowhere mentions Israel.
3. The political horizon of the two prophets is
different. By the former, mention is made of
the Syrians, Phoenicians, Philistines (ix. 1-7), and
Greeks (ix. 13), aa well as of the Assyrians and
Egyptians, the two last being described aa at that
time the most powerful. It therefore belongs to
the earlier time when these two nations were be-
ginning to struggle for supremacy in Western Asia.
By the latter, the Egyptians only are mentioned aa
a hostile nation : not a word is said of the Assyr-
ians. The author consequently must have lived
at a time when Egypt was the chief enemy of
Judah.
4. The anticipations of the two prophets are
different. The first trembles only for Ephraim.
He predicts the desolation of the Trans-jordanic
territory, the carrying away captive of the Israel-
ites, but also' the return from Assyria and Egypt
which la x. 10 at supposed to bare taken place
already.
» According to Knobel, Ix. and x. were probably
delivered In Jotham's reign, and xi. In that of Ahaa
who Bummoned Tlglath-Pileeer to his aid. Usurer
thinks that Ix. and x. were written b e t we en the Bret
(2 K. xv. 29) and second (2 K. xvU. 4-6l AssyrJaa
lnTBstons, chip. x. during the sevnn years' Interreg-
num which followed the death of Pekah, and xi II
the reign of Hoahea.
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ZBOHABIAH
(x. 7, 10). But for Judah he haa no came of few.
Jehovah will protect her (ix. 8), and bring back
those of her sons who in earlier times had gone
Into captivity (ix. 11). The lecond prophet, on
the other hand, making no mention whatever of the
northern kingdom, ta full of alarm for Jndah. He
mm hostile nation* gathering together against her,
and two thirds of her inhabitants destroyed (xiii.
6 ) ; he sees the enemy laying siege to Jerusalem,
taking and plundering it, and carrying half of her
people captive (zii. 3, xiv. 3, 5). Of any return of
the captives nothing is here said.
5. The style of the two prophets is diArent
The author of this last section is fond of the pro-
phetie formal*: T£n, « And it shall earns to
pass " (zii. 9, zili. 9, 8, 4, 8, xb. 8, 8, 18, 18);
WfTTI DVJ, «in that day" (xll. 3, 4, 6, 8,
9, 11, xiii. 1, 8, 4, xiv. 8, 8, 13, 90, 91);
njrP D^3, <>salth Jehovah " (xli. 1, 4, xiii. 9,
7, 8). In the section ix.-xi. the first don not
occur at all, the second but once (Ix. 16), the third
only twice (x. 19, xi. 6). We hare moreorer in
this section certain favorite expressions : " all
peoples," •• all people of the earth," " all nations
round about," '• all nations that come up against
Jerusalem," •• the inhabitants of Jerusalem," •• the
house of David," - family" for nation, "the
brailles of the earth," " the fotnily of Egypt,"
etc
6. There are apparently few notes of time in this
lection. One is the allmlon to the death of Joeiah
in '■ the mourning of Hadadrimmon in the valley
of Hegiddon ; " another to the earthquake in the
days of Uxaiah king of Judah. This addition to
the name of the king shows, Knobel suggests, that
he had been long dead ; but the argument, If it ia
worth anything, would make even more for those
who hold a pott-nile date. It is certainly remark-
able occurring thus in the body of the prophecy,
and not in the inscription as in Isaiah t. 1.
In reply to all these argument*, it has been urged
by Keil, Stahelin, and others, that the difference
of style between the two principal divisions of the
prophecy is not greater than may reasonably be
accounted for by the change of subject. The lan-
guage in which visions are narrated would, from
the nature of the case, be quieter and less animated
than that in which prophetic anticipations of future
glory are described. They differ as the style of
the narrator differs from that of the orator. Thus,
for instance, how different is the style of Hosaa,
chaps. i.-iii., from the atyle of the same prophet In
lhaps. iv.-xiv. ; or again, that of Eaekiel vi., vii.
km Eaekiel ir.
But besides this, even in what may be termed
the more oratorical portion* of the first eight chap-
ters, the prophet is to a great extent occupied with
warnings and exhortations of a practical kind (see
1.4-6, vii. 4-14, vtil. 9-33); whereas in the subse-
quent chapters he is rapt into a far distant and
dorious future. In the one case, therefore, the
language would naturally sink down to the level of
prose; in the other, It would rise to an elevation
worthy of its exalted subject
• Maunr's reply to this, naunCy, that the like
strata, IDtth !P337,oecun Id Kx. xxxtt. 37, and
Sttft "15^ in Is- xxxr. 7, It most be e e s des s td ta
11 utile force, because those wbo argue Ibr one author
ZECHAKIAH
In like manner the notes of time in the
part (L 1, 7, »U. 1), and the constant reference to the
Temple, may be explained on the ground that the
prophet here busies himself with the events of has
own time, whereat afterwards bis eye ia fixed on a
far distant future.
On the other hand, where predictions io occur ia
the flrst section, there ia a general similarity be-
tween them and the predictions of the second. The
scene, so to speak, is the same; the same visions
float before the eyes of the seer. The times of the
Messiah are the theme of the predictions in chaps,
l.-lf,, In ix., x., and in xiL-xiii. 8, whilst the events
which an to prepare the way for that time, and
especially the sifting of the nation, are dwelt upon
in chap, v., in xi., and in xiH. 7-xrr. 9.
(3.) The same peculiar forms of expression oeear
in the two divisions of the prophecy. Thus, for
instance, we find 3(JrTJ^ "Ij'TOB not only in vii.
14, bat alto In lx.« 8; "^JTJ. i» the sense of
" to remove," in lii. 4, and in xiii. 9 — elsewhere
it occurs in this unusual sense only in later writ-
ings (3 K. xrl. 3; 9 Cbr. xv. 8) — "the eye of
God," as betokening the Divine Providence, in fii.
9, iv. 10, and in ix. 1, 8.
In both sections the return of the whole nation
after the exile ia the prevailing image of happiness,
and in both it is similarly portrayed. As in ii. 10,
the exiles are summoned to return to their native
land, because now, according to the principles of
righteous recompense, they shall role over their
enemies, so also a similar strain occurs in ix. 13, tc
Both in ii. 10 and in ix. 9 the renewed protection
wherewith God will favor Zion ia represented as an
entrance into hia holy dwelling; in both hie peo-
ple are called on to rejoice, and in both there ia a
remarkable agreement hi the words. In B, 14,
H3\»n >3 JVS TO TIDB71 *r>, and in
U. 9, na vw its ra thd "Vj
-rb ma" labn nan Db»n"-
Again, similar forms of e ip ie sa faa i occur in ii 9,
11, andxi. 11; the description of the increase in h
rnealem, xiv. 10, may be compared with at. 4; and
the prediction in viii. 90-98 with that ia ate. 16.
The reeemManeo which has been found in some
other passa ge s la too slight to strengthen the ar-
gument; and the oeountnee of ChaMasmta, stash ss
H3£ c«. 8), m^n (xiv. 10), bra (which
ooours besides only in Prov.xx. 91), and the phrase
rwp v mVd (ix. 18), instead of rtigft TfT^,
realiy prove nothing at to the age of the later chap-
ters of Zechariah. Indeed, generally, as regards
these minute comparisons of different passages to
prove sn identity of authorship, Hanrer's remark
holds true: " Sed qua potest vis ease di sj e cta ma
quorundam locorum, ubi res judieanda eat ex
toto?"
Of for mom weight, however, than the argu-
ments already advanced ia the met that the writer
of these last chapters (ix.-xiv.) shows an acquaint,
ance with the later prophet* of the time of tin)
exile. That there are numerous allusions in it O
build not only on the Bel that the aaaae forms of ex
presrion are to be ftnmd in both aaetkma of the
prophecy, but that the aaoond antkn, like the tret
evinces a aunlllarity with other writings, and H| Mil
with later prophets like ankleL Bee below.
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ZECHABJAH
sadier prophet*, such u Joel, Am, MJcah, hi*
been shown by Hitxig {Comment, p. 864, 3d ed.),
bat there ue also, It is alleged allusions to Zeph-
aniah, Jeremiah, Esekiel, and the later Isaiah
(eo.xl.-lxvi). If toil can be eitabliahed, it u evi-
dence that thia portion of the book, if not written
bj Zeahariah himself, waa at leaat written after the
exile. We find, then, in Zech. ix. 2 an allusion to
Ei. xxviii. 3; in ix. 3 to 1 K. x. 97; in ix. 6 to
Zeph. ii. 4; in ix. 11 to la. U. 14; in ix. 13 to la.
xlix. 9 aud Is. lxi. 7; in x. 3 to Ez. xxxiv. 17. Zech.
xi. ia derived from Ex. xxxiv. (comp. eap- xi. 4
with xxxir. 4), and Zeoh. xi. 3 from Jer. xU. 6.
Zech. xii. 1 alludea to la. Ii. 13; xiii. 8, 9, to Ex.
r. IS; xir. 8 to Ex. xlrii. 1-13; xiv. 10, 11, to Jer.
xxxi. 38-40; xir. 16-19 to la. lxvi. 93 and Ix. 13;
sir. 30, 91, to Ex. xlUi. 13 and xliv. 9.
Thia mauifMt acquainUnoe on the part of the
writer of Zech. ix.-xiv. with to many of the later
prophets seemed so convincing to Ue Watte that,
after having in the first three editions of his Intro-
duction declared for two authors, he found himself
compelled to change his mind, and to admit that
the later chapters must belong to the age of Zecha-
riah, and might hare beau written by Zeobariah
himself.
Bleak, on the other hand, has dona bis best to
weaken the force of this argument, first by main-
taining that in most instances the alleged agree-
ment is only apparent, and next, that where there
ia a real agreement (as in Zech. ix. 12, xi. 3, xii. 1,
xir. 18) with the passages above cited, Zechariah
may be the original from whom Isaiah and Jere-
miah borrowed. It most be confessed, however,
that it is more probable that one writer should
hare allusions to many others, than that many
others should borrow from one; and thia prob-
ability approaches certainty in proportion as wa
multiply the number of quotations or allusions. If
there are passages in Zeehariah which are mani-
festly similar to other passages in Zephauiab, in
Jeremiah, Ezexiel, and the Deutero-Isaiah, which
fa the mora probable, that they all borrowed from
him, or he from them? In ix. 13 especially, as
Stahelin argues, the expression is decidedly one to
be looked for after the exile rather than before it,
and the passage rests upon Jer. xvi. 18, and has
an almost verbal aneordanoa with la. lxi. 7.
Again, the aame critics argue that the Historical
references in the later chapters are perfectly con-
sistent with a post-exile date. Thia had been
already maintained by Eichhom, although he sup-
poses these chapters to have been written by a
later prophet than Zechariah. Stahelin puts the
oaae as follows : Even under the Persian rule the
political relations of the Jews continued very nearly
the same aa they were in earlier times. They still
were placed between a huge eastern power on the
one side and Egypt on the other, the only difference
now being that Egypt as well as Judaea was subject
to the Persians. But Egypt wss an unwilling vas-
sal, and aa in earlier times when threatened by
Assyria she had sought for alliances among her
neighbors or had endeavored to turn them to ao-
eount as a kind of outwork in her own defenses, so
now she would adopt the . same policy in her at-
tempts to cast off the Persian yoke. It would
follow aa a matter of course that Persia would be
an the watch to aheck such efforts, and would
ZEOHATtiAM
860.
• Altboof h the Persians had succeeded to the As-
sjileoa, the land might itlU be called by its ancient
wreak her vengeance on those among her own
tributary or dependent provinces which should
venture to form an alliance with Egypt. Such of
these provinces as lay on the sea-coast must indeed
suffer in any case, even if they remained true in
their allegiance to the Persians. Tht armies which
were destined for the invasion of Egypt would col-
lect in Syria and Phoenicia, and would march by
way of the coast; and, whether they came as friends
or aa foes, they would probably cause sufficient dev-
astation to justify the prophecy in Zeoh. ix. 1, Ac.,
delivered against Damascus, Phoenicia, and Philis-
tia. Heanwh ile the prophet seeks to calm the minds
of his own people by assuring them of God's pro-
tection, and of the coming of the Messiah, who aa
the appointed time shall again unite the two king-
doms of Judah and Kphraim. (t ia observable
moreover that the prophet, throughout his die-
courses, is anxious not only to tranquillize tht
minds of his oountrymen, but to prevent their en-
gaging in any insurrection against their Persian
masters, or forming any alliance with their ene-
mies. In this respect he follows the example of
Jeremiah and Eiekiel, and, like these two prophets,
he foretells the return of Ephraim, the union of
Ephraim and Judah, and the final overthrow both
of Assyria (x. 11), that ia, Persia,' and of Egypt,
the two countries whioh had, more than all others,
vexed and devastated Israel. That a large portion
of the nation was still supposed to be in exile ia
clear from ix. 11, 18, and hence verse 10 can only
be regarded aa a reminiscence of Mio. v, 10; and
even if x. 9 must be explaineofof the past (with
Ue Wette, EM. § 280, 6, note a), still it appears
from Josephus (Ant xii. 3, § 6) that the Persians
carried away Jews into Egypt, and from Syncellus
(p. 486, Niebuhr's ed.), that Ocbua transplanted
large numbers of Jews from Palestine to the east
and north; the earlier custom of thus forcibly re-
moving to a distance those conquered nations who
from disaffection or a turbulent spirit were likely to
give occasion for alarm, having not only continued
among the Persiaus, but having become even more
common than ever (Ueeren, Jdetn, i. 254, 3d ed.).
This well-known polioy on the part of their con-
querors would be a sufficient ground for the as-
surance which the prophet gives in x. 9. Even the
threats uttered against the false prophets and the
shepherds of the people are not inconsistent with
the times after the exile. In Neh. v. and vi. we
find the nobles snd rulers of the people oppressing
their brethren, and falsa prophets active in their
opposition to Nehemiah. In like manner "the
idols " (D'SSS) in xiiL 1-6 may be the same a*
the " Teraphim " of x. 8, where they are mentioned
in connection with " the diviners " (D^Dp'lpn).
Malachi (ill. 5) speaks of " sorcerers " (ffDte??!?),
and that suoh superstition long held its ground
among the Jews is evident from Joseph. Ant. viii.
8, § 5. Nor does xiv. 81 of necessity imply either
idol-worship or heathen pollution in the Temple.
Chapter xi. was spoken by the prophet later than
ix. and x. In ver. 14 he declares the impossibility
of any reunion between Judah and Ephraim, either
because the northern territory had already bean
laid waste, or because the inhabitants of it had
shown a dispotitioi. to league with Phoenicia in a
name of Assyria.
iv 180.
. vl. 22 and Bwald, Owes
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3608
ZECHAEIAH
nin effort to tlirow off the Persian joke, which
would only involve them In certain destruction.
Thii difficult passage Stahelin admit* ha cannot
tolve to hit satisfaction, but contends that it may
have been designed to teach the new colony that it
was not a part of God's purpose to reunite the
•evered tribes; and in this he sees an argument for
the post-exile data of the prophecy, inasmuch as
the union of the ten tribes with the two wss ever
one of the brightest hopes of the prophets who
lived before the Captivity.
Having thus shown that there is no reason why
the sections ix.-xi. should not belong to a time sub-
sequent to the return from Babylon, Stahelin pro-
ceeds to argue that the prophecy directed against
the nations (iz. 1-7) is really more applicable to the
Persian era than to any other. It is only the coast-
line which is here threatened; whereas the earlier
prophets, whenever they threaten the maritime
tribes, unite with them Hoab and Amnion, or
Edom. Moreover the nations here mentioned are
not spoken of as enemies of Judith ; for being Per-
sian subjects they would not venture to attack the
Jewish colony when under the special protection of
that power. Of Ashdod it is said that a foreigner
("2P9. A. V. '< bastard ") shall dwell in it. This,
too, might naturally have happened in the time of
Zechariah. During the exile, Arabs had estab-
lished themselves in Southern Palestine, and the
prophet foresees that they would otxupy Ashdod ;
and accordingly wa learn from Neh. xiii. 24 that
the dialect of Ashdod was unintelligible to the
Jews, and in Neh. iv. 7 the people of Ashdod ap-
pear as a distinct tribe united with other Arabians
rrainst Judah. The king of (iaza (mentioned
fccuu. ix. 6) may have been a Persian vassal, as the
kings of Tyre and Sidon were, according to He-
rod, viii. 67. A king in Gasa would only be in
conformity with the Persian custom (see Herod, iii.
15), although this was no longer the case in the
tune of Alexander. The mention of the " sons of
Javan " (ix. 13; A. V. •• Greece ") is suitable to
the Persian period (which is also the view of Eicb-
horn), as it was then that the Jews were first
brought into any close contact with the Greeks.
It wss in fact the tierce struggle between Greece
tnd Persia which gave a peculiar meaning to his
vords when the prophet promised his own people
victory over the Greeks, and so reversed the earlier
prediction of Joel Iv. 6, 7 (A. V. iii. 6, 7). If,
however, we are to understand by Javan Arabia,
as some maintain, this again equally suit* the
period supposed, and the prophecy will refer to the
Arabians, of whom we have already spoken.
We come now to the section xii.-xiv. The main
proposition here is, that however hard Judah and
Jerusalem may be pressed by enemies (of Israel
there is no further mention), still with God's help
they shall be victorious; and the result shall be
that Jehovah shall be more truly worshipped both
by Jews and Gentiles. That this anticipation of
the gathering of hostile armies against Jerusalem
was not unnatural in the Persian times may be in-
ferred from what baa been said above. Pendan
hosts were often seen in Judan. We find an in-
stance of this in Josephus (Ant. xi. 7, J 1), and
ftidon wss laid in ashes in consequence of an insur-
rection against Persia (Diod. xvi. 15). On the
Jtber hand, how could a prophet In the time im-
mediately preceding the exile — the time to which,
m account of iii. 12, most critics refer this section
ZECHARIAH
— have uttered predictions such a* these 7
the time of Zepbaniah all the prophets looked upon
the fate of Jerusalem as sealed, whereaa here, is
direct contradiction to such views, the preservation
of the city is announced even in the extremeat
calamities. Any analogy to the general strain of
thought in this section is only to be found in la.
xxix.-xxxili. Besides, no king is bare mentioned,
but only " the house of David," which, according
to Jewish tradition (Herzfeld, Uttck. da Veiket
Jitratl, p. 878 ffi), held a high position after the
exile, and accordingly is mentioned (xii. 19, IS) in
its different branches (eomp. Hovers, Dot PidmU.
AlUrth. i. 581), together with the tribe of Levi;
the prophet, like the writer of Pa. lxxxix.. looking
to it with a kind of yearning, which before the
exile, whilst there was still a king, would have been
inconceivable. Again, the manner in which Egypt
is alluded to (xiv. 18) almost of necessity leads us to
the Persian times; for then Egypt, in consequence of
her perpetual efforts to throw off the Persian yoke,
was naturally brought into hostility with the Jews,
who were under the protection of Persia. Before
the exile this wss only the case during the interval
between the death of Josiah and the battle of Car-
chemixh.
It would seem then that there is nothing to
compel us to place this section iii.-xiv. in the times
before the exile; much, on the contrary, which can
only be satisfactorily accounted for on the supposi-
tion that it was written during the period of the
Persian dominion. Nor must it be forgotten that
we have here that fuller development of the Messi-
anic idea which at such a time might be expected,
and one which in fact rests upon all the prophets
who flourished before the exile.
Such are the grounds, critical and historical, on
which Stahelin rests his defense of the later date of
the second portion of the prophet Zechariah. We
have given his arguments at length as the ablest
and most complete, ss well as the most recent, on
his side of the controversy. Some of them, it must
be admitted, are full of weight. And when critics
like Eichhorn maintain that of the whole section
ix. 1-x. 17, no explanation is possible, unless we
derive it from the history of Alexander the Great;
and when D* Wette, after having adopted the
theory of different authors, felt himself obliged to
abandon it for reasons already mentioned, and to
vindicate the integrity of the book, the grounds for
a post-exile date must be very strong. Indeed, it is
not easy to say which way the weight of eridau*
preponderates.
With regard to the quotation in St. Matthew,
there seems no good reason for setting aside the re-
ceived reading. Jerome observes, " This passage is
not found in Jeremiah. But in Zechariah, who is
nearly the last of the twelve prophets, something
like it occurs; and though there is no great differ-
ence in the meaning, yet both the order and the
words are different. I read a short time since, in
a Hebrew volume, which a Hebrew of the sect of
the Nasarenes presented to me, an apocryphal book
of Jeremiah, In which I found the passage word
for word. But still I am rather inclined to think
that the quotation b made from Zechariah, in the
usual manner of the Evangelists snd Apostles, who
neglecting the ornVr of toe words, only give the
general sense of what they cite from the OU Test*
a amount, in
Malik, cap. xxvB. ft, Ml
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ZBCHABIAH
Kusebius (Evangel Demonttr. lib. x.) it of opin-
ion that the punge thai quoted itood originally
in the prophecy of Jeremiah, bnt was either erased
mbnqaently by the malice of the Jews [a very im-
probable supposition it neea hardly be said]; or
that the name of Zechariah was substituted for that
of Jeremiah through the carelessness of copyists.
Augustine (de Con*. EvangtL iii. 30) testifies that
the most ancient Greek copies had Jeremiah, and
thinks that the mistake was originally St. Mat-
thew's, but that this was divinely ordered, and that
the Evangelist would not correct the error even
when pointed out, in order that we might thus infer
that all the prophet* spake by one Spirit, and that
what was the work of one was the work of all (et
singula esse omnium, et omnia singulorum). a
Some later writers accounted for the non-appear-
ance of the passage in Jeremiah by the confusion
in the Greek MSS. of bis prophecies — a confusion,
however, it may be remarked, which is not confined
to the Greek, bat which is found no less in oar
present Hebrew text. Gibers again suggest that
Id the Greek autograph of Matthew, ZPIOT may
hare been written, and that copyists may have
taken this for IPIOT. But there is no evidence
that abbreviations of this kind were in use so early.
Kpiphanius and some of the Greek Fathers seem
to have read iy rots xpoe^frrcut. And the most
ancient copy of the I-atin Version of the Gospels
omits the name of Jeremiah, and has merely dic-
tum at per Prophetnm. It has been conjectured
that this represents the original Greek reading to
jnjBir Sio. tou vpotfrrov, and that some early an-
Dotator wrote 'Itpt/tiov on the margin, whence it
crept into the text The choice lies between this,
and a slip of memory on the part of the Evangelist
if we admit the integrity of our present book of
Eechariah, unless, indeed, we suppose, with Eich-
tora, who follows Jerome, that an apocryphal
book of Jeremiah is quoted. Theophylact proposes
■o insert a koI, and would read Sia 'Uptuiow Kal
rev TpocVrjTou Ijyovp Zaxaplov. He argues that
Ac quotation is really a fusion of two passages:
.hat concerning the price paid occurring in Zecha-
riah, chap, xi.; and that concerning the field in
Jeremiah, chap. xix. But what N. T. writer would
have used such a form of expression " by Jeremy
and the prophet " ? Such a mode of quotation is
without parallel. At the same time it must be
borne in wind that the passage as given in St. Mat-
thew does not represent exactly either the Hebrew
text of Zechariah, or the version of the LXX. The
other passages of the prophet quoted ui the N. T.
are ix. 9 (in Matt. xxi. 5; John xiii. 16); xii. 10
(in John. xix. 87; Rev. i. 7); xiii. 7 (in Matt.
xxvL 81; Mark xiv. 27); but in no instance is the
prophet quoted by name. 6
Literature. — 1. Patristic Commentaries. — Je-
rome, Comment, in xii. Minoret Propkeiat. Opp.
ZECHARIAH
8609
a This extraordinary method of solving the dinleulty
his been adopted by Dr. Wordsworth In bin note on
She passage in St. Matthew. He says : " On the whole
then Is reason to believe . . . that the prophecy
which we read In Zech. (xl. 12, IS) bad, in the flrtt m-
una, been delivered by Jeremiah ; and (hat by refer-
ring here not to Zoch. where we read It, bnt to Jer.
where we do no! read It, the Hoiy Spirit teaches us not
to regard the prophets as the author* of their proph-
ecies," eto. And again : " He Intends to teach, that
all prophecies proceed from One Spirit, and that those
by whom they were uttered are not souitm, but only
I of the same Divine truth." But If so, why, It
887
ed. Valiars. (Veron. 1734), torn. vi. Theodoret,
Interprttatio in xii. Proph. Min. Opp ed. Sehulas
(Hal. 1769-74), voL ii. part 8.
2. Later Exegetical Works. — Der Prophet
Zncharim auxjtkyi durdt D. Mart Luthern. Vit-
eroberg, 1528. (Also in the collected works of
Luther in German and Latin.) Phil. Melancthonis
Comm. in Proph. Ztich., ISM (Opp. ii. 631). J.
J. Grynaei Comm. in Zach., Gener. 1681. Caspar
Sanctii Comm. in Zach., Lugd. 1616. C Vi-
tringa, Comment, ad lib. Proph. Zich., 1734. F.
Venema, Sermonet, Acad, in lib. Proph. Zach.,
1789.
3. Writers who have discussed the question of
the Integrity of Zechariah. Mode, Work*, Lond
1664, pp. 786, 884. Bishop Kidder, Demonstra-
tion of the Mettint, Lond. 1700, voL ii. p. 199.
Arcbbp. Newconie, Minor Prophett, Lond. 1786.
Blarney, /ftio Translation of Zech., Oxf. 1797.
Carpzov, Vindic. Crit., Lips. 1784. Fliigge, Die
Wtittagungtn, toelche bey den Schriften del
Proph. Zach. beygebogtn tind, u. a. w., Hamb
1784. Bertholdt, Hittor. bit. hint in die Batcher
dee A. u. If. Tut., iv. 1763 ft*., 1718 ft*. Eichhorn,
Btbr. Propheten, iii. 387-360, 380-93, 416-28,
616-18; £inL iv. 427 ft". '4th edit 1884). Bauer,
Kinl., p. 610 ft*. Beokbaus, die Integrit&t der
Proph. Schri/t del A. B., p. 387 ff. Jahn, EM.
ii. 676 ff. Kiister, MtUttmola Crit. et ExegtL in
Zach. Proph. part, pott Gutting. 1818. Forberg
Comm. Crit. et Exer/eL in Zach. Vaticc part,
pott. Cob. 1824. Graiuberg, KriL Getch. der
Hetit/iontidetn, ii. 520 ff. KoeenmUUer, Scholia,
vii. 4, 864 ft*. Credner, der Pi-ophet Joel, p. 67 ft".
Hengstenberg, Btitrtge, i. 361 ff., and Chritto-
logie, iii. De Wette, Einl (Edit 1-3, against tht
Integrity, later editions in favor of it). KeiL Einl.
Havemick, EinL Maurer, Comment, in Vet. Tett.
ii. 621 ft". Ewald, die Propheten, and Getch. rv.
Bleek, Einl. Stahelin, EinL in die Icnnon. Bucher
del A. T., 1862. p. 315 ft*. Hitzig, In Stud, und
Krit. 1880, p. 26 ff., and in Prophet. Henderson
on the Minor Prophett, 1830. Davidson, in
Seamd Vol. of flume's Inlrod., 10th edit 1866,
and more recently in his Introduction to the 0. T.
[vol. iii. 1863]. Bunsen, Bibchoerk, 2ter Band,
lte Abtheil. 3ter Theil; [and Bd. vi. 272 ff., 498
ff. (1870);] Gnu in der Getchichte, i. 449.
J. J. 8.P.
• Additional. — R. David Kimcbi, Comm. on tht
Proph. of Zech., tram, from the ffebrao by A.
M' Caul, Lond. 1837. J. Stonard, Comm. on tht
Vition of Zech., Lond. 1834. J. D. F. Burger,
Jltudei exig. et crit. tur It proph. Zach., Strasb
1841, 4to. F. Bleek, Ueber d. ZeitaUer ton Sach.
Kap. 9-14, In the TheoL Stud. u. KriL 1883, pp
347-333. M. Banmgarten, Die Ifachtgeiichte
Sacharia't, 3 Tbeile, Brannschw. 1864-66. H. L.
Sandrock, Priorit et pot*. PurL Vaticin. ab sum
may be asked, do the writers of the Sacred Books ever
give their names at all ? Why trouble ourselves with
the question whether St. Luke wrote the Aots, or
whether St. Paul wrote the Ep. to the Hebrews or the
Pastoral Bpistks ? What becomes of the argument,
usually deemed so strong, derived from the testimony
of the Four Evangelists, If, after all, tht four are ban
one?
It would not be too much to say that such a theory
Is as pernicious as that against which it Is directed.
s • On this question of the apparent citation trots
Zechariah. Instead of Jeremiah, sse Acsxduu, vol
1. p '0 ; and Jmus, vol. 1L p. 160B, Amer. ed. H
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8610 ZBCHARIAH
todemque Aulora prqfeeta, Vratlsl. 18S6. E. F.
J. von Ortenberg, Die BestandtheUe d. Bucket
Satharjn, Goth*, 1859. W. Neumann, Die Weis-
sagimgen d, Sakharjak, Stuttg. 1860. A. Kohler,
Die narkexU. Proph. erMrt, Abth. U., iil., Eit
1861-43, and art. Zackarias In Herzog's Real-
■fines*. xviU. 868-360 (1864). Tfa. Kuefoth, Dtr
Proph. Sacharjnh, ubers. u. ausgelegt, Schwann,
1868. C. F. KeiL Bib. Camm. «A. d. 19 Urine*
Pro/iA., pp. 617-662, Leipz. 1866, Eng. tram. 1868
(Clark's For. TheoL IJbr.). E. Schrader, in De
Wette'i EM. in d. Backer d. A. T., 8« Ausg., Bed.
1869. T. V. Moon, PropkeU of ike Restoration,
N. Y. 1866. G. K. Noyee, New Trant. of ike
Bet. Prophet; td ed., Bost 1866. H. Cowles, The
Minor PropkeU, with Notes, N. T. 1866. Pueey,
Minor PropkeU, Part It. (1870). It abould alio
le noted that the raloable Introductions of Keil and
Bleek are now (1870) translated into English. A.
8. (Zaxnpiat; P» 1 Cbr. xri. 2, Vat. Zayafuovi]
Zncharias.) Son of Mesheleniiah, or Sheleniiah, a
Korhite, and keeper of the north gate of the taber-
aaele of the congregation (1 Cbr. Ir. 21 ) in the ar-
rangement of the porters in the reign of Darid. In
1 Chr. xxri. 2, 14, his name appears in the length-
ened form VT^lpt, and in the last quoted verse
be is described as '" one counselling with under-
standing."
3. (twcxovp; [Vat Sin. Zaraxa;] Alex.
Zaxxvp) 0" e °* tn * * ou * of Je*"**' tne fetber or
founder of tiibeon (1 Cbr. ix. 37). In 1 Chr. viii.
81 be is called Zacheb.
*. (Zaxaplaj.) A Levite in the Temple band
as arranged by Darid, appointed to plaj "with
psalteries on Alamoth" (1 Chr. xt. 20). He was
of the second order of Levites (ver. 18), a porter or
gatekeeper, and may possibly be the same as Zech-
ariah the son of Mesbelemiah. In 1 Chr. xv. 18 his
name is written In the longer form, VT^npt.
B. One of the princes of Judah in the reign of
Jehoshaphat who were sent with priests and Levites
to teach the people the law of Jehovah (2 Chr. xvii.
7).
8. ('Afapiw.) Son of the high-priest Jehoiada,
In the reign of Joash king of Judah (2 Chr. xxiv.
20), and therefore the king's eousin. After the
death of Jehoiada Zechariah probably succeeded to
bis office, and In attempting to check the reaction
In favor of idolatry which immediately followed, be
Ml a victim to a conspiracy formed against him by
the king, and was stoned with stones in the court
of tbe Temple. The memory of this unrighteous
deed lasted long in Jewish tradition. In the Jeru-
salem Talmud ( TaanUk, fol. 69, quoted by Light-
foot, Temple Service, e. xxxri.) there is a legend
told of eighty thousand young priests who were
slain by Nebuzaraden for the blood of Zechariah,
and tbe evident hold which the story had taken
upon the minds of the people renders it probable
that " Zacharias son of Barachias," wbo was slain
between the Temple and tbe altar (Matt, xxlii. 85),
is tbe same with Zechariah tbe son of Jehoiada,
and that the name of Barachias as his father crept
into the test from a marginal gloss, tbe writer con-
fusing this Zechariah either with Zechariah the
prophet, wbo was the son of Bereehiah, or with
another Zechariah the son of Jeberechiah (Is. viii.
»).
7. (Zavaofu.) A Kofaathito Lerite in the
■sgnof Joaiab, who was one of the overseers of the
ZECHARIAH
wor km en engaged in the resto ra tion .»f the Temple
(2 Chr. xxxhr. 19).
8. The leader of the sons of Pharoab wbo re-
turned with Ezra (Err. viii. <).
0. [Vat Afapio.] Son of Bebai, who earns up
from Babylon with Earn (Ear. viii. 11).
10. (Zacharia In Neb.) One of the ehiefa of
the people whom Ezra summoned in council at the
river Ahava, before tbe second caravan r e tu r n ed
from Babylon (Ear. vilL 16). He stood at Barn's
left hand when be expounded tbe Law to the peopie
(Neh. viii. 4).
U- (Zaxopln- Zacharias.) One of the nuxdhr
of EUm, wbo bad married a foreign wife alter tat
Captivity (Ear. x. 26).
12. Ancestor of Atfaaiah, or Cthal (Neb. it *).
13. (ZoWat; [Vat a*f«a; FA. «*)«•.])
A Shilonite, descendant of Peres (Neh. xL S).
!*■ (Zaxopio.) A priest, son of Peshnr (Neh.
ri. 12).
16. (Zacharin.) The representative of the
priestly family of Iddo in the days of Joiakim the
eon of Jeshua (Neh. xii. 16). Possibly the same
ss Zechariah the prophet the son of Iddo.
16. ([Zox«p(o»; ver. 41, Bom. Vat Alex. FA»
omit:) Zncharias, Zacharia.) One of the priests,
son of Jonathan, who blew with the trumpet* at
the dedication of the city wall by Ezra and Nehe-
miah (Neh. xii. 86, 41).
17. (-VTnjT : Zaxapta.) A chief of the Beo-
benites at the time of the captivity by Tisjteth-Pf-
leser (1 Chr. v. 7).
18. [Alex. Zaxaetor.] One of the priests whe
blew with the trumpets in the tanesssinn which ee-
cooipanied the ark from the hones of Obsd adorn
(1 Chr. xv. 24).
18- [zaxWo.] Son of Issbkn, or Jonah, a
Kohathite Twite deaeended from DsxisI (1 Cbr
xxiv. 26).
SO. (ZaxapUa.) Fourth eon of Hosab of the
children of Henri (1 Chr. xxri. 11).
2L (ZoSoXar; [Vat Zafittita;] Alex. Zafi-
Slat. ) A Msnsssita, whose son Iddo was chief of
his tribe in Gilead in tbe reign of David (1 Cbr.
xxvil. 21).
32. (Zaxftsn.) The father of Jahaxiel, a Oer-
shonite Levite in the reign of Jehoshaphat (9 Cbr.
xx. 14).
23. One of the sons of Jehoshaphat (9 Chr. xxt
«)•
24. A prophet in tbe reign of Dsxiah, who ap-
pears to hare acted as tbe king's counsellor, but of
whom nothing is known (9 Chr. xxri. 6). Tbe
chronicler in describing him makes use of a Boost
remarkable and unique expression, "Zechariah,
wbo understood tbe seeing of God," or, as our A
V. has it, " wbo had understanding in the visions
of God " (eomp. Dan. L 17). As no etch term is
ever employed elsewhen in the description of any
prophet, it has been questioned whether the read-
ing of tbe received text ia tbe true one. The
LXX., Targum, Syriec, Arabic, Raahi, and Kini-
ehl, with many of Kennlcott's MS8., t tad FVTK3,
« In the fear of," for /TWO, and their reading
is most probably tbe correct one.
86. [Vat Zaxaput (gen.).] The father of Abl
jsh or Abi, Hezekiah's mother (2 Chr. xxix. 1)
called also Zachariah in tbe A V.
26. [Vat AfoiMw.] One of the family a
Asaph the minstrel, who in the nigs of Hsa ari sa
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ZEDATJ
ook put with other Levitee In the purification of
Jw Temple (9 Chr. xxix. 13).
87. One of the rulers of the Temple In the reign
of Josiah (2 Chr. xzxt. 8). He wu probably, u
Bertheau *>njectures, " the second priest " (comp.
I K. xxv. 18).
28. The ton of Jebereehiah, who was Uken by
the prophet Isaiah u one of the ■' faithful wltneawi
to record," when he wrote concerning Maber-sha-
lal-hash-bas (la. viii. 9). He wu not the same as
Zechariah the prophet, who lived in the time of
UzxUh and died before that king, but he may have
been the l-erite of that name, who in the reign of
Hesekiah assisted in the purification of the Temple
(9 Chr. xxix. 13). A* Zechariah the prophet is
called the son of Bsreefaiah, with which Jebereehiah
is aO bnt identical, Bertholdt (AM iv. 1799,
1797 ) conjectured that some of the prophecies at-
tributed to him, at any rate cc. ix.-xi., were
really t he production of Zechariah, the contempo-
rary of Isaiah, and were appended to the volume of
the later prophet of the same name (Uesen. Dtr
Propk. Jemia, i. 397). Another conjecture is that
Zechariah the son of Jebereehiah is the same as
Zechariah the father of Abijah, the queen of Abaz
(Pofi, Synopsis, in toe.): the witnesses summoned
by Isaiah being thus men of the highest ecclesias-
tical and civil rank. W. A. W.
ZED AD (TT? [momtnin-ridt, or tUtp
pt.ee]: Xapa&Ax, 'Huao-eAcViu; Alex. lataSax,
EASapi [Comp. Aid. XaSaSd, SwoaSd:] Stthtdii).
One of the landmarks ou the north border of the
land of Israel, as promised by Hoses (Num. xxxir.
8) and as restored by Exekid (xlvii. 15), who prob-
ably passed through it on his road to Assyria as a
captive. In the former ease it occurs between " the
entrance of Hamath " and Ziphron, and in the
latter between the •> road to Hethlon " and Ha-
math. A place named StdSti exists to the east of
the northern extremity of the chain of Anti-Libanne,
about 60 miles E. N. E. of Baaliee, and 36 8. 8. Ef
of Hum*. It is possible that this may ultimately
torn out to be identical with Zedad; bnt at present
the passages in which the latter is mentioned are so
imperfectly understood, and this part of the coun-
try has been so little explored with the view of ar-
riving at topographical conclusions, that nothing
tan be done beyond directing attention to the co-
incidence in the names (see Porter, Fit* Years,
stc, U. 364-866). Q.
ZEDECHIAS (StoWas: Stdtdat). Zbd-
■kiab king of Jndah (1 Ksdr. 1. 46).
ZEDEKIAH. L (VI'iTTS, Taidkiyyahn,
and thrice n»jTTS," Tsklklyyah [julice of Jt-
*•*«•*] : a«oWa,» S«»«(af: Stdtdat.) The
last king of Jndah and Jerusalem. Ha was the
ZKDEKIAH
8611
• Jar. xxrtt. 11 xxrU 1, xxix. 8. In this torn n
a kVvntieal with the aama whlsb appaere In the A. V
(in rooDeottoo with a dulnent person) at »"""- A
sfaallar inconsistency of oar translators Is shown In the
esses of Hesskiah, Ilawdjab, and Hiakiak } aaakisl and
s The peeullaritiM of the name, at it appears In the
veUoan LXX. (Mai), may be noted : —
(a.) UiMlOttCa In 9 K. xxlv. V lChr.ffl.16;
far. xxxlv. 4 only.
(».) The genitive te XOniov In 9 8.. xxr. 9 ; Jer. II.
#», lit. J, 10, 11 ; bat StlnU in Jer. I. 8, xxvni 1,
txxix. 1 ; and Sterata to xxxix. 9 only.
son of JceJah by his wife Hamutal, and therefbn
own brother to Jeboahas (9 K. xxlv. 18; comp.
xxiil. 81). Hb original name had been Matta-
KtAH, which was changed to Zedekiah by Nebu-
chadnesar, when he carried off his nephew Jehoi-
aehim to Babylon, and left him on the throne of
Jerusalem. Zedekiah was bnt twenty-one year*
old when he was thus placed in charge of an im-
poverished kingdom, and a city which, though still
strong in its natural and artificial impregnability,
was bereft of well-nigh all its defenders. But Je-
rusalem might have remained the bead of the Bab-
ylonian province of Judah, and the Temple of
Jehovah continued standing, bad Zedekiah pos-
sessed wisdom and firmness enough to remain true
to his allegiance to Babylon. This, however, ha
could not do (Jer. xxxviii. 6). His history is con-
tained in the short sketch of the events of his reign
given in 9 K. xxhr. 17-xxv. 7, and, with some
trifling variations, In Jer. xxxix. 1-7, 111. 1-11, to-
gether with the still shorter summary In 9 Chr.
xxxvi. 10, &e. ; and also In Jer. xxL, xxlv., xxvii.,
xxviiL, xxix., xxdi-, xxxiii., xxxiv., xxxvii., xxxviii.
(being the chapters containing the prophecies de-
livered by this prophet during this reign and his
relation of various events more or less affecting
Zedekiah), and Ex. xvii. 11-91. To these it Is in-
dispensable to add the narrative of Josephus (Ant.
x. 7, 1-8, § 9), which is partly constructed by
comparison of the documents enumerated above,
but also contains information derived from other
and independent sources. From these it is evident
that Zedekiah was a man not so much bad at heart
as weak in wilL He was one of those unfortunate
characters, frequent in history, like our own
Charles I. and Louis XVI. of France, who find
themselves at the head of affairs during a great
crisis, without baring the strength of character to
enable them to do what they kuow to be right, and
whose infirmity becomes moral guilt. The princes
of his court, as he himself pathetically admits in
his interview with Jeremiah, described in chap,
xxxviii., had him completely uuder their influence.
" Against them," be complains, " it is not the king
that can do anything." He was thus driven to
disregard the counsels of the prophet, which, as the
event proved, were perfectly sound; and he who
might have kept the fragments of the kingdom of
Judah together, and maintained for some genera-
tions longer the worship of Jehovah, brought its
final ruin on his country, destruction on the Tem-
ple, death to bis family, and a cruel torment and
miserable captivity on himself.
It is evident from Jer. xxvii. c and xxviiL (ap-
parently the earliest prophecies delivered during
this reign), that the earlier portion of Zedekiah's
reign was marked by an agitation throughout lb*
whole of Syria against the Babylonian yoke. Jeru-
(c.) The name Is occasionally emitted where it Is
present In the Hebrew text, «. g. Jar. xxxrUL, IB. 6,
8 ; bat on the other hand la inserted In xlvi. i, Wjere
also Dam la pot for " genfflss "
N. B. The reamneee above given to Jeeannab as*
according to the liebraw eapltolanon.
e There can be no doubt that ver. 1 of xxvU., a* It
at present atanda, contains an error, and that for Je*
holaklm w» should read Zedekiah. The mention <*
Zedekiah In w. 8 and 19, and In xxvitt. 1, as w*U as
of the captivity of Jeeoolah In ver. 90, no koa than
the whole argument of the latter part of the chapter,
rmdsrs this evident.
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8612
ZEDEKIAH
to have taken the lead, since in the
Mirth year of Zedekiah'i reign we find unbun-
dore from all the neighboring kingdonu — Tyre, Si-
don, Edom, and Moab — at bis court, to consult at
to the steps to be taken. This happened either
during the king'* absence or immediately after hit
return from Babylon, whither he went on tome er-
rand, the nature of which it not named, but which
may have been an attempt to blind the eyea of
Nebuchadnezzar to hit contemplated remit (Jer. li.
59). The project wat attacked by Jeremiah wiih
the strongest statement of the folly of such a courte
— a statement corroborated by the very material
bet that a man of Jerusalem named Hananiah,
who had opposed him with a declaration in the
name of Jehovah, that the spoilt of the Temple
should be restored within two yean, had died, in
accordance with Jeremiah's prediction, within two
mouths of its delivery. This, and perhaps alto the
Impossibility of any real alliance between Judah and
the surrounding nations, seems to have put a stop,
for the time, to the anti-Babylonian movement.
On a man of Zedekiah's temperament the sudden
death of Hananiah must have produced a strong
impression ; and we may without improbability ac-
cept toil as the time at which be procured to be
made in silver a set of the vessels of the Temple, to
replace the golden plate carried off with his prede-
cessor by Nebuchadnezzar (Bar. L 8).
The first act of overt rebellion of which any rec-
ord survives was the formation of an alliance with
Egypt, of itself equivalent to a declaration of en-
mity with Babylon. In foot, according to the
statement of Chronicles and Ezekiel (xvii. 13),
with the expansion of Jotephut, it was in direct
oontraveution of the oath of allegiance in the name
of Ebhim, by which Zedekiah wat bound by Neb-
uchadnezzar, namely, that he would keep the king-
dom for Nebuchadnezzar, make no innovation, and
enter into no league with Egypt (Ez. xvii. 13; 8
Chr. xxzvi. 13; Jos. Ant. x. 7, § 1). At a natu-
ral oonsequence it brought on Jerusalem an imme-
diate invasion of the Chaldeans. The mention of
this event in the Bible, though sure, it extremely
slight, and occurs only in Jer. xxxvii. 6-11, xxxiv.
91, and Ez. xvii. 16-30; but Josephus (x. 7, § 3)
relates it more folly, and gives the date of its oc-
currence, namely the eighth year of Zedekiah.
Probably also the denunciations of an Egyptian
alliance, contained in Jer. ii. 18, 36, have reference
to the tame time. It appears that Nebuchadnez-
zar, being made aware of Zedekiah'i defection,
either by the non-payment of the tribute or by
other meant, at once sent an army to ravage Ju-
dea- This wat done, and the whole country re-
duced, except Jerusalem and two strong places in
the western plain, Lachiah and Azekah, which still
held out (Jer. xxxiv. 7). In the panic which fol-
lowed the appearance of the Chaldeans, Zedekiah
succeeded in inducing the princes and other inhab-
itants of Jerusalem to abolish the odious custom
which prevailed of enslaving their countrymen. A
solemn rite (ver. 18), recalling in its form that in
which the original covenant of the nation had been
made with Abram (Gen. xv. 9, Ac.), wat per-
formed in the Temple (ver. 16), and a crowd of Is-
"aelitfa of both sexes found themselves released
torn slavery.
In the mean time Pharaoh had moved to the
assistance of his ally. On hearing of his approach
the Cbaldees at once raised the. siege and advanced
ZEDEKIAH
respit> tv roaessrt their power over the king, and
their defiance of Jehovah, by reenslaving those
whom they had so recently manumitted ; and the
prophet thereupon utters a doom on those miscre-
ants which, in the fierceness of its tone and in soma
of its expressions, recalls those of EUjah on Ahab
(7er. 90). This encounter was quickly followed by
Jeremiah's capture and imprisonment, which but
for the interference of the king (xxxvii. 17, SI)
would have rapidly put an end to his life (ver. SO).
How long the Babylonians were absent from Jeru-
salem we are not told. It must have required at
least several months to move a large army and
baggage through the difficult and tortuous country
which separates Jerusalem from the 1'bilUtins
Plain, and to effect the complete repulse of the
Egyptian army from Syria, which Josephus affirms
wss enacted. All we certainly know is that on the
tenth day of the tenth month of Zedekiah's ninth
year the Chaldeans were again before the watts
(Jer. lii. 4). From this time forward the siege
progressed slowly but surely to its consummation,
with the accompaniment of both famine and pesti-
lence (Joseph.). Zedekiah again interfered to pre-
serve the life of Jeremiah from the vengeance of the
princes (xxxviii. 7-13), and then occurred the in-
terview between the king and the prophet of which
mention has already been made, and which affords
so good a clew to the condition of abject depend-
ence into which a long course of opposition had
brought the weak-minded monarch. It would seem
from this conversation that a considerable desertion
had already taken place to the besiegers, proving
that the prophet's view of the condition of things
waa shared by many of his countrymen. But the
unhappy Zedekiah throws away the chance of pres-
ervation for himself and the city which the prophet
set before him, in his fear that he would be mocked
by those very Jews who had already taken the step
Jeremiah was urging him to take (xxxviii. 19).
At the same time bis fear of the princes who re-
mained in the city is not diminished, and he even
condescends to impose on the prophet a subterfuge,
with the view of concealing the real purport of his
conversation from these tyrants of his spirit (vr.
24-27).
But while the king was hesitating the end was
rapidly coming nearer. The city was indeed re-
duced to the last extremity. The fire of the be-
siegers had throughout been very destructive (Jo-
seph.), but it was now aided by a severe famine.
The bread had for long been consumed (Jer.
xxxviii. 9), and all the terrible expedient* had been
tried to which the wretched inhabitants of a be-
sieged town are forced to resort in such cases.
Mothers had boiled and eaten the flesh of their own
infants (Bar. ii. 8; Lam. iv. 10). Persons of the
greatest wealth and station were to be teen search-
ing the dung-heaps for a morsel of food. Tht
effeminate nobles, whose {sir complexions had been
their pride, wandered in the open streets like black-
ened but living skeletons (Lam. iv. 6, 8). Still
the king waa seen in public, sitting in the gat*
where justice was administered, that his people
might approach him, though indeed he bad no help
to give them (xxxviii. 7).
At last, after sixteen dreadful months had
dragged on, toe catastrophe arrived. It was on
the ninth day of the fourth month, about the mid
die of July, at midnight, as Josephus with carefu
minuteness informs us, that the breach in thou
w meet him. The nobles seized the moment of i stout and venerable walls was effected. The noon
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ZBDEKIAH
dill dsyi old, had gone down below the hills which
form the western edge of the basin of Jerusalem, or
na, at any rate, too low to illuminate the utter
darkness which reigns in the narrow lanes of an
eastern town, where the inhabitants retire earl; to
rest, and where there are but few windows to emit
light from within the houses. The wretched rem-
nants of the arm;, starred and exhausted, had left
the walls, and there was nothing to oppose the
entrance of the Chaldawns. Passing in through
the breach, the; made their way, as their custom
was, to the centre of the city, and for the first time
the Temple was entered by a hostile force, and all
the princes of the court of the great king took their
easts in state in the middle gate of the hitherto
virgin house of Jehovah. The alarm quickly
spread through the sleeping city, and Zedeklah,
collecting his wives and children (Joseph.) and
surrounding himself with the few soldiers who had
survived the accident* of the siege, made his way
out of the city at the opposite end to that at which
the Assyrians had entered, by a street which, like
the Bern o-Surein at Damascus, ran between two
walls (probably those on the east and west sides of
the so-called Tyroposon valley), and issued at a
gate above the royal gardens and the Fountain of
Siloam. Thenoe he took the road towards the
Jordan, perhaps hoping to find refuge, as David
had, at some fortified place in the mountains on its
eastern side. On the road they were met and
recognized by some of the Jews who had formerly
deserted to the Chaldaans. By them the intelli-
gence was communicated, with the eager treachery
of deserters, to the generals in the city (Joseph.),
and, as soon as the dawn of day permitted it, swift
pursuit was made. The king's party must have
had some hours' start, and ought to have had no
difficulty in reaching the Jordan ; but, either from
their being on foot, weak and infirm, while the
pursuers were mounted, or perhaps owing to the
Incumbrance of the women and baggage, they were
overtaken near Jericho, when just within sight
of the river. A few of the people only remained
round the person of the king. The rest fled in all
directions, so that be was easily taken.
Nebuchadnezzar was then at Riblah, at the
■pper end of the valley of Lebanon, some 30 miles
beyond Baalbec, and therefore about ten days'
journey from Jerusalem. Thither Zedekiah and
his sons were dispatched ; his daughters were kept
at Jerusalem, and shortly after fell into the hands
of the notorious Ishmael at Mispah. When he
was brought before Nebuchadnezzar, the great
king reproached him in the severest terms, first for
breaking his oath of allegiance, and next for ingrat-
itude (Joseph.). He then, with a refinement of
srastty characteristic of those cruel times, ordered
til sans to be killed before him, and lastly his own
ayes to be thrust out. He was then loaded with
braaan fetters, and at a later period taken to Baby-
lon, when he ditd. We are not told whether he
was allowed to communicate with bis brother Je-
bofachln, who at that time was also in captivity
there; nor do we know the time of his death; but
|<om the omission of his name in the statement of
ehoiakim's re le a se by Evil-Merodach, 86 yean
fter the fell of Jerusalem, it is natural to infer
feat by that time Zedekiah's sufferings had ended.
The feet of his interview with Nebuchadnezzar
at Rlhbh, <nd bb being carried blind to Babylon,
c s u a n c il ea two predictions of Jeremiah and EaeUel,
■bash at the tuns of their delivery most have
ZEOEKIAH
8618
Isnpeered conflicting, and which Josephus indeed
particularly states Zedekiah alleged as bis reason
for not giving more bead to Jeremiah. The formet
of them (Jer. xxxii. *) states that Zedekiah shall
" speak with the king of Babylon mouth to mouth,
and his eyes shall behold his eyes; " the latter (Ee.
xii. 13), that " he shall be brought to Babylon, yet
shall he not see it, though he die there." The
whole of this prediction of Exekiel, whose prophe-
cies appear to have been delivered at Babylon (Ez.
i. 1-3, xl. 1), is truly remarkable as describing
almost exactly the circumstances of Zedekiah's
flight
«• CBTJin? "d n ?l71? ■: JsoWot; [Vat
in 1 K. xxii. 24, SsSmiovO Btdtdtu.) Son of
Chenaanah, a prophet at the court of Ahab, head,
or, if not bead, virtual leader of the college. He
appears but once, namely, as spokesman when the
prophets are consulted by Ahab on the result of bis
proposed expedition to Ramoth-tiilaad (IK. xxii. ;
2 Chr. xviii.).
Zedekiah had prepared himself for the Interview
with a pair of rw horns after the symbolic custom
of the prophets (conip. Jer. xiii., xix.), the bonis
of tbe mm, or buflalo, which was the recognized
emblem of the tribe of Epbraim (Deut xxxlii. IT).
With these, in tbe interval of Micaiah's arrival, he
illustrated the manner In which Ahab should drive
the Syrians before him. When Micaiab appeared
and had delivered his prophecy, Zedekiah sprang
forward and struck him a blow on the fine, accom-
panying it by a taunting sneer. For this he la
threatened by Mioaiah in terms which are hardly
intelligible to us, but which evidently allude to
some personal danger to Zedekiah.
The narrative of tbe Bible don not imply that
the blow struck by Zedekiah was prompted by
more than sudden anger, or a wish to insult and
humiliate the prophet of Jehovah. But Josephus
takes a very different view, which he develops at
some length (Ant. will. 15, § 8). He relates that
after Micaiah had spoken, Zedekiah again came
forward, and denounced blm as false on the ground
that his prophecy contradicted the prediction of
Elijah, that Ahab's blood should be licked up by
dogs in the field of Naboth of Jezreei ; and as a
further proof that he was an impostor, be struck
him, daring him to do what Iddo, in somewhat
similar ciroumstanoes, bad done to Jeroboam
namely, wither his hand.
This addition is remarkable, but It la relate*
by Josephus with great circumstantiality, and was
doubtless drawn by him from that source, unhap-
pily now lost, from which he has added so many
admirable touches to tbe outlines of the sacred
narrative.
As to the question of what Zedekiah and hie
followers were, whether prophets of Jehovah or of
some hiss deity, it seems hardly possible to enter
tain any doubt. True, they use the name of
Jehovah, but that was a habit of false prophet*
(Jer. xxvili. 8, comp. xxix. 81, 81), and there is a
vast difference between the casual manner in which
they mention the awful Name, and tbe full, and a*
it were, formal style in which Mleaiah proclaims
and reiterates it- Seeing also that Ahab and bis
queen were professedly worshipper* of Baal and
Ashtaroth, and that a few years only before this
event they had an establishment consisting of tw»
■ Ones oarr, namely, 1 X. sxH. 11.
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3614 ZEBD
bodies - one of 460, the other of 400 — prophet*
ef this false wonhip, it U difficult to suppose that
there could have been also 400 prophet* of Jehovah
St his court. But the inquiry of the king of Judah
seems to decide the point. After bearing the pre-
diction of Zedekiah and his fallows, he asks at once
far a prophet of Jehovah: " Is there not here be-
sides ( TW) a prophet of Jehtnah that we may
inquire of Atmf" The natural inference seems
to be that the others were nor prophets of Jehovah,
but were the 400 prophets of Ashtaroth (A. T.
■'the groves") who escaped the sword of Ehjsh
(oomp. 1 K. xviii. 19 with 22, 40). They had
spoken in His name, but there was something
about them —some trait of manner, costume, or
gesture — which aroused the suspicions of Jehosh-
aphat, and, to the practiced eyeof one who lived at
the centre of Jehovah-worship and was well versed
tn the marks of the genuine prophet, proclaimed
them counterfeits. With these few words Zede-
kiah may be left to the oblivion in which, except
so Ibis one occasion, he remains. G.
*• CWT?i?"T?.) The son of Maaseiab, a false
prophet in Babylon among the captives who were
taken with Jeconiah (Jer. xxix. 81, 83). lie was
denounced in the letter of Jeremiah far having,
with Ahab the eon of Kolaiah, buoyed up the peo-
ple with fake hopes, and for profane and flagitious
conduct. Their names were to beomue a by-word,
and their terrible fata a warning. Of this fate we
have no direct intimation, or of the manner in
which they incurred iti the prophet simply pro-
nounces that they should fall into the hands of
Nebachadnesaar and be burnt to death. In the
Targum of K. Joseph on 8 Chr. xxvili. I, the story
la told that Joshua the son of Joaadak the high-
priest was cast into the furuaoe of Are with Ahab
and Zedekiah, but that, while they were consumed,
ha was saved far bis righteousness' sake.
4. The am of Hananiah, one of the princes of
Judah who were assembled in the scribes' chamber
of the king's palace, when Mlcaiah announced that
Baruch bad read the words of Jeremiah in the care
af the people from the chamber of Gemariah the
scribe (Jer. xxxvi. 11). W. A. W.
ZB'EB (2B$J [tee below]! i l4,fi: <t»). One
af the two "princes" C?i?) of Hidian in the
great invasion of Israel — inferior to the - kings"
Kebab, and Zahnnnna. He hi always named with
Dbbb (Jndg. rii. So, vliL 8; Pa. lxxxiii. 11). The
name signifies in Hebrew " wolf," just aa Oreb
does " crow," [or •' raven "] and the two are
appropriate enough to the customs of predatory
warriors, who delight in conferring suoh names on
their chiefs.
Zeeb and Oreb were not stain at the first root
of the Arabs below the spring of Hand, but at a
laser stage of the struggle, probably in crossing
the Jordan at a ford further down the river, near
the passes which descend tram Mount Ephraim.
An enormous mast of their followers perished with
them. [Oreb.] Zeeb, the wolf, was brought to
bay in a wine-press which la later times bore his
a The meaning la slightly altered by tba chaos* to
Its vowel-points. In the former case It attaints an
i addition'' (oMm«;),tn the latter a«rlb n (font,
Hit*. H. 876 a). Compare the equivalents of the
Ul. and Yale;. In ■amuet, as frvaa above.
MLOPHEHAD
name — the " wine-press of Zeeb " (3Mt ?|jT
'lanetfttH Alex. Iajct«*Cl* : Toraiar Zet).
a.
ZBXAH (9*23 and V*?& ie. Tseta [r*»
ride] : in Josh. [Rom.] Tat omit [or read 3eA*»
Hi *■=• 3i)*u[Aefi [Sarrev. 2eXa;] in Sam
ir Tff wAt »pS in both : Beta, in latere). One of
the cities in the allotment of Benjamin (Josh, xviii
88). Its place in the list is between Taratah and
ha-Qeph. None of these places have, however,
been yet discovered. The interest of Zelah resides
in the fact that it contained the family tomb of
Kish the father of Saul (8 Sam. xxi. 14), in which
tbe bones of Saul and Jonathan, and also appar-
ently of the two sons and five grandsons of Sana,
sacrificed to Jehovah on the bill of Gibeah, at last
found their resting-place (comp. ver. 13). Aa
containing their sepulchre, Zelah was in all proba-
bility the native place » of the family of Kish, and
therefore his borne, and the home of Saul before
hit selection ss king had brought him Into promi-
nence. This appears to have been generally over-
looked, bat it is important, because it gives a dif-
ferent starting-point to that usually assumed far
the journey of Saul in quest of his father's asses,
as well as a different goal for his return after the
anointing; and although the position of Zelah ts
not and may never be known, still it is one step
nearer the solution of the complicated difhViitnas
of that route to know that Gibeah — Saul's royal
residence after he became king — was not neces-
sarily the point either of his departure or his
return.
The absence of any connection between the names
of Zelah and Zelzah (too frequently assumed) is no-
ticed under the latter head. O.
ZB'LBK (P^3 [de/l]= 'LKi4 [Vat £*«.]
JsAv); Alex. «a\ry*, SsAXwa: ZeUc). An Am-
monite, one of David's guard (8 Sara. xxiiL 87;
1 Chr. xl. at).
ZBLOPH'BHAD ("TfT?!?? [peTh./raOorw,
Gee.]: SsAtnadf, [ezc Josh. xvii. 8, Alex. 2a*-
ftmt; 1 Chr. viL 16, Rom. Vat aaartWt:] Sal-
phaad). Son of Hepber, son of Gikad, son of
Hachir, eon of Manasseh (Josh. xvii. 3). He was
apparently the second son of his father Hepber (1
Chr. vil. 16), though Simorus and others, following
the interpretation of the Rabbit, and under the
Imprest ton that the etymology of his name indi-
cates a first-born, explains the term 'W&TJ as
meaning that his lot came up second. Zdophehad
came out of Egypt with Hoses; and all that wa
know of him it that be took no part in Koran's
rebellion, but that he died in the wilderness, aa did
the whole of that generation (Num. xiv. 86, xxvB.
8). On his death without male heirs, his ftva
daughters, just after the second numbering in the
wilderness, came before Hoses and Ehasar to claim
the inheritance of their father in the tribe of
Mansaseh. The claim was admitted by Divine
direction, ana a law was promulgated, to be of
general application, that If a man died without
sons bis inheritance should pass to bis daughters
(Num. xxvi. 38, xxviL 1-11), which led to a further
enactment (Num. xxxri.), that such heiresses snouW
' the sssarishn of the
i <S Nm.U. S).
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ZELOTB8
lot marry out of their own tribe — a regulation
which the fire daughter! of Zelopbehad eomplied
irith, bring all married to ami of Manama, to
ihat Zetopbebad's inberitaoee continued in the tribe
of Hananeh. The law of aneDeiaion, a* exempli-
fied in the caae of Zelopbehad, ia treated at length
by Selden (Dt Buccal, capp. xxii., xxiii.).
The interest of the caae, in a legal point of riew,
haa led to the careful piwcna tion of Zelophehad'a
genealogy. Beginning with Joseph, it will be seen
that the daughters of Zelopbehad are the seventh
generation. So are Salmon, Bexaleei, and Zophai
(apparently the first settler of his family), from
their patriarchal ancestors; while Caleb, Achan,
and Pbinebas are the sixth; Joshaa seems to hare
been the eighth. [Shuthelah.] The average,
therefore, seems to be between 6 and 7 geuera-
tioos, which, at 40 yean to a generation (as suited
to the length of life at that tlme) f gires between
840 and 380 yean, which agrees very well with the
reckoning of 316 years for the sojourning of the
Israelites in Egypt -f- 40 years in the wilderness
= 866 (Joseph. Am. ir. 7, § 6; Selden, Dt Suc-
en$. xxii., xxiii.). A. C. H.
ZELOTES (Zi|Ae>d)»: Zelattt). The epithet
given to the Apostle Simon to distinguish him from
Simon Peter (Luke ri. 16). In Matt. x. 4, he is
called "Simon the Canaanite," tha last word being
a corruption of the Aramaic terra, of which " Ze-
lotes " Is toe Greek equiralent [Cajiaamte ;
SiMoa 6.]
ZEL'ZAH (TT?^ i. «. Tsettsath [lAodow,
Gee,; or, double ihadou, Fttrat]: IkAipsVovf °
prycUa, in both MSS. : m meridie). A place
named once only (1 Sam. x. S), as on the boundary
af Benjamin, close to (OS) Rachel's sepulchre.
It was the first point In the homeward journey of
Saul after his anointing by Samuel. Rachel's
sepulchre is still shown a short distance to the
north of Bethlehem, but no acceptable identifica-
tion of Zebach baa been proposed. It is usually
considered aa Identical with Zelah, the home of
Kish and Saul, and that again with Bcit-jalo.
But this is not tenable; at any rate there ia noth-
ing to support it The names Zelah and Zekach
are not only not identical, but they hare hardly
anything in common, still less hare ITS ;2J and
JPU1»; nor la BtUjala close enough to the Kub-
V* RahiX to answer to the expression of Samuel.
i'Ramah.] Q.
ZEMARAIM (Dnp^J [dotbU/orat-momt,
Font]: idpa: Aim. Stauxp: Seauirroat). One
of the towns of the allotment of Benjamin (Josh,
triii. S3). It is named between Beth ha-Arabeh
and Bethel, and therefore on the assumption that
Arabah in the former name denotes as usual the
Jordan Valley, we should expect to find Zemaraim
either in the valley or in some position on its
western edge, between it and Bethel. In the
former ease a trace of the name may rerudn in
ZEMAR1TE, THE
8616
Ckutiet tUStimrn, which is marked in Ssetxen'a
map (Reitcn, vol. ir. map 3) aa about 4 miles
north of Jericho, and appears aa tt-Simrah<> in
those of Robinson and Van de Velde." (Ses also
Rob. BibL Set. I 669.) In the latter case Zema-
raim may be connected, or identical, with Mooirr
Zbmajuix, which most hare been in the higM«n<l
district.
In either event Zemaraim may hare derired its
name from the ancient tribe of the Zemarim or
Zemarites, who wen related to the Hittites and
Amorites; who, like them, are re p re s ented in the
Biblical account as descendants of Canaan, but,
from some cause or other unexplained, have left
but very scanty traces of their existence. The
list of the towns of Benjamin an remarkable for
the number of tribes which they commemorate.
The Antes, the Ammonites, the Ophnites, the
Jebusites, an all mentioned in the catalogue of
Joeb. xriii. 33-38, and it la at least possible that
the Zemarites may add another to the list. O.
ZEMARAIM, MOUNT (Dnȣ ~ff]
[see above]: to (pot iofUaay: moot Stmeron).
An eminence mentioned In 3 Chr. xiii. 4 only. It
was " in Mount Ephraim," that ia to say within
the general district of the highlands of that great
tribe. It appears to have been close to the scene
of the engagement mentioned in the narrative,
which again may be inferred to hare been south
of Bethel and Ephraim (ver. 18). It may be said
in passing, that a position so far south ia no con-
tradiction to Its being in Mount Ephraim. It haa
been already shown under Ramah [ili. 3870 4]
that the name of Mount Ephraim probably ex-
tended aa tar aa er-Jlnm, 4 miles south of BtUSn,
and 8 of Taiyibtk, the possible representative of
Ephnim. Whether Mount Zemaraim ia identical
with, or related to the place of the* same name
mentioned in the preceding article, cannot be ascer-
tained. If they prove to be distinct place* they
will furnish a double testimony to the presence of
the ancient tribe of Zemarites in this part of the
country. No name answering to Zemaraim haa
been yet discovered in the maps or information of
travellers on the highland.
It will be observed that in the LXX. and Vul-
gate, this name ia rendered by the same word
which in the former re pres e n ts Samaria. But this,
though repeated (with a difference) In the ease of
Zemarite, can hardly be more than an accidental
error, since the names hare little or no resemblance
in Hebrew. In the present ease Samaria ia be-
sides Inadmissible on topographical grounds.
O.
ZEM'ABITB, THE (^^rj [petr.]: 4
Sauaooioi; [in 1 Chr. Rom. Vat.' omit:] Soma-
ram). One of the Hamite tribes who fat tha
genealogical table of Gen. x. (ver. 18), and 1 Chr.
L (ver. 16), are repr es en ted aa "sons of Canaan."
It is named between the Arradite, or people of
Rued, and tha Hamathite, or people of Hamah.
Nothing Is certainly known of tbie ancient tribe.
a Apparently reading 7S?S. The Tinsel baa
aumeroos explanations, the fcrorlte one batnf that
Jelaah was Jerusalem — « the shadow 'bs) ofQod."
I s m s thl ng of this kind Is at the no* 4 the a veHaw
■T toe Vulg.
6 The nam* Bmmrah eaeurs more than anas *■*-
where In the Jordan Taller. It b found else* to tbs
« Bound fountain " in the Plain of Oininesswlli ; alas
at the B. *. and of tha Lake of Tiberias.
e In the 3d ed. of RoMoaon (L 669) tha name Is
given as u-Bttmra; but this Is probably a nnspttat
Ses the Arable Index to ad. i., the text, U. 806, ani
MM maps to both •dluons.
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3616
ZBMIRA
flie old interpreters (Jerusalem Targum, Anbie
Version, etc.) place then at Emeasa, the modern
Hums. Michaelis (Spicikyium, il. 51), revolting
at the want of similarity between the two nanwa
(which is perhaps the strongest argument in favor
of the-oM identification), proposes to locate them at
flum i-a (the Slmjra of the classical geographers),
which name i« mentioned by Shaw as attached to
a site of rains near Arta, on the west coast of
Syria, 10 or 11 miles above Tripoli.
On the new French map of the Lebanon (Carte
dm Li&an, etc, 1862) it appears as Kobbet oum
Sfioumra, and lies between Aria and the Mediter-
ranean, 3 kilometres from the latter, and 6J from
the former. Beyond, however, the resemblance in
the names, and the proximity of Road and Arkn,
the probable seats of the Arvadites and Arkites,
and the consequent inference that the original seat
of the Zemarites must hare been somewhere in this
direction, there is nothing to prove that Sumrn or
Skoumra have any connection with the Taemarites
of the ancient records-
Traces of their having wandered to the south are
possibly afforded by the name Zemaraim, formerly
attached to two places in the topographical lists of
Ontral Palestine — a district which appears to have
been very attractive to the aboriginal wandering
tribes from every quarter. [Zkmaraim; see also
Avim, Oram, etc.]
The LXX. and Vulgate would connect the Zem-
aritea with Samaria. In this they have been fol-
lowed by some commentators. But the idea is a
delusion, grounded on the inability of the Greek
alphabet to express the Hebrew letters of both
G.
ZBMTRA CTT&2 [ttmg, Gen.]: Zeutpd;
[Vet- h/tapmti] Alex. Zafupiuf. Zamhra). One
ef the sons of Becher the son of Benjamin (1 Chr.
rii. 8).
ZB-NAX C|3S [place of fix**] : 3,wrd; Alex.
Ssmui: Sana*.). One of the towns in the aflat-
ment of Judah, situated in the district of the
Shefelak (Josh. xv. 87). It occurs in the second
group of the enumeration, which contains amongst
others Migdal-gad and Lachish. It is proliably
identical with Zaakar, a place mentioned by the
prophet Micah in the same connection.
Schwarx (p. 103) proposes to identify It with
"the village Zan-abra, situated 9| English miles
southeast of Mareahah " By this he doubtless in-
tends the place which in the lists of Robinson
(BibL Bet. 1st «d., voL iii., Anp. 117) is called es-
SenAbimh, BoLLwJi, and in Tobler's Dritte
tt'nidtnmg (p. 148), ee-Semdberek. The latter
ti iveuer in his map places it about H miles due
east of Maraik (.Haretka). But this identifica-
tion is more than doubtful. G.
ZE'NAfl (ZnrSj, a contraction from Znrrf-
Batsat , as 'Aorenaf from 'Apre/iftawos, Nv/>^af
from ttv/ifitrnpet, and, probably, E«/iai from
'E^/iMiptt), a believer, and, as may be inferred
from the context, a preacher of the gospel, who is
mentioned in Tit. lil. 13 In connection with A pol-
ios, and, together with, him, is there commended
by St. Paul to the care and hospitality of Titus
and the Cretan brethren. He is further described
m " the lawyer" (rev rouutaV). It is Impossible
to determine with certainty whether we are to infer
from Uus designation that Zenaa was a Roman
ZEPHANIAH
jnriseonsuR or a Jewish doctor. Grotius accepts
the former alternative, and thinks that be was a
Greek who had studied Roman Law. Tte N. T.
usage of rouuror leads rather to the other infer-
ence. Tradition has been somewhat busy with the
name of Zenaa. The Bynoptu de Vila ef Marie
Prophetmnm Aponobrum el Ducipulonm Amass
ascribed to Dorotheas of Tyre, makes him to have
been one of the "seventy-two'' disciples, and sub-
sequently bishop of Diospolis in Palestine (BOL
Pair. iii. 150). The "seventy-two" disciples of
Dorotheas are, however, a mere string of names
picked out of salutations and other incidental no-
tices in the H. T. The Greek Henologies on the
festival of SS. Bartholomew and Titus (Aug. It)
refer to a certain Life of Titus, aeeribed to Zenaa,
which is also quoted for the supposed conveanoa
of toe younger Pliny (compare Fsbricrns, Oniem
Apotr. If. T. U. 831 f.). The association of Zenaa
with Titus, in St. Paul's epistle to the latter, suffi-
ciently accounts for the forgery. W. B. J.
ZEPHAHTAH (TT95?: s««W«. : Bo-
pkoma. These forms refer to soother pnnctuation,
rP)5^, a particinial fortnV. Jerome derives lbs
name from TTOS, and sup poses it to mean apeoa-
lalor Domini, " watcher of the Lord," an spr...
prist* appellation for a prophet. The pedigree of
Zephsniah, ch. i. 1, is tmced to his fourth ancestor,
Hesekiah: supposed by Aben Ears to be the cele-
brated king of that name. Thia is not in itself
improbable, and the fact that the pedigree termi-
nates with that name, points to a personage of rank
and importance. Late critics and commentators
generally acquiesce in the hypothesis, namely,
Ekhborn, Hitdg, F. Ad. Strauss ( Vatidma Zepk-
muo3, Berlin, 1843), Hirernick, KeU, and Bkek
(A'laieiano m aVis Alte Tflamrnl).
Atwlyit. Chap. i. The utter desolation of
Judas* is predicted as s judgment for idolatry, and
neglect of the Lord, the luxury of the princes, and
the violence and deceit of tbeir dependents (3-8).
The prosperity, security, sod insolence of the peo-
ple is contrasted with the horrors of the day of
wrath; the assaults upon the fenced cities and high
towers, and the slaughter of the people (10-18).
Ch. U., a call to repentance (1-3), with prediction
of the ruin of the cities of the Philistines and the
restoration of the house of Judah after the visita-
tion (4-7). Other enemies of Judah,— Moab, Am-
nion, — are threatened with perpetual destruction,
Ethiopia with a great ahogbter, and Nineveh, the
capital of Assyria, with desolation (8-16). Ch. iii.
The prophet addresses Jerusalem, which he le u i mes
sharply for vice and disobedience, the cruelty of the
princes and the treachery of the priests, snd for
their general disregard of warnings and visitations
(1-7). He then concludes with a aeries of prem-
ises, the destruction of the enemies of God's peopls,
the restoration of exiles, the extirpation of the
proud and violent, and the permanent peace sad
blessedness of the poor snd afflicted remnant whs
thill trust in the name of the Lord. These exhort*
tlons to rejoicing and exertion are mingled with in-
timations of a complete manifestation ef God's
righteousness and love in the restoration of his
people (8-90).
The chief characteristics of this book an tht
unity and harmony of the composition, the met
energy, and dignity of its style, and the rapid aad
effective alternations of threats ard p r o m is ee. In
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ZEFHANIAH
prophetical Import to chiefly ihown in the accurate
prediction* of the desolation which ha* fallen upon
each of the nation* denounced for their crimen;
Ethiopia, which to menaced with a terrible inraaion,
being alone exempted from the doom of perpetual
rain. The general tone of the but portion to Mi
■ianie, but without any specific reference to the
Person of our Lord.
The date of the book Is given in the inscription ;
Darnely, the reign of Joaiah, from 643 to 611 B. c.
This date accord* full? with internal indications.
Nineveh to represented as in a state of peace and
prosperity, while the notices of Jerusalem touch
upon tfao same tendencies to idolatry and crime
which are condemned by the contemporary Jeremiah.
It to most probable, moreover, that the prophecy
was delivered before the 18th year of Joaiah, when
the reformation, for which it prepares the way, was
carried into effect, and about the time when the
Scythians overran the empires of western Asia, ex-
tending their devastation* to Palestine. The no-
tice* which an supposed by some critic* to iudi
cat* a somewhat later date an satisfactorily
explained. The king's children, who are spoken
of, in ch. i. 8, a* addicted to foreign habits, could
not have been sons of Joaiah, who was but eight
years old at hi* accession, but were probably his
brothers or near relatives. The remnant of Baal
(ch. L 4) implies that some partial reformation had
previously taken place, while the notices of open
idolatry are incompatible with the state of Judah
after the discovery of the Book of the Law.
V. C. a
* Literature. — Among the special writer* on
Zephaniah in J. H. Gebhardi, ErldSnmg dtt
Propk. Ztpkanjak (1738); U. U. C. von CiUn
Spiciltg. ObtrvuU. txeg.-erit. ad Ztpkama
Vatidnia (1818); P. Ewald, Dtr Propktl Ztpk-
mua (1837); Fr. A. Strauss, Vatidnia Zephm '
Omm. Uluttr. (1843); and L. Reinke, Dtr Propk.
Zepkanja (1868). On particular topics, J. A. Nol-
ten, Dm. tzeg. m Pi-ophttiam Ztpkania (1719);
C. F. Cramer, Scythitche DenbnSUr m Pal
btma, with a Commentary (1777), and C. Th
Ant's, Vtrno c. iii. Propk. Ztph. etc. (1811). The
later writers on Zephaniah are Kosenmilller, Hitzig,
tbelner, Maurer, Ewald, Umbreit, Kcil (1886),
vleinert (1866, in Lange'a Bibthetrk), Henderson,
Moves, Cowles, snd Pusey (1870), in their well
known commentaries on the minor prophets. For
works relating to the overthrow of Nineveh, so dis-
tinctly foretold by Zephaniah, see the additions to
Nahum and Nuizvut. See also the art. Zepkanja
by Delitxsoh in Herzog's faat-Kneyk. xviil. 493-
501 (1864). M.
8. (Zafariai Alex. Ivpariai : Sopkoniae.)
A Koballiite Levite, ancestor of Samuel and He-
■ao (1 Chr. vi. 86 [81]).
3. GtoaWoj.) The son of Maaaeiah (Jar.xxL
1), and s<iow« or second priest in the reign of
Zedekiah. He succeeded Jehoiada (Jer. xxix. 36,
K), and was probably a ruler of the Temple, whose
•ffioe it was among other* to punish pretenders to
he gift of prophecy. In this capacity be was ap-
pealed to by Shemaiah the Nehestmita, in a letter
Irons Babylon, to punish Jeremiah (Jer. xxix. 39).
Twice was he sent from Zedekiah to inquire of
(eremiah the issue of the siege of the city by the
ChaHwns (Jer. xxi. 1), and to implore bin- *o in-
tercede for the people (Jer. xxxvii. 8). On the
wpture of Jerusalem by Nebuxaradan he was
I with bereiah the high-priest and others, and
zephathah, valley, of 8617
slain at Rlblah (Jer. Hi. 34, 37; 3 K. xxv. 18, tl)
In 8 K. xxv. 18, Jer. xxxvii. 3, bis name to writ-
ten in the longer form VT^S?.
4. Father of Joaiah S T (Zeeh. vi. 10), and of
Hen, according to the reading of the received text
of Zeeh. vi. 14, as given in the A. V.
W.A.W.
ZE'PHATH (DBS [woidHower] : [Rom.
SecW*; Vat] X«t*ic; Alex. 2t*ep: Sephaatk).
The earlier name (according to the single notice of
Jodg. i. 17) of a Canaanite town, which after it*
capture and destruction was called by the Israelites
Hokmaii. Two identifications hsve been pro-
posed for Zephatb : that of Dr. Robinson with
the well-known psss rt-Sufa (oL/L«aJI) t by
which the ascent to made bum the bordeia of the
Arabak to the higher level of the " South country "
{BioL Ha. ii. 181), and that of Mr. Kowlanda
(Williams's Huly City, i. 464) with Sebala, St
hours beyond Khulim, on the road to Sues, ana
t of an hour north of Rokeoeli or HJuibeh.
The former of these, Mr. Wilton ( Tkt Ncgeb,
etc., pp. 199, 300) has challenged, on account of the
impracticability of the pass for the approach of the
Israelites, and the inappropriateneat of so rugged
aud desolate a spot for the position of a city of any
importance- The question really forms part of a
much larger one, which this to not the place to dis-
cuss — namely, the route by which the Israelite*
approached the Holy Land. But in the mean
time it should not be overlooked that tin attempt
in question was on unsuccessful one, which to so for
in favor of the steepness of the pass. The argu-
ment from the nature of the site is one which
might be brought with equal force against the ex-
istence of many others of the towns in this region.
On the identification of Mr. Rowlands some doubt
to thrown by the want of certainty as to the name, ■
a* well as by the fact that no later traveller has
succeeded in finding the name Sebata, or the spot.
Or. Stewart ( Tent and Khan, p. 305) heard of the
name, but east of Khalaea instead of south, and
this was in answer to a leading question — always
a dangerous experiment with Arabs.
It is earnestly to be hoped that some means may
shortly be found, to attempt at least the examina-
tion and reconcilement of these and tbe like contra- -
dictory statements and inferences. O.
ZEPH'ATHAH, THE VALLEY OF
(nn^V rTJ [watck-tou-er]: ft fdpayi «■»*
j3o#ar,' In both MSS.; Joseph, «v 2aa>0a: VaW*
Stphntt). The spot in which Asa joined battle
with Zerah the Ethiopian (3 Chr. xlv. 10 only). It
was "at" or rather "belonging to" Msrashah
(ntjn^ 1 ? : Joseph, sua- (brteVfy). This would
seem to exclude the possibility of its being, a* tug-
gated by Dr. Robinson (it 81), at TtU u-Safiek
which is not leas than 8 miles from ifartuh, the
modem representative of Mareshah. It to not im-
probable that an examination of the neighborhood
might reveal both spot and name. Considering
the enormous number of the combatants, tbe valley
must be an extensive one. O.
• Mareshah has not been identified by name, bat
a Probably reading 713132. It
that Jonphus her* tonaies the U
brew tut.
wiUbs
LXX. for the Be
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3618 zbphi
k probably marked by « tba foundations on tbe
southeastern put of the remarkable TtU" south
of licit JiMn (HobiiMOO). Then i» a deep valley
which ruiu put tba Tell down to Bail Jilniu mod
thence into the plain of Philiatia. Mr. Porter sug-
gests (if Tell a-Sttftk la) too far from the aup-
poeed lite of Mareahah) that this valley may be
Zepbathah (Kitto, CgcL o/ BibL Lit., iii. 1166).
H.
ZETHI ?*}%l<oatck-iaioery.X»+ip : BepU),
IChr. i. 39. [Zbwio]
ZE'PHO OS? [axrtcA-fcwer] : S<^d>:
Beplm). A an of Eliphax aon of Eaau (Gen.
ixxvi. 11), and one of the « dukes," or phylarchs,
of.the Kdomitet (ver. U). In 1 Chr. i. 36 be is
oaUed Zefhi. E. 8. P.
ZE'PHON 0"lE*f [abotoig <mt\: %^A,\
Alex, oniita: Stplmm). Ziphios the aon of Gad
(Num. xxvi. 16), and ancestor of the family of the
ZjtTHOMITKS.
ZE'PHONITES, THE03'lD9n [pair.]:
A "tocwf [Vat. -«i] : Brplxmita). A branch of
the tribe of Gad, descended from Zephon or Ziphion
(Num. xxvi. 16).
ZEK ("H [jd'if]:^: Ber). One of the
fortified towna of the allotment of Naphtali (Joah.
xix. 36 only). From the namee which succeed it
in the list it may be inferred that it waa hi the
neighborhood of the 8. W. aide of the Lake of
Genneaareth. The versions of tbe I. XX. and of
the Peebito, both of tfaia name and that which
precedes it, am grounded on an obvious mistake.
Neither of them has anything to do with Tyre or
Zidou.
Ziddim may possibly be identified with f/allin;
but no name resembling Teer appears to have been
yet discovered in the neighborhood of Tiberias.
G.
ZB BAH (rPT [name, origin] : Zoos', [Zoaet :]
Znra, [Zare]). A aon of Reuel aon of Eaau (Gen.
xxxvi- 13; 1 Chr. i. 87), and one of the "dukes,"
or phylarcha, of the Edomites (Gen. uxvi. 17).
Jobab of Boxrah, one of the early kings of Edom,
perhaps belonged to his family (uxvi. 33; 1 Chr.
, L 44). E. 8. P.
ZETIAH, km properly, Za'bah (1TTT, with
the pause accent, iTTJ [ruing]: Zapi\ [in 1
Chr. ix. 6, Vat. Zcuw<:] Zara). Twin aon with
bis elder brother Phases of judah and Tamar
(Gea. xxxviii. 30; 1 Chr. U. 6; Matt. i. 3). His
jeeeendanta were called Zarhttes, EsrahUca, and
brahitea (Num. xxri. SO; 1 K. iv. 31; 1 Chr.xxvii.
8, 11), and continued at least down to the time of
Zerubbabel (1 Chr. ix. 7: Neb. xi. 24). Nothing
■a related of Zerah individually, beyond the pecul-
tir circumstances of bis birth (Gen. xxxviii. 27-
10), concerning whieh tee Heidegg. But. Pnlri-
xrc*. xviii. 38. A. C. H.
8. (Zafit ; Alex. Zapaf Zarn.) Son of Simeon
(1 Chr. ir. 24), called IZohar in Gen. xhri. 10.
' 3- (Zoost [Vat. loopo], Zaapat; Alex. Zopo,
tCwuu) A Gershouite Levite, son of Iddo or
tdauth (I Chr. ri. 21, 41 [Heb. vi. 26]).
*• (I" 1 "!?.: 2af(: Zerah.) The Ethiopian or
futile, ''ttrnsn, an invader of Judah, defeated
tj Aaa [2 Chi. ju>. »].
ZERAH
1» In ita form the name is identical with tht
Hebrew proper name above. It bas been supposed
to represent the Egyptian CSAKKEN, poaaiU}
pronounced USARCHEN, a name almost certainly
of Shemitic origin [Shishak, 1L 1289]. The
difference is great, but may be partly accounted
for, if we suppose that the Egyptian deviates from
the original Shemitic form, and that the Hebrew
represents that form, or that a further deviation
than would have been made was the result of tbe
similarity of the Hebrew proper name Zerah. So,
KID, even if pronounced SEW A, or 8EVA, ■
more remote from SHEBEKor SHEBETEK than
Zerah from U8ARKEN. It may be conjectured
that these forms resemble those of Memphis, Moph,
Noph, which evidently represent onrrent pronun-
ciation, probably of Shemitea.
2. Tbe war between Aaa and Zerah appears to
bare taken place soon after the 10th, and shortly
before the 15th year of Aaa, probably late in the
14th, as we shall aee in examining the narrative.
It therefore occurred in about the same year of
Usarken II., fourth king of tbe XXIId dynasty,
wbo began to reign about tbe same time aa the
king of Judah. Asa's reign, aa far aa the 14th
year inclusive, waa B. c. eir. 983-640, or, if Ma-
naaaeh's reign be reckoned of 35 yean, 933-640.
[Shisiiak, pp. 3010 ft*.]
3. Tbe first ten years of Asa's reign were un-
disturbed by war. Then Aaa took couusel with bis
subjects, and walled and fortified the cities of Ju-
dah. lie also maintained an army of 680,000 men,
300,000 spearmen of Judah, and 280,000 archers
of Betuainiu. This great force was probably the
whole number of men able to bear arms (2 Chr.
xiv. 1-6). At length, probably in the 14th year
of Asa, the anticipated danger came. Zerah, the
Ethiopian, with a mighty army of a million,
Cuahini and Lubim, with three hundred r'-erlnta,
invaded the kingdom, and advanced unopposed in
tbe field as far as Mareahah. As the invaders af-
terwards retreated by way of Genu-, and Mareahah
lay on the west of the hill-country of Judah, when
it rises out of tbe Philistine plain, in the line of
march from Egypt to Jerusalem, it cannot be
doubted that they came out of Egypt. Between
the border on the side of Genu- and Mareahah, lay
no important city but Gath. Gath and Mareahah
were both fortified by Rehoboaw before tbe invasion
of Sbishak (xi. 8). and were no doubt captured and
probably dismantled by that king (oomp. xii. 4),
whose list of oooquared towns, etc., shows that he not
only took some strong towns, but that be subdued
the country in detail. A delay in the capture of
Gath, where tbe warlike Philistines may hare op-
posed a stubborn resistance, would hare removes)
tbe only obstacle on tbe way to Mareahah, thus se-
curing the retreat that waa afterwards made by
this route. From Mareahah, or its immediate
neighborhood, was a route to Jerusalem, presenting
no difficulties but those of a billy country ; for not
one important town is known to have lain between
the capital aud this outpost of the tribe of Judah.
The invading army had swarmed across the border
and devoured the Philistine fields before Aaa could
march to meet it- The distance from Garar or tht
southwestern border of Palestine, to Mareahah, was
not much greater than from Mareahah to Jerusa-
lem, and considering tbe nature of the tracts,
would have taken about the tame time to traverse
and only such delay as would haw been caused In
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EBBAfl
Itu sieges of Gath and Mareshar. eonM have en-
ibled Asa hastily to collect a levy and march to
.then the beleaguered town, or hold tin paw n.
'In the Valley of Zephathah at Mareahah," the
Iwo anules met. We cannot perfectly detarmtne
the lite of the battle. Mareahah, aooonling to the
Onomattia.it, lay within two miles of Eleutherop-
o.ii, and Dr. Robinson has reasonably conjectured
its position to be marked by a remarkable " tell,"
or artificial mound, a mile and a half south of the
lite of the latter town. Its signification, " that
which is at the head," would scarcely suit a posi-
tion at the opening of a valley. But it seems that
> narrow valley terminates, and a broad one com-
mences at the supposed site. The Valley of
Zephathah, " the watch-tower," is supposed by Dr.
Kobinson to be the latter, a broad wady, descend-
ing from Eleutheropolis iu a northwesterly direc-
tion towards TtU a Stffith, in which last name he
is disposed to trace the old appellation (BioL Ha,
ii. 31). The two hare no oounectlou whatever, and
Unbiusou's conjecture is extremely hazardous. If
this identification be correct, we must suppose that
Zerah retired from before Mareahah towards the
plain, that he might use his " chariots and horse-
men '* with effect, instead of entangling them iu
the narrow valleys leading towards Jerusalem.
From the prayer of Asa we may judge that, when
he came upon the invading army, he saw its huge-
uess, and so that, as he descended through a valley,
it lay spread out beneath him. The Kgvptian
monuments enable us to picture the general dispo-
sition of Zerah's army. The chariots formed the
first corps in a single or double line; behind them,
massed in phalanxes, were heavy armed troops;
probably on the flanks stood archers and horsemen
in lighter formations. Asa, marching down a
valley, must have attacked in a heavy column; for
i.one but the most highly disciplined troops can
form line from column in the face of an enemy.
His spearmen of Judah would have composed this
column: each bank of the valley would have been
occupied by the Benjamite archers, like those who
came to David, " helpers of the war, armed with
bows, and [who] could use both the right hand
and the left In [hurling] stones and [shooting]
arrows out of a bow " (1 Chr. xil. 1, 9). No doubt
the Ethiopian, confident in his numbers, disdained
to attack the Hebrews or clear the heights, but
waited in the broad valley, or the plain. Asa's
prayer before the battle is full of the nobis faith of
the age of the Judges: "Lord [it is] alike to
Thee to help, whether the strong or the weak : help
as, O Lord our God ; for we rest on Thee, and in
Thy name we go against the multitude. O Lord,
Thou [art] our God ; let not man prevail against
Thee." From the account of Abgah's defeat of
Jeroboam, we may suppose that the priests sounded
their trumpets, and the men of Judah descended
with a shout (9 Chr. xiii. 14, 16). The hills and
mountains were the favorite camping-places of the
Hebrews, who usually rushed down upon their
mors numerous or better disciplined enemies in the
plains and valleys. If the battle were deliberately
set in array, it would have begun early tn the
Horning, according to the usual practice of then
rimes, when there wss not a night surprise, aa
when Goliath challenged the Israelites (1 Sam. xril.
30-33), and when Tbothmes III. fought the Cana-
snites at Megiddo, and aa we may judge from the
long pursuits at this period, the sun would hare
•sen in the eyes of the army of Zerah, and its
ZERAH
8619
archers would have been thus useless The chariots,
broken by the oharge and with horses made un-,
manageable by flights of arrows, must have been
forced back upon the cumbrous boat behiud. '• So
the Lord smote the Ethiopians before Asa, and
before Judah; and the Ethiopians fled. And Asa
and the people that [were] with him pursued them
untoGerar: and [or "for"] the Ethiopians were
overthrown, that they could not recover themselves."
This last clause seems to relate to' an irremediable
overthrow at the first; and, indeed, had it not been,
so, the pursuit would not have been carried, and,
as it seems at once, beyond the frontier. So com-
plete was toe overthrow, that the Hebrews could .
capture and spoil the cities around Gerar, whloh
must have been in alliance with Zerah. From these
cities they took very much spoil, and they also
smote " the tents of cattle, and carried away sheep/
and camels in abundance " (9 Chr. xiv. 0-16).
More seems to have been captured fromithe Arabs,
than own the army of Zerah: probably the army
consisted of a nucleus of regular troops, and a.
great body of tributaries, who would have scattered-
in all directions, leaving their country open to re-
prisals. On his return to Jerusalem, Asa was met
by Axariah, who exhorted him and the people to be
faithful to God. Accordingly Asa made a second
reformation, and collected bis subjects at Jerusalem
in the 3d month of the 18th year, and made a cov-
enant, and offered of the spoil <> seven hundred
oxen and seven thousand sheep " (xv. 1-15).
From this it wonU appear that the battle was
fought in the preceding winter. The success of
Asa, and the manifest blessing that attended him,
draw to him Ephraimites, Manassites, and Sim-,
eonites. His father had already captured cities in ■
the Israelite territory (xiii. 19), and he held cities'
in Mount Euhraim (xv. 8), and then was at peace
with Israel. Simeon, always at the mercy of »•
powerful king of Judah, would have naturally,
turned to him. Never was the 'house of David i
stronger after the defection of the ten- tribes; but
soon the king fell into the wicked error, so con-,
atantly to be repeated, of calling the heathen to
aid him against the kindred Israelites, and hired.
Ueuhadad, king of Syria-Damascus, to lay then-
cities waste, when Hanani the prophet recalled
to him the great victory he bad achieved when'
be trusted in God (xvi. 1-9). The after years of
Asa were troubled with wan (ver. 9); but they
were with Baasba (1 K. xv. 18, 39). Zerah and
his people had been too signally crushed to attack
him again.
i. The identification of Zerah has occasioned
some difference of opinion. He has been thought
to have been a Cushite of Arabia, or a Cushite of.
Ethiopia above Egypt But lately it has been sop-
posed that Zerah is the Hebrew name of Usarken
I., second king of the Egyptian XXIId dynasty*
or perhaps more probably Usarken II., his second
successor. This question Is a wider one than n a m e
at first sight We hare to inquire whether the
army of Zerah was that of an Egyptian king, and,
if the reply be affirmative, whether it was led by
either Usarken I. or II.
The war of Shishak had reduced the angle of
Arabia that divided Egypt from Palestine. Proba-
bly Shishak was unable to attack the Assyrians,
and endeavored,, by securing this- treat, to guard
the approach to Egypt. If the army of Zerah wan
Egyptian, this would account for its connection
with the people of Gerar and the pastoral trUts el
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ZERAH
2620
the nelghlwrhood. The sudden deeuM of lb*
power of Egypt after the reign of Shlehak voald
he explained by the overthrow of the Egyptian
array about thirty yean later.
The composition of the army of Zona, of Cushiat
and Uibim (3 Chr. xvi. 8), closely resemble, that
of Shiahck, of Lublm, Sukkiim, and Coahiai (xii.
I)i both armiea alao had chariot • and horsemen
(xri. 8, xii. 3). The Cuehlm might have been of
an Aaiatic Ciuh, hot the Lubini ean only ban been
Africans. The army, therefore, mutt have been
of a king of Egypt, or Ethiopia above Egypt- The
naeertainty ia removed by our finding that the
king* of thi XX lid dyaaaty empioyeil mercenaries
of the M ASHUWA8I1A, a Ubyan tribe, which
ap p arently aupplied the most important part of
their hired force. The army, moreover, aa con-
sisting partly, if not wholly, of a uieraraary force,
and with chariots and honemen, in, aire in the
horsemen, exactly what the Egyptian army of the
empire would have been, with the one change of
the increaaed importance given to the mercena-
ries, that we know to have marked it under the
XXlId dynaaty. [Shishak, p. WIS.] That the
army wax of an Egyptian king therefore cannot be
ZKRBDA
Aa to the identification of Zerah with an Usar-
kan, we apeak dUBdentiy. That be ia called a
Uuabite miut be compared with the occurrence of
the name NAMDRET, Nimrod, in the line of the
Ussrkene, but that line eeema rather to have been
of eastern than of western EUiiopiana (ace, bow-
srer, Shishak, p. 80181). The name Utarken
baa been thought to be Sargon [Siiwhak, L c],
in which can it ia unlikely, but not impossible,
that another Hebrew or Sberaitic name should
have been adopted to repment the Egyptian form.
. On the other hand, the kiitga of the XXlId dynaaty
were of a warlike family, and their runs constantly
held military commands. It is unlikely that an
important army would have been intrusted to any
but a king or prince. Uaarkeu is lew remote from
Zerah than seems at first sight, and, according to
our computation, Zerah might have been Usarken
U., but according to Dr. Hindu's, Usarken I.
». 'Ine defeat of the Egyptian army by Aaa ia
without parallel in the history of the Jews. Oo
90 other occasion did an Israelite army meat an
army of one of the great powers on either aide and
iefeat it. Shishak was unopposed, Sennacherib
ivaa not met in the field, Necho was so met and
overthrew Joaiah'a army, NelHuhadnezaar, like
Shishak, was only delayed by fortifications. The
-Meat of Zerah thus is a solitary instance, more
if the power of faith than of the bravery of the
ilebrcws, a single witness that the God of Israel
ana still the same who had led his people through
the Hed Sea, and would give them the same aid if
Vhey trusted in Him. We have, indeed, no dis-
tinct statement that the defeat of Zerah was a
miracle, but we have proof enough that God provi-
dVitiaUy enabled the Hebrews to vanquish a force
greater in number, stronger in the appliances of
wot, with horsemen and cbarioU, more accurate in
discipline, uo raw levies hastily equipped from the
Ung'a armory, but a seasoned standing militia,
strengthened and more terrible by the addition of
twvma of hungry Arabs, bred to war, and whose
•hole Ufa waa a time of pillage. This great deliv-
erance is one of the many proofs that God ia to
da people ever the same, whether He bide them
stand still and behold his salvation, or nerves them
wttbthet
in hi* name in oar laser age; thus it bridges «
a chasm but a sen two periods o ut w ar dly eaanVe,
and bids as see in history the bnuutafasBtj ef the
Divine actions. K. 8. P.
ZERAHI'AH (rrjTTTf [Jekwa* coated* Is
tpring forth]: Zapata, ' Xapata, Zapata; Alas.
Zoeaiat, Zapuu, Zapata: Zaralat, ZaraKa). A
priest, son of Usxi, and ancestor of Em the scribe)
(1 Chr. vi. 6, 61 [Heb. v. 83, vi. 86] ; Ear. vii. 4
[where the A. V. ed. 1611 reads Zkkaiah]).
8. (Sapow; [Vat. Zopftai] Alex, Zapata:
Znrtlit.) Father of Euboenai of the sons of
Pabath Hoab (Ear. viil 4): called Zakaia* in 1
Esdr. viil. 81.
• ZKKAIAH (8 ayL), Ear. viL 4 (A. V. ad.
1611). [Zuuiun 1.]
ZB'BED ("Of [demeftnaf] : [Rom.] Zap**,
[Vat] Zaper, [Alex. Zap*, Zaper:] Zand). Tba
name of a brook or valley running into the Dead
Sea near its S. E. comer, which Dr. Robinson
(6YM. Rts. il. 157) with some probability suggests
ss Identical with the Wady eLAhmp. It lay be-
tween Moab and Edam, end is the Emit ef the
proper term of the Israelites' wandering (Dent, ii
14). Laborde, arguing from the distance, thinks
that the source of the Wada Uktrtadel in the
Arabah is the site; aa from Mount Hnr to it- Jit*
is by way of rjoon-geber 65 leagues, in which only
four stages occur: a rate of progress quite beyond
their power. Thil argument, however, is feeble,
since it la clear that the mareh-statkwa mentioned
indicate not dally stages, bnt more permanent
encampments. He alao thinks the palm-trees of
W tidy G. would have attracted notice, and that
Wady Jelhum (e(-/nw) could not have been the
way consistently with the precept of Dent. ii. 8.
The camping station in the catalogue of Mum.
xxiii., which corresponds to the " pitching in the
valley of Zand » of xxi. 12, is probably Dibon-Gad,
as It stands next to lje-Abarim ; compare Num.
xxxiii. 44, 45 with xxi. 13. The Wada ti-Aktm
forms the boundary between the districts of JebaX
and Ktrtt. The stream runs in a very deep
ravine and contains a hot spring which the Arabs
call the " Bath of Solomon, sou of David " (Irby,
May 89). [Zarkd.]
The Jewish Interpreters translate the name in
the first case " osiers," and in the second " bas-
kets " (Targum Pseudojonathan), which recalls the
" brook of the willows " of Isaiah (xr. 7). The
name S*ftnf (willow) Is attached to the valley
which runs down from Ktrak to the Dead Sea;
bat this appears to be too far north for the Zend.
[WlLLOWH, BBOOK OP THE.] H. H.
ZEB'EDA (n"TT¥n, i. a. the Tatrtd&h,
with the dot article (eaJimg]: 4) 3«plp«.(Vas.
-p«-]; Alex, a lap**: Sanaa). The native
place, Recording to the present Hebrew text, of
Jeroboam, the leader of the revolt of the norther*
tribes, and the first king of the « Kingdom of
Israel." It ueours b II. xi. 86 only. Taj
LXX. (in the Vatican Codex) for Zereda substitute
Sareira, as will be seen above. This is not in Use*
remarkable, since it is bat an instance of the ex-
change of r and d, which Is so often observed bath
in the LXX. and Syria. Versions, and which ha*
not impossibly taken place ia the Hebrew text
itself of Jadg. vii. 38, where the nam Zararar
appears attached to apises which ia perhaps das
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ZBBBUATHAH
when called Zoedethah. But it it man ramt-
ible that in toe long addition to toe history of
Jeroboam which then translators inacrt batmen
J K. lii. 24 and 36 of the Hebrew text, Sarin is
frequently mentioned. In strong contrast to the
merely casual mention of it hi the Hebrew narrative
as Jeroboam's native place, it is elevated in the
narrative of the LXX. into great prominence, and
becomes in (set the most important and, it may
naturally he presumed, the most impregnable for-
tress of Ephraiin. It there appears as the town
which Jeroboam fortified for Solomon in Mount
Kphrmim; thither be repairs on his return from
Egypt; there he assembles the tribe of Kphrmim,
and there he builds a fortress. Of its position
nothing is said except that it was " in Mount
Contain]," bat from the nature of the case it must
lave been central. The LXX. further make it
the residence of Jeroboam at the tine of the death
jf his child, and they substitute it for Tinas (not
jnly on the aiugle occasion on which the latter
tame occurs in the Hebrew of this narrative, but)
three times over. No explanation has been given
■* tins change of rTS"lFI into ""TH?. It Is
nardly one which would naturally occur from the
xnvuptions either of copyists or of pronunciation.
The question of the source and value of these sin-
gular additions of the LXX. has never yet been
fully examined ; but in the words of Dean Milman
(HuL of the Jew, 3d ed. i. 338), ••there is a
einumstantialness about the incidents which (jives
them sn air of authenticity, or rather antiquity,"
and which it is to be hoped will prompt some
scholar to a thorough investigation.
Zeredah has been supposed to be identical with
Zebkdatuah (8 Cbr. iv. 17) and Zakthah or
Zaktarah. But even if the two last of these
names were more similar to it than they are, there
would remain the serious topographical difficulty
to such an identification, that they were in the
nlley of the Jordan, while Zeredah was, according
U> the repeated statement of the LXX., on Mount
Rphraim. If, however, the restricted statement of
no Hebrew Bible be accepted, which names Zeredah
nerely as the native place of Jeroboam, and as not
mneerned in the events of his mature life, then
hen is no obstacle to its situation in that part of
he tribe of Kphraim which lay in the Jordan Val-
ley. Q.
ZEBEDA'THAH (HOTl? [<wtf»«]:
Tat.] iifiaSat, [Rom. Septal J Alex. Sates*:
sVu-eaVilOfi). Named (in 8 Chr. iv. 17 only) in
specifying the situation of the foundries for the
brass-work of Solomon's Temple. In the parallel
passage in 1 K. vii. 46, Zabthah occupies the
place of Zeredatbah, the rest of the sentence being
literally the same; but whether the one name Is
merely an accidental variation of the other, or
whether, as there is some ground for believing,
there is a connection between Zeredah, Zeredatnah,
ZERUBBABEL
8621
Zererab, and Zarthan, we have now no means u
determining. It should be observed that Zeredah
baa ia the original the definite article prefixed to it,
which is not the case with either Zeredatbah or
Zerera. U.
ZEB'ERATH (TTlt,' i. e. Tsererah: Tw
yafayaeil" Alex. *<u avniffurr): Vulg. omits).
A place named only in Judg. vii. 83, in describing
the flight of the Midianlte boat before Gideon.
The A. V. has somewhat unnecessarily added to
the original obscurity of the passage, which runs
as follows: "And the host fled into Beth has-
shittah to Zererah, <? unto the brink of Abet-nae-
holah upon Tabbath " — apparently describing tht
two lines of flight taken by the two portions of the
horde.
It is natural to presume that Zarerah is the asms
name as Zeredatbah.'' They both appear to have
been in the Jordan Valley, and as to the difference
in the names, the termination ia insignificant, and
the exchange of 1 and "I is of constant occurrence.
Zeredatbah, again, appears to be equivalent to Zar-
than.
It ia also difficult not to suppose that Zererah ia
the same place with the Sarin which the LXX.
present ss the equivalent of Zereda and of Tinah.
But in the way of this there is the difficulty which
has been pointed out under Zereda, that the two
last-named places appear to have been in the high-
lands of Epbraim, while Zererah and Zeredatbah
were in the Jordan Valley. Q.
ZCTtEBH (Bht [Pen. oottjt Zew«V«t
■[Alex ] Sawoea; Joseph. ZdWa: Znrte). The
p wife of Hainan tht Agagite (Ksth. v. 10, 14, vL
18), who oouneslled him to prepare the gallows for
Mordecai, but predicted her hatband's ruin at soon
as she knew that Mordecai was a Jew.
A.C.H.
ZE'RETH (HT? [pert, epltndor], i,p»;
[Vat. Apt 6;] Alex. 3ku»f-' SertlA). Son of Asbar
the founder of Tekoa, by his wilt Hefath (1 Chr. hi.
ZBTBI (*"!? [patr., J«««R] : lovpi [Vat -,, ,] s
Sori). One of the sons of Jeduthun in the reign
of David (1 Chr. xxr. I). In ver. VI be is called
Inti.
ZETftOR (TTTS [pebble]: 1«pA; Alex.
Ap«8; [Comp. %tfiai\ 8eror). A Benjamitt,
ancestor of Kish the father of Saul (1 Sam. Ix. 1).
ZERTJ'AH (nyPS [hprtmii] i [Rom.] Vat
omit; Alex Soeova: Barm). The mother of
Jeroboam the son of Nebat (1 K. xi. 86). Ia tht
additional narrative of the LXX. inserted after 1
K. xii. 84, she is called Sarin (a corruption of
Zereda), and is said to have been a harlot.
ZKB0B3ABBX &??$, dufm%ed, m
« The th terminating the name In the A. T. Is the
Hebrew mode of connecting It with the partssls of
eeotkm : Zervnthah, i. «. to Zsreraa .
e The Th at ths oonuneoeement of this barbamua
word no donbt belongs to the aneeatog asms, Bsth-
eaMaah ; and they should be otrtosd ss fallows, Ba>
ses i r a Paseyaea. The Vattea Oeoex appears a> be
the only MS. whlsh retains any erase of the name,
the ethers quoted by Holmes and Parsons seiner sus-
■ a»>s«« tor It, or aiaieat asms vartattoa of
the words quotsd above frees the Alex. US.
gate eonssly omlw the name,
e Or possibly ths two hrst of esses ton
should be Joined, Bsth-ba»4blttab-Zmrttbeta
The Tat-
win tea psitkOs of stetson attached, whlsh teaU htt
Idsntfca. with n^TTl^,
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86*22
EERUBBABEL
tog«tte%, m Bnbyhni Z»po$i$tK' BervhaM).
The head of the tribe of Judah at the time
of the return from the Babylonish Captivity in
the flret year of Cyrus. Hia exact parentage fa a
little obscure, from hia being always called the son
of Shealtiei (Gar Hi. 9, 8, v. 3, Ac. ; Hag. i. 1, 12,
1,4, aV.), and appearing aa such in the geuealoglrs
(Matt. i. 13 ; Luke iii. 37), whereas in 1 Chr. Ui. la,
he ia represented aa the ton of Pedaiah, Shealtiei or
Salathiel's brother, and consequently aa Salathiel'a
nephew, Probably the genealogy in 1 Chr. exhibit*
hia true parentage, and he auceeeded hia uncle aa
head of the house of Judah — a supposition which
tallies with the facts that SaUthiel appeura aa the
tnt-born, and that no children are assigned to him.
Then are two histories of Zerubbalel : the one,
that contained in the canonical Scriptures: the
Other, that in the apocryphal books and Josepbus.
The history of Zerubbabel in the Scriptures is aa
fellows: In the first year of Cyrus he was living at
Babylon, and was the recognized prince (K*JPJ)
of Judah in the Captivity, what in later times was
called 71%Ffo%2 l&n or Dtp^n (Rhesa),
• the Prince of the Captivity," or "the Prince."
On the issuing of Cyrus's decree he immediately
availed himself of it, and placed himself at toe head
of those of his countrymen " whose spirit God bad
raised to go op to build the House of the 1-ord
which is in Jerusalem." It is probable that be
was in the king of Babylon's service, both from his
having, like Daniel and the three children, received
a Chaldea name [Shhshbaezab] , and from his
receiving from Cyras the office of governor (rTTTB)
of Judaja. The restoration of the sacred vessels,
which Nebuchadnezzar had brought from the Tem-
ple, having been effected, and copious presents of
silver and gold, and goods, and beasts, having been
bestowed upon the captives, Zerubbabel went forth
at the head of the returning colony, accompanied
by Jeahua the high-priest, snd perhaps by the
prophets Haggai and Zecharlab, and a considerable
number of priests, Levites, and heads of houses of
Judah and Benjamin with their followers. On ar-
riving at Jerusalem, ZeruhbabeTa first care was to
build the altar on its old site, and to restore the
daily sacrifice. [Jeshua.] Perhaps also they
kept the Feast of Taliernacles, as It is said they did
In Ear. iii. 4 : but there is some reason to suspect
that w. 4, 5, and the first half of ver. 6, are in-
terpolated, and are merely an epitome of Neh. viti.,
which belongs to very different times. [Ezra,
Rook of; Nehemiah, Book op.] But hit great
work, which be set about immediately, was the re-
building of the Temple. Being armed with a grant
from Cyrus of timber and stone for the building,
and of money for the expenses of the builders (Ear.
vi. 4), he had collected the materials, including
cedar-trees brought from Lebanon to Joppu, ac-
cording to the precedent In the time of Solomon (3
Chr. U. 16), and got together masons and carpen-
ters to do the work, by the opening of the second
year of their return to Jerusalem. Arid accordingly,
in the second month of the second year of their re-
turn, the foundation of the Temple was laid with
all the pomp which they could command: the
priests in their vestments with trumpets, and the
■una U Asaph with cymbals, singing the very same
•waim of praise for God's unfailing mercy to Israel
which was sung when Solomon dedicated his Tem-
pts (3 Chr. r. U-14) j while the people responded
EEBTJBBABBL
with a great about of Joy, "became the foondatta
of the house of the Lord was laid." How strange
must have been the emotions of Zerubbabel at this
moment 1 As be stood upon Mount Zion, and be-
held from its summit the desoUtkttn of Jerusalem,
the site of the Temple blank, David's palace a heap
of ashes, his fathers' sepulchres defiled and overlaid
with rubbish, and the silence of desertion and
emptiness hanging oppressively over the street* and
waste places of what was once the joyous city;
and then remembered bow his great ancestor David
had brought up the ark in triumph to the very
a]»t where he was then standing, how Solomon had
reigned there in all bis magnificence and power,
and how the petty kings and potentates of the
neighboring nationa had been his vassals and tribu-
taries, bow must his heart alternately have swelled
with pride, and throbbed with anguish, and tank
in humiliation! In the midst of these mighty
memories be was but the officerof a foreign heathen
despot, the bead of a feeble remnaut of half-emanci-
pated slaves, the captain of a band hardly able to
hold up their beads in the presence of their hostile
and jealous neighbors; and yet there he was, the
son of David, the beir of great and mysterious
promises, returned by a wonderful Providence to
toe home of his ancestors. At his bidding the
daily sacrifice bad been restored after a cessation of
half a century, and now the foundations of the
Temple were actually laid, amidst the songs of the
Levites singing according to David's ordinance,
and the shouts of the tribe of Judah. It was a
heart-stirring situation; and, despite all the dis-
couragements attending it, we caunot doubt thet
ZerubbabeTs faith and hope were kindled by it into
fresh lift.
But .there were many hindrances and delays to
be encountered before the work was finished. The
Samaritans or Cutbeana put in a claim to join with
the Jews in rebuilding the Temple; and when
Zerubbabel and hia companions refused to admit
them into partnership, tbey tried to hinder them
from building, and hired counsellors to frustrate
their purpose. They probably contrived, in the
first instance, to intercept the supplies of timber
and atone, and the wages of the workmen, which
were paid out of the king's revenue, and then by
misrepresentation to calumniate them at the conn
of Persia. Thus tbey were successful in patting a
stop to the work during the seven remaining years
of the reign of Cyrus, and through the eight yean
of Cambyaes and Smerdia. Nor does Zcrnbbabel
appear quite blameless for this long delay. The
difficulties in the way of building the Temple wen
not such as need have stopped the work: and dur-
ing thh long suspension of sixteen years Zerub-
babel and the rest of the people bad been busy in
building costly houses for themselves, and one might
eVen suspect that the cedar-wood which had been
brought for the Temple had been used to decorate
private dwellings (comp. the use of "|51? in Hag.
I. 4, and 1 K. vii. 8, 7). They had, in fact, ceased
to care for the desolation of the Temple (Htrf. I
3-4), and had not noticed that God was rebuking
their Inkewarmness by withholding bis h leasing
from their labors (Hag. i. 5-11). But in the
second year of Darius nght dawned upon the dark-
ness of the colony from Babylon. In that year-
it was the moat memorable event in ZerabbubePi
life — the spirit of prophecy suddenly bfauaM as
with a most brilhant light amongst the ratmaaa
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ZERtJBBAJBKL
aspches; and the long silence which wu to ensue
lid the ministry of John the Baptist wu praoedcd
by the •lining utterance! of Haggai and Zecboriah.
Their worda fell like sparks upon tinder. In a mo-
ment Zerubbabel, roused from his apathy, threw
his whole strength into the work, zealously seconded
by Jeahua and all the people. [Jkshim.] Unde-
terred by a fresh attempt of their enemies to hinder
the progress of toe building, they went on with
the work even while a reference was being made to
Darius; and when, after the original decree of
Cyrus had been found at Ecbotana, a most gracious
and favorable decree was issued by Darius, enjoin-
ing Tatnai and Sbetharboznai to assist the Jews
with whatsoever they had need of at the king's ex-
pense, the work advanced so rapidly that on the
third day of the month Adar, in the sixth year of
Darius, the Temple was finished, and was forthwith
dedicated with much pomp and rejoicing. It Is
difficult to calculate how great was the effect of the
prophecies of Haggai and Zechariah in sustaining
toe courage and energy of Zerubbabel in carrying
his work to completion. Addressed, as many of
them were, directly to Zerubbabel by name, speak-
ing, as they did, moat glorious things of the Temple
which be was building, conveying to Zerubbabel
himself extraordinary assurances of Divine favor,
and coupling with them magnificent and consola-
tory predictions of the future glory of Jerusalem
and Judah, and of the conversion of the Gentiles,
they nece ss ar ily exercised an immense influence
upon his mind (Hag. i. 13, 14, u. 4-9, 81-33; Zech.
tv. 6-10, viii. 8-8, 9, 18-33). It is not too much
to say that these prophecies upon Zerubbabel were
the immediate instrument by which the church and
commonwealth of Judah were preserved from de-
struction, and received a life which endured till the
coming of Christ.
The only other works of Zerubbabel which we
learn from the Scripture history are the restoration
of the courses of priests and Levites, and of the
provision for their maintenance, according to the
institution of David (Exr. vi. 18; Neh. xil. 47);
the registering the returned captives according to
their genealogies (Neh. vii. 5); and the keeping of
a Passover in the seventh year of Darius, with
which last event ends all that we know of the life
of Zerubbabel the son of Sheaitiel: a man inferior
to few of the great characters of Scripture, whether
we consider the perilous undertaking to which he
devoted himself, the importance, in the economy
of the Divine government, of his work, his coura-
geous faith, or the singular distinction of being the
object of so many and such remarkable prophetic
■Iterances.
The apocryphal history of Zerubbabel, which,
as usual, Josephus follows, may be summed np in a
few words. The story told In 1 Esdr. iii.-vli. is,
that on the occasion of a great feast, made by
Darius on bis accession, three young men of his
body-guard bad a contest who should write the
wisest sentence. That one of the three (Zerubba-
bel) writing " Women are strongest, but above all
things Truth beareth away the victory; " and after-
wards defending his sentence with much eloquence,
was declared by acclamation ■ to be the wisest,
and ekdmed for his reward, at the king's band,
that the king should perform his vow which he
• Wish the shows, "Maaaa sat Veritas, at aratva-
ZKBU BBAHEL
8628
had vowed to raoulid Jerusalem and the Tempts
Upon which the king gave him letters to all ba
treasurers and governors on the other side the fiver,
with grants of money and exemption from taxes,
and sent him to rebuild Jerusalem sod the Temple,
accompanied by the families of which the list is
given in Ear. ii., Neh. vii.; and then follows, in
utter confusion, the history of Zerubbabel as given
in Scripture. Apparently, too, the compiler did
not perceive that Sanabassr* (Sheebbazzar) was
the same person as Zerubbabel. Josephus, indeed,
seems to identify Sheshbaxsar with Zerubbabel,
and tries to reconcile the story in 1 Esdr. by say-
ing, "Now it so fell out that about this Urns
Zorobabel, who had been made governor of taw
Jews that had bean in captivity, came to Derisa
from Jerusalem, for there had been an old friend-
ship between him and the king," etc. (Ant. xi. 3).
But it is obvious on the face of it that this is sim-
ply Josephus's invention to reconcile 1 Esdr. with
the canonical Ears. [Ebdkab, Fihst Book or.]
Josephus has also another story (Ant. xi. 4, § 9)
which is not found hi 1 Esdr., of Zorobabel going
on an embassy to Darius to accuse the Samaritan
governors and hipparebs of withholding from the
Jews the grants made by Darius out of the royal
treasury, for the offering of sacrifices and other
Temple expenses, and of his obtaining a decree
from the king commanding his officers In Samaria
to supply the high-priest with all that he required.
But that this is not authentic history seems pretty
certain from the names of the governors, Sambnbat
being an imitation or corruption of Sanbaltat,
Tanynna of Tatnai (or Thauthanai, as in LXX.),
Sadracti of Sathrabouzanes, confused with Sha-
drach, Bobtlo at Zoro-babeJ ; and the names of the
ambassadors, which are manifestly copied from the
list in 1 Esdr. v. 8, where Zorobabel, Enenius, and
Mardocheus, correspond to Zorobabel, Ananias,
and Mardochaeus of Josephus. Moreover the letter
or decree of Darius, as given by Josephus, is si
manifestly copied from the decree of Darius in Exr.
vi. 6-10. In all probability, therefore, the docu-
ment used by Josephus wu one of those numerous
apocryphal religious romances which the Hellenis-
tic Jews were so fond of about the 4th and 3d cen-
tury liefure Christ, and wu written partly to
explain Zorobabet's presence at the court of Darius,
as spoken of in 1 Esdr., partly to explain that of
Mordecal at the court of Ahuuerus, though he was
in the list of those who were Zorobabel's compan-
ions (u it seemed), and partly to give an opportu-
nity for reviling and humiliating the Sauaritana.
It also gratified the favorite taste for embellishing,
sad corroborating, and giving, u wu thought,
additional probability to the Scripture narrative,
and dwelling upon bygone times of Jewish tri-
umphs. [Esthkk, Book or.]
It only remains to notice Zerabbabel's place in
the genealogy of Christ. It hu already been ob-
served that in the genealogies Matt i. 18, and Luki
iii. 37, he is represented u son of Salathiel, though
the book of Chronicles tells us he wu the son of
Pedaiah, and nephew of Salathial. It is of more
moment to remark that, while St Matthew deduces
his line from Jechonias and Solomon, St. Luke
deduces it through Neri and Nathan. Here then
WW have the head of the nation, the Prince of
» larss l awds Is aunty a sstmpnesi of u »ss1ss W s
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3624
ZKKriAH
Judah, the foremost man of hi* oountry, with a
souMe genealogy, one representing him aa deseond-
ins- from all tin kings of Judah, the other aa the
descendant indeed of Oarid, bat through a long
Una of private and unknown persons. We And
him, too, filling the position of Prince of Judah at
a time when, aa far aa the htstorjr informs us, the
royal family was utterly extinct. And though, if
descended from the last king, ha would have been
hie grandson, neither the history, nor the contem-
porary prophets, nor Josephus, nor the apocryphal
books, gin the least hint of his being a near rebv-
tiv» of Jeconiah, while at the same time the natural
interpretation of Jer. xxii. 30 shows Jeconiah to
turn been childless. The inference from all this is
obvious. Zerubbahd was the legal successor and
heir of Jeeouiah's royal estate, toe grandson of Neri,
and the lineal d escenda n t of Nathan the son of
David. [Salathibl; Gerralqqt or Christ.
Kor ZerubbabeTs descendants see Hahahiah 8.]
In the N. T. the name appears in the Greek
form of Zokobabku A. 0. H.
ZERUI'AH (rrn?, and once «n»-)!{:
Xapovtai [Alex. 1 Sam. xx'vi. 6, Ja^oimo :] ^m-
tvi). A woman who, as long as the Jewish reeords
are read, will be known as the mother of the three
leading heroes of David's array — Abishal, Joab,
and Asahel — the " sons of Zeruiah." She and
Abiinul are specified in the genealogy of David's
family in 1 Chr. ii. 13-17 as -'sisters of the sous
of Jesse" (ver. 16; oomp. Joseph. Ant. vii. 10, }
1). The expmsion is in itself enough to raise a
suspicion that she was not a daughter of Jesse, a
suspicion which is corroborated by the statement
of 3 Sam. xvii. 35, that Abigail was the daughter
of Nabash. Abigail being apparently the younger
of the two womeu. it ia a iirolctble inference that
they were both the daughters of Nahash, but
whether this Nahash be — aa Professor Stanley has
ingeniously conjectured — the king of the Ammon-
ites, and the former husband of Jease'a wife, or
some other person unknown, must forever remain
a mere conjecture. [David, vol. i. p. 662.] Otbcr
ftplanationa are given under Nahash, vol. ill.
p. 3063 f. Her relation to Jesse (iu the original
lshai) ia expressed in the name of her son Ab-
tabai.
Of Zeruiah's husband there Is no mention in the
Bible. Josephus (Ant. vii. 1, § 3) explicitly states
his name to have been Souri (lovpl), but no cor-
roboration of the statement appears to have been
discovered in the Jewish traditions, nor does Jose-
phus himself refer to it again. The mother of such
remarkable tons must herself have been a remark-
able woman, and this may account for the fact,
unusual if not unique, that the family la always
■ailed after her, and that her husband's name has
not been considered worthy of preservation in the
leered records. Q.
ZETHAM (Q^TT [pert, olive-tree] : Zrf«d>
STat. Zttofi], Z<9o>; Alex. Zufbu, Zotop! Ze-
an, Z>than). The ana of Laadan, a Gerahonlte
levite (1 Chr. xxlii. 8). In 1 Chr. xxvi. 83 be
ippean aa the son of Jehld, or Jehiell, and so the
grandson of Laadan.
ZKTHAN (7^ : ZoafdVi Alex. Him,: Zt-
•anw). A Benjamite of the sons of BUhan (1 Chr.
A10V
• II
. xr». L
ZHUBON
ZETHAR nnj [perh. star]: •AJfermUu
Zttkar). One of the seven eunuchs of Ahaanerua
who attended upon the king, and were commanded
to bring Vaahti into his presence (Eath. i. 10).
ZI'A (jn ■• ZeW; [Oomp. ZU:) Zm). Out
of the Gaditea who dwelt in Baaban (1 Chr. v
13).
ZI3A (Hy?, once H^?*: [Rom. xjSi,
Vat.] J.ifla; Alex. Jbfr*, and in ch. xvi. [1,J 3
[*, 8, 4,] lifipai Joseph. l«ii: Siba). A
person who plays * prominent part, though with
no credit to himself, in one of the episodes of
David's history (3 Sam. ix. 8-13, xvi. 1-4, xix.
17,39). He had been a slave CQ}?) of the house
of Saul before the overthrow of his kingdom, and
(probably at the time of the great Philistine incur-
sion which proved so fatal to his master's family)
had been set free (Joseph. Ant. vii. 6, § h\ The)
opportunities thus afforded him he had so far im-
proved, that when first encountered in the history
he is head of an establishment of fifteen sons and
twenty slaves. David's reception of Mephioosbeth
had the effect of throwing Ziba with his whole
establishment back into the state of bondage from
which be had so long been free. It reduced him
from being an independent landholder to the posi-
tion of a mere dependent. The knowledge of this
fact gives the key to the whole of his conduct
towards David and towards Mephibosheth. Be-
yond this the writer has nothing to add to his
remarks on Ziba under the head of Methibo-
BHKTH. (J.
* The adverse judgment hem expressed, though
it may rest on a probability, strikes us aa mora
decisive than the record warrants. In Ziba's « eon-
duct towards David " we fail to discover evidence
of anything but kindness in feeling and act If aa
explanation of bis course is necessary, we do not
find " the key " to his supposed treachery in any
derogatory service to which the king had sub-
jected him. Hb relation to the survivor of tba
royal family that he bad served, in which he re-
tained his own servants, was a token of DavitPa
confidence in him ; and we think that an Oriental
of his standing, at that day or this, would regard
it in the light of a responsible, honorable, remuner-
ative trust. [Mkpiciboshkth, Amer. ed.]
8. W.
ZIB'EON C|to?S [deed]: XtfirfW: &*-
em). Father of Anah, whose daughter Aboflba-
mah was Esau's wife (Gen. xxxri. 8). Although
called a Hivite, be is probably the same aa Zibeen
the son of Sen- the Horite (w. 30, 34, 89; 1 Chr.
1. 88, 40), the latter signifying " eave-dweUer," and
the former being the name of his tribe, for we know
nothing of the race of the Troglodytes; or more
probably ^TTl (the Hivite), ia a mistranscription
for Tfr>2 (the Horite).
Another difficulty connected with this ZDieon Is,
that Anah in ver. 3 ia called his daughter, and hi
ver. 34 his son; but this difficulty appears to be
easily explained by supposing that H3 refers to
AhoUbamah, and not to the name next preoadmt
it: the Samaritan, U tbould be observed, has )a
• 81
KVi.4.
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Z1BLA
An allusion b nude to some unrecorded hot in the
history of tba Horites in the passage, " this [wma
that] Anah that found the mules in the wilderness,
h he fed the mm of Zibeon his father " (Gen.
xxxvi. 84). The word rendered '• mules " in the
A. V. is the Heb. 0*0*, perhaps the Emiuis or
giants, as in the leading of the 8am. D , Q , ^n, and
so also Onkdos end Pseudqjoitathan. Gesenius pre-
fers " hot-springs," following the Vulg. rendering.
Zibeon was also one of the dukes, or phylarchs, of
the Horites (ver. 99). For the identification with
Beeri, father of Judith the Hittite (Gen. xxri. 34),
see Bum, and see also Amah. E. 8. P.
ZIB'IA (KJ?S [roe]: 1.0U; [Vat. Is/ha :J
Seoul). A Benjamite, apparently, as the text now
stands, the son of Sbabaraim bj his wife Hodesh
(1 Chr. viii. 9).
ZIB1AH (nypS [rw] : XaBid , [Vat.]
Alex. \0ia> Stbia). A native of Beer-aheba,
and mother of king Joash (9 K. xii. 1; 9 Chr.
xxiv. 1).
ZIOH'RI VffH [remembertd, fanumi]:
Z«Xj>«(: Zeekri). 1. Son of Izbar the son of
Kohath (Ex. vi. 21). His name is incorrectly
given hi modern editions of the A. V >• Zithri,"
though it is printed Zicuri in the ed. of 1611.
3. {Zarpi [Vat -p, i] ; Alex. Z«x»f.) A Ben-
jamite of the sons of Shimhi (1 Chr. viii. 19).
3. (Z«xj» [Vat -»«]( Alex. Zoxpi) A Ben-
jamite of the sons of Shaahak (1 Chr. viii. 93).
*. (Z«xp(; [Vat Zax»«i-] ) A Beujamite of the
sons of Jeroham (1 Chr. viii. 97).
8- [Ztypl; Vat Zoyosi.] Son of Asaph, else-
where called Zabdi and Zaccur (1 Chr. ix. 16).
6. [.ZtxfU Vat Z«xpsi.] A descendant of
Eliexer the son of Hoses (1 Chr. xxvi. 35).
7. The father of Kliexer, the chief of the Reu-
benites in the reign of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 16).
8. (Zapf; fVatZaofii] Alex. Za#H.) Of the
tribe of Judah. His sou Amasiah commanded
900,000 men in Jehoabaphat's army (9 Chr. xvii.
18).
9. (Zax<H>l*s ; [Comp. Z«x»(-]) Father of
Kushaphat, one of the eonspirators with Jehoiada
(9 Chr. xxiiL 1).
10. (Zex»"'; [Vat Efevpeii] Alex. Efjxpi.)
An Ephraimite hero in the invading army of Pekah
the son of Remaliah (2 Chr. xxvlii. 7). In the
battle which was so disastrous to the kingdom of
Judah, Msasaish the king's son, Aarikam, the
prefect of the palace, and Klkanah, who was next
to the king, fell by the hand of Zichri.
11- (Z«W; [Vat FA. Zexpfi.]) Father or
ancestor of Joax 14 (Neh. xi. 9). He was prob-
ably a Benjamite.
12. [Vat Alex, FA.1 omit] A priest of the
family of Ab\jah, in the days of Joiaklm the son
of Jeshua (Neh. xii. 17). W. A. W.
ZIDTDIM (D^ri, with the def. article
[ lecHvUttt, Dietr.] : rir Tvplw. AtaaSm). One
of the fortified towns of the allotment of Naphtsli,
according to the present condition of the Hebrew
'ext (Josh. xlx. 35). The translators of the Tat
I.XX. appear to have read the word in the original,
B <n .^ ! 7- "the Tyrians," while those of the
Poshito-Syriac, on the other hand, read it as
]VT2, Zidon. These readings were probably both
zidon 8625
influenced by the belief that tba name next fol-
lowing that in question, namely, Zkr, was that of
Tyre. But this is more than doubtful, and indeed
Tyre aud Zidon were included in the allotment,
not of Naphtali, bat of Asher (xii. 98, 99). The
Jerusalem Talmud (MtgUlak, i. ) is probably nearer
the mark in identifying hat-Tsiddim with Ktfr
ChiUni, which Schwan (p. 182) with much prob-
ability takes to be the present Hatttn, at the north-
ern foot of the well-known Kurn Ratlin, or " Horns
of Hattin," a few miles west of Tiberias. This
identification falls in with the fact that the three
next names in the list are all known to have been
connected with the lake. G
zidki'jab; (n»jry? U-&* o/j^ovaky.
ltStxlaf- Btdtdat). A priest, or family of priests,
wbo signed the covenant with Neheniiah (Neh. x.
1 ). The name is identical with that elsewhere in
the A. V. rendered Zedbeiah.
ZI'DON or SITDOX (PT>fc and fX*2 :
3iS6r\ [Vat. generally 2«ioW; Judg. xviii. 28,
3iS<ir>oi, Vat SsiSairiei; Ear. iii. 7, ot SiSdWt,
Vat SnStuuw; 1 K. xvU. 9, h SiSaW, Vat 1st-
Sama; Is. xxiii. 2, voiWmj; Is. xxiii. 12, Alex.
Stwr-] Sidon). Gen. x. 15, 19; Josh. xi. 8, xix.
28; Judg. i. 81, xviil. 98; Joel iu. 4 (iv. 4); Is.
xxiii. 9, 4, 19; Jer. xxr. 99, xxrii. 8; Ex. xxviii.
91, 99; Zeeh. ix. 8; Matt xi. 91, 99, xv. 21 ; Luke
vl. 17, x. 13, 14; Hark iii. 8, vii. 24, 81. An an-
cient and wealthy city of Phoenicia, on the eastern
coast of the Mediterranean Sea, in latitude 33°
34' 05" N., less than twenty English miles to the
north of Tyre. Its Hebrew name, Tstddn, signi-
fies >• Fishing," or " Fishery" (see Gesenius, s. v.).
Its modern name is Saida. It is situated in the
narrow plain between the Lebanon and the sea,
to which it once gave its own name (Joseph. Ant.
v. 3, § 1, to m*t«i wtStor XiSAyot wiKtms) at a
point where the mountains recede to a distance of
two miles (Kenrick's Phoenicia, p. 19). Adjoin-
ing the city there are luxuriant gardens and or-
chards, in which there is a profusion of the finest
fruit trees suited to the climate. " The plain is
flat and low," says Mr. Porter, author of the
Hantlbook for Syria and Palatine, "but near
the coast line rises a little hill, a spur from which
shoots out a few hundred yards into the sea in a
southwestern direction. On the northern slope
of the promontory thus formed stands the old
city of Zidon. The hill behind on the south is
covered by the citadel" (End. Britannica, 8th
edition, i. v.).
From a Biblical point of view, this city is infe-
rior in interest to its neighbor Tyre, with which
its name is so often associated. Indeed, in all the
passages above referred to in which the two cities
are mentioned together, Tyre is named first — a
circumstance which might at once be deemed acci-
dental, or the mere result of Tyre's being the
nearest of the two cities to Palestine, were it not
that some doubt on this point is raised by the
order being reversed in two works which were
written at a period after Zidon bad enjoyed a long
temporary superiority (Ear. iii. 7; 1 Chr. xxii. 4).
However this may be, it is certain that, of the two,
Tyre is of the greater Importance in reference to
the writings of the moat celebrated Hebrew proph-
ets; and the splendid prophecies directed against
Tyre as a single colossal power (Ex. xxvi., xxiii.,
xxvii' 1-19; Is. xxiii.), have no parallel in the
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8626 ziuoh
Sorter and vaguer utterances against Zidon (Es.
xxviii- 91-83). And the predominant Biblical in-
terest of Tyre arises from the prophecies relating
to its destiny.
If we could believe Justin (iviii. 3), there would
be no doubt that Zidon was of greater antiquity
than Tyre, as he says that the inhabitants of
Zidon, when their city had been reduced by the
king of Ascalon, founded Tyre the year before the
ZIDOH
capture of Troy. Justin, however, is aneh a weak
authority for any disputed historical met, and hw
account of the early history of the Jewa, wherein
we hare some means of testing hia accuracy, seems
to be ao much in the nature of a romance (xxxvi.
3) that, without laying stress on the unre a son a ble
neas of any one's assuming to know the precise
time when Troy was taken, he cannot be aeeeptad
as an authority for the early history of the Phet-
Modern Sadm — tUm or Sidoo (Kitso).
nicians. In contradiction of this statement, it has
been further insuted on, that the relation between
a colony and the mother-city among the Phoeni-
cians was sacred, and that as the Tynans never
acknowledged this relation towards Zidon, the sup-
posed connection between Tyre and Zidon is morally
impossible. This ia a rery strong point; but, per-
haps, not absolutely conclusive, as no one oan prove
that this was the custom of the Phoenicians at the
wry distant period when alone the Zidonlans would
hare built Tyre, if they founded it at all; or that
It would have applied not only to the conscious
and deliberate founding of a colony, but likewise
to such an almost accidental founding of a city,
as is implied in the account of Justin. Certainly,
there is otherwise nothing improbable in Zidonians
having founded Tyre, as the Tynans are called
Zidonians. but the Zidonians are never called Tyr-
ians. And at any rate this circumstance tends
to show that in early times Zidon was the meat
influential of the two cities. This Is shadowed
forth in the book of Genesis by toe statement thai
Zidon was the first-born of Canaan (Gen. E. 1>),
and is implied in the name of « Great Zidoo " w
"the Metropolis Zidon," wfaiefa ia twice given to it
in Joshua (xi. 8, xix. 28). It ia confirmed, 'Jha
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ZIDON
wise, by Sidonians being used as the generic name
sf the PhoMiicuuia or Canaanltes (.loeh. xiii. 6;
Jodg. xviii. 7); end by the reason assigned for
there being no deliverer to Laish when its peace-
able inhabitants were massacred, that " it was fir
from Zickm ; " whereas, if Tyre had been of equal
importance, it would have been more natural to
mention Tyre, which professed substantially the
same religion, and was almost twenty miles nearer
(Judg. xviii. 28). It is in aocordauce with the
Inference to lie drawn from these circumstances
that in the Homeric poems Tyre is not named,
while there is mention both of Sidon and the
Sidonians (Od. xv. 425; //. xxiii. 740); and the
land of the Sidonians is called "Sidonia" (Od.
xiii- 288). One point, howo..r, in the Homeric
poems deserves to be specially noted concerning
the Sidonians, that they are never here mentioned
as trader), or praised for their nautical skill, for
which they were afterwards so celebrated (Herod,
vii. 44, 96). The traders are invariably known by
the general name of Phoenicians, which would,
indeed, include the Sidonians: but still the special
praise of Sidonians was as skilled workmen. When
Achilles distributed prizes at the games in honor
of Patroclus, he gave as the prize of the swiftest
runner, a large silver bowl for mixing wine with
water, which had been cunningly made by the skill-
ful Sidonians, but which Phoenicians had brought
over the sea (11. xxiii. 743, 744). And when
Menelans wished to give to Telemachus what was
most beautiful and most valuable, he presented
him with a similar mixing-bowl of silver, with
golden rim, a divine work, the work of Hephaestus,
which had been a gift to Menelaus himself from
Phaedimus, king of the Sidonians (Od. iv. 614-618,
and Od. xv. /. e). And again, all the beautifully
embroidered robes of Andromache, from which she
selected one as an offering to Athene, were the pro-
ductions of Sidonian women, which Paris, when
soming to Troy with Helen, had brought from
Sidonia (II vi. 289-295). But in no case is any-
thing mentioned as having been brought from
Sidon in Sidonian vessels or by Sidonian sailors.
Perhaps at this time the Phoenician vessels were
principally fitted out at sea-ports of Phoenicia to
the north of Sidon.
From the time of Solomon to the invasion of
Nebuchadnezzar Zidon is not often directly men-
joned in the Bible, and it appears to hare been
subordinate to Tyre. When the people called
"Zidonians" is mentioned, it sometimes seems
that the Phoenicians of the plain of Zidon are
meant, as, for example, when Solomon said to
Hiram that there was none among the Jews that
souid skill to hew timber like the Zidonians (1 K.
». 6); and possibly, when Ethbaal, the father of
Jesebel, is called their king (1 K. xvi. 31), who,
according to Menander in Josephus (Ant. viii. 13,
| 9), was king of the Tynans. This may likewise
oe the meaning when Aahtoreth is called the God-
dess, or Abomination, of the Zidonians (1 K. xi.
6, 83; 2 K. xxiii. 13), or when women of the
Zidonians are mentioned in reference to Solomon
(1 K. xi. 1). And this seems to be equally true
>f the phrases, daughter of Zidon," and '• mer-
ihaoU of Zidon," and even once of " Zidon " it-
elf (Is. xxiii. 2, 4, 19) in the prophesy of Isaiah
•gainst Tyre. There is no doubt, i-jwever, that
Sidon itself, the city properly so called, was threat-
ened by Joel (iii. 4) and Jeremiah (xxril. 3)
Kid, ail that is known respecting It during this
ZIDON 362?
epoch is very scanty, amounting to scarcely mora
than that one of its sources of gain was trade in
slaves, in which the inhabitants did not shrink
from selling inhabitants of Palestine [PtKENi-
ciahs, iii. 2518 A] ; that the city was governed by
kings (Jer. xxvii. 3 and xxv. 22); that, previous
to the invasion of Nebuchadnezzar, it had fur-
nished mariners to Tyre (Ez. xxvii. 8 ) ; that, at ons
period, it was subject, in some sense or other, to
Tyre ; and that, when Shalmaneser king of Assyria
invaded Phoenicia, Zidon seized the opportunity to
revolt. It seems strange to bear of the subjection
of one great city to another great city only twenty
miles off, inhabited by men of the same race, lan-
guage, and religion ; but the fact is rendered con-
ceivable by the relation of Athens to its allies after
the Persian war, and by the history of the Italian
republics in the Middle Ages. It is not improb-
ble that its rivalry with Tyre may have been in-
fluential in inducing Zidon, more than a century
later, to submit to Nebuchadnezzar, apparently
without offering any serious resistance.
During the Persian domination, Zidon seems to
have attained its highest point of prosperity; and
it is recorded that, towards the close of that period,
it far excelled all other Phoenician cities in wealth
and importance (Diod. xvi. 44; Mela, i. 12). It
is very probable that the long siege of Tyre by
Nebuchadnezzar had tended not only to weaken
and impoverish Tyre, but likewise to enrich Zidon
at the expense of Tyre; as it was an obvious ex-
pedient for any Tyrian merchants, artisans, and
sailors, who deemed resistance useless or unwise, to
transfer their residence to Zidon. However this
may be, in the expedition of Xerxes against Greece,
the Sidonians were highly favored, and were a
preeminently important element of his naval power.
When, from a hill near Abydos, Xerxes witnessed
a boat race in his fleet, the prize was gained by
the Sidonians (Herod, vii. 44). When he reviewed :
bis fleet, he sat beneath a golden canopy in a
Sidonian galley (vii. 100); when he wished to
examine the mouths of the river Peneus, he in-
trusted himself to a Sidonian galley, as was his
wont on similar occasions (vii. 128); and when
the tyrants and general officers of his great expedi*
tion sat in order of honor, the king of the Sidonians
sat first (viii. 67). Again, Herodotus states that
the Phoenicians supplied the best vessels of the
whole fleet; and of the Phoenicians, the Sidonians
(vii. 96). And bully, as Homer gives a vivid idea
of the beauty of Achilles by saying that Nireua
(thrice-named) was the most beautiful of all. the
Greeks who went to Troy, after the son of Peleua,
so Herodotus completes the triumph of the Sido-
nians, when he praises the vessels of Artemisia
(probably for the daring of their crews), by saying
that they were the most renowned of the. whole
fleet, '• after the Sidoniaru " (ri. 9).
The prosperity of Sidon was suddenly cut short
by an unsuccessful revolt against Persia, whioh led
to one of the most disastrous catastrophes recorded
in history. Unlike the siege and capture of Tyre
by Alexander the Great, which is narrated by sev-
eral writers, and which U of commanding interest
through its relation to such a renowned conqueror,
the fate of Sidon is only known through the his-
tory of Diodorus (xvi. 42-46), and is - mainly con-
nected with Artaxerxes Ochus (n. o. 359-338), a
monarch who is justly regarded with mingled aver-
sion and contempt. Hence the calamitous over-
throw of Sidon has not, perhaps, aUraoted. so i
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8628
ZXDOV
attention a* it deserves. The principal circum-
stances were these. While the Persians were mak-
ing preparation* in Phoenicia to put down the revolt
in Egypt, some Persian satimpa and generals be-
haved oppressively and insolently to Sidonians in
the Sidouian division of the city of TripoBa.
On this, the Sidonian people projected a revolt;
and having first concerted arrangements with other
Phoenician cities, and nude a treat; with Nectane-
bua, tbej put their designs into execution. The;
commenced by committing outrages in a residence
and park (ropfoWos) of the Persian king; they
burnt a large store of fodder which had been col-
lected for the Persian cavalry ; and they seised and
put to death the Persians who had been guilty of
insults towards the Sidonians. Afterwards, under
their King Tennes, with the assistance from Egypt
of 4,000 Greek mercenaries under Mentor, they
expelled the Persian satraps from Phoenicia; they
strengthened the defenses of their city, they
equipped a fleet of 100 triremes, and prepared for
a desperate resistance. But their King Tennes
proved a traitor to their cause — and in perform-
ance of a compact with Ochus, he betrayed into
the king's power one hundred of the moat dis-
tinguished citizens of Sidon, who were all shot to
death with javelins. Five hundred other citizens,
who went out to the king with ensigns of supplica-
tion, shared the same late ; and by concert between
Tennes and Mentor, the Persian troops were ad-
mitted within the gates, and occupied the city
walla. The Sidonians. before the arrival of Ochus,
had burnt their vessels to prevent any one's leav-
ing the town; and when they saw themselves sur-
rounded by the Persian troops, they adopted the
desperate resolution of shutting themselves up with
their families, and setting fire each man to his
own bouse (B. c. 351). Forty thousand persons
are said to have perished in the flames. Tennes
himself did not save his own life, as Ochus, not-
withstanding his promise to the contrary, put him
to death. The privilege of searching the ruins
was sold for money.
After this dismal tragedy, Sidon gradually re-
covered from the blow; fresh immigrants from
other cities must have settled in it; and probably
many Sidonian sailors survived, who had been ply-
ing their trade elsewhere in merchant vessels at the
time of the capture of the city. The battle of Is-
sue was fought about eighteen years afterwards (b.
c. 333), and then the inhabitants of the restored
city opened their gates to Alexander of their own
accord, from hatred, as is expressly stated, of Da-
rius and the Persians (Arrian, Anab. AL ii. 15).
The impolicy, aa well as the cruelty of Ochus in
bis mode of dealing with the revolt of Sidon now
became apparent ; for the Sidonian fleet in joining
Alexander was an essential element of his success
against Tyre. After aiding to bring upon Tyre as
great a calamity as had afflicted their own city,
' In an excellent account of this revolt, Bp. Ttalrl-
wall ssems to have regarded Diodorus as meaning
Mdon Itself by the words <v -rjj U>Ww, xvl. 41 (»*-
Mr* tf Oreeu, vt. 17V) ; and sMot, in his French trans-
lation of Diodorus (BMiothiqtf JCrtonciu dt Diodm
s* Bitile, Paris, 1887, torn. v. 78), actually translates
Ike words by "Sidon." The real massing, however,
■earns to be ss stated in the text. Indeed, otherwise
SAsre was no sufficient reason for mentioning Tripoli*
as specially connected with the causes of the war.
4 PUny elsewhere (Hist. Nat. xxxvL 65 [36]) gives
ZTDON
they ware so far merciful that they saved the Essi
of many Tynans by concealing them in their ships,
and then transporting them to Sidon (Q. Cortina,
iv. 4, 15). From this time Sidon, being dependent
on the fortunes of war in the ronlfts be te ta n the
su cces s ors of Alexander, ceases to play any impor-
tant political part in history. It became, however,
again a flourishing town — and Poh/bnia (v. 70)
incidentally mentions that Antiochua in his war
with Itolemy Philopator encamped over against
Sidon (B. c. 218), hot did not venture to attack it
from the abundance of its resources, and the great
number of its inhabitants, either natives as refu-
gees. Subsequently, according to Josepbus ( J*»
xir. 10, { 2), Julius Csbsbt wiota a letter iiapsiiliag
Hyrcanue, which he addressed to the « Jfams-
tnrtes, Corned, ami Dam of Sidon." This sboaa
that op to that time the Sidonians enjoyed the
forms of liberty, though Dion Caasius says (brie
7 ) that Augustus, on his arrival in the East, de
prived them of it for seditious conduct. Not long
after, Strabo, in his account of Phoenicia, say* of
Tyre and Sidon, " Both were illustrious and splen-
did formerly, niti now; but which should be called
the capital of Phoenicia, is a matter of dispute be-
tween the inhabitants '• (xvi. p 756 ). He adds that
it is situated on the main-land, on a fine natunly-
formed harbor. He speaks of the inhabitants aa
cultivating the sciences of arithmetic and astron-
omy; and says that the beat opportunities were af-
forded in Sidon fur acquiring a knowledge of these
and of all other branches of philosophy. He adds,
that in his time there were distinguished philoso-
phers, natives of Sidon, as Boethua, with whom ha
studied the philosophy of Aristotle, and his brother
Diodotus. It is to be observed that both then
names were Greek ; and it is to be presumed that
in Strabo't time, Greek was the language of the
educated classes at least, both in Tyre and Sidon.
This is nearly aD that is known of the state of Si-
don when it was visited by Christ. It is about
fifty miles distant from Nazareth, and is the moat
northern city which is mentioned in connection
with bis journeys. Pliny notes the manufacture al
glass at Sidon (IlitL Nat. v. 17, 19);* and during
the Roman period we may conceive Tyre and Si-
don as two thriving cities, each having an exten-
sive trade, and each having its staple manufacture;
the latter of glass, and Tyre of purple dyes from
shell-fish.
There is no Biblical reason for following mi-
nutely the rest of the history of Sidon. It shared
generally the fortunes of Tyre, with the exception
that it was several times taken and retaken during
the wars of the Crusades, and suffered accordingly
more than Tyre previous to the lata! year 1291 A
D. Since that time it never seems to have talks
quite ao low as Tyre. Through Fskhr ed-Dtn,
emir of the Druses between 1594 and 1834, and
the settlement at Sayda of French comrosrcsal
an account of the supposed accidental Invention of
glass In Phoenicia. The story Is mat sosse msrebants
on the a s shore made use of soma lumps of natrtu to
support their cauldrons ; and mat, whan the uatrna
was subjected to the action of Br* m conjunction wits
the ma mad, a translucent vitreous slim in was sssa
to Bow along the ground. Thai story, however, is
now dlnndlted ; aa it require* lasms* furnace hav
to produce the fusion. 8s* arnela « Glass " la ua
B Ktyd o i m d ia JBn'taam'oa, 8th •ditJou.
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zidos
souses, it had a mini of trade ji the 17th and
•art of the 18th century, and berauie the principal
titj on the Syrian coast for commerce between the
«Mt aud the west (see Memoiret lAt Chtflier
fArvUux, Paris, 1735, torn. i. p. 894-379). This
m put an end to at the close of but century by
violence and oppression (Hitter's Jirdkmtk, aieb-
sthnter Theil, erste Abtbeilung, drittes Buch, pp.
405, 406), closing a period of prosperity in which
the population of the city whs at oue time esti-
mated at 20,000 inhabitants. The population, if
it ever approached such a high point, haa since
materially decreased, and apparently does not now
exceed 6,000; but the town still shows signs of
farmer wealth, and the houses are better con-
structed and more solid than those at Tyre, leing
many of them built of stone. Its chief exports are
silk, cotton, snd nutgalls (Robinson's BibliotlRt-
tarchtt, lit. 418, 419). As a protection against
the Turks, its ancient harbor was filled up with
■tones and earth by the orders of Kakhr ed-Ulu, so
thai only small boats can now enter it; and larger
vessels anchor to the northward, where they are
only protected from the south and east winds
(Porter's Handbook for Syr'ui and PnUilint, 1858,
p. 398). The trade between Syria and Europe
now mainly panes through Beyrout, as its most
important commercial centre ; and the natural ad-
vantages of Beyrout in this respect, for the pur-
poses of modern navigation, are so decided that it
is certain to maintain its present superiority over
Sidon snd Tyre.
In conclusion it may be observed, that while in
our own times no important remains of antiquity
have been discovered at or near Tyre, the case is
different with Sidon. At the base of the moun-
tains to the east of the town there are numerous
sepulchres in the rock, and there are likewise se-
pulchral oaves in the adjoining plain (see Porter,
Encgdop. Britann. 1. c). '• In January, 1855,"
says Mr. Porter, " one of the sepulchral caves was
accidentally opened at a spot about a mile 8. E. of
the city, and in it was discovered one of the most
oeautifui and interesting Phoenician monument* in
sxistence. It is a sarcophagus .... the lid of
shich was hewn in the form of a mummy with the
lace bare. Upon the upper part of the lid is a per-
fect Phoenician inscription in twenty-two lines, and
on the head of the sarcophagus itself is another al-
most as long." This sarcophagus is now in the
Nineveh division of the Sculptures in the Ixnivre.
At first sight, the material of which it is composed
may be easily mistaken; and it has beeu supposed
so be blaek marble. On the authority, however,
«f H. Suchsrd of Paris, who has examined it very
closely, it may be stated that the sarcophagus is of
Dstck syenite, which, as far as is known, is mora
abundant in Egypt than elsewhere. It may be
added that the features of the countenance on the
lid are decidedly of the Egyptian type, and the
head-dress is Egyptian, with the head of a bird
sculptured on what might seem the place of the
right and left shoulder. There can therefore be
little reason to doubt that this sarcophagus was
athar made in Egypt and sent thence to Sidon, or
that it was made in Phoenicia in Imitation o! simi-
ar works of art in Egypt. The inscriptions thent-
i are the longest Phoenician inscriptions which
ZIDONIANS
3629
have come down to our times. A translation ol
them was published by Professor Dietrich at Mar-
. burg in 1855, and by Professor Ewald at Uottingeo
in 1856. a The predominant idea of them seems to
be to warn all men, under penalty of the monarch's
curse, against opening his sarcophagus or disturbing
his repose for any purpose whatever, especially in
' order to search for treasures, of which be solemnly
declares there are none in his tomb. The king's
title is '■ King of the Sidonians " ; and, as is the
case with Ethbaal, mentioned in the book of Kings
: (1 K. xvi. 31), there must remain a certain doubt
I whether this was a title ordinarily assumed by
kings of Sidon, or whether it had a wider signifi-
cation. We learn from the inscription that the
king's mother was a priestess of Ashtoreth. With
regard to the precise date of the king's reign, then
does not seem to be any conclusive indication.
Ewald conjectures that he reigned not Ion f before
the 11th century B. c. E. T.
• • The translation of this epitaph by Mr. Dsutseh
<f tbs British Museum, on Uu basis of that of Hunk
Coin or Zidon.
* Zidon or Sidon has points of contact also
with the N. Testament. The Saviour himself in
all probability visited that city (certainly if we read
Jitt SiSAros, Mark vii. 31, according to the best
opinion), and at all events passed near it in his ex-
cursion across the southern spur of Lebanon and
back thenoe into Decapolis (Matt. xv. 21 fl*.; Mark
vii. 24 ff). The Apostle Paul touched at this port
on his voyage to Rome, and found Christians there
whom the courtesy of Julius permitted him to visit
(Acts xxrii. 3). Very possibly a church had ex-
isted there from the time of the dispersion of the
disciples from Jerusalem after the death of Stephen,
some of whom went into Phoenicia (Acts xi. 19).
Among the antiquities of Zidon may be men-
tioned " the immense stones which form the north-
west angle of the inner harbor, each one some ten
feet square .... and columns, sarcophagi, broken
statuary, and other evidences of a great city found
everywhere in the gardens, with the oldest trees
growing in a fertile soil many feet thick above
them " (Thomson, Land and Book, 1. 154 f).
Greek and Roman coins are not uncommon, having
on them the commercial emblem of a ship. Zidon
has become in our own day the seat of a nourishing
mission from this country, with outposts at various
points in that part of Syria. H.
ZIDOTJIANS CO*!?, Kb. xxxii. 80, D^V?,
D s 3*mS, O^TS, and once (1 K. xt 38)
r? 1 "!?: SiBstau, [Vat. SciJowoi,] exo. Em.
xxxii. 80, <rrp«rnyo\ 'Amoip: SidonU, exc. Es.
xxxii. 80, venatoret). The inhabitants of Zidon.
They were an~ng the nations of Canaan left to
practice the Israetttas in the art of war (Judg. Hi. I),
and Levy (Inserted In Kltto's BM. Cyelopattlia, IK.
Ubl), Is no doubt as trustworthy as any other. H.
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8680 ziv
and colonies of them appear to hare spread op into
the hill country from Lebanon to Misrephoth-tuaim
(Joeh. xiii. 4, 6), whence in later timet they hewed
cedar-trees for David and Solomon (1 Chr. xxli. 4).
The; oppressed the Israelites on their first entrance
Into the country (.ludg. x. 12), and appear to have
lived a luxurious, reckless lift (Judg. xriii. 7); they
were skillful in hewing timber (1 K. r. 6), and were
employed for this purpose by Solomon. They were
idolaters, and worshipped Ashtoreth as their tute-
lary goddess (1 K. xi. 5, 33; 3 K. xxiii. 13), as
well as the sun-god Baal, from whom their king was
named (1 K. xri. 31). The term Zidonians among
the Hebrews appears to have been extended in
meaning as that of Phoenicians among the Greeks.
In Ex. xxxii. 30, the Vulgate read D'T *, the
LXX. probably "H^S "ntf, for "1^8 "?T2-
Zidonian women (nV3"|3 : zip*,: Sidunia) wen
in Solomon's harem (1 K. xi. 1).
ZIF" (IT [bloom]: [Kom. Zwi; Tat.] mat,;
Alex. Ztiou: Xio), 1 K. vi. 37. [Mo.ntii.]
ZI'HA (NTTS [dry, thirtty]: SooWo, *)<i;
Alex. Xouaa, Sum: Silia, Solm). 1. The chil-
dren of Ziha were a family of Nethiuim who re-
turned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 43; Nell. vii. 46).
2. (Vat. [Rom. Alex. FA.'] omit; [KA.»J Siod:
Soaha.) Chief of the Nethinim in Opbel (Neh.
xi. 21). The name is probably that of a family,
and so identical with the preceding.
ZIK'LAGObpS andtwiceObipS^wMii*.
mg, binding, Furst]: 2<KfXd«, onoe 2ik«Aox ; in
Chr. [Vat.] ZwKka, SayXafii Alex. liKtKay, but
also SixfArv, [JumAo,] 5««\a; Joseph. 2U«c«Aa:
SictUg). A place which possesses a special inter-
est from its having been the residence and the pri-
vate property of David. It is first mentioned in
the catalogue of the towns of Judah in Josh, xv.,
where it is enumerated (ver. 31) amongst those of
the extreme south, between Hormah (or Zephath )
and Hadmannah (possibly Beth-mareaboth). It
next occurs, in the same connection, amongst the
places which were allotted out of the territory of
Judah to Simeon (xix. 5). We next encounter it
in the possession of the Philistines (1 Sam. xxvii.
6), when it was, at David's request, bestowed upon
him by Aehiah king of tiath. He resided there
for a year c and four months (xxvii. 7, xxx. 14, 26;
1 Chr. xii. 1, 20). It was there he received the
news of Saul's death (2 Sam. i. 1, iv. 10). He
then relinquished it for Hebron (ii. 1 ). Ziklag is
finally mentioned, in company with Beer-sheiia, Ha-
lar-shual, and other towns of the south, as being
reinhabited by the people of Judah after their re-
turn from the Captivity (Neh. xi. 28).
The situation of toe town is difficult to deter-
mine, notwithstanding so many notices. On the
sue hand, that it was in " the south " (negeb)
teems certain, both from the towns named with it,
and also from its mention with " the south of the
Cherethites " and " the south of Caleb," some of
whose descendants we know were at Ziph and Maon,
perhaps even at Paren (1 Sam. xxv. 1). On the
ether band, this is difficult to reconcile with its
xnneetion with the Philistines, and with the fact
a Ths only nstanoe in On A. T. of the nas of J7 In
» 1 Our. xli 1 and 20.
ZILLAH
— which follows from the narrative of 1 Sans, xxx
(see 9, 10, 31) — that it was north of the Iroak
Besor. The word employed in 1 Sam. xxvii. ft, 7
11, to denote the region in which it stood, is pecul-
iar. It is not hat-Shefelith, as it must have beea
had Ziklag stood in the ordinary lowland of Philis-
tia, but kut-SAdek, which Professor Stanley (S. <f
P. App. § 15) renders "the field." On the whole,
though the temptation is strong to suppose (as
some have suggested) that there were two places of
the same name, the only conclusion seems to ha
that Ziklag was in the south or Negeb country,
with a portion of which the Philistines had a eon-
nection which may have lasted from the Use of
their residence there in the days of Abraham and
Isaac. It is remarkable that the word tidth ■
used in Gen. xiv. 7, for the country occupied by
the Amalekitea, whicli seems to have been situated
far south of the Dead Sea, at or near Kadesb. 11m
name of Paran also occurs in the same passage.
But further investigation is necessary before we can
remove the residence of Natal so far south. Hat
Maon would iu that case lieeotue, not the 3£afm
which lies near ///'and A'armi/, but that which
was the headquarters of the Maoniuss, or al«-
hnnira.
Ziklag does not appear to hare been known U<
Eusebius and Jerome, or to any of the older trav-
ellers. Mr. Rowlands, however, in bis journey from
Gaza to Suez iu 1842 (in Williams's Holy City, i
463-468 ) was told of •« an ancient site called Atloudg,
or Kailuodg, with some ancient walls," three hoars
east of Sebita, which again was two hoars and a
half south of Khid »»«. This he considers aa iden-
tical with Ziklag. Dr. Robinson had previously
(in 1838) heard of 'Atlij as lying southwest of
.Witt, on the way to Abdeh (BibL Res. ii. 301), a
position not discordant with that of Mr. Row-
lands. The identification if supported by Mr.
Wilton {.Negeb, p. 209); but it is impossible at
present, and until further investigation into the
district in question has been made, to do more than
name it. If Dr. Robinson's form of the name is
correct — and since it is repeated in the lists of
Dr. Ell Smith ( J m r, App. to voL Ui. of 1st
sd. p. 116 a) there is no reason to doubt this — the
similarity which prompted Mr. Rowlands's con-
jecture almost entirely disappears This will be
evident if ths two names are written in Hebrew,
abps, &ws. g.
ZIL'LAH (rib's [ihadoa]-. *,aju(: StOm).
One of ths two wives of Lamech the Cainite, to
whom he addressed his song (Gen. iv. 19, 82, 83).
She was the mother of Tubal-Cain and Naamab. Dr.
Kalisch ( Comm. on Cm.) regards the names of lav
mech's wives and of his daughter as significant of ths
transition into the period of art which took place is
his time, and the corresponding chance in the position
of the woman. * Naamah signifies the lovely, beauti-
ful woman ; whilst the wife of the first man was sim-
ply Ere, the lifegiving. . . . The women were,
in the age of I-smech, no more regarded merely as
the propagators of the human family; beauty and
gracefulness began to command boauuja. . .
Even the wives of Lantech manifest the
c Joseph in {.Am. vi. It, { 19)
month and twenty dare.
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ZIL.PAH
,«\o this epova of beauty; for whikt one wife,
/.Ukb, rewinds still of assistance and protection
tHvS, 'sasdow'), the otber. Adah, bears •
name aliuost synonymous with Naamab, and like-
wise signifying ornament and loveliness."
In the apocryphal book of Jashar, Adah and
Zillah are both daughters of Caiuan. Adah bare
shildren, but Zillah was barren till her old age, in
consequence of some noxious draught which her
husband gave her to preserve her beauty and to
prevent her from bearing. \V. A. W.
ZII/PAH (TTfTt [uVonfj: [ Z< A«>dV.] ZsA-
sW: Ztlpha). A Syrian given by Uban to bis
iiaghter I.eah as an attendant (Gen. nix. 24),
ud by Leah to Jacob as a concubine. She was
she mother of Gad and Asher (Uen. xxx. 9-13,
uutv. 26, xixvii. 2, xJvi. 18).
ZILTHAl [2 ayl.] OoV? [«* "hlY- ***•«:
[Vat. JoASs.:] Alex. SaAei: Stklkul). 1. A
Heojauiite, of the sons of Sbiuihi (1 Ohr. viii.
20).
2. CSauafK; [Vat.] FA. Sfuofrsi; [Comp. Aid.
SoAoff :J tsuhthi.) One of the captains of thou-
sands of Mauaaseh who deserted to David at Zik-
lag (1 Ohr. xii. 20).
ZIM'MAH (mipT [plan, parpou] : Zou/utt;
[Vat. Zt/ifuti] Alex. Zappa '■ Znmmi). 1. A
Gersbouite Levite, sou of Jahath (1 Ohr. vi. SO).
3. (2apniui [Alex. Zappa; Comp. Aid. Z«p-
p«.]) Another Gershouite, son of Shimei (1
Chr. vi. 42 1; possibly the same as the preceding.
3. (Zsppd* - ; [Comp. AW. Zsppat :] Zcmma.)
Father or ancestor of Joab, a Gembonite in the
reign of Hexekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 12). At a much
earlier period we find the same collocation of names,
Zimmah and Joan as dither and son (1 Chr. vi. 20).
Compare " Mahsth the son of Annual " in 2 Chr.
xxix. 12 with the same in 1 Cbr. vi. 35 ; '• Joel the
son of Axariah " in 2 Chr. xxix. 12 and 1 Chr. vi.
36 j and » Kish the son of Abdi " 2 Chr. xxix. 12
with " Kislii the son of Abdi " in 1 Chr. vi. 44.
Unless these names are the names of families and
not of individuals, their recurrence is a little re-
markable.
ZltVTKAN C|7?T [tuny, ctUraltJ] : Zop-
0p&y, Ztufip&fi [Vat. -few] I Alex. • 3</9par,
** Zt ii&par, Zififiar'- Zamran, [Zfimram] ). The
eldest son of Keturah ((Jen. xxv. 2; 1 Chr. i. 32).
His descendants are not mentioned, nor is any hint
given that he was the founder of a tribe: the con-
trary would rather appear to be the case. Some
would identify Zimran with the Zimri of Jer. xxv.
85, but these lay too far to the north. The Greek
bra of the name, ss found in the LXX., has sug-
gested a comparison with ZajSpdp, the chief city of
tbe CiDSBdocolpttSB, who dwelt on the Red Sea,
rest of Mecca. But this is extremely doubtful, for
this tribe, probably the same with the ancient
Kenda, was a branch of the Joktaiille Arabs, who
n the most ancient times occupied Yemen, sod
may only have come into possession of Zabram at
a later period (Knobel, Uenttis). Hitsig and
leogerke propose to connect the name Zimran with
iimiris, a district of Ethiopia mentioned by Pliny
.xxx.L 25); but Grotius, with mora plausibility,
• the word Is iHo^M, whteh Bwald (alter i V.
both here and In 2 K. xt. 2», Insists on
Z1MKI
8631
finds a trace of it in the Zamereni, a tribe of tin
interior of Arabia. The identification eft Zimran
with the modern Beni Omran, and the Baui Zo-
uianeis of Dictorus, proposed by Mr. Forsta
(Utoyr. tif Arubui, i. 431), cannot be seriously
maintained. W. A. \V.
ZIM'BI Cyflt [nmy, (Anne oftong]: Zop-
$pl [Vat. -fifti]: Xnmbri). 1. The son of S»lu,
a Simeoiiite chieftain, slain by Phinehas with the
Midiaiiiiish princess Coxbi (Num. xxv. 14). When
the Israelites at Shittim were smitten with plagues
for their impure worship of Baal-peor, and were
weeping before the Tabernacle, Zimri, with a shame-
less disregard to his own high position and tbe
sufferings of his tribe, brought into their presence
tlie Midiauitess in the sight of Muses and in the
sight of the whole congregation. The fierce anger
of I'hinehas was aroused, and in the swift ven-
geance with which he pursued the offenders, he
gave the first indication of that uncompromising
spir.t which characterized him in later life. Hat
whole circumstance is much softened in the nar-
rative of Josephus (Ant. iv. 6, <j$ 10-12), and in Uw
bauds of the apologist is divested of all its vjgot
and point In the Targum of [Pseudo-] Jonathan
ben L'zziel several traditional details are added.
Zimri retorts upon Moses that he himself had
taken to wife a Midiauitess, and twelve miraculous
signs atteud the vengeance of I'hinehas.
lu describing the scene of this tragedy an un-
usual word is employed, the force of which is lost
in the rendering " tent " of the A. V. of Num.
xxv. 8. It was not the ohtt, or ordinary tent of
the encampment, but the i"TSp, InMih (whence
Span, atctivn, and our alcove), or dome-shaped tent,
to which Phinehas pursued his victims. Whether
this was the tent which Zimri occupied as chief of
his tribe, and which was in consequence more
elaborate and highly ornamented than the rest, or
whether it was, as Gesenius suggests, one of the
tents which the Midiauitess used for the worship of
Peor, is not to be determined, though tbe latter is
favored by the rendering of the Vulg. tupmar.
The word does not occur elsewhere in Hebrew. In
tbe Syriac it is rendered a cell, or inner apartment
of tbe tent. W. A. W.
2. CnQT : Zoftfipi [Vat. -J9p«]; Joseph. Ant.
vili. 12, $ 5, Zapdpni : Zambi-L) Fifth sovereign
of the separate Kingdom of Israel, of which he oc-
cupied the throne for the brief period of seven days
in the year u. c. 930 or 929. Originally in com-
mand of half the chariots in the royal army, he
gained the crown by the murder of king FJah son
of Baasha. who, after reigning for something mora
than a year (compare 1 K. ivi. 8 and 10), was in-
dulging in a drunken revel in the house of his
steward Ana at Tirzah, then the capital. In the
midst of this festivity Zimri killed him, and im-
mediately afterwards all the rest of Baasha's family.
But tbe army which at that time was besieging tbe
Philistine town of Gibbethon, when they heard of
KkuVs murder, proclaimed their general Omri
king. He immediately marched against final),
and took the city. Zimri retreated into tbe inner-
most part of the late king's palace, as* it on fire
and perished in tbe ruins (1 K. xvi. 9-20).
translating ™ harem," with which word ht thinks that
it is etymolotfeellv connected, and braes seeks eoe-
nrmatlon o/ bis view that Zimri was a roluptooa*
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5682 zra
Ewald's inference from Jezebel's speech to John (9
K. ix. 81), that on Klah's death Uw queen-mother
welcomed ha murderer with smiles and blandish-
ments, modi rather arbitrary and for fetched.
[Jezkbxl.] G. K. L. C.
3. (Zantri.) One of the fire ton* of Z«nb the
nn of Judah (1 Cbr. ii. 6).
4. [Alex, twice, 1 Cbr. viii. 86, Zcuipt-] Son
of Jehoadah and descendant of Saul (1 Chr. viii.
16, a. 49).
8. (Om. in LXX : Zambri.) An obscure name,
Ewntioned (Jer. xxv. 25) in probable con Motion
with Dedan, Tenia, Buz, Arabia D*TO), the min-
gled people >> 'ereb " CH^T?), all of which im-
mediate); precede it, besides other peoples; and
followed by FJam, the Medes, and other*. The
passage i* of wide comprehension, but the reference,
a* indicated abort, seems to be a tribe of the sons
of the East, the Beni-Kedem. Nothing farther is
known respecting Zimri, but it ma; possibly be the
same as, or derived from Zimram, which see.
E.8. P.
ZIN O"? [low palm-tm, 6c*.] : xtr; [Vat
fir; Num. xxrii. 14a, Alex, lira ; Josh. xv. 1, Alex.
Siju; Josh. xv. 3, Rom. Alex, ttri, Vat. 1 trmx, 2.
m. Btrrwc: Sin.]) The name given to a portion
of the desert tract between the Dead Sea, Ghur, and
Arabah (possibly including the two latter, or portions
of them] ou the E., and the general plateau of the
TVi which stretches westward. The country in ques-
tion consists of two or three successive terraces
of mountain converging to an acute angle (like
stairs where there is a turn in the flight) at the
Dead Sea's southern verge, towards which also they
slope. Here the drainage finds its chief vent by
die Wiidy tUFikreh into the Un6r, the remaining
raters running by smaller channels into the Ara-
jah, and ultimately by the Wady tUeib also to
the Ghor. Judging from natural features, in the
vagueness of authority, it is likely that the portion
between, and drained by these wadies, is the region
in question ; but where it ended westward, whether
at any of the above named terraces, or blending
imperceptibly with that of Paran, is quite uncer-
tain. Kadesh lay in it, or on this unknown
boundary, and here also Idunuea was conterminous
with Jndah ; since Kadesh was a city in the border
Of Edora (see Kadbsr; Num. xiii. 91, xx. 1, xxviL
14, xxxiii. 86, xxxiv. 8; Josh. it. 1). The re-
searches of Williams and Rowlands on this sub-
test, although not conclusive in favor of toe site
li-Kiddt for the city, yet may indicate that the
" wilderness of Kadea," which is indistinguishable
from that of Zin, follows the course of the Wady
Uurrtk westward. The whole region require*
further research ; but it* difficulties are of a very
formidable character. Josephus (.Ant. iv. 4, § 6)
spraks of a •' hill called Sin " (2(v), where Miriam,
who died in Kadesh, when the people bad " come
'o the desert of Zin," was buried. This " Sin "
jf Josephus may recall the name Zin, and, being
ipplied to a hiU, may perhaps indicate the most
singular and wholly isolated eonieal acclivity named
Modem* (Madura, or Madam), standing a little
8. of the Wady Fikreh, near iU outlet into the
no*
Ghfir. This would precisely agree with the
of country above indicated (Nuns. xx. I, 3a
Ileum, in. Uebron to Madara; Wilton, Iftftt
pp. 197, 134). H. U.
ZI7JA (Kjn [prob abundance]: Z,(i:Z*n)
Zizah the second son of Shimei (1 Chr. xziiL 10
oomp. 11) the Gerthonite. One of Kennieott's
MSS. reads M ■>", Ziza, Bke the LXX. and Vnlg
• ZI'ON QVS, swnsy, from TV^f : -%vir\
Vat Xtmr, exe. Am. i. 2, and 91 places in Psslnw;
Sin. or FA. Xtmr in Pa. iL 6, xlviii. 2, box. 36,
lxzxiv. 7, lxzxvii. 2, 5, xdx. 3, cxlvii. 12, cilix. 9; Is.
i. 8, iii. 16, 17, viii. 18, x. 89, xii. 6, xviii. 7,xxria. 16,
xxxi. 4, 9, xxxvii. 22, iL 9, xii. 97, U. 3, 11, fix. 90,
lxi. 3, bar. 10; Jer. xxvi. 18 (so A lex.); Joel iii. 31;
Obad. 17; Zeeh. ii. 10, iz. 13; elsewhere ZiauN in
Cant iii. 11 Vat and Sin. omit: Sim). In the
Apoc and N. T. the A. V., following the Greek,
uses Sion as a variation of Zion [Siox, Mousy,
2J; but the kutsr at an essentially different name
from the Shu of Deut iv. 48 [Siox, Mouxt, 1].
Mount Zion is the southern terminus and west-
ern tongue of the high table-land, or double prom-
ontory, on which Jerusalem was built, and is the
highest of its hills. Klevated, and aurronnded by
deep, trench-like ravines on the west, south, and
east, with a deep depression, or valley, in the ridge
on the north, it was a position of great natural
strength. It first appears in sacred history as s
stronghold of the Jebuaites who had fortified it,
and who held possession of it long after the Israel-
ite* had gained the rest of the territory (Josh. xv.
63). It was assaulted at length, and captured by
king David (1 Chr. xi. 4-7), who built both a
palace and a citadel upon it, and subsequently
brought to it the ark of the Lord.
As the seat not only of regal dominion, but of
sacred worship until the Temple was built, this emi-
nence came to be designated as the '• hory bill of
Zion " (Pa. ii. 6) and a* the " chosen habitation "
of Jehovah (Ps. cxxii. 13), and this naturally led
to its employment by the N. T. writers as a type
of heaven (Heb. xii. 22; Rev. xiv. 1). It befog
the royal residence, h was called lie City «f Duria
(2 Sam. vi. 12); and its prominence in the city
led to the frequent use of its name as the synonym
of Jerusalem (Is- x. 24); as, also, to the designa-
tion of the inhabitants of the city coueetirdy, as
Zion, or Me daughter of Zion (Is. xliz. 14; Pa. iz.
14; Zech. ii. 10).
The summit of the ridge presented a broad level
tract, the southern portion of which lies outside
of the modern walls. This is now occupied, in
part, by the cemeteries of different Christian seats,
including the Protestant*, and among them it the
stone building, onee a Christian church, which
covers the traditional site of the sepulchre of Una
David. Muslim Jealousy has, hitherto, prevent**:
a thorough exploration of the locality. A part of
this ground has been cultivated — literally tattl-
ing the remarkable prediction that Zion should bs
ploughed like a field " (Is. xxvi 18; Mie. iii.
12). Zion was a natural rocky terrace, and bene*
the fores of the Scriptural comparisons which asso-
ciate with it* strong foundations the safety of bo-
ater* of woman. But its rootsssmstoba DTK, "to
*» ksfh " (Geasolus) ; and In other pasta***, sspseially
Htm. xvtn. 19, the insaalni is "a lofty fortress,''
rather than " a nana." Xwsld, In us sketch e
Bmrl, Is psrfaeps somewhat lad astray by the sw*a»
of finding a historical parallel with Sard* nasal—
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ZION
d Uw stability of 1. brut' t kingdom (Is.
xxviii. 16).
Until » lata period, the site of Zion m un-
questioned. A glance at the ground of the city,
or at a plan of it, ahows that the southwest hill
waa the largest and moat important of the bill* on
which it waa built. lite poeition of this hill accorda
ao fully with almoat all the traditional and hiator-
ieal notice* which have reached ua, that it haa been
accepted without diaaent aa the Zioo of David. A
Caw jean since, Mr. Ferguaaon started the theory
that Zion waa identical with the southeast hill, or
Morlah. The present writer in a preceding article
haa stated the grounds of dissent from this view
(Jebobalem, ii. 1330-1333; see also BiU. Saaa,
air. 116-140).
Quite lately, still another theory, aa novel, haa
bean started, affirming the identity of Zion with
ZION
8683
Akra, the hill on the north ; and this wo will briefly
examine here. (See also Biil. Saaa, xxvii. 565-
669.) This originated with Captaiu Warren, the
British engineer who has made such important and
interesting subterranean explorations in Jerusalem,
and who appears to have enlivened his labors below
ground with historical researches above, which are
quite independent of his professional work. It ii
propounded by him in Quarterly Statement, No.
III., of the Palatine Exploration Fund, under the
title: " The Comparative Holiness of Mounts Zioo
and Moriah " (pp. 76-88). It is expanded and de-
fended by Rev. John Forbes, Ll» D., Edinburgh, in
the BiU. Sacra (xxvii. 191-196). Both writon
concede the baselessness of Mr. Fergusson'a theory,
which will not, probably, be put forward again;
and the new theory, we apprehend, wilt be u
transient.
PLAN OF
I JERUSALEM
(Falsetto* Exploration Fund.)
A decisive test which does not appear to hare
occurred to these writers, is the ascertained course
of the ancient walls, respecting which Josephus has
given us the desired information. He says: •' The
eity was fortified by three walls wherever it was
not encircled by impassable valleys; for in that
quarter there was but one wall " (8. J. v. 4, § 1).
He then describes the configuration of the city, —
its hills and valleys, — and in the next section
'.races the course* of these walla, respecting the first
and oldest of which there is no dispute. Beginning
at Hippicus, on the north, it ran southward, and
then eastward, along the western and southern brow
of the southwest hill, and thence across to Opbel
and the eastern side of the Temple on Moriah. The
latter part of its course is not definitely known;
sut all are agreed that from Hippicus it followed
he brow of the southwest hill, forming, with the
Jeep valleys below, ample protection in this quarter.
From Hippicus eastward this wall ran along the
northern brow of the southwest hill to the Xystos,
an open place on the eastern crest of this hill op-
" i the Temple, and thence acme the valley to
the western side of the TempW-area. This la un-
disputed. And this part of the first and oldest
wall, from Hippicus eastward, waa the strongest
waH in Jerusalem, and the last which waa taken in
every siege. Josephus describes it as difficult to be
taken, and assigns two reasons. The first is its
natural position, built on the brow of a hill; and
recent excavations have strikingly confirmed his
statement, and vindicated Robinson's theory of the
course of the Tyropoaon Valley, disclosing, below
the present surface, depths at different points of
from thirty to nearly eighty feet along the ancient
cliff (Jkrusalbm, ii. 1831). His second reason
is the extraordinary strength of the wall itself,
through the seal which David and Solomon and
the kings who succeeded them took in the work
(B.J. v. 4, i »). All are agreed that this oldest
and strongest of the walls of Jerusalem protected
the acnthwest hill, and was constructed for this
special purpose. This part of the eity, having the
highest area and the most precipitous sides, offered
the strongest natural advantages for defense; and
kins David and his successors took advantage of
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8684
HON
ki natural position, and threw around it a wall
which made it well nigh impregnable.
Now, the advocates of the new theory mutt give
•orue conaiatent explanation of the royal seal, shown
through successive reigns, in fortifying this broad
and goodly summit They take pains to explain
that Zion was not an isolated fortress, but included
a considerable part of the city — the palace of the
lung and the dwellings of the people; and the up-
per city was, confessedly, larger than the lower.
The moat commanding spot in the capital, by na-
ture and art combined made the most secure, and of
ample extant, withal, — the royal palaces (accord-
ing to their theory) were not here; the royal treaV
urea were not here; the royal sepulchres were not
here; the citadel was not here; the Tabernacle and
the ark of the covenant, before the building of the
Temple, were not here; and the wise monarch* of
Israel fortified this elevated quarter of their capital,
until it could bid defiance to almost any assault,
and then built their own residence outside of it,
looking up with admiration to its strong bulwark*,
congratulating the inhabitanta who dwelt within
its fastnesses, but depriving themselves, their fami-
lies, and their possessions, secular and sacred, of
the benefit of their own defenses!
There succeeded a period of prolonged peace, in
wbicb the monarch oould have his summer resi-
dence in the country, and build a palace for his
queen in the unwilled suburbs. But from the first
conquest it wss necessary to have a point of as
absolute security as possible; and what conceivable
point would naturally be guarded with more jealous
care than the principal seat of the royal family —
the seat of empire? For a considerable period
(we know not how long) the wall around the south-
west hill was the only wall of tbe city. Josephua
repeatedly refers to it aa, by way of distinction,
"the old wall." And the interval in which it
served as the sole protection of the capital was not
a season of peace, but a period of incessant war
with the tribes and nations on every aide of Israel.
And when new walls were afterwards erected, new
defenses were added to this.
Capt. Warren says : "If we place three round
shot close together we have a rough model of Jeru-
salem iu tbe time of Solomon — tbe shot to the
north being Mount Zion; that to the southeast,
Horiah ; and that to the southwest, the remainder
of Jerusalem '' (p. 81). Accepting this " model,"
we call the north shot Akra; the southeast, lforiah ;
and the southwest (which to Warren is nameless).
Zion. The north hill was subsequently protected
on its exposed side by a strong wall — the second
wall of Joaephus ; and at a still later day, in the
reign of king Herod Agrippa, a fourth hill, on the
mrthjast (Bezetha), was protected on its exposed
side by the third wall of Josepbus. Jerusalem was
never attacked from the south. The point of
menace and peril, in every siege, was in the high-
lands on the north. These three walls on tbe north
mere successive breastworks against a foreign foe.
When the hill represented by Warren's north shot
was protected by one wall, the southwest hill was
protected by two walls; when tbe former was
protected by two, the latter was protected by three.
And tbe security enjoyed by the upper oity, on the
southwest hill, above that of the lower oity, eon-
listed, besides its natural defenses on the south, in
tbe strength of the old wall on the north, in the
construction of which successive kings had taken
*B enthusiastic interest. Consequently, aawa has*
ZKMf
•aid, this part of Jerusalem held tot the kngeet a
every siege. " No attack or approach is ever de-
scribed as made against the vpptr city of Zion nntst
after the besiegers had broken through the second
wall, and had thus got possession of the lotetr city "
(Sob. BibL Ret. 1869, p. 814). When tbe city
was invested by Titus after be had stormed and
carried every part but the southwest hill, the coarse
of the siege is thus stated by Mr. Grove: » Tbe
upper city, higher than Moriah, inclosed by the
original wall of David and Solomon, and on al
sides precipitous, except on the north, where it
was defended by the wall and towers of Herod, waa
still to be taken It took eighteen days
to erect tbe necessary works for the siege. Tbe
four legions were once more stationed on the west
or northwest corner, where Herod's palace abut-
ted on tbe wall, and where the three magnrSeent
and impregnable towers of Hippicua, PhasaeUua, and
Marianine rose conspicuous. 'Inia waa the main
attack" (Jkkubalkm, ii. 1307). The wall thus
strengthened by Herod for the protection of that
part of the city which embraced his own palace was
the okl wall, which ran from Hippicua eastward to
the Xystus. " The interior and most ancient of
the three walls on tbe north was, no doubt, the
same wall which ran along the northern brow of
Zion," or the southwest hill. (Kob. BibL Rtt. i.
413.) For whose protection, as more important
than their own, waa this wall built and strength-
ened by David and Solomon and their immediate
successors?
The reasons offered by these writers for their
hypothesis are not based on recent discoveries, nor
are they new. These speculations hare not the
remotest connection with Capt. Warren's explora-
tions in Jerusalem. The argument rests mainly
on two or three passages in Joaephus and tbe first
book of Maccabees, relating to the Akra or castle
which Antiochua Kpiphanes built on the hill sus-
taining the lower city, and which are familiar to all
who have studied the topography of the city. These
parallel narratives involve a perplexity which Prof.
Robinson fully examined, and, we think, satisfac-
torily explained, almost a quarter of a century age
(BibL Sacra, iii. 629-634). His suggestion is,
that in process of time " the City of David," at
first restricted to the Hill of Zion, came to be used
by synecdoche for the whole city, so as to be synony-
mous with Jerusalem ; and he cites evident traces
of such usage from Isaiah, the Maccabees, and
Joaephus. This is a much simpler solution of the
difficulty than the transfer of site by these writers.
The immemorial conviction, which has not
merely< survived centuries of observation, but bean
confirmed by tbe investigations of keen eyed
witnesses, will, we are confident, abide. The
southwest hill, fortified beyond the rest, and its
dwellings mote carefully protected ; the most im-
portant strategic point in the city, and the last
rallyii.g-point in memorable sieges; the hill for
which the propoundera of tbe new theory have no
ne — Forties contenting himself with applying
the epithet " pseudo " to the current appellation,
and Warren designating it as " tbe remainder of
Jerusalem," — this historic hill has borne, and wil
continue to bear the sacred and classic name of
Zion.
Every Christian reader has feH— »wbj
Christian visitor to tbe holy city who baa stood i
its southwest hill baa felt more— the fores asaf
beauty of such passages aa these, in the Psalms •
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ZIOB
David: "Beautiful for situation, tie joy of tie
■hole earth, U Mount Zion, n. the sides ot the
north, the city of the great King " (Pa. xhriii. 2);
'• They that trust in the Lord shall be as Mount
Zion, which eaunot be removed, but abideth for-
jvcr " (Ps. cm. 1). From strains like these the
transition is abrupt and startling to such sentences
as the following " The site where Zion once was,
aud is not " (Warren, p 80); " Mount Zion, once
so holy, was at length razed to the ground and ob-
literated " (Forbes, p. 1»6). We take comfort in
the undoubting conviction that the grand similes
of the sacred writers hare not been thus emptied
of their significance. The Zion of the psalmist and
the prophet still stands, with its rocky, precipitous
sides, aud the deep valleys sweep around its base,
as of old. Its " palaces " have disappeared ; and
in its desolation, literal and moral, it is no longer
" the joy " which it once was. But <• beautiful for
situation " it still is; and, to the eye of the traveller
who approaches it from the south, it still lifts itself
in strength, though not in the ancient grandeur,
■' on the sides of the north." [Guttke; Jkbuh;
Jkkusalkm; Tthopvboh.J S. W.
ZI'OK f>V*2 [umihtH]: Js.poi«; Alex.
ttaf. Sim-). A town in the mountain district of
Judah (Josh. xv. 54, only). It belongs to the
same group with Hebron, next to which it occurs
in the list. By Eusebius and Jerome ( Oiuna. Xufy,)
it is spoken of as a village between JEX\% (Jerusa-
lem) and Kleutheropolis (Beitjibrin), m toe tribe
of Judah. A small village named Sa'ir LjjLwy)
lies on the road between TekAt and Hebron, about
six miles northeast of the latter (Rob. BibL Ru.
i. 488), which may probably be that alluded to in
the Ononweticon ; and but for its distance from
Hebron, might be adopted as identical with Zior.
So little, however, is known of the principle on
which the groups of towns are collected in these
lists, that it is impossible to speak positively on the
point, either one way or the other. G.
ZIPH (*W [battknumt, pinnacle, Ges. ed.
1883; melting-place, Flint]). The name borne
by two towns in the territory of Judah.
1. (Maird>; Alex. I0ra]fi«): Ziph.) In the
south (itgtb); named between Ithnan and Telem
(Josh. xv. 34). It does not appear again hi the
history — for the Ziph of David's adventures is an
entirely distinct spot — nor has any trace of it been
met with. From this, from the apparent omission
of the name in the Vatican LXX, and from the
absence of the " and " before it, Mr. Wilton has
ham led to suggest that it is an interpolation
ZIPH 86S6
(Negeb, 85) ; but his grounds for this are hardly
conclusive. Many names in this list hare not yet
been encountered on the ground; before several
others the " and " is omitted ; aud though not
now recognizable in the Vat. LXX., the name is
found in the Alex, and in the Peshito (22b). In
our present ignorance of the region of the Negeb it
is safer to postpone any positive judgment on the
point.
2. ([Rom. 'O0/3, Zl<t>i Vat.] 0(uB, Zfuft, »
ZtiBi Alex. Zi^, Ztup: Ziph.) In the highland
district; named between Carmel and Juttah (Josh.
xv. 55). The place is immortalized by its connec-
tion with David, some of whose greatest perils and
happiest escapes took place in its neighborhood
(1 Sam. xxiii. 14, 15, 34, xxvi. 3). These pas-
sages show, that at that time it had near it a wil-
derness (midbar, i. e. a waste pasture ground) and
a wood. The latter has disappeared, but the for-
mer remains. The name of ZXf is found about
three miles S. of Hebron, attached to a rounded hill
of some 100 feet in height, which is called Tell
ZXf. About the same distance still further 8. is
Kti-miil (Carmel), and between them a short dis-
tance to the W. of the road is Yttta (Juttah).
About half a mile E. of the tell are some consid-
erable ruins, standing at the head of two small
wadies, which, commencing here, run off towards
the Dead Sea. These ruins are pronounced by Dr.
Robinson (BibL Bee. i. 493) to be those of the
ancient Ziph, but hardly on sufficient grounds.
They ore too far from the ttil for it to have been
the citadel to them. It seems more probable that
the tell itself is a remnant of the ancient place
which was fortified by Rehoboaui (3 Chr. xi. 8) .«
" Zib " is mentioned in the UnomottioM as 8
miles east of Hebron ; " the village," adds Jerome,
" in which David hid is still shown." This can
hardly be the spot above referred to, unless the
distance and direction have been stated at random,
or the passage is corrupt both in Eusebius and
Jerome. At 7 Roman miles east of Hebron a ruin
is marked on Van de Velde's map, but it does not
appear to have been investigated. Elsewhere
(under "Zeib" and "Ziph") they place it near
Carmel, and oonneot it with Ziph the descendant
of Caleb.
From Eusebius to Dr. Robinson no one appears
to hare mentioned Zif. Yet many travellers must
have passed the tell, and the name is often in the
mouths of the Arab guides (Stanley, S. d> P. p
101 »).
There are soma curious differences between the
text of the LXX. and the Hebrew of these pas-
sages which may be recorded here.
18am.xxni.14. . .
to the mountain in the
of&ph.
15. .... in tt
Hph in Um wood.
18. Aadaphltast
i to Sam
ViHOAM LXX. (Mai).
•safer* •> rj 4pwMr *» *"i
h «f Sao ry »»X )"M" *» rfl
«■»»# *•**> T§ ****% [«■«»■ =
ahn Msdfor trhh],
ml aWPfvai' o«
•vxpufovc «rpos X.
Auk. LXX.
Zm4 me apes to •vjoualst •» >■,
■ • In his Index to Clark's BiiU JUIae, p. Ill, Mr. ' » ges a ramaik surhnsly parallel to nk) by 1
Jsvfe withdraws wis objection and speaks of Jiota ss I mont In his foyagt between Napknae and Jar
'now Ztf, 8 miles south of Hebron." H. lieu.
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i
ZIPH
1 Bui. xztti. M. And they areas
tad want to Zlpfa before teal.
xrvt. 1. And the Ophites seme
HtoteaL
ZIZ, THB OLIFF OV
Tsmun LXX. (Mai*. | Aax. UX.
sses*vssjsw' sjwsoevAer *
I. epxemu m s ea fr u o i *k res
The noamoM of the wanlaixpet, "dried up," « parchst," mU almas*
Mood lb* Ziph of Um iwfse to b* Intended.
tkattheLXX-
ZIPH (»pt : z//8: [Vet, omits;] Alex. Z^A»:
«•>•). Son of Jehaleleel (1 Chr. It. 16).
ZITHAH (n^T: z.s>d; [Vat. Zs+4;]
Aln. Zcufai Zipka). One of the mm of Jena-
Heel, whose family is enumerated in an obeoure
genealogy of the tribe of Judah (1 Chr. It. 16).
ZIPH1MS, THK (a^p^n : voir. Z*i<pal-
•vi : Ztphai). The inhabitants of ZirH (tee the
foregoing article, No. 3). In this form the name ii
found in the A. V. only in the tide of Pa. lit. In
the narrative it occurs in the more uaual ■ form of
ZIPHITE8, THE ("S^n : «{ Ziexuo.
[Vat. ZeiaV-] : JSphm), 1 Sam. xxiii. 1»,»
xxvi. 1. O.
ZIPH'ION (fvpS : %a*4w. BtpMon). Son
of Gad (Gen. xlvi. 16); elsewhere oalled Zevhoh.
ZIPHTION (fl?T [/i-oorouc] : A.<ftwK<<; «
Alex. Zadyorn: Zephrona). A point In the north
boundary of the proniiaed land aa apecifled by
Moaea (Num. xxxiv. 9). It occura between Zedad
and Hataar-Enan. If Zedad is Stdtd, and Hetaar-
Euan Kwietrin, aa is not Impossible, then Ziphron
muat be looked for somewhere between the two.
At present no name at all suitable haa been discov-
ered in this direction. But the whole of this
topography is in a most unsatisfactory state aa
regards both comprehension of the original record
and knowledge of the ground ; and in the abeence
of more information we most he content to abstain
from conjectures.
In the parallel passage of Esekiet (xivil. 16, 17)
the words " Haxar-hattieon, which ia by the border
of Hanran," appear to be substituted for Ziphron.
The Hauran here named may be the modern Tillage
Hinnedrbt, which Use between SUid and Kwit-
tcin, and not the district of the same name many
miles further south. G.
ZIPTOE ("N9S, and twice - "1&S [anon
row]: TLn&ip: Senior). Father of Balak king
of Moab. His name occurs only in the expression
" son* of Zipper" (Num. xxli. 2, 4, 10, 16, xxiii.
13; Josh. xxir. 9; Judg. xl. 95). Whether be
was the "former king of Moab" alluded to in
Num. xxi. 86, we are not told, nor do we know
that be himself ever reigned. The Jewish tradi-
tion already noticed [Moab, ill. 1981] is, that
Moab and Midian were united into one kingdom,
and ruled by a king chosen alternately from each.
In this connection the similarity between the names
Zippor and Zipporah, the latter of which we know
to have been the name of a Midianlteas. pur wng,
is worthy of notice, aa it suggests that Balak may
have been of Midianite parentage. G.
a Examples of the asms toeoaslstsney In the A. V.
in (mod In Avm, Anns ; Homm, Hums ; Pnxua-
ZIPPCEAH (nnfeS [fern. awn-row]: Xnr-
fetoa; Joseph, iaw^dpa- Stplora). Daughter
of Keuel or Jethro, the priest of Midian, wife ot
Moses, and mother of his two sons Gershom and
Elieaer (Ex. ii. 21, iv. 25, xviii. 2, eomp. 6). Th.
only Incident recorded in her life is that of the cir-
cumcision of Gershom (ir. 24-36), the account of
which has been examined under the bead of Moan
(ill. 2019. See also Stanley's Jewuk CkurcA,
p. 114).
It has been suggested that Zipporah was the
Cushlte (A. V. '• Ethiopian ") wife who famished
Miriam and Aaron with the pretext for their attack
on Moses (Num. xii. 1, Ac.). The chief ground
for this appears to be that in a paasage of Habakkak
(ill. 7) the nam of Cuban and Midian are men-
tioned together. But in the immense interral
which had elapsed between the Exodus sod she
period of Habakkuk (at least seven centuries), the
relations of Cosh and Midian may well have altered
too materially to admit of any argument being
founded on the later passage, even if it were certain
that their being mentioned in juxtaposition Implied
any connection between them, further than that
both were dwellers in tents and enemies of Israel;
and unless the evuts of Num. xii. should be proved
to be quite out of their proper place in the narra-
tive, it is difficult to believe that a charge conid
have been made against Moses on the ground of his
marriage, after so long a period, and when the
children of his wife must have been several years
old. The most feasible suggestion appears to be
that of Ewald {Gachichtt, ii. 229, note), namely,
thai the Cuahite waa a second wife, or a concubine,
taken by Moses during the march through the
wilderness — whether after the death of Zipporah
(which is not me nti oned) or from other eircuai-
atanoes must be uncertain. This — with the utmost
respeot to the eminent scholar who has supported
the other alternative — the writer ventures to safer
u that whieh commends itself to him.
The similarity between the names of Zippor ead
Zipporah, and the possible Inference from that sam-
ilarlty, have been mentioned under the former head.
[ZnraoB.] G.
ZITH'RI (*yyQ [Jtkamk't prvUetkm~\:
lryptl; [Vat. a.pysl;] Alex. Sswpet: flelkrs).
Properly "Stthri;'* one of the sons of Uasiel, the
sonofKohath(Ex.Tl.99). In Ex. vi.»l, "Zithrl"
should be '< Zichrl," as in A. V. of 1611.
ZIZ. THB CLIFF OF (^HfC n^Jf?
[ascent of the] i 4 aW&uris ' AoW [Rom. ' AeWr]
in both MSB.: cJnws mm «•). The peas
(such is more accurately the meaning of the weed
madUk; eomp. Addmmim; Gi™, etc) by whieh
* In tuts passage there Is no areMs to UM t
< The Anal a In LXX. and Volga* la ta as the
Hatmw paittele of motion — " u Bphron."
d Man. xaH. », xxtti. 18.
• Ia IXX. swt X., mapl sa Josh. xsJt. t\ I vef t
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ZIZA
t» horde of Moabitea, Ammonites, and Mshnoim,
nude their way up from the shores of the Dead
Saa to the wildenieas of Judah near Tekoa (8 Chr.
u. 16 ail)-; comp. SO). There can be very little
doubt that it was the pan of 'Am Jity — "the
very same route," a* Dr. Bobinson reniarlu,
•' which is taken by the Arabs in their marauding
expeditious at the present day ; along the shore as
far a* to 'Ai* Jidy, and then op the pass, and so
northwards below Ttkin " (BibL St*, i. 608, 630).
The very name (which since it has the article pre-
ttied is more accurately haz-Ziz than Ziz) may
perhaps be still traceable In d-f/Hanh, which is
attached to a large tract of table-land lying imme-
diately above the pass of Ain Jidg, between it and
Ttttia, and bounded on the north by a wady of the
same name (BibL St: i. 527). Hay not both
haz-Ziz and Hnsaaah be descended troin Hazezon-
tamar, the early name of En-gedi ? G.
ZI'Z A. (HT^T [full brunt, abimdnnce] : Zou(a;
[Vat. corrupt:] Zizn). X. Son of Shiphi a chief
of the Slmeonites, who in the reign of Hezekiah
made a raid upon the peaceable Hamite shepherds
of Gedor, and smote them, " because there was
pasture there for their floolu " (1 Chr. iv. 37).
8. (Zi»fa; [Vat. Z«fo; Alex. Zifo-]) Son of
Behoboam by Maachah the granddaughter of Absa-
lom (3 Chr. xi SO).
ZI'ZAH (nt»t [/afl breiU] : Zifo: «*»).
A Gershoiiite Levite, second son of Shimei (1 Chr.
xxiii. 11); called Zina in ver. 10.
ZCAN OS'S : Tarlr- Twit, [Ex. xxx. H,
m Taplinu]), an ancient city of Lower Egypt. It
is mentioned by a Shemitic and by an Egyptian
name, -both of the same signification. Zoan, pre-
served in the Coptic X«JJ1H, X<UM, S.
XA<SJie, 2A.AJU, the Arabic ^jLo
(a Tillage on the site), and the classical TdVu, Tunis,
whence the Coptic transcription TAJtCCMC,
eomes from the root XS^t " ™> moved tents " (Is.
xxxiii. 80), cognate with ]?^' " "• loaded a beast
of burden;" and thus signifies "a place of de-
parture," like D^SJJS, Zaanannim (Josh, xix
IS), or CjajS, Zaanaim « (Judg. iv. 11), <• re-
movings " (Gesen.), a place in northernmost Pales-
tine, on the border of Naphtali near Kedesh. The
place just mentioned is does to the natural and
constant northern border of Palestine, whether
under the spurs of Lebanon or of Hermon. Zoan
lay near the eastern border of Lower Egypt. The
sense of departure or removing, therefore, would
seem not to indicate a mere resting-place of cara-
vans, but a place of departure from a country.
The Egyptian name HA-AWAR, or PA-AWAR,
Avaris, Aovopir, means " the abode " or " house
af " going out " or " departure." Its more pre-
cise sense fixes that of the Shemitic equivalent. 6
Tanis U situate in N. lat, 810, £. kmg. 310 55',
an the east bank of the canal which was formerly
the Tanitic branch. Anciently a rich plain extended
<ue east as far as Pelusium, about thirtv miles dis-
<aat, gradually narrowing towards the east, so that
■ a southeasterly direction from Tanis it was not
ZOAN
8687
more than half this breadth. The whole of this
plain, about as far south and west aa Tenia, was
anciently known aa "the Fields" or "Plains,"
JWiieOJOfttJI, "the Marshes," to 'E\»,
'tKnpx^h or " the pasture-lands," BoiMtaAfa
Through the subsidence of the Mediterranean ooaet,
it is now almost covered by the great Lake Menzeleh.
Of old it was a rich marsh-land, watered by four of
the seven branches of the Nile, the Pathmitie,
Mendesian, Tanitic, and Pelusiac, and swept by the
cool breezes of the Mediterranean. Tank, while
Egypt was ruled by native kings, was the chief town
of this territory, and an important post towards the
eastern fmutier.
At a remote period, between the age when the
pyramids were built and that of the empire, seem-
ingly about D. c 2080, Egypt was invaded, over-
run, and subdued, by the strangers known aa the
Shepherds, who, or at least their first race, appear
to have been Arabs cognate with the Phoenicians.
How they entered Egypt does not appear. After a
time they made one of themselves king, a certain
Salatia, who reigned at Memphis, exacting tribute
of Upper and Lower Egypt, and garrisoning the
fittest places, with especial regard to the safety of
the eastern provinces, which be foresaw the Assyr-
ians would desire to invade. With this view, find-
ing in the Salt* (better elsewhere Sethrotte) nome,
on the east of the Bubutite branch, a very fit city
called Avaris, he rebuilt, and very strongly walled it,
garrisoning it with 240,000 men. He came hitha
in harvest-time (about the venial equinox), to give
corn and pay to the troops, and exercise them so as
to terrify foreigners. This is Manetho's account at
the foundation of Avaris, the great stronghold of
the Shepherds. Several points are raised by it.
We see at a glance that Manetho did not know
that Avaris was Tanis. By his time the city had
fallen into obscurity, and he oould not connect the
HA-AWAR of his native records with the Tanis ol
the Greeks. His account of its early history must
therefore be received with caution. Throughout,
we trace the influence of the pride that made the
Egyptians hate, and affect to despise the Shepherds
above all their conquerors, except the Persians.
The motive of Salatis is not to overawe Egypt but
to keep out the Assyrians; not to terrify the natives
but these foreigners, who, if other history be cor-
rect, did not then form an important state. The
position of Tanis explains the ease. Like the other
principal cities of this tract, Pelusium, Bubastis,
and Heliopolis, it lay on the east bank of the river,
towards Syria. It was thus outside a great line of
defense, and afforded a protection to the cultivated
lands to the east, and an obstacle to an invader,
while to retreat from it wu always possible, so long
as the Egyptians held the river. But Tenia, thooga
doubtless fortified partly with the object of repell-
ing an invader, was too far inland to be the frontier
fortress. It was near enough to be the place of de-
parture for caravans, perhaps was the last town in
the Shepherd-period, but not near enough to com-
mand the entrance of Egypt. Pelusium lay upon
the great road to Palestine, — it has been until
lately placed too far north [Sis], — and the plain
was here narrow, from north to south, so that no
invader could safely pass the fortress ; but it soon
became broader, and, by turning in a southwesterly
direction, en advancing enemy would leave Tanis
a Ktri, as In Joshua.
» The tdrntiBeatioa of Zoan with ArerU Is d as U
M. ds tooa*.
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8638 zoan
tar to the northward, and a bold general would de-
tach a force to keep its garrison in cheek and march
dpon Hetiopolis and Memphis. Ad enormous
standing militia, settled in the Bucolia, as the
Egyptian militia afterwards was in neighboring
tracts of the Delta, and with Its headquarters at
Tsnis, would hate overawed Egypt, and secured a
retreat in ease of disaster, besides maintaining hold
of some of the most productive land in 'the country,
and mainly for the former two objects we believe
Araris to hare been fortified.
Hanetho explicitly states Araris to hare been
aider than the time of the Shepherds ; but there are
reasons lor questioning his accuracy in this matter.
The name is more likely to be of foreign than of
Kgyptian origin, for Zoan distinctly indicates the
place of departure of a migratory people, whereas
Araris has the simple signification " abode of de-
parture."
A remarkable passage in the book of Numbers,
not hitherto explained, " Now Hebron was built
seven years before Zoan in Egypt" (xiii. 22), seems
to determine the question. Hebron was anciently
the city of Arba, Kirjath-Arba, and was under toe
inle of the Anakim. These Anakim were of the
old warlike Palestinian race that long dominated
over the southern CanaaiiHes. Here, therefore, the
Anakim and Zoan are connected. The Shepherds
who built A vans were apparently of the Phoenician
stock which would be referred to this race as, like
them, without a pedigree in the Noachian geo-
graphical list. Hebron was already built in Abra-
ham's time, and the Shepherd-invasion may be
dated about the same period. Whetlier some older
village or city were succeeded by Araris matters
little: its history begins in the reign of SalatU.
What the Egyptian records tell us of this city
may be briefly stated- Apepee, probably Apophis
of the XVth dynasty, a Shepherd ^king who reigned
shortly before the XVIIIth dynasty, built a temple
here to Set, the Egyptian Baal, and worshipped no
other god. According to Manetho, the Shepherds,
after 511 years of rule, were expelled from all Egypt
and shut up in Avaris, whence they were allowed
io depart by capitulation, by either Amosis
Ihuniinosia (Aahmes or Thothmes IV.), the first
«ud seventh kings of the XVIIIth dynasty. The
monuments show that the honor of ridding Egypt
of the Shepherds belongs to Aahmes, and that this
went occurred about B. c. 1500. Rameses II. env
jellisbed the great temple of Tanis, and was fol
owed by his son Memptah.
It is within the period from the Shepherd-inva-
sion to the reign of Memptah, that the sojourn and
Kxodus of the Israelites are placed. We believe
that the Pharaoh of Joseph as well as the oppressors
were Shepherds, the former ruling at Memphis and
Zoan, the latter probably at Zoan only; though in
the case of the Pharaoh of the Exodus, the time
would suit the annual visit Manetho states to have
been paid by Salatis. Zoan is mentioned in con-
ssction with the Plagues in such a manner as to
jeave no doubt that it is the city spoken of in the
narrative in Exodus as that where Pharaoh dwelt
The wonders were wrought " in the field of Zoan "
(Ps. lxxviii. 12, 43), .S^TTTtp, which may
either denote the territory immediately around the
shy, or its nome, or even a kingdom (Gesen. Ltx.
s. ». TVjip). This would accord best with the
Shepherd period ; but i' cannot be doubted that
ZOAH
II. paid gnat attention to Zoan, and may
hate made it a royal residence.
Alter the fall of the empire, the first dynasty is
the XX 1st, called by Manetho that of Tanitee. Its
history is obscure, and it fell before the stroog ei
line of Bubaitites, toe XXIId dynasty, founded by
Sbishak. The expohoon of Set from the Pantheon,
under the XXUd dynasty, must have been a blow
to Tank): and perhaps a religious war occasioned
the rise of the XX Hid. The XXIIId dynasty is
called Tanite, and its last king is probably Setboa,
the contemporary of Tirbakah, mentioned by He-
rodotus. At this time Tsnis once more appears in
sacred history, as a place to which came smliassa
dors, either of Hoahea, or Alias, or else, possibly,
Hezekiah: " For his princes were at Zoan, and hia
messengers came to Hanea " (Is. xxx. 4). Aa
mentioned with toe frontier town Tahpanbes, Tama
is not necessarily the capital. But the same
prophet perhaps more distinctly points to a Tanite
line where saying, in " the burden of Egypt," * the
princes of Zoan are become fools; the princes of
Noph are deceived " (xix. 13). The doom of Zoan
is foretold by Ezekiel: "I will set fire in Zoan"
(xxx. 14), where it occurs among the cities to ba
taken by Nebuchadnezzar.
" The plain of Sin is very extensive, but thinly
inhabited : no village exists in the immediate vicin-
ity of the ancient Tanis; and, when looking from
the mounds of this once splendid city towards tha
distant palms of indistinct villages, we 'perce i ve tha
desolation spread around it The * field ' of Zoan,
is now a barren waste: a canal passes through it
without being able to fertilize the soil J • fire ' has
lieen set in ' Zoan; ' and one of the principal capi-
tals or royal abodes of the Pharaohs is now tha
habitation of fishermen, the resort of wild beasts,
and infested with reptiles and malignant fevers."
It is " remarkable for the height and extent of its
mounds, which are upwards of a mile from N. to
S., and nearly j of a mile from E. to W. Tha
area in which the sacred inclosure of the temple
stood is about 1,600 ft by 1.250, surrounded by
mounds of fallen houses. The temple was adorned
by Rameses II. with numerous obelisks and most
of its sculptures. It is very ruinous, but its re-
mains prove its former grandeur. The number of
its obelisks, ten or twelve, all now fallen, i» un-
equaled, and the labor of transporting them from
Syene shows the lavish magnificence of the Egyptian
kings. The oldest name found here is that of Se-
seriesen III. of the XHth dynasty, the latest that of
Tlrhakah (Sir Gardner Wilkinson's Handbook, pp.
221, 222). Recently, M. Msriette has made ex-
cavations on this site and discovered remains of tha
Shepherd-period, showing a markedly-cbaracteristie
style, especially in the representation of face and
figure, but of Egyptian art, and therefore after-
wards appropriated >y the Egyptian kings.
as. p.
* The past ten years have been rich in di sco ver i es
of historical value at Son. the site of the ancient
Atnrit, Tanit, or Zoan. M. Msriette's excavations
have brought to light a colossal statue of Aroen-
embe I. founder of the XHth dynasty; a colossal
statue of Osirtasen I. represented as Osiris; a third
of Sevekhotep HI. of the XIHth dynasty; a fourth
of another Sevekhotep, not fully identified, but hav-
ing the prefix of Osirtasen II. ; and a fifth colossus
of a sovereign whose name is not yet known from
any list of kiigs.
In additm to these, s number of sphinxes at
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ZOAR
fate workmanship have been unveiled. From a
personal inspection of these monument!, Count de
Rouge - states tint the art baa all the vigor, tlie
nicety, the perfection of the time of the old em-
pire, but the type cannot be confounded with any
Egyptian type; so characteristic is iU impress that
the difference of races at once strikes the eye of the
observer. The god Soutelth or Set is asm promi-
nent upon these monuments. Hen then are indu-
bitable traces of the Hykaos or " Shepherds," who
do not appear to have been such ruthless iconoclasts
as Egyptian historians have represented them.
The papyrus " SaUier I." establiabea the fact
that a Shepherd-king built to Set a substantial
temple at Avaria, and established in his honor festi-
vals and sacrificial days; and a religious feud aris-
ing from the attempt to force this hostile divinity
upon the Egyptians seems to have prompted the
expulsion of the Shepherds.
There are serious objections to toe theory that
the Hebrews were in Egypt nnder the Hykaos. If
the Pharaoh of Joseph's time was a Hykaos, bow
could the name " Shepherd " have been an " abom-
ination " to him, and bow could Joseph hare se-
cured the isolation of his brethren by introducing
them as shepherds ? What motive could have led
these foreign invaders, if then in power in Egypt,
to suppress a kindred people, strangers and shep-
herds like themselves, and who would have been
their natural allies against Egypt, in a civil war?
Toe narrative of the Exodus forbids the supposition
that the Hebrews were driven out with the Hykaos,
and it is not easy to conceive that they were suf-
fered to remain, if they were in the country at the
Hykaos period.
Kor a full discussion of this question, see Ebers,
JEyypttn urul die Backer Mote'i ; Chabas, La
Pmteurt en £yypte, and the BibL Sacra, vol. xxvi.
p. 581.
Tanis has recently furnished a valuable help to
Egyptian philology in a stone containing an in-
scription of Ptolemy III. Euergetes I. in thirty-
seven lines of hieroglyphics, followed by seventy-six
of Greek. The complete disinterment of the stone
lias also very recently brought to light a third, or
demotic text of the inscription, also completely
preserved. (See Praceedinge of lie Amer. Orien-
tal Society, Hay, 1870, p. viii.) This Tablet of
Canopus remarkably confirms the general system of
Cliampolliou. See Due bitingue Dekret eon Kano-
/m», von R. Lepsius (Berl. 1867) ; Die ticei-
ipmckiye Imchrift von Tame, von Reinisch und
Homier (Wien, 1867); also BibL Sacra, ml. xxiv.
p. 771. J. P. T.
ZO'AR Ol^t, and twice" iy'l2 [tmaUneu] :
ijamar. throughout "132: ziyopa, irrydp, Zo-
yip\ Joseph. Zo<s>, Ttt Ziafa, or ZAapa: Segor).
< me of the most ancient cities of the land of Canaan
[Moah. — S. W.]. Its original name was Bbi.a,
>nd it was still so called at the time of Ahram's
lint residence in Canaan (Gen. xiv. 2, 8). It was
then in intimate connection with the cities of the
"plain of Jordan " — Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah,
and Zaboiim (see also xiii. 10; but not x. 19) —
«'«1 its king took part with the kings of those
wwu in the battle with the Assyrian host which
Hided in their defeat and the capture of Lot. In
ZOAR
368S
a lien. itr. 23, 80.
» fa the Tsnrum Pssudqjonathan, to vr. 22, 28,
the general destruction of the cities of the plain.
Soar was spared to afford shelter to I ot, and it was
on that occasion, according to the quaint statement
of the ancient narrative, that the ohange in it*
name took place (xix. 33, 33, 30).» It is men-
tioned in the account of the death of Moses as one
of the landmarks which bounded his view from
Pisgah (Dent xxxiv. 3), and it appears to have lieen
known in the time both of Isaiah (xv. S) and Jere-
miah (xlviii. 34). These are all the notice* of Z"er
contained in the Bible.
1. It was situated in the same district with the
four cities already mentioned, namely, in the Cicrtr,
the " plain " or '• circle " " of the Jordan," and the
narrative of Gen. xix. evidently implies that it was
very near to Sodom — sufficiently near for Lot and
his family to traverse the distance in the time be-
tween the first appearance of the morning and the
actual rising of the sun (w. 15, 33, 37). The
definite position of Sodom is, and probably will al-
ways be a mystery, but there can be little doubt
that the plain of the Jordan was at the north of the
Dead Sea, and that the cities of the plain must
therefore have been situated there instead of at the
southern end of the lake, as it is generally taken
for granted they were. The grounds for this con-
clusion have been already indicated under Sodom
(p. 8068), but it will be" well to state them hen
more at length. They are as follows : —
(<r.) The northern and larger portion of the lake
has undoubtedly existed in, or very nearly in its
present form since a date long anterior to the age
of Abraham. (The conviction of the writer is that
this is true of the whole lake, but every one will
agree as to the northern portion, and that is all
that is necessary to the present argument.) The
Jordan therefore at that date discharged itself into
the lake pretty nearly where it does now, and thus
the " plain of the Jordan,'' unless unconnected
with the river, must have lain on the north of the
Dead Sea.
(A.) The plain was within view of the spot from
which Abram and Lot took their survey of the
country (Gen. xiii. 1-13), and which, if there is
any connection in the narrative, was " the mountain
east of Bethel," >' between Bethel and Ai," with
" Bethel on the west and Ai on the east " (xii. 8,
xiii. 3). Now the lower part of the course of the
Jordan is plainly visible from the hills east of
Beitin — the whole of that rich and singular-valley
spread out before the spectator. On the. other
hand, the southern half of the Dead Sea is not only
too far off to be discerned, but is actually shut out
from view by intervening heights.
(c) In the account of the view of Moses from
Pisgah the CSccnY is more strictly defined as " the
Ciccdr of the plain of Jericho '' (A. V. " plain of
the valley of Jericho " ), and Zoar is mentioned ia
immediate connection with it. Now no person who
knows the spot from actual acquaintance, or from
study of the topography, can believe that the " plain
of Jericho " can have been extended to the southern
end of the Dead Sea. The Jerusalem Targum (not
a very ancient authority in itself, but" still valuable
as a storehouse of many ancient traditions and ex
planations), in paraphrasing this passage, actually
identifies Zoar with Jericho — "the plain of the
the name of Zoar Is given "TO TT< and the play <
s " of the town is snssiisaiJ
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2640
20AB
valley of Jaricho, the city which produces the
palm*, that is Zeer " (">','?).»
These considerations appear to the writer to
lender it highly probable that the Zoar of the
Peutateuch wat to the north of the Dead Sea, not
far from it* northern end, in the general parallel
of Jericho. That it tu on the east aide of the
valley aeemi to be implied iu the fact that the de-
scendant* of Lot, the Moabites and Ammonites, are
in possession of that country a* their original seat
when they first appear in the sacred history. It
seems to follow that the '* mountain " in which Lot
sod hi* daughters dwelt when Moab and Ben-
Ammi were born, was the " mountain " to which
h» was advised to flee by the angel, and between
t'hieh and Sodom stood Zoar (ilx. 30, compare 17,
19). It i» also in favor of its position north of
the Dead Sea. that the earliest information as to
the Moabites makes their original seat in the plains
of Heshbon, N. E. of the lake, not, as afterwards,
in the mountains on the S. EL, to which they
were driven by the Amorites (Mnm. xxi. 36).
2. The psnisgws in Isaiah and Jeremiah in which
Zoar is mentioned give no clew to it* situation.
True they abound with the names of places, ap-
parently in connection with it, but they are places
(with only an exception or two) not identified.
Still it is remarkable that one of these is Health.
which, if the modern el-Aul, is in the parallel of
the north end of the Dead Sea, and that another
is the Waters of Ninirim, which may turn out to
be identical with Wady Nimrtn, opposite Jericho.
Watly jSeir, a short distance south of Nimrin, is
suggestive of Zoar, but we are too ill-informed of
the situations and the orthography of the places
east of Jordan to be able to judge of this.
3. So much for the Zoar of the Bible. When
however we examine the notices of the place in the
post- Biblical sources, we find a considerable differ-
ence. In these its position is indicsted with more
or less precision, as at the S. E. end of the Dead
Sea. Thus Josephus says that it retained its
name (Zedy) to bis day (Art. L 11, $ 4), that it
was at the further end of the Asphaltic Lake, in
Arabia — by which be means the country lying
S. E. of the lake, whose capital was Fetra (A. J.
iv. 8, § 4; Art. xjv. 1, § 4). The notices of Euse-
bius are to the same tenor: the Dead Sea extended
from Jericho to Zoar (Zoopirr; Onom. &a\aaaa ij
aAva-i))- Phsmo lay between Petra and Zoar (lb.
*i»<£r). It still retained its name (ZaxuxO, lay
elo«e to (wopamuteVn) the Dead Sea, was crowded
with inhabitant*, and contained a garrison of Ro-
man soldiers; the palm and the balsam still flour-
ished, and testified to it* ancient fertility (lb.
BoAd)-
To these notices of Eusebius St. Jerome adds
little or nothing. Paula in her journey beholds
Segor (which Jerome gives on several occasions us
Jie Hebrew form of the name in opposition to
friore or Zoara, the Syrian form) from Caphar
borucha (possibly Btui Nairn, near Hebron), at
<he same time with Engaddi, and the land where
'■nee stood the four cities; 6 but the terms of the
« The Samaritan Text and Version aObrd no light
an this paengr, as they, for reasons not dUBcult to
Jtvins, have thrown the whole Into conrasloo
» None of these plaeas, however, eaa bs seen from
•m Nairn (Bob. I. 401).
ZOAB
statement are too vagus to allow of any hJsrssMS
as to its position (Eput- eviii. § 11). In his eoaa-
nentary on la. xv. 6, he says that it was •• in the
boundary of the Moabites, dividing them bom the
land of the Philistines," and thus justifies his an
of the word seen* to translate nTP~0 (A. T.
"his fugitives," marg. "borders;" Geaen. jbcit-
Imyt). The trrra PkiluUmm, unless the wad*
are corrupt, can only mean the land of Palestine c
— «. e. (according to the inaccurate usage of later
times) of Israel — a* opposed to Moab. In hi*
Uuattionet Hebraica on Gen. xix. 30 (oomp. xhr.
3) Jerome goes sn far a* to affirm the accuracy of
the Jewish conjecture, that the later name of Zoar
wss Sbalisha: " Bale prinium et postea Saliaa ap~
pellata" (oomp. also his comment on Is. xv. 6).
But this is probably grounded merely on an inter-
pretation of Mlinliiiiyrk in Is. xv. b, as connected
with btla, and as denoting the "third " destruction
of the town by "earthquake*.'' *
In more modern times Zoar is mentioned by the
Crusading historians. Fuleber (GataDti, p. 406,
quoted by von Raumer, p. 839) states that " having
encircled (yirato) the southern part of the lake on
the road from Hebron to Petra, we round there a
large village which was said to be Segor, in a
charming situation, and abounding with dates.
Here we began to enter the mountains of Arabia."
The palms are mentioned also by William of Tyn
(xxii. 30) as being so abundant as to cause the
place to be called Villa Pabtumm, and Paimur
(i. e. probably Foamier). AbuUeda (cir. A. D.
1120) does not specify Us position more nearly than
that it wa* adjacent to the lake and the 6'Mr, bat
he testifies to it* then importance by calling the
lake after it — Bahretxeghur (see, too, Ibn Idris, in
Reland, p. 872). The natural inference from the
description of Fuleber is, that Segor lay in the
Wady Kerak, the ordinary road, then and now,
from the aouth of the Dead Sea to the taetau
highlands. The conjecture of Irby and Mangles
(June 1, and see May 9), that the extensive rains
which they found in the lower part of this wady
were those of Zoar, is therefore probably accurate.
The name Ih-a'a or Drra'ah (jLC \Ol. which they,
Poole (Geogr. J (mm. xxvi. 63), and Burekhardt
(July 15), give to the vallej, may even without
violence be accepted as a corruption of Zoar.
Zoar was included in the province of Palestina
Tertie, which contained also Kerak and AreopoUs.
It was an episcopal see, in the patriarchate of Jeru-
salem and archbishopric of Petra: at the Council
of Chalcedon (a. d. 451) it was represented by its
bishop Musonius, and at the Synod of Constanti-
nople (a. D. 636) by John (Lb Quia, Oritm
ChriU. iii. 743-746).
4. To the statements of the mediarral travellers
just quoted there are at least two remarkable ex-
ceptions. (I.) Broeardua (cir. A. D. 1890), the
author of the Dacriplio Trrra Sanaa, the stand-
ard « Handbook to Palestine " of the Middle Ages.
the work of an able and intelligent resident in the
country, states (cap. vii.) that "five leagues'
e abnilarlr, Stephana* of Bjaaolium slsass las*
tV riaAturrfrg (quoted by Reland, p. 1066).
i See Rshmer, Dit Httr. TradU. in ffirnngmw
(Bnslau, 1861), p. 29.
• The distance from Jericho to Kn-*"wH Is
stated ban. It is naUy about 94 angUsD mUaa.
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BOAR
(tones) to the south of Jericho is the eKjr Soger,
■"tinted beneath the mountain of Engaddi, between
which mountain and the Dead Sea it the ttatne of
■alt." " True he confesaea that all his eflbrta to
visit the spot had been (rostrated by the Saracens |
but the passage bean marks of the greatest desire
to obtain correct information, and he must have
nearly approached the place, because he saw with
his own eyes the " pyramids " which covered the
'•wells of bitumen," which he supposes to have
been thoso of the Tale of SIddiin. This is in curi-
ous agreement with the connection between En-gedi
and Zoar implied in Jerome's Itinerary of Paula.
(J.) The statement of Tbietmar (a. d. 1217) is
■sen more singular. It is contained in the 11th
and 12th chapters of his Peregtinntio (ed. Laurent,
Hamburg), 18V7). After risiting Jericho and Gil-
gal be arrives at the '•fords of Jordan" (xi. 2l»i,
where Ijratl crus-ud and where Christ was baptized,
and where then, as now, the pilgrims bathed (22).
Crossing this ford (33) be arrives at "the field
and the spot where the Lord overthrew Sodom and
Gomorra," After a description of the lake come
the following words: "On the shore of this lake,
about a mile (id iniliare) from the spot at which
the Lord was lmptited, is the statue of salt into
which Lot's wife was turned " (47). " Hence I
camu from the lake of Sodom and GomorTa, and
arrived at Segor, where Lot took refuge after the
overthrow of Sodom ; which is now called in the
Syrian tongue Zora, but in Latin the city of palms.
In the mountain hard by this Lot sinned with his
daughters (zii. 1-3). After this I passed the vine-
yard of Benjamin (?) and of Engaddi
Next I came into the land of Moab and to the
mountain in which was the cave where David hid
.... leaving on my left hand Sethim (Shittim),
where the children of Israel tarried At
last I came to the plains of Moab, which abound
in cattle and grain A plain country, de-
lightfully covered with herbage, but without either
woods or single trees; hardly even a twig or shrub
(4-15). . . . After this I came to the torrent
Jabbok" (xiv. 1).
Making allowance for the confusion into which
this traveller seems to have fallen as to Engaddi
and the cavern of David, it seems almost certain
from his description that, having once crossed the
Jordan, he did not recross it,* and that the site of
Sodom and Gomorrah, the pillar of salt, and Zoar,
were all seen by him on the east of the Dead Sea
— the two lint at its northeast end. Taken by
Itself this would not perhaps be of much weight,
but when combined with the evidence which the
writer has attempted to bring forward that the
" cities of the plain " lay to the north of the
lake, it stems to him to assume a certain aignif-
ZOAB
8641
6. But putting aside the accounts of Brocardua
«nd Tbietmar, as exceptions to the ordinary me-
• In the map to the TVotnun Terra Santta of
Adrlehomlus, Sodom Is placed within the lake, at Its
It. W. end; Segor near It on the shore; and the
Status Balls close to the mouth of the torrent (ap-
parently Ktdron).
» Thtetmar did not return to the west of the Jor-
dan. Front tbs torrent Jabbok he ascended the moun-
tains of Abnrim. lie then lecrosssd the plain of
Hashbon to the river Anion ; and paastnr the ruin*
tf Bobda (JUbbe), and Craeh (Kerak), and afsin oross-
Inf the Anion (probably the Wwly el-Am*), reached
the top of a very high mountain, where he was half
(Users! belief which placed Zoar at the Waif etf-
Dra'a, how can that belief he reconciled with the
Inference drawn above from the statements of toe
Pentateuch ? It agrees with those statements In
one particular only, the position of the place on
the eastern side of the lake. In everything else it
disagrees not only with the Pentateuch, but with
the locality ordinarily e assigned to Sodom. For
if Utdum be Sodom, at the S. W. comer of the
lake, its distance from the Wadg td-Dra'a (at
least IS miles) is too great to agree with the re-
quirements of Gen. xix.
This has led M. de Saulcy to place Zoar in the
Wirdy Ztuetirak, the pass leading from Hebron to
the Dead Sea. But the names Zuweirah and Zoar
are not nearly so similar in the originals as they
are in their western forms, and there is the fatal
obstae'e to the proposal that it places Zoar on the
went of the lake, away from what appears to have
been the original cradle of Moab and Amnion.* 1
If we are to look for Zoar in this neighborhood, it
would surely be better to place it at the 7VB urn-
Zoghalf the latter part of which name (Jjt.s)
is almost literally the same as the Hebrew Zoar.
The proximity of this name and that of Utdum,
so like Sodom, and the presence of the salt moun-
tain — to this day splitting off in pillars which
show a rude resemblance to the human form — an
certainly remarkable facta; but tbey only add to
the general mystery in which the whole of the
question of the position and destruction of the
cities is involved, and to which the writer tees at
present no hope of a solution.
In the A. V. of 1611 the name Zoar [2tad>:
Itaar, or et Sakar, ed. 1690] is found in 1 Chr.
iv. 7, following (though inaccurately) the Keri
(TT21). The present received text of the A. V.
follows (with the insertion of " and ") the, C«Ouh
(^rT2P). In either case the name has no con-
nection with Zoar proper, and is more accurately
represented in English as Zohar (Tsocbar) or
Jezohar. [JxzOAB.] G.
* The theory offered above, " that the Zoar of
the Pentateuch was to the north of the Dead Sea,
not far from its northern end, in the general par-
allel of Jericho," is, we believe, original with its
author; and we present some reasons for discarding
it, and in favor of the received opinion that it lay
southeast of the sea.
Zoar was a frontier town of Moab. The » bur-
den " or wail of Moab which appears in the proph-
ecy of Isaiah (xr.) and is repeated in that of Jere-
miah (xlviii.) both possibly derived from a more
ancient common source, associates the town with
the territory, and Mr. Grove includes it la his list
of the towns of Moab. The borders of Israel and
Moab touched, as we know (Num. xxiv. 3), near
the southeast comer of the Salt Sea. Zoar, then,
killed by the cold. Thence he journeyed to Petra
and Mount Hor, and at length reached the Bad Sea
His Itinerary Is full of interest and intelligence.
c Though lneorraotly, If the writer's argument for
the position of the plain of Jordan Is tenable.
<< Dr. Bobtnsoo's arguments against this proposal
of De Sanhy (.KM. ha. U. 107, 617). though thaj
might he more pleasant In tone, are unanswerable In
• The Hedjrnn rf-MworrAW of Dt Saulcy. The ft)
and rrh each strive to represen t the Amine f*a*>\
which Is pronounced Uke a guttural rolling r.
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8642 zoar
M «Mt o< the boundai7, and Sodom wait of it,
and both wore near it.
The first allusion to the (pot (Gen. xiii. Id/ ac-
cords entirely with the position which we adv-rate,
ind does not readily admit of any other construc-
tion. The sacred writer refers to the extent of the
watered and fruitful plain of Jordan, before the
l.ord destroyed the cities, "as thou comest unto
Zoar." Like a later description, in which Zoar is
a terminus, the reader naturally understands a ref-
erence to the southern extremity of the plain. If
Zoar bad been east of the Jordan, on a line with
Jericho, the description would be unnatural. It
Bight still be claimed to be an allusion to the I rearith
of the valley divided by the Jordan, but it would
exclude the more pertinent and manifest allusion to
its length. So far is this " narrative in Genesis "
from seeming to "state positively" that the site
" lay at the northern end of the Dead Sea," that
it becomes unintelligible to us on any other hypoth-
esis than that it lay at the southern end. And the
description is perfectly natural, though the terminus
was not actually visible.
The above interpretation, which Mr. Grove sets
aside as impossible, he hss himself put forward as
unquestioned and unencumbered, and in previous
articles it stands as his own. His exposition (see
Lot, vol. ii. p. 1685 a) reads thus: —
"The two Hebrews looked over the comparatively
empty land in the direction of Sodom, Gomorrah,
and Zoar (xiii. 10). And Lot lifted up his eyes
toward the left, and beheld all the precinct of the
Jordan that it was well-watered everywhere; like a
garden of Jehovah, like that unutterably green and
fertile land of Egypt he had only lately quitted.
Even from that distance through the clear air of
Palestine, can he distinctly discovered the long and
thick masses of vegetation which fringe the numer-
ous streams that descend from the hills on either
side, to meet the central stream in its tropical
depths. And what it now is immediately opposite
Bethel, such it seems then to have been ' even to
Zoar,' to the furthest extremity of the sea which
now covers the ' valley of the fields * (' Valley of
Siddim,' Siddtm fields), the fields of Sodom and
Gomorrah. So Lot * chose all the precinct of the
Jordan, and journeyed east,' down the ravines
which give access to the Jordan Valley; and then
when he reached it, turned again southward and
advanced as far as Sodom (11, 12)." See also
Bethkl, vol. i. p. 289.
Besides the passages in Genesis and the two in
the prophecies which have been referred to, Zoar is
wmed in but one other place hi the Bible (I)eut.
sxxlv. 3), and that is decisive against Mr. Grove's
theory. Moses had ascended "the mountain of
Vebo, to the top of Pltgah, that is over against
Jericho," to take bis view of the Promised IjuiH.
The Lord showed him Its different sections, and
among others " the plain of the valley of Jericho,
the city of palm-trees unto Zoar." Mount Nelw
has been identified, if we accept Mr. Tristram's se-
lection, and if we do not, Mr. Grove has stated pre-
cisely where, on the testimony of the Bible, and also
of Josepbus (Aid. ir. 8, { 48) and the Fathers, it
must lie, " facing Jericho on the east of Jordan." If,
now, •' the Znar of the Pentateuch was to the north
of the Dead Sea, not far from its northern end, in
the general parallel of Jericho " "on the east side of
the valley," it must have lain between Jericho and
Nebo, near the base of the latter, a supposition
which renders unintelligible the descriptive sketch
ZOAR
.just quoted, as also Mr. Grove's own deJaratlen.
that the site which, on this theory, thus lay directly
below the prophet-leader, was " one of the landmarks
which bounded bis view from Piagah."
The two definite references in the Pentateuch to
the extent of the plain obviously mean the same.
They both describe it as seen lengthwise from
northern summits, the one on the one side, and the
other on the other side of the valley. The incred-
ible feature of Mr Grove's theory Is, that it makes
Lot and Moses look across the plain of the Jordan
eastward and westward on the same parallel, ex-
tending in both cases " unto Zoar," though one
viewed it from the western hills, and the other from
the eastern.
Has Mr. Grove considered, withal, the reletior.
of the river Jordan to this theory ? Lot was ad-
monished not to tarry in the plain, but escape with
all haste to the mountain — flee, that is, from the
plain west of the river in the territory of Canaan,
where Mr. Grove places Sodom, to the mountain on
the further border of the plain east of the river ia
the territory of Moab, near which be places Zoar,
crossing with his family, without any apparent
facilities, the deep and rapid river.
Lot subsequently ascended the mountain and
dwelt in a cave with his daughters; and thence
sprung the mountain-tribes of Moab and Amnion.
The height! southeast of the Dead Sea have been the
traditional seat and radiating " centre," as stated
by Mr. Grove, of these "brother tribes." They
pushed northwsrd and eastward and spread over a
large territory, keeping distinct, and the former
were afterwards dispossessed of theirs aa far south
as the line of the Arnon by the Amorites, bat re-
tained their original fastnesses (Num. xxi. SB).
This natural interpretation of the sacred record is
sustained by Ritter, who has sketched with great
clearness the territories and courses of conquest of
the " tribes outside of Canaau " {Otog. ofPaln-
tine, ii. 149, 151).
The argument adduced above, " that the earliest
information as to the Moabites makes their original
seat in the plains of Heshbon, northeast of the lake,
not as afterwards in the mountains on the south-
east, to which they were driven hj the Amorites
(Num. xxi. 26) " has been refuted by Mr. Grove
himself in a preceding article (Moab, vol. iii. p.
1980 4): "The warlike Amorites, either forced
from their original seats on the west, or perhaps
lured over by the increasing prosperity of the young
nation, crossed the Jordan, and overran the richer
portion of the territory on the north, driving Moab
l>ack to his original position behind the natural
bulwark of the Arnon."
In the former of these passages, the "original
seat " of the Moabites is represented to have been
northeast of the sea. tn the latter their " original
position " is represented to have been southeast of
the sea, snd again, in the same article, " the south-
eastern border of the Dead Sea " is spoken of at
" their original seat." In the former they are said
to have been driven by the Amorites out of their
original seat; and in the latter they are said to have
been driven by the same into their original position.
We accept the second Interpretation at that
which lies on the face of the sacred narrative, and
has been received by all Biblical students until now.
And in the highlands above whst we claim to have
been the site of Zoar, are identified, at this day, the
ruins of the strongholds, Kir of Monb and Ar of
Moab. To remove the cradle of these tribes nor*
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ZOAB
enrd U to disturb and dislocate too
lad allusions of the sacred writer*, aa universally
understood by their reader*.
Mr. Grove suggests that «• if Utdmn ha Sodom,
its distance from the Wady td-Dm'a (at least 15
mile*; ia too gnat to agree with the requirement*
of Gen. ziz." — assuming the leeessity of the pres-
ent circuitous route. While we recognise in the
name of this singular mountain a memorial of an-
cient Sodom, it is not necessary to suppose that it
designates the exact site of the city, nor is it cer-
tain that Zoar lay at the mouth of Wady Kerak.
We only claim that both places lay not very far
from a point southeast of the bead Sea, and this
we think demonstrable. We would suggest that a
fugitive tuuily might even reach Wady td-Pra'n
from near the site of Khathm Uilum with leas
difficulty and in less time (especially in the direct
line which may then have been practicable) than
they could cross the .Ionian and reach the bass of
the eastern mountains on the parallel of Jericho.
The allus'ons to this site by Joeephua are explicit.
He saya: '• It is to this day called Zoar" (Am. i.
11, § 4). In describing the lake Asphaltitea, he
says: " It extended aa far aa Zonr in Arabia " (B.
./. iv. 8, § «) by which he plainly designates its
Kiiitbeni point; conformably with his own defini-
tion. "Arabia is a country that borders upon
•ludaea " (Ant. xlv. 1, § 4). Ritter, with hii usual
thoroughness, collates the early post-Biblical testi-
mony, and nays: « Zoar can only lie looked for at
the southern extremity of the Dead Sea." Of the
two '• mecluevsl travellers " quoted above as apparent
exceptions to this general current of testimony and
lielief, only one wrote from personal observation,
and lioth are nearly unintelligible. Their confused
testimony, on which no stress ia laid, is not worth
lifting; and that it has no weight with the writer
is evident from his admission in another pLiee:
" that the Zoar of Josephus, Jerome, and the Cru-
saders probably lay where Dr. Robinson places it"
(Sodom, p 3069 »). The cautious Professor, who
devoted a special paper to the site of Zoar (Hiiil.
He: ii. 648-651 ), speaks of it without references in
his latest work as an ascertained site: " Zoar, as
we know, was in the mouth of Wady Kern!., aa it
opens upon the neck of the peninsula" (/Viya,
(ieiig. p. 233). While this may have been the ex-
act site of Zoar, we have no data which gives ns
alisolute knowledge, and probably never shall have.
His earlier conclusion was impregnable: " All these
circumstances seem to be decisive as to the position
rf Zoar on the eastern aide of the Dead Sea, at the
foot of the mountains near its southern end " (BibL
Rn. ii. 649). This is not more positive than Mr.
lirove's original statement: " There is no doubt
that it [Zoar] was situated on the southeastern
border of the Dead Sea." (Moab, vol. ii. p. 391
6. 1st Kng. ed. ; comp. lis. 1980 a, Anier. ed., for
a later alteration.)
Mr. Tristram offers a still stranger theory re-
specting the site of Zoar. He proposes to place it
to the west side of the valley, south of Jericho.
He suggests this location without any trace of name
sr ruin, or any hint of history or tradition, as cor-
responding with the view granted to Moses from
the top of Pisgah. " If we place Zoar, as it nat-
iraOy would be placed according to 'he narrative
tf Lot's escape, at the foot of the hill, between
Wady Dabdr and Rat Ftthkhnh, we see that here
was just the limit of Moses's view, In accordance
■its. the record." (Land of Jtmtl, p. 866, 3d ed.)
zoba 3648
No one can hare imagined that the southeast bor.
del of the Dead Sea and the walls of Zoar at that
point were risible to the prophet from the top of
Piagah, unless, as suggested by Mr. MclviO in bis
sermon on the " Death of Moses," his vision was
aided by God who was with his servant on that
lonely summit. The suggestion of Dean Stanley
on this point commends itself to us. He says:
" It was a view, doubtless, which in its full extent
was to be imagined, rather than actually seen.
The foreground of the picture alone was clearly dis-
cernible; its dim distances were to be supplied by
what was beyond, though suggested by what was
within the range of the actual prospect of the seer "
(8. 4 P. p. 296).
Mr. Tristram's own description it aa full a con
Annation of the sacred record as we could have an-
ticipated from a visitor who should identify the lo-
cality and describe the scene. In selecting this
site, without any indication, local or traditional, he
seta aside, without answering it, the array of evi-
dence convincing to Mr- Grove, as to the writers of
note who preceded him, which makes the Zoar of
the Pentateuch a town of Moab on the east side of
the valley. And by no possible, interpretation can
the plaintive cry and panic flight, recorded in " the
burden of Moab," be associated with a city off on
the northwestern shore of the sea: " My heart shall
cry out for Moab; his fugitives shall flee unto Zoar,
an heifer of three years old; for by the mounting
up of Luhith with weeping shall they go it up; for
in the way of Horonaim, they shall raise up a cry
of destruction" (Is. xv. 5). " From the cry of
Heshlion even unto Elealah, and even unto Jahas,
have they uttered their voioe, from Zoar even unto
Horonaim, as an heifer of three years old ; for the
waters also of Nimrim shall be desolate" (Jer.
xlviii. 34).
A fuller examination of Mr. Tristram's positions
may be found in BibL Sac. (1868), xxv. 136-143.
In a private letter since written, Mr. T. intimates
his relinquishment of his published theory. For
further argument against the theory that the Pen-
tapolis lay north of the sea, aa applied to the other
cities, see under Sodom (Araer. ed. ). S W.
ZD'BA or ZO'BAH (MJTS, TljHS [statue,
public place]: 2ov/9d; [2 Sam. viii. 12; 2 Chr.
viii. 8, Alex. Zw/3a; 1 Chr. xix. 6, Rom Vat.
SwjSdA, FA. 2wj9a; 2 Cbr. viii. 3, Rom. Vat.
Bai]<rv0a; Ps lx., title, So/SdA, Sin. 2»j8aA; 2
Sam. xxiii. 36, tlo\uSurifuas, Alex. roAAvi 8wo-
ftntf.\ Soba, [once] Suba, [once SoAnfj) is the
name of a portion of Syria, which formed a sepa-
rate kingdom in the time of the Jewish monarch*,
Saul, David, and Solomon. It is difficult to fix
ita exact position and limit*; but there seem to be
grounds for regarding it as lying chiefly eastwsrd
of Casle-Syria, and extending thence northeast
and east, towards, if not even to the Euphrates.
[Stria.] It would thus have included the east-
ern flank of the mountain-chain which shuts in
C'cele-Syria on that side, the high land about
Aleppo, and the more northern portion of the
Syrian desert
Among the cities of Zobah were a Hamath (2
Chr. viii, 3), which must not be confounded with
" Hamath the Great " (Hamatii-Zobar); a place
called libhath o" Betah (2 Sam. viii. 8; 1 Chr.
xviii. si, which ia perhaps TaibeJt, between Pal-
myra and Aleppo; and another called Berothai,
which t>«* Sen supposed to be Beyrft*. 8ss
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3644
ZOBA
Wtaer, Renhciirterimch, vol. I. p. 1W.) This last
•apposition h highly improbable, lor the kingdom
of Hamath most have intervened between Zobah
end the cout [Bbhothah.]
We first bear of Zobah in the time of Saul, wben
we find it mentioned as a separate country, gov-
erned apparently by a number of king! who own
no common bead or chief (1 Sam. xiv. 47). Saul
engaged in war with these kings, and " vexed
them," as he did his other neighbors. Some forty
years later than this, we find Zobah under a tingle
ruler, Hadadezer, son of Keuob, who seems to bare
been a powerful sovereign. He had wars with Toi,
king of Haiuath (8 Sam. viii. 10), while he lived in
dose relations of amity with the kings of Damas-
cus, Reth-Rebob, Ish-tob, etc., and held various
petty Syrian princes as vassals under his yoke (2
Sam. x. 19). He had even a considerable influ-
ence in Mesopotamia, Iwyond the Euphrates, and
was able on one occasion to obtain an important
auxiliary force from that quarter (iiid. 16 ; com-
pare tide to Ps. lx.). David, . having resolved to
take full possession of the tract of territory orig-
inally promised to the posterity of Abraham (2
Sam. viii. 3; compare Gen. xv. 18), attacked Ha-
dadezer in the early part of his reign, defeated his
army, and took from him a thousand chariots,
seven hundred (seven thousand, 1 Chr. xviii- 4)
horsemen, and 90,000 footmen. Hadadezer'a allies,
the Syrians of Damascus, having marched to his
assistance, David defeated them in a great battle,
in which they lost 22,000 men. , The wealth of
Zobah is very apparent in the narrative of this
campaign. Several of the officers of Hadadexer's
army carried " shields of gold " (2 Sam. viii. 7),
by which we are probably to understand iron or
wooden frames overlaid with plates of the precious
metal. The cities, moreover, which David took,
Betab (or Tibhatli) and Herothai, yielded him
" exceeding much brass" (ver. 8). It is not
clear whether the Syrians of Zobah submitted and
became tributary on this occasion, or whether,
although defeated, they were able to maintain their
independence. At any rate a few years later, they
were again in arms against David. This time tbe
Jewish king acted on the defensive. Tbe war was
provoked by the Ammonites, who hired tbe ser-
vices of the Syrians of Zobah, among others, to
help them against the people of Israel, and obtained
si this way auxiliaries to tbe amount of 83,000
.uen. The allies were defeated in a great battle by
)oab, who engaged the Syrians in person with the
dower of his troops (2 Sam. x. 9). Hadadeser,
upon this, made a last effort. He sent across the
Euphrates into Mesopotamia, and " drew forth tbe
Syrians that were beyond the river " (1 Chr. xix.
18), who had hitherto taken no part in the war.
With these allies and bis own troops he once more
renewed the struggle with the Israelites, who were
now commanded by David himself, the crisis being
such as seemed to demand the presence of the king.
K battle was fought near Helam — a place, the
•ituntion of which is uncertain (Helam) — where
the Syrians of Zobah and their new allies were
defeated with great slaughter, losing between 40,000
and 60,000 men. After this we hear of no more
hostilities. Tbe pet'y princes hitherto tributary
to Hadadezer transferred their allegiance to the
king of Israel, and it is probable that he himself
became a vassal to David.
Zobah, however, though subdued, continued to
ssuee trouble to tbe Jewish kings. A man of Zobah,
ZOHBLETH, THE STONE
one of the subjects of Hadadeser— Beano, sea si
Kaadah — having escaped from tbebactfeof Heassa.
and >' gathered s band " (i, e. a body of irregolat
marauders), marched southward, and contrived
to make himself master of Dsmaamis, where be
reigned (apparently) for some lily years, revving
a fierce adversary to Israel all through thai reign
of Solomon (1 K. xi. 28-25). Solomon also was
(H. would seem) engaged ma war with Zobah I***.
The Hamath-Zobah, against which ha » went op "'
(2 Chr. viii. 8), was probably a town in that
country which resisted his authority, and which
he accordingly attacked and subdued. This is the
last that we hear of Zobah in Scripture. The
name, however, ia found at a later date in the
Inscriptions of Assyria, where the kingdom of
Zobah seems to intervene between Haaoath and
Damascus, falling thus into the regular fine of
march of the Assyrian armies. Several Assyrian
monarchs relate that they took tribute from Zobah,
while others speak of having traversed it on their
way to or from Palestine. 6. K.
ZOBE'BAH (nj3*r [s&wmocMo]: Xa
OcM; Alex. J»j8jj/3a: Sobubn). Son of Cos, in
an obscure genealogy of the tribe if Judah (1 Chr
iv. 8).
ZO'HAB OtiS [mHleMest] : laip: *«•)■ L
Father of Ephron tbe Hittite (Gen xxiii. 8, xxv. »)•
8. (Sohar, floor.) One of tbe sons of Simeon
(Gen. ihi. 10; Ex. vi. 15); called Zkkah in 1
Chr. iv. 94.
• 3. Incorrectly printed Zoar (A. V.ed. 1611,
later ens. Jexoar), 1 Chr. iv. 7. [Zoak, p. 8641 A]
A.
ZOHE'LETH, THE STONE 0?<*
fV?D$n [see below]: Atoj rav ZawAett [Vat
-0«i]; Alex, ror \iBo¥ rmi ZvfArS: frnx» Zokt-
UOi ). This was " by En-Rogd " (1 K. I. 8); and
therefore, if En-Kogd be the modern Um-td-Dtmj.
this stone, u where Adontyah slew sheep and oxen."
was in sO likelihood not far from the WeO of the
Virgin. [Kk-Kogkl.] The Targumists translate
it " tbe rolling stone; " and Jarchi affirms that it
was a large stone on which the young men tried
their strength in attempting to roll it. Others
make it " the serpent stone " (Gesen.), as if from
tbe root /PIT, " to creep." Jerome simply says,
"Zoelet tractum sive protractum." Others con-
nect it with running water: but there fa) nothing
strained in making it '• the stone of tbe conduit "
(nVnttS, Mntchelnh), from its proximity to
the great rock-conduit or conduits that poured into
Siloam. Uocbart's idea is that the Hebrew word
tuhtl denotes " a slow motion " (Afieras. part i. ha.
1, c. 9): " the fullers here pressing out tbe water
which dropped from tbe clothes that they had
washed in tbe well called BogeL" If this be the
esse, then we have some relics of this ancient cus-
tom at the massive breastwork below the present
Birktt tt-Hamra, where the donkeys wait for then
load of skins from the well, and where toe Arar
washerwomen may be seen to this day beating then
clothes."
a We give the following Habbbrieal note on 1
lath, from the Arable oommantarv of lanehasa at
•ruaalem, traostatsd by U "
"Tsr. A iY?ntn Tei
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ZOHKLBTH, THB 9TOWI
The practice of placing stone*, ud naming them |
iota a ptiaon or an neat, is very common. Jacob
ltd so at Bethel (Gen. xxviii. 32, xxxv. 14) aw
Boehart'i Cannon, pp. 786, 786); and ha did it
•gain when parting from Laban (Gen. nxi. 46).
Joahua tet up ttonea in Jordan and Gilgal, at the
(ommand of God (Joah. it. 9-80); and again in
Sbeohem (Joah. xxiv. 26). Near Beth-enemesh
there waa the Eben-gtdulah ("great stone," 1 Sam.
vi. 11), called alau Aiei-gedalnk (" the great weep-
ing,"'! Sam. Ti. 18). There was tba Ebtn-Boka*,
south of Jericho, in the plains of Jordan (Josh.
xr. 6, xviii. 17), "the stone of Bohau the son
of Beuben," the Ehrenbreitstain of the Cicc&r, or
u plain " of Jordan, a memorial of the son or
gnuidson of Jacob's eldest bom, for which the
writer once looked in vain, bat which Felix Ksbri
In the 18th century (Evagat. ii. 83) professes to
hero seen. The Rabbis pr es erve the memory of
this stone in a book called Eben-Bohan, or the
touchstone (Ckron of Snbbi Joteph, trausl by
Bialloblotaky, i. 193). There was the stone sot up
by Samuel between Ifiipeh and Shen, Eben-Eur,
•' the stone of help " (1 Sam. vii. 11, 13). There
was the Great Stone on which Suunel slew the
sacrifices, after the great battle of Saul with the
Philistines (1 Sam. xiv. 38). There was the A'Aaa-
Kxtl (" lapis disceuus vel ahitus, a discessu Joua-
thanis et Davidia," Simonis, Oaoia. p. 156), where
David hid himself, and which some Tslmudists
identify with Zoheieth. Large stones bare always
obtained for themselves peculiar names, from their
snaps, their position, their connection with a person
or an event. In the SinaHic Desert toe writer
found the Haiar d-Kekab (" stone of the rider "),
Hajar eUFui (« stone of the bean " ), Bajar Muta
(" stone of Hoses "). The subject of ttontt is by
no means uninteresting, and has not in any respect
been exhausted. (See the Notes of De Sola and
Lindenthal in their edition of Geneiit, pp. 175,
336; Bochsrt's Canaan, p. 785; Voasius de Idol-
atr. vi 88; Scaliger on Eutebius, p. 198; Heral-
dus on Arnobius, bk. rii., and Elmetihontina on
Armbim ; also a long note of Ooseliua in bis edi-
tion of Minudm Felix, p. 16; Cahnet's Frag-
ment, Nos. 166, 786, 736 ; Kitto't PaUttine.
See, besides, the works of antiquaries on atones and
stone circles; and an interesting account of the
curious Phoenician Bujar Chan In Malta, in Tal-
laek's recent volume on that Island, pp. 115-137)
H.B.
* It should be added that M. Clermont-Gan-
neau, connected with the French consulate at Jeru-
ZOPHIM, THB FIELD OF 3646
salam, reports the supposed reeovcrv of Zoheleth ii
the present En-Ztkmele, the name of a rooky
plateau neatly in the centre of toe line along which
stretches the village of Silo am (which see): the
western face, cut perpendicularly, slightly over-
hangs the valley. He assumes this to be the Ion*
of Zoheleth, near ( S *.H) En-Kogel (1 K. 1. 9),
though the Hebrew and the Arabic names differ,
as Zohelet and Zrkoeiet. He proposes also to iden-
tify En-Rogel with the Virgin's Fountain, and not
with Btr Ewb : the former being only 60 metres
from Zehwele, while the latter is 700 metres and
the Pool of Siloam 400. He suggests further, that
on this supposition we can more easily trace the
line which separated the territories of Benjamin
and Judah as stated In Josh. it. 7, xviii. 16. He
maintains that the/Wfrinln divide the valley of the
Kedron into three sections, the second of which,
extending from the southeast angle of the Haram
to the confluence at the north of Btr Egub, they
call Wady Fer'aun, Pharaoh's Valley, i. »., as
the name imports In that application, " Valley of
the King; " and the front of the valley so desig-
nated is precisely that which the Kmg't Garden*
(Garden, i. 870) used to occupy (Quarterly
Statement of the P. E. Fund, No. v., pp. 851-
353). H.
ZCHBTH (nrflt [corpulent, strews, Funs] :
ZwdV; Alex. 2»x<* : Zohelk). Son of Uhi of the
tribe of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 30).
ZOTHAH (njhS facrwse]: t*+i; [Vat
in rer. 35, Z»xo"0 ^lex. P n TCr ' **] Z»a>ap:
Supha). Son of Helem, or Hotham, the son of
Heber, an Asherite (1 Chr. vii. 86, 36).
ZOTHAI [3 syl.] CS'lS [pair.]: Icwbl;
[Vat Zoixpe,-] Sophat). A Kobathite Levite,
son of Fftanah and ancestor of Samuel (1 Chr. vi.
36 [11]). In ver. 85 he is called Zuph.
ZCPHAK OfTS [perfa. nam*] : z*c> dpi
Sopkar). One of the three friends of Job (Job it
11, xt 1, xx. 1, xlli 9). He is called in the He-
brew " the Neemathite," and hi the LXX. •'the
Muusan," and "the king of the Hinatans."
ZO'PHIM, THB FIELD OF CTOS TTjip
[prob. field of dropping*, 1. a. fertile] i typo*
auowub- Iff* tublMe). A spot on or near the
top of Piagah, from which Balaam had his second
view of the encampment of Israel (Num. xxiii. 14).
tiapMallonla habet et raplaaonla et cunetatlons in
aa m as u . lads Satamum Ju»\ appeUeverant
propter muttos ejus regreaaus tnossraaque retrogrades.
■aqua santantta aat la verbto MTMl VlbnT (ifi.
B, 6) (. «. saeetabar route leapondere conautumque
BMSatt vobtasTUn eossmunlears, pmptaraa quia voa
verabar at gmvttatem attetia veeana admlraber. 8er-
p.>ntas *^09 ^?niT appallantur, quia In terra aer-
trant, at ob tneaaaum auom quael tceptdantam ounotea-
Masque, lad* perm dteant i (fltaU. IM 66, ft.) Mbtt7
i*btnm b» ^ew» nr ( vm. *-«••
*»ew*B, cap. 6), )^W"»1 F^TTO trOTTI
a. aqua leatasr floeaa ht terra, Inrtaeei igttur
T?l Oil I f3M shuDlesr axpUean tan aat, nlmtram
tapis volutavo* et hie llttc traetua, quern Basse quasi
lodentea vetvebant ; ant aaoau sat cum par aa faJaea
taretam (volubllam) accttvlraus instar, cujua latus
alteram etattus, aluii nm dcp ie aa l oa aaaet tn modum
pontis exatraetl, la quo ad locum aluorem bum graatt-
boa ascaadatoi ; quam B733 vocavaront qoalamqua
ad altars struxaroni, ut ao ascandsrant, quum ad
altars par gradue saoenders non Iteeret (Bx. zx. 18).
Nea abaurdum mlhi vldatur eundsm folaaa hum lass-
dam atqua eum, qui in Davidia Jonathaniqua hlstorla
Vt Ml' 1 7^^ vooatua sat, quam mterpmtantur lapi-
dam Ttatomm, ad quam videliest viatoraa davartabaat
Targum h. L MTTOD ]3M teaaatullt, «. a. alaaa,
fbrtasw anlm lapla altos Mt et elalus, quam vtasaral
a longlaojan een*pleeraBt. n
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rJ646 zokah
If the word Mtk (rendered " field ") may be taken
in ite usual tenia, then the " field of Zophim " was
a cultivated spot <• high up on the top of the range
of Pisgah. But that word ia the almoat Invariable
term for a portion of the upper diatrict of Moab,
and therefore may have had some local tense which
baa hitherto escaped notice, and In which it ia
employed in reference to the ipot in question. The
position of the field of Zophim ia not defined, it is
only said that it commanded merely a portion of
the encampment of Israel. Neither do the ancient
versions afford any clew. The Targum of Onkelos,
the LXX., and the Peahito-Sy riac take Zopliim in
the sense of " watchers " or " lookers-out," and
translate it accordingly. But it is probably a He-
brew version of an aboriginal name, related to that
which in other places of the present records appears
as Mizpeh or Mupab.* May it not be the same
place which later in the history is mentioned (once
only) as Mizpaii-Muab?
Mr. Porter, who identifies Altdrii with Piagah?
mentions ( llindbuok, p. 300 a) that the ruiua of
Main, at the foot of that mountain, are surrounded
by a fertile and cultivated plain, which he regards
aa the field of Zopliim. U.
* The gently sloping and turf-clad brow, a mile
and a half west of Miifn, and eight miles north of
'AUdrtis, which Tristram proposes aa the site of
Nebo, he also suggest! as the probable "field
of Zophim." (Land of Itratt, p. MO, 2d ed.)
[Niibo, Anier. ed.] & W.
ZO'KAH (^^72 [pern, unking oton, low
ofotui'/j: 3apiS, iapaa [Vat. Josh. xiii. 2,
2ap*\]i Alex. Xapaa, iapa, Apaa; Joseph.
lapiarra- Sarmi). One of the towns in the allot-
ment of the tribe of Dan (Josh. xix. 41). It is
previously mentioned (xv. .'13) in the catalogue of
Judah, among the places in the district of the She-
ftlah (A. V. Zokkaii ). In both lists it is in imme-
diate proximity to Kciitaol, and the two are else-
where named together almost without an exception
(Judg. xiii. 25, xvi. 81, xviii. 2, 8, 11; and see 1
Chr. ii. 53). Zorah was the residence of Manoah
and the native place of Samson. The place both
of hia birth and his burial is specified with a curi-
ous minuteness as " between Zorah and Kshtaol ; "
"in Mahaneh-I>an " (Judg. xiii. 25, xvi. 31). In
the genealogical records of 1 Chr. (ii. 53, iv. 3),
the " Zareathites and Eahtaulitea " are given aa
descended from (■'. e. colonized by) Kirjath-jearim.
/oral) ia mentioned amongst the placet fortified
by Kehohoam (2 Chr. ii. 10), and it was re-inhab-
ited by the men of Judah after the return from the
Captivity (Neb. xi. 29, A. V. Zareah).
In the Onomattiam (iofta and " Saara") it it
mentioned as lying some 10 miles north of F.leu-
theropolis on the road to Nicopolis. By the Jew-
! ah traveller hap-Parchi (Zunz's Btnjnmin of Tud.
ii. 441), it is specified aa three hours S. E. of Lydd.
These notices agree in direction — though in neither
it the distance nearly sufficient — with the modem
village of Str'ah lUw«)i which hat been visited
by Dr. Robinson (Bibl Ra. iii. 153) and Tobler
'3t« Wand. 181-183). It lies just below the brow of
ZUPH, TUB LAUD Of
a sharp-pointed, conical hill, at the shoulder of the
ranges which there meet and form the north side of
the Wady Ghurab, the northernmost of the two
branches which unite just below Str'ai, and form
the great Wady Surar. Near K are to be ten
the remains of Zanoah, Beth-themeah, Ttmnath,
and other placet more or lest frequently mentioned
with it in the narrative. Ethtaol, however, bat not
yet been identified. The position of S*r»»A at the
entrance of the valley, which forma one of the b>
lett from the great lowland, explains ita fortifica-
tion by Kehoboam. The spring it a abort distance
below the village, " a noble fountain " — this was
at the end of April — " walled up square with
large hewn atonss, and gushing over with fine water.
Aa we passed on," continues Dr. Bobiiison, with a
more poetical tone than it hia wont, " we overtook
no leas than twelve women toiling upwards to the
village, each with her jar of water on her head.
The village, the fountain, the fields, the mountain,
the females bearing water, all transported us back to
ancient times, when in all probability the mother of
Samson often in like manner visited the fountain
and toiled homeward with her jar of water."
In the A. V. the name appears alto at Zswrm
and Zokkar. The first of these ia perhaps moat
nearly accurate. The Hebrew it the tame in all.
G.
ZOTRATHITES, THE (Y|5")§n: *•»
'Apodf [Vat -J«i] ; Alex. v. SoeeaV SaralUy, i. e.
the people of Zoeah, are mentioned in 1 Chr. iv.
2 as descended from ShobaL one of toe tout of Ju-
dah, who in 1 Cur. ii. 62 it stated to have founded
Kirjath-jearim, from which again " the Zanmthitea
aud the Eahtaulitea " were colonised. G.
ZO'REAH (ny!^ : "Pda; Alex. Xapaa- So.
re"). Another (and slightly more accurate) form
of the name usually given in the A. V. as Zoeah,
but once as Zarkah. The Hebrew is the same in
all cases. Zoreah occurs only in Josh. xv. 33,
among the towns of Judah. The place appears,
however, to hare come later into the po a aeaaioo of
Dan. [Zorah.] G.
ZCRITE8, THE (T»Sn [pair.] : 'Bnpt
[Vat. -p«] ; Alex. H<rtu»«;[Comp. i Xyaf:]
Snrai), are named in the genealogies of Judah (1
Chr. ii. 54), apparently (though the passage it
probably in great confusion) amongst the descend-
ants of Saliua and near connections of Joab. The)
Targum regards the word at being a contraction
for " the Zorathitea ; " but this does not teem likely,
since the Zareathites are mentioned in ver. 52 of
the same genealogy in another connection.
ZOKOB'ABEL (ZopoB40t\: Zorobabet), 1
Kadr. iv. 13, v. 5-70, vi.2-2»; Eoclua. xlix. 11;
Matt 1.12,13; Luke iii. 27. [Zsrubbabkz.]
ZU'AKCiyiS [fmaibuu]: Imyip: 8mr).
Father of Netbaneel the chief of the Mb* of its*.
char at the time of the Exodus (Num. i. 8, it t,
vil 18, 28, x. 16).
ZTJPH, THE LAUD OF CT-TS V?J
[honeg-eomo]t «it rt)r [*1*\ Vat] Sett);" Alts
a Sse Stanley, 8. f P., Appendix, f 16.
a Th« Targum treats tha names Miapeh and T"r*lt""
• Identical, translating tham both by HTPOD.
« m Mr. Porter disavows this In fer e n ce from tha
s (Handb. p. 800 a) as well at tha opinion Ileal!
that AttMu Is Pisgah, (Baa Kltto't BiU.
US. p. UK.)
■ At if reading r\^ (Tstph), whan tt
taxt(OMa»)af lUsr. ft 86 tttU STtiltsU
Cyetvol
C
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ZUPH, THE LAND OF
•i* >nr S«d>; Syr. Peshito, in T$ur: Vulg.
liiro SspJi). A dutrict it which Saul and hit
■errant arrived after passing through those of Shal-
•sha, of Shalim, and of tha Benjamites ■ (1 Sam.
ix. 6 onlj). It evidently contained the city in
which the; encountered Samuel (ver. 6), and that
again, if the conditions of the narrative are to be
accepted, wai certainly not far from the " tomb of
RacheL" probably the spot to which that name it
■till attached, a short diiUnce north of Bethlehem.
Tha name Zuph U connected in a singular manner
with Samuel. One of his ancestors was named
Zuph (1 Sam. i. 1 ; 1 Chr. vi. 36) or Zophal (ibid.
86); and his native place was called Kamathaiui-
sophim (1 Sam. i. 1).
But it would be unsafe to conclude that the
" land of Zuph " had any connection with either
of these. If Ramathaim-xophim was the present
A'ecy BuxuoiL, — and then is, to say the least, a
strong probability that it was, — then it is difficult
to imagine that Bamathai m-zophim can have been
iu the land of Zuph, when the Utter was near
Rachel's sepulchre, at least seven miles distant
from tha former. Ntby Summit, too, if anywhere,
is in tha very heart of the territory of Benjamin,
whereas we have seen that the laud of Zuph was
outside of it.
The name, too, in its various forms of Zophim,
Mizpeh, Mizpah, Zephathah, was too common in the
Holy Land, on both sides of the Jordan, to permit
of much stress being laid on its occurrence here.
The only possible trace of the name of Zupb in
modern Palestine, in any suitable locality, is to be
found in Soon, a well-known place about seven
miles due west of Jerusalem, and five miles south-
west of Ifeby SamwU. This Dr. Kobinson (BiU.
Sti. U. 8,9) once proposed as the representative of
Kamathaim Xuphim ; and although on topograph-
ical grounds he virtually renounces the idea (see the
foot-note to the same pages), yet those grounds
need not similarly affect its identity with Zuph,
provided other considerations do not interfere. If
Shalim and ShalUha were to the N. E. of Jerusa-
lem, near Tuiyibth, then Saul's route to the land
of Benjamin would be S. or S. W., and pursuing
tbe same direction he would arrive at the neighbor-
hood of Saba. But this is at the best no more
than conjecture, and unless the land of Zuph ex-
tended a good distance east of Soba, the city in
which tha meeting with Samuel took place could
hardly be sufficiently near to Rachel's sepulchre.
The signification of the name of Zuph is quite
doubtful. Gesenius explains it to mean " honey ; '
while Fiirst understands it as "abounding with
water." It will not be overlooked that when the
LXX. version was made, tbe name probably stood
in tha Hebrew Bible as Ziph (Tsiph). Zophim is
usually considered to signify watchmen or lookera-
oo t; hence, prophets; in which sense the author
•f tha Targum has actually rendered 1 Sam. ix.
ZUZIMd, THE
3647
6, — " they came into the land in which was a
prophet of Jehovah." G.
ZUPH (*PS : [in 1 Sam., Alex. Sour, Comp.
iid>\ Rom. Vat corrupt;] Joixpin IChr.: 8uph).
A Kohathite Levite, ancestor of Klkanah and Sam-
uel (1 Sam. i. 1; 1 Chr. vi. 36 [30]). In 1 Chr.
vi. 28 he is called Zofhai.
ZUB ( IS [nek]: ioipt Sw). 1. One of the
five princes of Hidian who were slain by the Israelites
when Balaam fell (Num. xxxi. 8). His daughter
Coabi was killed by Pbinehas, together with her
paramour Zimri, the Simeonite chieftain (Num.
xzv. 15). He appears to have been in some way
subject to Sihon king of the Amoritea (Josh. xiii.
81).
8. [In 1 Chr. viil. 30, Alex. Io-ove; in ix. 36,
Vat. Sin. Alex. Ictip.] Son of Jehiel the founder
of Gibson by his wife Maachah (1 Chr. viii. 30,
ix. 36).
ZU'RIEL (brfl S [my rock U God] : Zmr
pif/A: Suriel). Son of Abihail, and chief of tha
Menurite Levites at the time of the Exodus (Num.
ill. 36).
ZURISHAIXDAI [4 syL] <yig}*yiX
[my rock it th« Almighty]: ioupuraiai [Vat. in
Num. i. 6, -»««-] : Htuittiitat). rather of Shelumiel
the chief of the tribe of Simeon at the time of the
Exodus (Num. i. 6, ii. 12, vii. 36, 41, x. 19). It it
remarkable that this and Ammishaddai, the ouly
names in the Bible of which Shaddai forms a part,
should occur in the same list. In Judith (vii. 1)
Zuriahaddai appears as Salasadai.
ZU'ZIMS, THE (DW : ffrVn la^fi in
both MSS. : Zuzim , but Jerome in Qateti. Utbr.,
gtultt forttt). Tbe name of an ancient people
who, lying in the path of Chedorlaonier and his al-
lies, were attacked and overthrown by them (Gen.
xiv. 6 only). Of the etymology or signification of
the name nothing is known. Tbe LXX., Targum
of Onkelos, and Sam. Version (with an eye to some
root not now recognizable *) render it "strong
people." The Arab. Version of Saadiah (in Wal-
ton's Polyglot!) gives td-Dukakbi, by which it is
uncertain whether a proper name or appellative is
intended. Others understand by it " the wander-
ers" (La Clere,- from NT), or "dwarfs" (Mi-
chaelis, SuppL No. 606).° Hardly more ascertain-
able is the situation which tbe Zuzim occupied.
The progress of the invaders was from north to
south. They first encountered the Rephaim ia
Ashteroth Kamaim (near tbe Lrja in the north
of the Hauran); next the Zuzim in Ham; and
next the Emim in Shaveh Kiriathaim. The last
named place has not been identified, but was
probably not far north of the Anion. Then
is therefore some plausibility iu the suggestion
(aw margtaof A, V.). This Is a totally distinct name
tromZlph (lyT).
<• If Indeed the " land of xemlni " be the territory
if Benjamin
* tf gaasms magla quam varbum ex Tvrbo traas-
ajsnsss n (Jerome, Qaeuf. iMr. its Gm.). ealtsanaaB
Omuii, p. 287) suggests that for D^Fttn they read
O^WiJ. Be ehanfs In Ike Initial letter la the
ssme which Bwald ptepoess In Identifying Han (Oen.
sir. 6) with AmnMi"
e Comparing tbe Arable *U\a\. By adopunf this
(wbleh however Gasenius, Vut. p. 610 a, resists) sad si-
taring the points of 071$ to DH^, as It * piala
the UX. and Tug. read them, Mienaalla Ingsnioosly
obtains the following reading: "They smote the
giants la Ashteroth Kamaim, and the s ee s * * «*"
smaller (t. e. ordinary) stature, who wen with tease.' 1
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8648 suzims, thk zuzims tecs
af Ewald (O'mcA. i. 108, note), prorlded it b ; already mentioned voder Zamzuiuum. bat at the
etymologic^ correct, that Ham DH. b B9, <bmi l \ ?" I?' * "*?*?." r 001 *^,,™
. 7^ . "J .. .. A ». , . , . . reaped to which the writer deaira to ear with Ba-
u.Htt.*' ^J"^^ V"*****^** .ntab- )t ^Z MA it would ba difficult to find a fitter
f*,*!!?"?!?? "" A T 00I, S ,,,d T™ ," •«*»«• "»* »Weh to ewelnd. . Dietion-j of
tal with the ^"""i". wh °r. , r w ". . to tha Bibb - « coqbotena, quit*, non ."
hare Wen exterminated and nooaaded in their " •»
bod bj tha Aromooltca. Thb I
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APPENDIX.
NOTES ON THE ART. "WILDERNESS OF THE WANDERING."
»T IBM BET. F. W. HOUL4JTD, FBU0W OF THB ROYAL OBOOBAFHIUAX aOCDRT OF LOaDOJf.
[The following notes wan received too Ute for
inaertion in their proper plmce, but in too valuable
to be omitted. Mr. Holland here gives the results
of personal observation, having four times visited
the Sinaitio Peninsula and spent many months in
wandering over it on foot — A.]
Page 3513 a, line 86, •' the wilderness of Etham."
— It is not necessary to suppose that the wilderness
of Etham extended on both shores of the gulf.
•> The edge of the wilderneu " probably refers not
to the limits of vegetation, but to the boundary of
the desert east of the gulf, marked by the higher
ground which divides the Bitter Lakes from the sea.
This would form, then as now, the natural road from
Egypt to the Peninsula of Sinai, and thither Moses
would lead the Israelites. A deviation from the
natural road seems to be implied in the command
to turn and encamp before Pihahiroth.
Page 3513 A, I. IT, " The wilderneu hath shut
them in." — Pharaoh seeing that the Israelites had
missed the road leading round the head of the gulf,
would naturally exclaim " The wilderness hath shut
them hi." The sea was on their left, the high range
of Jebel Attnkah ou their right, and beyond them
a narrow road along the shore leading only to a yet
more barren desert. Escape was impossible unless
God had opened a way for them through the sea.
Page 3513 6, L 2 from bottom, >> Wady Ahlhi."
— The proper uune it Wady eUAhdhi (» Jk»t),
derived from hadhwah, impression of a horse's foot.
Page 3513, note c — The excavations of the Pal-
estine Exploration Fund at Jerusalem have proved
that the language of Joseph us concerning the height
of the buildings of the Temple was not extravagant,
Page 8514, note a. — The warm spring mentioned
by Mr. Hamilton is situated near Tor, and has no
reference to the Ayun Muta near Suex; it is that
referred to in the following note. The springs of
Hummim Pkaraim have a temperature of 160°, and
emit a i-rong sulphurous smell. I have never seen
sny waim spring among those at Ayin Mivi, al-
though I have several times examined them. Water
is found there by digging, and the water-holes are
increased at the pleasure of the gardener.
Page 36U a, L 37, " Shur • before Egypt,' " etc.
— The name Slmr means " a wall,'' and was perhaps
jiven to the wilderness of Etham, which lay on the
vat of the Isthmus of Suex and of the head of the
;ulf, from the wall-like range of mountains, Jebel er-
Hahah, by which it is bounded. When seen from a
tiatanee tnia cange presents the appearance of a long
ine of white clifts, with a remarkable tabular outline.
The Arab* know many plares in the Peninsula by
two names, — one being the proper name, the o>liec
a name derived from some characteristic feature-
Page 8514 4, 1. 90, "Debbet er-Ramleh." — This
tract of sand does not run uninterrupUdly across
the Peninsula. It is divided by the rocky plateau at
the head of Wady ei- Akhdar and Wady el- Oth.
The name appears to be applied more particularly
to the belt of sand near Wady ffutb and Seribii
eUKhidim.
Page 3514 ft, 1. 36. — EUKda cannot be Sin,
which lay north of Wady Feir&n, the most south-
erly road that the Israelites can have taken to
Mount Sinai. The name el-Kia a only applied to
the plain south of Wady Feirin. The plain to the
north is called el-Mvrkhah, and that probably cor-
responded with the Wilderness of Sin. The Wady
ffibrin south of Jebel Serbil was pronounced by
the Sinai Survey Expedition to be an impossible
route for the Israelites to have taken.
Page 3616 a, 1. 10. — Vm Skaumer is not the
highest mountain. Mount Catherine is consider-
ably higher, and forms the true Omphalos of the
Peninsula. Jebel Ztbir is the highest peak of
Mount Catherine, and therefore the highest point
in Sinai.
Page 8615 ft, 1. 6 from bottom, " Three passes
through the et- Tth range," etc. — Besides the
three passes mentioned by Robinson, there is a road
leading over Jebel Odjmeh from the head of Wady
tt-Sik, a pass to the east of Jebel Dhelel, and an-
other further eastward at the bead of Wady ei-Ain.
Page 3516 ft, note J". — The sound produced by
the sand at Jebel Nakit is not caused by its pour-
ing over the clifls, but by the friction of its grains
when set in motion. The sand is drifted up into a
steep bank in a recess in the mountain side, and
when set in motion, either artificially, or by the
wind, rolls down like a cascade, and then the sound
is produced. It resembles the noise mada by rub-
bing the finger round a glass, but is so loud as to
be heard sometimes at a distance of several hundred
yards. It causes a great vibration, which often sets
in motion the surrounding sand. The Arabs sup-
pose that the sound is caused by the nakit (wooden
boards used for bells) of a monastery, which was
swallowed up by the earth in consequence of the
wickedness of the monks. See Proceettingt of tin
Royal Ueog. Sot. voL xiii. p. S16 I
Page 3617 ft, 1. 11. — The Mecca pilgrim are
previously provided for, stores of corn being sent on
to the various stations on the Hadj road, and tanks
prepared for water. Their case, therefore, is atrite
different from that of the Israelites
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8650
APPENDIX
Page 3S17 A. note e. — I hare measured acacia
treea upwards of nine feet in circumference. The
trees grow to a large size, when the; are not stunted
by having their shoots annual] j cut off to feed the
goats of the Arabs-
Page 3518, 12," the Wady tr-Rahth." — I have
myself seen the Wady er-Rahah "a vast yrttn
plain," so that looking op its slope it appeared com-
pletely covered by herbage. It is never entirely
bare, bring thickly studded with low plants, which
after a few showers of rain in spring quickly be-
eonia green. I have even seen blades of grass
springing up in every direction upon it. But I
have also seen the er-Rakah after a long dry season
to all appearance from a little distance a barreu
plain.
Page 3518 6, 1. 1. — Quicksands in Dtbbtl tr-
Randtth are merely caused by the sand drifting into
jhe hollows, which catch the rain-water. They are
not real quicksands.
Pages %17-3521. — Supply of Water and Pat
Usrayt. — 1-arge tracts of the northern portion of
the plateau of the Till, which are now desert, were
evidently formerly under cultivation. The Gulf of
Suez (probably by means of an artificial canal con-
necting it with the Hitter Lakes} once extended
nearly fifty miles further north than it does at pres-
ent, snd the mountains of Palestine were well clothed
with trees. Thus there formerly existed s rain-
making area of considerable extent, which must
have added largely to the dews and rains of Sinai.
Probably, also, the Peninsula itself was formerly
much more thickly wooded.
The amount of vegetation and herbage In the
Peninsula, even at the present time, has been very
much underrated; and a slight increase in the
present rain-fall would produce an enormous addi-
tion to the amount of pasturage. I have several
times seen the whole face of the country, especially
the wadies, marvelously changed in appearance by
a single shower.
It is a great mistake to suppose that the con-
;eni gardens at the foot of Jtbtl Mita, and those
n Wady Ftirin, and at Tor, mark the only three
ipota where any considerable amount of cultivation
could exist in the Peninsula. Hundreds of old
monastic gardens, with copious wells and springs,
are scattered over the mountains throughout the
granitic districts; and I could mention at least
twenty streams which are perennial, excepting per-
laps in unusually dry seasons-
It has bean said that the present physical con-
ditions of the country are such as to render it ut-
terly impossible that the events recorded in the
book of Kxodus can ever have occurred there. It
b wonderful, however, bow apparent difficulties
melt away an one's acquaintance with the country
Increases- I see no difficulty myself in the provis-
ion of sufficient pasturage for the flocks and herds,
if, as 1 have ihown, there are good reasons for sup-
posing the rain-fall was in former days larger than
H is at present; and with regard to the cattle, I
will point out one important fact, which appears to
me to bare been overlooked, namely, that they were
probably used as beasts of burden, and, in addition
• W. Sthal ia Its real name, so called from SUul,
a species of tamarisk.
» • It Is important to notice here that Mr. Holland
has altered the opinion respecting the roots of the
Israelites which he had presented In a paper read De-
ft** the Boy Oeog. Society In 1868, already referred
S3 ia rnV Dictionary under the arts. Sox, Wtuuounaj
to other things, carried their own. water, soffisieni
lor several days, slung in water-skins by their aide
just aa Sir Samuel Baker {bund them doing at the
present day in Abyssinia. — See paper On Recent
Exploration in the PeninnUa of Shun, read [by
Mr. Holland] at the Liverpool Church Congress,
Oct. 1869. [See also art Sihai, p. 8064, Amer. ed.~
Page 3521 n, I. 34. — " 'Ain el-Baudt-a," — The
water varies much in bitterness- I have round it at
one time so bitter that I could not even bold it in
my mouth, at another more pleasant to drink than
the water I had brought in water-skins from Sues.
The size of the spring is very small, but the mass
of. calcareous deposit which surrounds it seema to
prove that the water-tupplj from it was formerly
larger than at the present time.
There appears to be a strange confusion of places
here by the writer of the article. My own obser-
vations, made at several different times, and con-
firmed by those of the Sinai Survey Expedition in
1868, have led me to the following conclusions.
'Jin Hatcdra ia not a brook, but a spring standing
on an elevated plateau at the head of Wad}
Amara, which does not contain any other water,
although a little to the north of its mouth are the
Ayun Abu Szouwtirah, two water-holes aliout 8
feet deep, supplied, I think, by the drainage from
Wady Warddn. A few stunted palms grow near
them. The water-holes might be increased by
digging. The water is slightly brackish but drink-
able. Wady Tal' lies "to the south of Wady
Ghurundd, running into the gulf a few miles to
the north of Wady Tayibth. The Arabs obtain
rock-salt from it. At Jtbtl Bitktr, commonly,
but wrongly, known aa Taut n-Sudr, there ia a
good supply of water. This mountain lies much
nearer to Suez. It is known in the charts as
" Bam IlilL" and forms a prominent landmark.
Page 3631 6, 1. 2 from bottom. — By " waUr-
courtti" Stanley evidently does not intend to
imply the presence of water; he especially mentions
their being dry. Wady Unit does not connect
Churundti with Tayibth; it ia entirely separate
from both, but drains the plateau that lies between
them. The hot springs near it, visited by Nie-
bubr, are those of the fiummam Pharaun. Wady
Unit drains an elevated plateau at the back of
Jtbtl Hummam. Wady Tayibth runs from the
south of the same plateau. Wady GhurundtL, as
it approaches the sea, is certainly one of the best
watered and wooded valleys in the whole Penin-
sula.
Page 8622 a, 4th par. " TAr." — The advantages
of this spot for an encampment have been much
exaggerated. The water is brackish and unwhole-
some, and it is the most unhealthy spot in the
Peninsula. It is true that there are large groves
of palms and thickets of tamariak, but the ground
is impregnated with salt, and is not otherwise par-
ticularly fertile. At the mouth of rrViafe Tayibth
is the plain of Rat Abu ZtUmth, which probably
was the spot where the Israelites encamped; it is
divided from tl-Murkliak by a narrow atrip of
desert, and might almost be considered as a por-
tion of the Wilderness of Sin.»
or, p. 8048, note a, and 8nw, p. 8064. He now re-
tards d-MarUak, and not the plain of et-Sr|*,aa th>
" Wilderness of Sin," and supposes the Israelites turn
this point to have journeyed up the Wady Anon
See his paper On Rtamt Explarationt in tec FN ni m — ■
of Sinai, read at the Uverpool Church Congress, Oas
186». A
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APPENDIX.
8651
Pegs 8682 0, lli.— EUKt(i. — Tba name ia
•cnftned to the plain south of WmJy Feirin. The
■hole of the northern plain ia, I believe, known by
the general name of el-Murkhah.
Page 8522 o, 3d par. — Manna. — I have now
(1870) eome poU of manna that I brought from
Sinai in 1861. It retnaina perfectly good, but be-
comes liquid like honey in hot weather. When I
first obtained it, it still remained, aa when collected
from the trees, in the shape of hardened drops.
It is sold in Egypt for medicinal purposes, or to pil-
grims as a relic from the desert.
Page 8623 a, near end of 1st par. — The height
of the Sinaitic inscriptions has been much exagger-
ated. I hare not seen one that I hare (ailed to
reach without difficulty, except in a few cases,
where there were evident traces of a lower ledge
of rock having fallen down. . See Proceeding! R.
G. 8oc., vol. xiii. p. 313 f.
Page 8623 a. — Rrphidim. — On the site of
Rephidim, where the battle with the Amalekites
•as fought, my opinion differs from that Of Captain
Wilson and Mr. Palmer. They believe the battle
to hare been fought in the Wiuly /Virata, near the
site of the ancient city of Paran, and that Jebel
Tahimik (not the bill on which the old church
stands, which the Dean of Westminster advocates,
but one opposite it on the other side of the valley)
was tbe bill on which Moses sat, with Aaron and
Hur supporting his arms.
The road up this hill, and the churches and
shapels on its summit and sides, certainly mark
this hill as a very sacred spot in the eyes of the
old inhabitants of Patau. I have little doubt that
they believed it to be tbe site of Kephidim, when
Serbil, as was once certainly the case, was held to
be tbe traditional Mount Sinai. But I have no
faith in monastic traditions, either ancient or inod-
9U, as far as the monks of the convent of St.
Catherine are concerned.
Besides, it appears to me that Rephidim is clearly
rpokeu of in the Bible ss within a day's Journey
of Mount Sinai ; and this spot is two days' jour-
ney from Jebel Mita, even by the short cut of the
.Vutt //day.
I am strongly of opinion that the Israelites
marched up the Wady et-Sheikk, and that the
narrow defile of el-Watiyeh, about twelve miles
from Jebel Mita, marks the site of the battle of
Rephidim.
From the bead of Wady flibrin there stretches
across the western side of the Peninsula a remark-
able line of precipitous granite mountains, 11 through
which are found only three passes, leading to the
high and well-watered central group of mountains,
which includes Jebel Mien. The two western
uses of Wady Tldh and Nvkb Hawy are too
.urrow and rugged to have afforded a road for the
mass of the Israelites.
They are altogether out of the question, if the
Israelites had wagons with them at this time.
We know that the princes presented six wagons
for the use of the Tabernacle at Mount Sinai, and
we eso hardly suppose them to have been built
there.
The remaining pan of el- Watiyeh is a narrow
iefik*, with perpendicular rocks on either side, and
a This fanned, probably, tbe northern limit- of
Jm Wilderness of Sinai, the high central cluster of
nountalns to the south bearing the district name
* Honb. V. W. n.
the holding of this defile by the Amalekites would
render them secure.
All the requirements of the account of the bat-
tle are found at this spot. There ia a large plain,
destitute of water, for the encampment of tbe Israel-
ites ; a conspicuous hill on the north side of the
defile, commanding the battle-ground, and present,
ing a bare cliff, such aa we may supj-osa the rock
to have been which Moses struck.''
There is another plain on tbe south of tbe pass
for the encampment of the Amalekites, with abun-
dance of water within easy reach ; and, curiously
enough, at this very spot, at the foot of the hill on
which Moses sat, if this be Kephidim, the Arabs
point out » rock, which they «all " tbe seat of the
prophet Moses."— See paper read before tbe Liver-
pool Church Congress, pp. 7, 8; also paper read
before K. G. S., May 11th, 1868, p. 17.
Page 8623 a, 2d par. — Horeb. — A name given
probably to the central granite mountains (includ
iug Jebel Afuti, St. Catherine, Fureiah, etc.),
which lie to the south of the remarkable line of
cliffs stretching eastward from tbe head of Wady
Hebron. The country between this line and Wady
et-Shtikh, including the low mountains of Jebel
el- Or/, is comparatively open, and contains several
plains or broad wadies of considerable size. No
trace of the name Horeb now remains, unless Jebel
'Aribeh, the central portion of Jebel ed-Oeir, be a
corruption of it. The Arabs, however, say that this
mountain is so called from a plant that grows there.
Page 3624 4, end of 1st par. — Jebel Far An. —
Tbe Arabs often call the mountains by the names
of tbe adjoining wadies.
Page 8524 6, 2d par. — Summit of Serbat. —
Dr. Stewart's " circle of loose stones," and Dr. Stan-
ley's "ruins of a building, granite fragments ce-
mented with lime and mortar," refer to the same
ruins. The latter description is the true one. There
are a considerable number of inscriptions on thi>
summit, some painted under an overhanging rock
covered with whitewash, which seems to connect
them with this building, similar whitewash being
found upon its stones. For a description of Jebel
Serbdt, see Proceeding! H. G. Sue., vol xiii. p. 212.
Page 8525 n, 2d par. — Jebel Mita. — For
description see Proceedingt R. G. Hoc., vol. xiii. p.
210. The approach from the W. by iVuJfco Hdioy ia
not so difficult as represented. I have several times
ascended the pass with lightly-laden camels.
W. Solam should be written Sotif. The Rat
SuftA/'eh is not a mountain interposed between the
slope of Jebel Mita and the plain," but the north-
ern portion of Jebel Mita itself.
Page 8536 b, I. 10. — Jebel Fureid. — Then ia
properly speaking no mountain of that name. The
name el-Furtiah is applied to the high and fertile)
mountain plateau that lies between Wady .er-
Ruhah and the upper part of Wady et-Sheikh
The surrounding peaks each have a separate name.
Page 8535 b, note ft — It Is a mistake to think
that the dendrites have become scarce — at the top
of Abbas Pasha's road they especially abound.
Page 8627 a, 1. 38. — The " offerings of the
princes " included wagons (Num. vii. 8), a proof
that the route followed by tbe Israelites did not
lead over any very difficult passes, and therefore
s help in tracing out their course.
Page 3537 0.1. 4 from bottom. " Over its south-
^ This would bs «•» Honb " If the suggestion n
the preceding note Is comet. f . If. B.
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8662
APPENDIX.
n lace," etc — There an several passes over the
southern bee of the TUt range; if the Israelites
did not march down to the Gulf of Akaba, they
probably crowed by one or more of t hese, if not too
steep for their wagons. The direct road from
JeOtl Mita northward to the 7Vt range presents
no difficulty, a rising expanse of hard desert lead-
ing gradually up to the plateau of Teranik, where
there in plenty of vegetation, and good water at
Ain rLAtAdhar. The wadies leading down to
the Gulf of Akaba ere K>mewhu narrow and rocky;
a stream of good water U found at the lower Wady
cl-Ain. There is an upper tl-Ain at the bottom
of Wady ZtUtgd further to the northwest. The
two, I believe, are connected.
Pag 1 3527 A, L 29. — Dahnb appears to me too
far to the south to be identified with Uinhab; it
is also inclosed by mountains on the north. The
road to it lies down Wady JVtuo, which rises south
of Jtbel Catherine. There is another road across
the plain of Sained which joins Wady Nutb.
Psge 3527 4, 1. 36.— Kl-HwdhtrA. — This eopi-
ous spring is situated at tbe head of the wady of the
same name, which forms a cid*ie-*ac surrounded
by high cliffs. Two narrow paths, so steep that a
laden camel cannot well descend them, lead down to
it. It is difficult to identify this with Haeeroth,
where the whole boat of tbe Israelites encamped
for seven days. If they marched straight north from
Mount Sinai we might place Hazeroth in tbe open
plateau near tt-Aklidhar. Here numerous very an-
cient inclosures and ruins of nomas are found.
The notnus, or in the plural nuAmin, « mosquito*,"
are the dwellings or storehouses of the ancient in-
habitants of the Peninsula. Their style of architect-
ure is the oldest that is known, resembling the
" Beehive Houses " in Scotland. They were perhaps
built by the Anialekitea. (See Procetdinyt R. (J.
Sue. vol. xiii. p. 211 ; paper read before K. G. S., Hay
11, 1868; and paper read at Liverpool Church
Congress, Oct. 1869.)
Psge 3627, note o. — The edible locusts invade
the Peninsula in great numbers about every third
year. I have teen the ground covered with them.
The Arabs in Sinai do uot eat them. Partridges
of two kinds are very common. Quails are met
with occasionally. Vast flocks of storks annually
cross northwards from Egypt. I have counted
them by hundreds on several occasions-
Page 3532 a, I 4. — KPAin. — When tracing
up Wady tl-Ain, my Arabs pointed out a route
leading northwards to Palestine. They said the
road was good, and the pass over the 71A range
not difficult.
P. 363* b. — Zoflogy. — There are no lions, 1
believe, in Sinai. Hvfnas are common; so also
are foxes, of which there are two kinds. Leopards
are found on the higher mountains ; wolves in Wady
Fori*, and other places. Tbe ibex is very oom-
jaon. 1 have sometimes seen as many as 40 or 60
M a day; and have occasionally found 30 or 40 in
see herd. The flesh is excellent, and when stat-
ionary for a few days the traveller can generally
employ an Arab to shoot him some. They are
}uite contented with five or six shillings for each
lex. Tbe young are killed in considerable num-
jers for the sake of their skins, which are used for
«wing dates in. Tbe ibexes are commonly known
uy the name of bedru, but other names are given
them according to their age and the length of their
horns. Hares are common. Amongst other ani-
mals which are often seen may be mentioned the
gazelle, coney (Hyrax Byriaaa), n s Bcil by the
Arabs webr, jerboas, mice of several kinds, awards,
and snakes, of which I have ought five or six
different kinds. Amongst the birds, vultures of
two kinds, kites, hawks, storks, wild docks, teal,
snipe, boons, partridges, sand-grouse, quail, pig-
eons, turtle-doves, Drymtteat, stonechata, plovers,
ravens, crows, owls, bats, red-starts, larks, swallows,
sea-gulls, etc, etc. Porcupines and he d gehogs are
found, but they are rare. Small fish are found
in the warm springs near Tar. One cannot, of
course, compare the amount of life found in •
desert with that in other countries, which supply a
larger amount of food, but I have frequently seec,
and have shot or caught most of the animals and
birds which 1 have mentioned, besides others tbe
names of which I cannot now remember.
Page 3636 a. — Vegetation. — The statement
that •> the palms are almost always dwarf," is not
correct. Tbe dwarf trees are the exception, not the
rule. Many of the trees at 7*«r and Wady FarAn
are particularly fine-
Roses of Jericho are found at tbe mopth of
Wady Gkurundel, Wady MokaUeb, and many
otlier places.
The I-Mtof, or caper plant, is found in Tayibek,
and is very common in the wadies south of Jtbel
Mit'i. The fruit, which is of tbe size and shape
of a moderate sized pear, is eaten by the Arabs
It has a pungent and very pleasant taste.
The Ban-Ire* (BaUntmun Aaromt) abounds is
some of tbe wadies near StrbiL
The Other I have found in Wady ATiu*, S- E.
of Jebel Mita and akn near Wady tl-Ain. A
large blue kind of locust feeds upon it.
The Butn (Pitlackia lerebinUmtt) occurs on
tbe west of Jebtt SerbU on the higher slopes; it
does not appear to grow on the east of the moun-
tain.
Page 3637. — The name Serial is not derived
from Ser ; tbe word terbai ( JLi^,) signifies a
"shirt "or "coat of mail," and tbe name has
reference to the manner in which a storm clothes
tbe smooth summit of tbe mountain, and perhaps
to the sheet of ice with which it is sometimes cov-
ered, when it shines in the sun like a coat of
mail. F. W. H.
* We ought perhaps to mention here, as at
least a curiosity, a new theory of tbe route of tbe
Israelites, set forth with no little learning and
ingenuity by a writer in Lawson and Wilson's
Cyclopadia of BibL Geography, etc., vol. ii. pp.
69-199 (Edin. 1866), under the title Exode, Alter-
native View of the. We can only indicate bis
chief results, without discussing the arguments
by which they are supported. This writer main-
tains that the Gulf of Akaba is the " Red Sea "
of our version, and was of much larger dimen-
sions in the days of Moses and Herodotus, extend-
ing across modern Arabia to the Persian Gu!f.
that Uizrnim a improperly rendered " Egypt " in
our version, being really applied to a part of Ara-
bia near Egypt; that the water in which Moses,
as an infant, was laid, was not tbe Mile, bat a
sweet water channel connecting, in early times, the
isthmus of Sues with the Mediterranean Sea; that
Goshen was the high region known to the ancients
as Mount Caskm ; that tbe Horeb of Scripture was
the ridge of tbe 71s, and Mount Sinai Jeoel ei
Ajmak (or Cj/mek). A*
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INDEX
or THS
PRINCIPAL PASSAGES OF SCRIPTURE ILLUSTRATED.
Nat* — Faaaajai whisb woold be nadUr tound without the nld of tab Index ar» •» Ibe moat pari I
GENKSI8.
.1 i.881b
.2 .lT.8406b
Lt 1.66Tb
1.7 1.681b
i.H iT.8*06a
1.21 1 828 »
H.2 It. 2922 a
8. 4.... I. 888 b, 891 »,».
11.6 1.891b, a.
11.6. 1.826 ».n.
U.7 1.26b, 11.1411a,
It. 8406 a
11.14 i.6S6b
11.18 111.1798b
11.24 It 8407a
111. 1... It. 2928 b, 2931a
Hi. 1-14. I 421b
IU.6 If. 8408a
111. 7 1.624b
111.8 W. 8406b
U1.12 i.26b,a.
111.14 It. 29J8b
111. 14, 16 It. 2929b
lil. 16 Ui. 1906 a, It.
8426 a, a.
m. 17-24 It. 8418 a. t.
UI. 19 ..1.828 a, II. 1411a
m. 24. 1 420 a, 428a, It.
2961a
It.8 It. 8490a
It. 7 1.6a. 841 a. b
It. 8.... It. 2809 a, 2928 a
It. 16 I. 341a
It. 20 It. 2989b
It.M 11.1485a
It. 22. ...1.490 a, II. 992a
It. 28, 24 II. 1688a
It. 24 ill. 2640b
t. 1 1.888a
T.1,2 1.26a
T.22-24..1.787b,lT.2708a
tl. 1-4.... II. 910 a, HI. 2176
b. 2860 b, It. 8817 a
tI.2 U. 1508b
Tt.8 U1.2177*
tI.B... 1.888a
Ti.14,16 II. 992a
Tl.16 ill. 2178a
Tl. 16 Mi. 2177b
Tl.17 11. 1486a
Til. 2 111.2179a
tU. 2, 8, 9... Hi. 2179 b, n.
tH.U 1.631b
Til. 22 II. 1411a
Till. 4 HI. 2181 a, a.
rill. 6 iU.2178a,n.
rfU.7 IU. 2678a
tHI.10 iT.8490a
fHLU. IU. 2004 b
tlB. 17 IU. 2181b
rUI.20 It. 8846b
TIB. XI 1t.84.p6*,
8416 b
m_8 It. 8847 a
X. 6 It. 8408 a
br.B lT.8218b
S.U... W.ZU»a. 2667 b
Ix. 20, 21 It. 8446 b
lx.25,27 HI. 2188b
lx.26 It. 2968b
U. 27 It. 8406b
i. 2. ..U. 966 a, Ul. 2677b
z. 6 1.888a
x.11,12 11- 964 b
x.14 Ul. 2496 a, a.,
2496b
x.17 U. 1088a
x.18. 19 1.868b
x.19 rr.a067a ».
x. 21-29. ... Ul 2516 a. n.
x.S0 1. 140 a, 275a
xl.2 1.146b
xl.8 1.221b
xl.4 1.222b
xL6 It. 8406a
xi. 26 1.442a
xl .29 I.18b,«.
xll. 1 It. 8118b
XH.6....II. 968a, 986a,
IU. 1888 a, 2012 b, 2416
b, 2647 b
xll. 7 Ul. 2011a
xil.B.. lT.8211b
xll. 14 lT.8870a
xll. 16.. I. 748b, IU. 2462a
xlU.7 11.985a
xUI.10 1.686a
xlll. 10, 11, 12.. It. 2697 a
xill. 11 1.146b
xttl.18 1.16a 1 « > U.968a,
111. 2417 b, 2647 b
xIt. .1.79a, 111.1987 b, a.
xIt.1 II. 898b
xlT.6. HI. 2664a
xIt.6 IU. 2200a
xIt.7 1.79a
xIt.U IU. 2647b
xhr.14 1. 686 b, 686 a,
Ul. 2417 b
xIt. 16 1829a
xt.1 HI. 2698b
xr.2,8. i.701a
xt.9 U. 1044b
XT. 10 i.68b
xt. 12. ...1H. 2592b, a. It.
8818 b
xt. 18,14 1.442b
XT. 16 lT.2706b
XT. 17 H.16S9a
xt. IB U. 1888a
xtI.7 It. 8508 a, a.
xrt. 12 1.188a
xtH. 1 It. 2988b
xtII 22 lT.8406b
XTlll. 1... .1.16a, a, III.
2647 b
xtHI.2 1. 878a
XTlll. 8 11. 1676b
XTlll 6 1.828b
xtHI.8 1.886 b, 888b
itIH. 16 i. 828 b
xrlh. W A. 1018 b
irtH. 28-88. ..U. 1686 a. a.
xtUI.26 I«.8406a
xlx to 1.274 b
xx. 8 It. 8406 b
xx. 7 HI. 3692b
xx. 12 U. 1416b
xx. 16 1. 604 b, 606 a,
IU. 1984 b
xxl.14 Ul. 2636b
xxt.20 It. 8406b
xxl.26 lT.8669a
xxl.81 U. 1224 b.*.
xxt.88 U.968a
xxU.1 Ir.8207a
xxll.2 It. 8409a
xxH.2ff. U.901b
xxtl.11,12 1. 96b
xxU.18 It. 8408a
xxll. 14 111. 2012 a
xxli.21 1. 146 b, 111.
2663b
xxlU.2 lT.8672a
xxUI.2-4 1.885a
xxlil. 3-18 1.766 b
xxtti.4 Ir.8121b
xxUI.6 1.882a
xxlT.10 1. 146 a. 636 a
xxIt. 21 ir. 4561b
xxlr.22 1. 887b
xxIt. 22, 68. .UL 2267 a,a.
xxIt. 26. U. 1046 b
xxlr.63 It. 8041b
xxIt.64 tT.2796b
xxtT.66.... 1.619 a, 622 b,
ill. 1805 a, It. 8870 a
xxlr.67 It. 8211a
xit. 16 IL 1169 a, a.
xxr. 17.18...H. 1170 a, a.
xxT. 18. .It. 8614 a, 8649 a
xxt.19 1.888a
xxt.27 1.618a
xxt. 28 H. 1146a
xxtI. IB. 11.1062b
xxrf. 20-22.... I. 769a, «.
xxri.84 1. 68 b, 91a
xxrH.8 IU. 2662b
xxtU.9 II. 1688b
xxrll.19,87 U. 1085b
xxtII.28 iT.2796a
xxrttl.14 1.684 a
xxrlH. 18 L68b.a.
xxtHI. 19 1.ffi8»
xxlx.14 HI. 2004b
xxlx.27 iT.8490b
xxx. 11 1.848b
xxx. IS L 172a
xxx. 20 1.786a
xxx. 27 H. 1122b
xxx 87 1.478a
xxx. 87,88 IU. 2582b
xxxl.l-8,17-2B..U.1000a
xxxl. 10 1.478b
xxxl. 18 1. 101a
xxxl. 19, 80,82-86 (T....U.
1748 a
xxxl. 88. It. 8211a
xxxl. 84 1.846b
xxxl. 46 1.608a
xxxl. 47 1.142a
xxxl. 48, 49..... IL 1225a
xxxl. 62 1.68, a.
xxxl. 66..... U. 1487 b, a.
xxxU.2. II. 1627a
xxxll. 16 L (47 a,*.
xxxlll. 12 It. 8211k
xxxlH. 17.... H. 1609 b, a.
xxxlll. 18.... IU. 1877 b, It.
8128b
xxxfll. 19. 1.229a
xxxlT.2 U. 1082 b
xxxt.2 Ul. 2608b
XXXT.4..1. 89 b, 680b. U.
1476 a
XXXT.8...1.69 a, a.,tr.
«W6b
xxxt.9 1.676a
xxxr. 18-16 1. 288a
xxxt. 19,20.... Ul. 2660b
xxxt.21 It. 8211b
xxxr. 27 II. 16.6a
xxxTl.2........lT.8624k
xxxn.2,8 1.262a
xxxtI. 2,14, 20. ..I. 90 b
xxxri.li 1.668b
xxxrl. 16, 40 L 626 b
xxxt!. 20-26. ...U. 1888 b
xxxrl 24.. 1.91 a, IU. 2081
b, It. 8624 b. 8625 a
xxxrl. 81 HI. 2417a
xxxrl. 88. U. 1407k
xxxTi.87 lT.2947a
xxxtI. 40-48 1.68k
xxxtH.8,28. 1.619a
xxxtU.22 1.466a
xxxrU. 25 IU. 2046k
xxxtH. 28, 26..1U. 1847 b
xxxtH.85 It. 2708 b
XXXTU.86...I. 790 b-BI.
2567a
xxxtHI. 14, IB.... 1.619 a,
622k
xxxtUI. 14, 21.... 1.782a
xxxtIU. 18..tt.l661b,HI.
2267 b,*.
xxxtIU. 18,26..!. 822b,
U. 1678 b
xxxtIU. 21, 22. .It. 8074 a
xxxlx.1 1.886b,IU.
2667a
xxxlx.8 It. 8669 a
XL 8, 4. L886b
xL16 1.268a, 824k
xU. 2, 18. .IL 1465 b, *..
HI. 1841 fc
xU. 14...I. 230a, 268a,
466a
xU. 42.. ..I 148 k, 625a,
Ul. 2267 k,*., It. (489 a
xll. 44. It. 8407k
xllU. 11.. .1. 40 b, 884k
U. 1086 b, Ul. 2046 b, It.
8544a
xlUl.16. HI. 1842k
xlUi.21 H.B86k
ilttl. 28. U.9Ka
xlUl.88 I. 678a
xlill.84 HI. 1846 a
xUt.6.....I. 820b, 60S*
U.1746B
Digitized by
Google
3654
xllr.0.16 It.8862*
xllr. 15 It 8--ae a
xIt.6 1.829b
xlT.8 ll.llMU.it.
<1t.12 It. 8406 b
xlT. 26 HI. 1866b
ilrt.1 It 8211b
ilTt.21...l. 151 », 276b,
U. 1228*
xW. 3ft It. 8408b
xlTli. 8 U. 1102b
xlTil. 7, 10 It. 2796 a
xlrtl.9 W. 8211b
xlrU.ll 11.940a
xlTtU.22 It. 8404b
llli. 5-7 11.1888*
xlix.6 II. 1636 a, It.
8480 a
xllx. 10 111. 1906 a,
8430 a
xllx 11. It. 8096 b, 8870*
till 12 It. 8643 a
xllx. 18 It. 8597b
xllx. 17 180a
xllx. 19..... ill. 1984 a. a.
xllx. 21 U. 1077 b
xllx. 22. It. 2968a
xUx.26 111.2074 b, i».
1.1 II 1185b
1.8 1. 886a, a.
1.11 1. 863a
1.28. H. 1487 a, «.
1.26. 1.424. ,475b
EXODUS.
I. II II. 941b
1. 16, 18, 18..... ill. 2838a
1.16.... 111. 1870*. 1929*
1.19 111. 1929*. a.
1.20,21 ill. 1929*
11.1 1.46-b
11.8 1.678a
«. 8,6 ..1.880 b, HI. 2682 b
II 4 lT.8561b
II. 14.... 1.1608 b, 16<i9 b
11.16,18 Hi. 2662b
11.18 II. 1888a
III. 1. II. 1888 a, HI. 2062a,
It. 8406 b
HI.5..U. 1104 a, It. 2837b
111.8 It. 270Tb
HI 18. 14 ill. 2416*
Hi. 14. .11. 1240 b, II 1244b
111.21.22 111.2689b
IU. 22 til. 2268 a. it.
It. 16 W. 2922*
It. 22 1.810a
It. 22,23 It. 8087 a
It. 22, 28, 24. . . .HI. 2019 b
It 24-28 ii 1888 a
It. 26 111.2019*,*.
t.2 It. 8406b
t.9 iT.a-ioob
t.12 1.408b
t.2, 3 HI. 1416a
Ti. 8. ...II. 1244 *,b, 1246
a,*., HI. 2416 b
ri. 12,80 1.466a
»l.» 1.460b
ri.24 1. 6a
Til. 10-12 Ill 2689 b
ill. 19 111.2698 a
ill. 24 111.2640a
till. 1-16 III. 2640b
Till. 16-19 Ul. 2640 b
Till. 16-81 1. 674b
»lll 20-82 HI. 2641a
Ix. 1-7 Ul. 2641b
It. 8-12 IH. 2642 a
lx.10 Ul. 1866b
lx.18-8* UL 2642b
lx.16 Ul. 2465 a
Ix. 86 ll.l"75a
c. 1-20 Ul. 2642b
x.16 U. 1046a, a
x.21 Ul 2648b
xl. 4-10. IH. 2644b
ti.6 IU. 1985b
di. 6. .IU. 2841 b, a., 2842
<U 7 11.1102b
tU 8,(6. . ..IU 2864b
INDEX.
xll.18 It. 84%a
xil. 19 Ill 2>! 3 a. It.
8121 b, a.
xil. 27. . . IU. 284i| b, a.
xil. 20,30 ill. 544 b
xil. 84 1 823 1-.«4 a
xH.88,44 HI 2866a
xfl. 40 1. 460a
xil. 40, 41 1. 442b
xH.46 B. 1879b
xUI.2-4 iU. 2866a
xlil. 17. 18 i.796a
xUI. 20... W. 8211b, 8618 a.
8614 a, 8848 a
xlr.8 it. 8618 b,
8649a
xW. 11 HI. 2152 a
xlT. 19 It. 2961a
xir. 21 Ul. 2691 a, It.
8618 b, 8640 a
XT.ll..tt.l708b,lT.84O6a
xt. 16. .1. 6*8 b, U. 1468 b
XT. 20. .1.639 a, IH. 1968 b
XT. 20, 21 HI. 2087 »
xt.26 It. 8681b
it. 27. ..I. 66a, l». 8*22 a
xtI.16. iT.8661a
XTl. 88-86.... IH. 2418 b
xtII. 2, 7 If 8-07 a
xtII.9 1 la
xtU. 14.... HI. 2412 a, a.,
It. 8569 b
xtH. 14, 16... II. *197fc
xtU.16 111. 2023*
xt!1I. 2 II. 1388*
XTiil. 14-24... U. 1608 a
xrlll.16 ti. 1609a
xlx.4 1. 629a
xlx. 9. 16, 18.. It. 29-W a
xix. 1" III. 2608 b
xlx. 18 II. 1484b
xx. 6 It. 8407 a
xx. 11 It. 8207 a, a.
xx. 24 1. 74b
xx. 26 111.2679a
xxl.9 II. 1609a
xxi. 22 111.1866 b
xxl.24 11.1866a
xxi. 28 IH. 2OTb
xxi. 82 il. 1464a.».,
1608b
xxll.8 1.689 b,a.
xxH.16,16...>H.l»03».*.
xxll. 16 1. 786a
xxli. 17 ill. 1808 •, a.
xxll. 26 1.624a
xxll. 27 1.624a
xxH.28 1.816b
xxll 29 It.8641 a
xxil.81 It. 8099 b
xxlll.17 11.1676b
xxill.l7,18,19....U1.2848
xxlH. 19. . .1. 489 b, 886 a,
U. 1129 a, 1688 b, III.
1984 b, 2474 b, a
xxlll. 26 ill. 2474 a
xxlli.28 U. 1091a
xxlT. 4...U. 1077 a, 1864 a
xxIt. 6 H. 1688 b. II.
2677 b
xxlT.9 U. 1610 a, a.
xxhr. 10 1. 824b
xxlv 16 It. 2960*
xxt. 6. .1480 a, IU 2676b
xxt.8 It. 2969a
xxt.26 1.612b
xxt 81-87.. 1. 364 b, 856a,
866*
xxt. 88 1. 75a, 824a
xxrt.20 1. 688b
xxrl.28 It. 8196 b
xxrl.81 U.929b
xxtU.2 1.74b
xxTtt.tf 1.684a
xitII. 12 II. 1047 a
xxrtl. 18 1.687 a
xxrlH.4,89 1.729b
xirlU 8 U. 929 Mil.
xxrill. 14,22,24 .1.492 a
xxtIH. 18 H. 1218a
xxtIII 19 U. 1192a
xxtHI.21 11.1864*
xxtIII. 28, 87. . . .11. 1678 b
xxtUI. 8 H. 1067 a It.
8867 a
xxrin.88. 1.272b
XXTHI.M. It. 8117 b
XXTUL89 1. 896 a, II.
92B b
xxtB. 42 HI. 2678 b,
2679 a
xxlx. 9. . . . d. 1017 a. Hi.
2678 a, a.
xxlx. 28 1. 824a
xxlx. 46, 48.... Jt. 2969 b
xxx. 18 H. 1610a
xxx. 19, 21.... It. 8486*
xxx. 26-28 1. 101a
xxx. 84 II. 1138a
xxx. 86 1. 488 a. W.
2793 b
xxxl. 18.... .It. 8862 b, a
xxxU.l tT.8669a
xxxtl.4 1.344b
xxxll. 18 Ul. 2028a
xxxH.20 HI 1940 a
xxxll. 86 lT.34>5b
xxxiil. 6....W. 8624*, a.
xxxlil. 7-11 It. 2960 b
xxxiil. 11 U1.2063a
xxxlil. 20 II. 1776b
xxxiil. 22,28. ...It. 84.6 a
xxxIt. 21 1.629 b
xxxiT. 22 It. 8581a
xxxIt. 28 H 16i6b
xxxW. 26 1. 886 a, H.
1129a, 1688 b, IH. 1984 b,
2474 b, a.
xxxiT.28 Ul. 2028a
xxxIt 29, 80, 85.. II. 1090a
xxx1t.88 iii.2U22b
xxxlT 84,36. HI 2928 »,«.
xxxr. 12 11.998*
xxxt. 32.... I. 822 b, ill.
1804 a, 2288 a, a.
XXXT.29 1! 1076a
xxxt. 86 1. 788 h. It.
8489b
xxxtII. 17-24... 1. 864 b,
8.6 a
xxxtH. 28 1.824*
xxxrlll. 8 ...III. 2288*, a.
xxxrHI.28 1.786b
xxxTili. 24 lit. 2208*
xxxtx. 8 H 16786
xxxlx. 16, 17 1 492*
xxxlx. 21, 81. . . .11. 1678 b
xxxlx. 28 11.1017*
xxxlx. 29 II. 929b
xxxlx. 80 1. 148*. It.
8669b
xxxlx. 84 U.998*
xl.20 1.166b
xl.21 U.998*
xl.84,36 It. 2960a
lbvtticus.
H. 1-18 Ul. 1846a
11.7 1.826b
II IS lT.2798b
U. 14 1.478a
W.8 1. 100b
ri 12,18 J. 76*
tUI.18 U. Iftl7a
lx.6,28 It. 2980b
ix.24 1.76a
x.l 1.824a
1. 1,2. ..1. 828 b, 1112061b
x.6 II. 981 a, 11 69 a
x.9,10 1.2a
xl. 14... H. 982b, l». 8848a
xl. 16 HI. 2148b
xt.17 U.922a
xl.18 U.922*
xl. 18,80 Ul. 1990k
xl.21 lT.8»43b
xl. 21, 22.... U. 1669 b. a.
xl.22 U. 1671a
XI. » iH. 1990 b
xl 86. ...1. 886a, U. 1017b
xlil. 10 H. 1681 a, a.
xttl. 18-28... IU. 1866 b, a.
ill!. 46 B. 1.116 »
xlil. 66. 1.842k
xIt.6 1.400a
xlr.6,7 J. 198 b, a.
xlT. 10-82. I.2a,a.
xr.2.8 IH. 186»k
it. 19 HI. 1864 a
XTl. 8-10 1. 196 a
xtI. 10. I. 198 b, f.
xtI. 12. L 408 b. 884*
xrl. 14 1.196 a, a.
xtLIR, 20... 1. 196 fc.a
xrl.26 1.197.
xrii.8,4 H. 1064a
xtH.7 10. 1807b
xrH. 11 H. 16606
xtHI.6 Ul. 1797 a, a
xrUl. 6-18... UL 1797 k,f
xtIII.9 HI. 1798 a, a.
xtHI. 11 Hi. 1798 a, a.
xtIII. 18.... U. 1660 a, «.,
HI. 1798 a. a.
xtHI. 28 IB. 2417b
xlx. 12 U.1866*
xlx. 19 It. 35686
xix. 28 1.466k
xix. 28 H. 1129a
xlx 29 It. 8480k
xix. 81 It. 2708 a
xx. 6. It. 2708 a
xx. 12 Ul. 1798 b. a.
xx. 17 Ul. 1798 b, a.
xx. 21 m. 1798 b, a.
xx. 28-26. H 1129 a
xxl.9 H. 1008 a
xxi. 10 IH.K4Bfc
xxi. 12 IH. 2074k
xxi. 20 W. 1868b
xxU. 4 (marg;.). .HI. 186* fc
xxll. 8 It. 8099b
xxll. 22 HI 1863b
xxll. 24 Hi 2277 a
xxlll. 6 HI. 2842 a, a.
xxlll. 5, 6... III. 2852 b, a.
xxlU. 11,15,16, 82.... JH.
2482 a, a.
xxlll. 14 1.478 a
xxlH.16 1.486 a, a.
xxlii.82 1.484 a
xxlll. 86. ....IH. 2848 a, a.
xxlll. 40 1.180 b
xxiU.43 It. 8162b, a.
xxIt. 6 It 2992 b
xxiT.9 1.7a
xxlr. 11 1.6t»a
xxlT.16 1.8161
xxt. 6 .HI. 2077 a, a.
xxt.9 11. 1488 k, a
xxt. 16,16. .U. 1484 a, a.
xxt. 28. It. 8121k
xxt. 49 U. 1687 6,19
1797 b, a
xxtI.1 H. 1120 k, It.
Slfek
xxtI.19 1 828 a. HI
2667*
xxrl.80 B. 1127*
xxtI.41 X466,a
rxrU.5 B.1464a,a
NUMB BBS.
1H.4 1.823b
HL47 IB. 1610 a
It. 6 B. 998a
It. 7.... It. 2982b, 2998k
It.9 1.824a
T.U-29. 1.86 a
t.16. 1.247a, 828a
T. 18 a. 1016 k
T.28 lT.8S69k
Tt.8. lT.8644a
Tl.22 I*. CIS**
Til. 8 It. 8661b
tH.89. It. 8060 6
lx.8.6 Hl.2842a.it.
lx.16, 16. It. 296b a
1. 1-10 Bl. 2087k
x. 11,12 It. 8628k
x. 11-18, 8-88... It. 8627 k
x.12. hr. 8627k
x.29.. ... 0. 188Ba.lt
Digitized by
Google
IKDKX.
d 30,21 HI. 20Mb
dLl U.U88a,Ul.
1804 b, »., It. 8888 b
XU. 1,2 HI. 1968 b,
2196 b
ill. 8. in. 2024a
xH.6-8 ill. 2697 b
xtt.8 III. 2699a
xll. 12. IH. 3641b
rill. 8 U. 1098b
111. 17,22 lT.8528b
xiil.22 1U. 1978 a. It.
8888a
ill). 28, 24 It. 8448a
xlT. 10 It. 2960 b
xlf. 48-45 1.184b
iIt. 46. .IU. 2196 b, 2418 a
xv.30,21 1.324a
XT.8B 11.1678b
xrl.6ir. 1.824a
xrl.18 B. 1808b
XTl.17 1.408 a, a.
xt! 80,83 111. 2686 b
XTi.48 1.408b
xtUI.19 1. 88 b, 603 a,
It. 2798 b
xlx.8. 1 480b
tx. 6 I».2960b
xx. 16 It 8445 a
xxl. 1 111. 2196b
xxi. 1. xxxUi. 40..1. 144 b
xxl. 2,3 It. 8680 a, a.
xxl. 4 1.181 a
xxl. 6, 8 It. 2929b
xxl. 9 II. 1067b
xxl. 11 111. 1981a
xxl. 14 ill. 1831b
xxl. 14, 16 111. 2197 b
xxl. 16-18 1 264 a, a.
xxl. 17, 18 111.2197 b
xxl. 22 lT.S506a
xxl. 27 II. 1565b
xxl. 27-30 111.2198 a,
2561b
xxll.-xxlT II. 1748bf.,
ill. 1987 b, 2197 a
xxU.4 11. 1U46 a, ».
xxii. 6 U. 1787 b
xxU.24 lT.8484a
xxli.41 1.231b
xxlit. 3 1. 281 a, a.
xxH1.7 11.1787b
xxHI. 9 It. 8508 a, ».
XHH. 10 II. 1846a
xxlU.21 11. 1067 a
xxlT.l 1.784b
xxIt. 2 U. 1016 a
xxlT.4.16 i. 227 b
xxlT.6 1 72b
xxlT. 10 111. 1938a
xxIt. 17.... Jl. 1788 b. 111.
1981 a, a. , It. 2991b
ixIt. 17-19 111. 1906 b
xxIt.25 II 1497 b, a.
xxt.4 JU. 1889 a, ».
xxt.7,8 U. 1384 b
xxt.8 It. 3631b
xxt. 14 11. 1608 a. a.
xxt.16 111. 1926a
xxt. 17 19 It. 8608 a
xxtI.8,63 1. 762 b, a.
xxtI.38 11.1228a
xxrl.69 1.450 b
xxtI.61 1.828b
xxtII. 11 II. 1637 b
xxt«.21 It. 8357 a
xxxl. 6..... .ill 2654 b,n.,
It. 3858 a, a.
xxxl. 23 ill. 1909b
xxxl. 80, 47.. 111. 1876 a. a
xxxl. 60 1.99a
xxxl. 60,52. .Ill 2268a, a.
xxxlU. . .IU. 2985 b, 3528 b
wxlll. 1 IU. 2028a
cxxili.9 111. 2823 b
xxxlU 88,39. It. 8580
b, a.
txxH 40 1.144b
xxilli 48 1. 762 b. a.
xxxBt 62 U. 1120 b
txxto.4 U. 1058b
xdT 8 U. 1822a
xxxtT.ll 1. 68 a, U 1458 b
xxit. 4 1. 4* a
xxxt. 24 II. 1610 b, a
xxxt.26 II. 1065b
xxxvl. 4. ...H. 1488 b,a.,
1486 b, n
xxxrl. 11 It. 80671
DIUTKtOXOMY.
1.1 It. 8588 a
1.2 1.670a
1.6-18 1.698a
1.7,19,20 Ii|.20i9a
1.19 It. 8629 b
1.2*. 1 598a
I. 44.... 1. 184 b, 382 a. a.,
693 b
1.46 It. 8520 b, 8630 a
II. 2-8 1.698b
11.28 1.888 b. a.
11.88 1.165a
11.49 1.172a
111.9 1.87 b, 141b, II.
1046 b
III. 11... ill. 2210 •, 2654 a
M.14-. H. ll'lOb
111.17 1.172a
111.19 U. 1045 b
It. 18 It. 8218b
lv.18 1.828a
It.84 lT.82uib
It. 41; 48. ...It. 8630 b, a.
It. 48... 1. 161b, II. 1047a
T. 16 if. 8J07a, a.
Tl.4 It. 8088a
Ti.4,9 HI. 2474 b
Tl.8 1.90a
Tl.16 II. 1851a
Tl. 18 II. 1216a
Til. 19 It. 8207b
tIU. 8 U. 1350 b
Till 7 1.66b
Till 16 iT.2929b
x. 6. 7.. 1.693b, It. 8530 b
xl. 10 .1. 33 a, 40 b, 836 b,
863 b, It. 3090 b
xl. 10, 11 1. Oil a
xl.80 Ul.2i47b
xl. 80,81 1.689a
ill. 2... .1.477 b, II. 1047 b
xll. 11-14 It. 1064 a
xli. 16. 22 It. 3168 a
xlll. 1-6 11. 1447 b
xttl. 1-11 It. &J90a
xlT. 1 II. 980a
xIt.6 li.984a
xlT. 16 111.2148 b
xlT. 18 ill. 1900 b
xtT.17 II. 922a
xlT. 21. 1. K85 a, II. 1129 a,
Ul. 1633 b, 1934 b, 2474
xJt.34 lT.8266a
XTt.S It. 2934a
xrl.8 Hi. 2854b
xtI.6 1.484b
xtI.8 111. 2848 a.«
xtI.12 111. 2483b
xrt.21 U.lu64a
xtU.8 11 1128b
XTll.7 Ill 2843a
xtU.8 II. 1611b
xtU. 8.9 .1. l»a
xrll 8-11... Ul. 3478a, a.
xrll. 12 U. MPa
xtR. 14-20 II 1541a
nH 16 H. 1058 b, a.
xrll. 18, 19. .U. 161U b, 111.
2412 b, a.
XTill. 9-11 It. 3708 a
XTili.9-14 11 1748 a
xtHI.1I 1 784b
xriU. 18 H. 1417 a, 111.
1906b
xx 6 1.163b
xxl. 4 1.629b
xxl. 6-8 It. 8818 a
xxl. 10-14 Ul. 1797 a
xxl. 12. 1.860 b, IB 2068a
xxl. 18-21 H 1602b
xxl. 28. U 1879b
xtU. Kl L182a
xxlLll It. 8658 b
xxH. 19, 20 HI. 2638a
x xll. 80 1.608a
xxlil.2 IH. 1797b
xxlll.18 IU. 2279a
xxlT.6 Jl. 1606b
xxiT.12, IS 1.824a
xxt.9 It. 2888a
xxtI. 6-10... UL 2855 a, a.
xxtU.2,4 HI. 2648 a
xxtU.8,8 lT.8660a
xxTUI.6,17..1.258a.828b
xxtIII. 18 It. 8406 b
xxrili. 28 Ul. 1969b
xxtIII. 28, 24.... Ill 2667a
xxtIU.26 1.842b
xxTili.27 1. 780 a, Ui.
1863 b
xxtIII. 27,85. ...IU. 1864 b
xxtUI.85 111.1864 a
xxrili. 64 Ul. 1865 b
xxtIU.68 U. 1776a
xxix.3 lT.8207b
xxx. 6 1.465a
xxxl. 9-12, 24. . ill. 2412 b
xxxl. 16 !T.296ub
xxxl. 26 1.155b
xxxil. 10. 1 181 b,U. 1348 b
xxxil. 11 1.629a
xxxil.12 111.2107 b
xxxU. 13. J-2#2b
xxxU. 14 It. 3511a
xxxil. 82 ill. 2561b
xxxUI Ul 2074 b, a.
mill. 2 It. 2961a
mill 7 II 1216a
xxxlll. 8 U. 1067 b. It.
8367 a
xxxlll. 9 It. 8405 b
xxxlll. 12 I. 279 a, It.
8406a
xxxlU. 14 111.2008a
xxxlll. 17... II. 1769 b, a.,
It. 3351 a
xxxlll. 18,19 1.840 b
xxxUI. 19 U. 932 a. It.
3166 a
xxxlU 22 11. 1469 a
xxxiii. 24 1. 172 b. It.
8406a
xxxlll. 25 .....1.822 b
xxxiT. 1 11. 1343b
xxiIt. 1,2,8.111. 2 183 a, a.
xxxIt. 1-3 It. 8420a
xxxIt.8 Ul. 2088a
JOSHUA.
ii.15 It. 8640a
ill. 4 It. 2787a
Hi. 16. ...1.27 a, It. 8594 a
It. 3 U. 1164a
t.2 II. 1678b
t.2,8 1.169b
T.5.9 1.464a
T.ll IU. 2432 a. a.
t.14 It. 3558 b
t. 15. .11. 1104 a, It. 2887 b
tI. 4..... U. 1483 b, a., It.
■ 2961b
rt.4.5 II. 1090 a
Tl.26 111.2668b
Til. 14,18 II. 1687 b
tU. 21....1. 618 b, IU. 1909
b, It. 8008 b
Til. 26... 1. 20b, HI. 3642 a
Till. 9 U. 1047a
Till. 15 U. 1769b
tIU.18 1.424b
Till. 22 IU. 2278a
tHI. 82. 111. 2418 a. 3648 a
lx.6 1.472b
lx.6.12 1.826b
Ix. 27 HI. 2109a
xl. 3 U.897a
xl.8 1.246b
xl.16,21 HI. 3029a
xU.28 U.898b
xill.2,8 1.200b
xUI.8 1.172a
xffl.4 UL 1846b
xffi 6 HI. 1972a
xW.9,16 1. 166a
3656
xW.17 1.387a
xUL 21.... 1.626b. HI. 192s
xt.9 H. 1077a
xt. 10 1.428b
XT. 18 HI. l«»b,a.
rr.19 II. 1085b
XT. 26... II. 1016a, 1884b,
1495 b, It. 8189 b
xt. 33,48 It. 8017 a
xt.86 It. 8028a
xt. 45-47.... ill. 2498 a, a.
XT.46 II. 1190a, a.
xtU. 18 1.418 b
xtIU.8 It 8559b
xtIU.12 1.280b
xritl. 18..... fl. 1899a, a.
xtHI. 16 1. 149 b. a.
xtIU. 18 1. 188a
xtIII.28 1.301a
xtIU. 28, 28... 1.277 a, a.
xix.l H. 1483a
xlx.7 It. 8191 a
xlx.ll U. 16Mb
xlx.37 II. 18Mb
xlx.83 1. 68b
xlx.84.Jl. 1488 a. 1491 a,a.
xlx 41,42 II 1492 a
xx. 7 111.3029a
*xl.86 1.802a
xxH.S4 1.664a
xxIt.8 lT.8396b
xxiT.24. ill. 1888 a
xxiT.27 III. 2532 a
xxIt. 80 II. 1678 b
xxW.30,38 II. 10DU
xxiT.82...l. 229 a, II. 1476
a, It. 2968 b
xxIt. 11 II. 1487b
JUDOKS.
II It.8484x
1.14 IU. 1806 b, a.
I. 16 II. 1015 a, 128o a,
1888 a, 1488 b, III. 2608 b
1. 18 111. 2499 a, a.
1. 19.. ..1. 413 b, II. 1091a
111. 2679 b
128 1.590a
181 i.68a
184,86 1.64 b,a.
HI. 8 11.1047b
HI. 9, 16 It. 2S68t
III. 10 11.12601
Hi. 18 H.1266I
HI. 16... 1. 622 a, It. 8501b
111. 19, 28.... II. 1121 a, >U.
2651a
III 30 i.667b
1II.2U.28 11.1106b
111.81 II. 983a
It.6 1.69a
It. ll..l.68b.69a,H 96?
a, 1194 b, 1680 a, a., IH.
2647 b, 2662 a
It. 18 ii. 1670b
It. 19 1. 847 a, a.. UL
1984 a
t. 1-10 It. 8414 a, f.
t. 8, 16 U. 1608 b, n.
T.4 It. 8630.
T.7,16 1.827b
T.lO 1.182 a. 478k
t.U... IH. 4687b
t. 14. .It. 2888 b, 2866 a,
8660 a, 8597 b
T. 16. II. 1180 a, n.
T. 17 l.5Ub
t. 18.. HI. 2068 a, It. 8647b
t.19 1.246a
t. 20,21 1.141 b.lT.
8581a
y. 21.. U. 1669 a, a., 1670 b
T.28 1.787b
T.36...1. 688b, 111. 1984a
T.28 iT.8689b
T.80 1.619b
Till It. 8546 b
Tt. 16.... U. 063b, H. 1768
b,a.
Tl.19 U 1688%
Tl.28 U. 1044k
Digitized by
Google
i
8656
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tt«. ■. 1271s
ri. 8S-rffl. 28. . .tr.8696s
iiil a. rs&ob
TOL...BL2011s,a.,lT.
8608a,*.
ril 1,8 U. IMi
ril. 9-16 1.141s
ffi.12 U 1926b.a
t1.18 L 347 s. 323 s
ril. 16,20 01689a
ril. 18. U.920b,a.
TO 20. O 1348b
hi a. w.asub
ril. 26 101927 a, a.
ril 10 1. 274 b, 276 a
rill 14 U. IMP b. It.
3669b
riH 21,26 1.847 b
rill. 34 I. 8Kb
riH. 25 1.t»>
tUL 36. . .L 680 b, IB. 1»10
s, 3268 s, a.
riH. 88 11. 1167b
"*.«. tH. 1888a
lx.6 tr.2966a
.x. 6, 87.. JL 988 a. 2548s
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xl.». U. 1360b
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xi » It. 8416 s
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xil.4 it. 9i7s
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xii.14 It.8067s
xiU. 16 II. 1688b
xiii.26. Hi. 1914 s
xlr.8 Hi. 1797 s
xir.6. ii. 1380b
3iT.8. 1.283s
xir.ll Hi. 1806s
xlr. 12, 18.... 1. 631b, It.
2964s
xtr.18 II. 1084b
xr.l ii 1106*
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xr.19 U. 1627 b.a.
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xri.9 ii. 1678b
xri. 11 Hi. 2208ft
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xriiI.l....i.634a,a.,IU
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xrili. 8 ii. 1759 b, 10.
1913 b
rriU. 12.. 11. 1806 s, a., 1U.
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xrili. 14 Ul. 1918 s, a.
xriU.31 i. 392 s
sriii. 80..!. 684 b,*.. 636
b, a.. It. 8572 a
xrUi. 81 It. 8000s
xix.1 U. 1491b, a.
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xx 10 1.877a
xx 18, 28.. U. 818 s, 1106 b
xx 18,26,81 I. 288 b
xx. 25... It.3216s
xx. 27, £ ..Ii. IWOb.iT.
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xx. 39 Ul. 1842s
xx. 88... I. 820 b, 877s, U.
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xx. 48 HI. 1S87 b
txl.2 i. 2881.
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1.17 1.832.
L.30 Hi- 2062b
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H. 14. X 883 b, It. 3766 b
H. 17 tv. 2766b
M.8...IB. 1806s, It. 8847
in.*, 6. It. 3766 s
1H.9. L634s
■LIS. Jt.Sbts
BL16....L6Z2a,6M*,0
987 s, It. 3766 b, 3588 b
It. 1 It. 8460a
It. 3 01611b
rr.Sf. 1486 a, a.
It. 8,4 H. 1484 a, a.
It. 7. 8.L 148 b, It. 3888 s
It. 10 BL 1808b
It. IS. It. 8171a
1 BAMTJCX,
L 8,8,34 B. 1070b
1.9... It 8000s, a., 8340 a
LIS. W.SSiOa
I 33. tUKttb.a.
H..BI B. 1071s
01-4 It. 8416a
B.8. I «27b
01-10 H.987b
H. 11,18 3691b, a.
B. 16 HI. 3676a
B.19 It. 9489s
O80 1.1b
H. 86 i.834s
M. 8. 1.866 b.
It.8,4 B. 1070b
It. 13 H. 1976a, a.
It. 18 1610 s. a.
t.6. 1.474s
t.9. HI. 1863 a, «.
ri.6 18.3068 s
ri. 6, 11, 18. .fit 1863 s, a.
ri. 18 .1. 6 s, O 1080 s
ri. 19. .H. 1643b, It. 8571s
tB.4 H. 1044 b
tH. 6, 17.... IB. 2693b, a.
ril.9. It. 8484 b
tH. 10. B. 1084a
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tH. 17 BJ. 3870b
tHI.6.30 U. 1610a
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riO]6,17 It. 8386s
te.1 B. 1236b
U.4 It. 8021s
Lx.6 It. 8289 a, 8647 b
lx.6,11 IB. 2871s
lx.7 1. 336b
lx.9 1H. 3691 s, avjr.
8868s
lx.ll H. 1077b
lx.33 01610 s, a.
x 1.1. 839 b.Bi 8692 b.a.
x.18,6 Hi. 3671b
x. 8... .1.69 a, H. 988 s, Hi.
3648s
X.6.B. 1084 s, HL 3499 s, a.
x. 10 Hi. 1898 s, a.
x. 37. .O 933 b, It. 8188 b
xl.6. 1.377 a, a.
xl.7 B. 1044b
xl.8 It. 8190 s, a.
xB.8 O 1611b
jdl.U 1.4s, H. 1618s
xB. 17 1.43s
xBI. 8. .HI. 1932a, a., 3499
xU. 6. .1.288 b
,H tSO&b,
XW.9.B. 1084 s, It. 8484 b
xffl.il IB. 2592b, a.
xlB.16 1.877s
xIt.8 H. 1070b
xIt. 14.. 1. 160 b, It. 8681b
xhr. 18. 1.49 b, O 915 a, a.
xlT. 19 It. 8863 s, a.
xir. 34-37 HI. 1866 b
xtr.Si H. 1064s
xrr.86. 1.49b
xW.87 It. 8484 »
XT. 6 01888s
xr. 12.X 891b IB. 3681b
XT. 38.... 1180 a, a., It.
BK8a
XT. 37 LOU a
xr. 39. It. 3966 b
xri.6 1064 s
XTI.1X I 668 s, a.
xrL 14-38. L 668 b, 686s
xri 16 L618a
xtH.3.19. X699a
xt06 O 978s
xrii.6,88. L161s
xriL6 LlSlb
xril.6.46 A 160 s
xtB. 7. L 161 b, O 1187 b
xtH.8 It 8416 b, f.
xt0 3» I. 893 s, 788s
xrii. 22. .1.892 s, 668 s, a.
Jr. 3188 b
XTOS6.
xriB.4 1.611s, 636s
XTBL6 IH. 3040 b
xriOM ill 1948 b
xriH. 10, U LMOa
xrili. 28. UL 1804s
xriH. 16 BLUaob.a.
xlx.9. 10 1.140a
xlx. 18. 1.861s. 667 s, 608
s, 634 a, fl. 1746 a, a.,
IB. 1911 x, a., 3683 b
xlx. 18, 16 L818b
xlx. 81-34. O 1788b
xU. 24.1. b30b.lT. 8818 b
xx. 3, 13. 981s
xx. 6-24 OL 3111b
xx.19.4. 8(2 », HI. 3681b
xx. 39 B. 1608 s, a.
88 1. 1*1*
xx. 40 1. 167 a
41 L803a
xxl.4-6. It. 3893b
xxL9 L6Ms
xxi.1*. 968s
xxl. 13-16 B. 1788 b
xxB. 1 1.86b
6 1 1003s
xxH.6. O 968a
xxB.8 B. 981a
xxH.14. Ii. 989a
xxffl.3 Ir.8484s
xxU. 6,9 tr.SSSBs
xxrr.4. 1.621a
xxr. 3D BJ. 3080 s
xxT.22. L634b
XXT.2S It. 3796b
xxT.36 Hi. 3061b
xxt.41 It. 8069 b.a.
xxri.6,7 1. 7«s
xxri.30 B. 1011 b.lT.
998a
xxtH.8. B. 1188b
xxriL 6.... L820s
xxrfi.6 JL 1492a
xxril.10. Ir.3788b
xxriU It. 3708a
xxriii 8-36. . .U. 1749 », f.
xxriO 6 It. 8867 a
xxriB. 14 L 631s
xxU. 1....1. 130 b, 298 b,
01398s
xxtx. 4-11 1468b
xxx. 8.0 1899 b, It. 8484 a
3 8AHUKL.
1.31 1048b
1.28 iT.8484b
U 10, U 1.13a
11.14 1.864s
B. 18 It. 8168 s, 8484 b
H.28 U. 1884 b, a.
Hi. 7 J. 488b
01. 8 It.SOOSs
111.13. It. 3191a
IH 14 Bl. 1808 s, a.
UI.32 Ul. 1964 b.a.
HI. 80-87 B. 1641s
HI. 88 ffl. SOtOb
IH.88,84 1. 13b
It.«T! 1.498a
It. 7 1168a
t.6-8 B.970a.r.
T 6-0 H. 1230 b
T.8. B 1383 b, a.
t.9 BL 1987a
t. 17-36... JH. 3400 b. a.
T.38. L 486 b. 884a
HI
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TLt-fl...
L6Bs
ri.8
tLU.
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ri.19.
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TL39.L6Bb,HL 19TJ b,a
riL 3.
X619s
tBLOU..
tBLU.....
.t.870 6
..01706 a. a.
riH. 18.....
...Jr. 8486b
THL17.....
L 6k
TBI 18.L6Slb,BL 3676 b
x 4.
L 634b
x 18
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xLO
It. 8484 a
xl.14.
xL a
BL 1986 a
xB. 17.....
Ltttb
xfi 34,36..
It. 8076 s
xH.36
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XO80..JO
1910s, 1991b
xH.80,81 .
L 1763b
xB.81
...... 1998b
XBL6.8.K
I.S34b
xhi.6..:...
L83ta
..O 1468 s, a,
xffl.31
1. 16b
xrr.3
BJ. 1988s
xrr. 7.
i. 478a
XT. 1-4....
... B. 16Mb
XT. 8
.O 161(i b. a.
XT. 7
1 17s
XT.80.M. 3342b. It 2888a
XT.82.....I
.668 a. a., 61
Xri. 1..L 884 a. It. 8643 b
xri.6. I 380b
xri. 9 It. 9003 s
xriL19. L49ba
xrfl.38 It 8S89b
XTOS6..X 8a, B. 1188a,
1887*
xrOS8 1.884*
XTO39....l.888b,H.1044
b.a.
XT0 18. L891b
xriB. 38. It. 3897 b
xbt-18. 01468 s, a
XIX.S4.....BL 1890 s, a..
1988 a
xlx. 87,88. O 1188b
xlx. 41-48. B. 1491b
xx. 8. L 633a
xx. 14.. L 4 b, a, I. 383 s
xx. 16 It. 8484 b
xx. 38 B1.349<a.a.
xx. 38. .L 681b, B. U40b
XXL L86a
xxl. 6. O 916 b.a
xxl. 8. UL 1883b
xxl 9 IT.S7S8*
xxl. 9, 18 Hi. 1889 b
xxL 16-33. to 2601s
xxl. 19. .1.664 a, a.. 696 b
xx0 6 It. 8064 b
XX0 6.19. BJ. 3676a
xxOS. 1.681b
XX0 9.13. 1.473b
xxOU 1.608s
xxU.80 Bi 1984 a, a.
xx0 86 BJ. 1909a It.
8110 a
xxHLl. L654b,a
xxW.8. 1317a
xxBL 11... O 1638 a, It
8003a
ram. 16. L 296b
XX0L39. I. 164a
xrfl 86. 980s
xxrr. 9.0 1644 b, Bi. 1810 1
xriT.ll. .Bi. 2691s
xxlT. 18. Jr. 8673s
xxrT. S3.... 1.148 s, 684 a
xrlT.34. BL 1910a
XXtT.36. It 8316 »
lKDtaO
LI 1. 834a
1 SB. BL 3888a
1.81. It. 3796 6
1.80 It. 3997 a, a
Digitized by
Google
INDEX.
fl.8 HI. 2118b
11.6. It. 2817 a, a.
U. 19. U. 1640 b
II. l»(t UL 2661b
tt. 21-24 1.486b
1U. L 1U. 2466b
III. 2 It. 8000a
Ut.7 U. 1264a
It.; U. 1864a
It. 12 1. 299.
It. 16. 1. 78»
It.1» HI. 1922 a, a.
It 21 UI.26U1 a, it.
It. 28 1.839 b
It. 26... It 8446b, 8447b
lr.26 It. 8672»
It 28. I. 626a
T. 18 Ui. 2516a
rl.18 It. 2969b
tL 21,22 1. 77a
TL28..IU 2218 a, a., 2241
V-
*tU 2,6 III. 2681b
rU. 8 li. lll*a
Til 26 11. 1864a
Til. 26 lT.2992b
tH 29 ....I 421 a,a.
Til 88 1. 416 a, a.
Ttt 89 II. 1191b
TlH.i> I. 166b
Till. 10,11 It. 2960 a
Till. 12, 18 iT.2969b
Till. 66 It 2796a
lx.16 iii.'^467a
U.18 i». 8167a
lx.22. I. 168a
z 2 1. I4"a
1.16 III. 1941b
i.M Bl. 2626b
Z.19 i».8240a
X.22...1. 119a, 111. 2402 b
x. 27 11.1619a
z. 28.... II. 1492 b, 1663 a,
W. 8078 b
x.28,29 1.67b
zi.6-8 H. 1044b
xl. 7.. U. 1084 b.iii. 2248b,
It. 8089 a, 8U4- >b
xl.19 ill. 2661b
zL 24, 26... III. 1984 a, n.
ill I». 8012b
zfl. 11,14 It. 286
ill. 16 ill. 2620 a
zll.21-24 li. 1640a
zlll.4-6 HI. 1866a
zUl.e UI. 1869a
HU.81 1. 83
zIt. 8...:.. 1.825 b, 606 b
iIt. 10 1. 624 b
ihr.12 111. 1869a
zlT. 27,28 1.887a
zIt.81 1. 8b
it. 8 11. 1640 b
it. 18 1.168a
zr. 16, 82.... lT.8Ml0b.il.
it 28 HI 18j6a
itI.18 It. 8631 a, a.
itI.24 111. 2029 a, n.
itI.81 U. 1044b
itU 1 It. 8263 b.f.
nil. 8, 6. . .1. 418 b. 419 a
zrtl.4,6 HI. 2678a
xtU 6 1.704a
iril 12 1.704 b. a.
ztH. 12,14 16.... I 248a
ZTll.17 HI 1869a
zrU. 19 11. 1106b
itH. 21-24 It. 2708 a
xtIH. 7,9 I 706 a, a.
xriil 19 1.46b
iTill 26 lT.2706a
iTiU 26,28 II 1788 b
ZTlB.28 L 160a
ztUI.80 U. 1064a
zzHl.88 1.248a
zrttl. 42 1. 703 b,n.
rrin. 46 It. 8862 b, a.
rht. 8. U. 1192a
zlz.4 ff. 1.671a
ztz.6 1.826 a. 478*
z4z.». I. 706 a, n. II.
1676 •
230
xlx. 11-18 It. 1418 a
xU. 18. It. 2926 b
Hx.19.,1. 706a,« 1) b,».,
714 a, it.
xx^zxl 46b
xx. 10 1. 810 a, b
xx.lt Hi. 2687a
xx. 14,16, IB... 1IL 2617a
zz.28 U. 1064a
xx. 28, 26 H.986b
xx. 80 U. 1106a
xx. 81 1.492a
zz. 84. It 8128a
xxl.l U. 1488 b, a.
xii.8-14 U. 1611b
zd.9 111. 2061 a, a.
xxl.19 1. 46a
xxl.21 1. 624b
xxll.6 lT.8484a
xxU.ll U. 1090b
xx-1.26 U. 1106a
xxH.27 1.824a
xxU.28 UI. 2696b
xiU. 86 U. 1688a
xxU.88 Ii.l003b, It.
8074 a, a.
xxtt.89 1. 296b.it.
xxU.48 IB. 2687b
2 KINGS.
1.2 U. 1106b
1.4 IU.185»a
1.8 1.847 a, 618 a,
708a.it.
1.9.. I. 707a, a.,U. 1077a
1.9-16 1. 390 b
U.1 U. 927 b
11.2 1. 709 a, a.
U.6. 1.709 a, a.
U.8 1.708 b, a.,
709 a, a.
U.9....1. 810 a, 709 a, a.
716 a, a.
11.11 1.709 a, a.
U.12 1. 709 b, a.. HI.
2679b
11.18. 1.714b
U. 19 1. H6b
IL 21. .U. 1784 a, UI. 1869 a
U.28 1 716 b, a.
IU.1 1. 708 b.n.
111.6 1.717a
IB. 9 1.486b
111. 16 UI. 1948 a, a.
2040 a, It. 8862b
1U. 21 IB. 1988 a, a.
1U.26 1.161a
It. 10.. U. 1106 a, a., Ui.
1848a, a., It. 8240 a
It. 10,11 H. 1106 b
It. 18 U.B71a
It. 19 IU. 1868a
It.28. Ui. 2698a
It. 24 U.882b
It. 27... 1.890b, 717 a,a.
U. 1077 a
It.29 It. 2796b
It.82-88 UI. 1859a
It.89 1 622a, 717b
U. 961b
It.89-41 Ui. 1869a
It. 42.... 1.718 a, a., b, a.
T.l III. 2048a
t. 2.. 1.718 b, a., HI. 1984
b, a.
T.8 1.718 b, a.
t.4. 1.718 b. a.,UI.
2048 a, a.
T.6. I. 718 b, a., 111.
2626b
T. 14 HI. 1869.
T.17.. ..1.681 a, IU. 2048b
t.21 W.2796b
t. 28.... I. 8Mb, A. 882 b
T.24. U1.2268a
tI.6 1. 719 a, a.
Tl. 9 1.719 b, a.
Tl.22 1.719 b, a.
Ti.26 .1.182b 614b
tH.6 U. 1062a
tU.10 1788b
TlU.l H.1284a.a
TlU.8 i.720a,a.
tUI. 18 L 721 a, a., 11.
1012 b
TilL 16.. 1.276 b. 721
a, a., UI. 1869 b
tUI.26 It. 8672 a
tx.1,8 1.820b
Ix.8 1.624b
lx.ll 11.1788b
Ix. 22 U.1890b,UI.
1807 b, a.
lx.26 IU. 2061b, a.
U. 27. . . .1. 49 a, 786 b, U.
1668b
lz.80 U. 982 a. 1891
a, a., III. 2280 a
lx.88 tt. 1891b, a.
x.14 IU. 2679 a, a.
x.22 U. 1128a
x. 26 It. 8117a
x.27 1.627b
xt.l U.961a
xl. 1,8 U. 1640b
xl.4 1.887a
xl.6 1.198b
xt.12 HI. 2418b
xi.18 U. 10Mb
iil.9 1.884b
xttl.14 UI. 2679b
xHl. 20.... I. 721b. a., HI.
1988 b, a.
xttl.21 1.721 b,a.
xlT.6 iU.2689a.a.
xlT.7 H. 1628b
xiT.18 1.80b
xlT.28. U. 1178b
xlT.26 6" U. 1094b
xt.1 U.1178a,b
xt.7 ...li. 1279b
XT. 10 JU. 1886 a, a.
XT. 16 Hi. 2689b
zr. 19 111. 2689b
XT.26 1.168b
zt.27 U. 1178b
xrt.2 t. 47 b
xrt.6 1.48 a, 146 b,
662 b
xrl. 10-16.... U. 1124 b. a.
xtI. 10-16 1. 190b
itU.6 It. 2942 a, a.
xrU.9 H. 1064b
iril. 10,11 U. 1047 b
xtIH.8 ill. 2601b
xriU. 9, 10.. It. 2845 a, a,
2942a, a.
xriil. 18 H. 1068 b
xriU. 17ff. U. 1060a
XTiU. 17 It. 8480 a
xriil. 21. .1.669 a, U. 997 b
iTifl.24 It. 8812 b
itIU. 28,28 11.986b
xii.1,2 U. 1072a
xix.9 L6S6a
Hx.14 It. 8676b
xtx.28. 1. 820a
xix.28 tt. 1092b
xlx. 82 iT.8484b
xU.87 1.686a
xx. 1 It. 8689b
xx. 2, 8. U. 1771b
xx. 4 B. 1018 b, a.
xx. 7 IB. 1869 a,
1868 b
xx. 11 U. 1477 a
zzTt. 14. I. 161a
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xlx.18 U. 1106a
xU. 24. .1.490 a, 516 b, Ul.
1844 b
xx. 16 Ul. 2269a
xxi. 1 i.848b
xxi.14 i.622a
xxl. 16 ii.912a,b
xxU. 18 It. 8123 •
xxii. 28 U 1612a
xxll.26 li 1668a
xxii. 29 111.1846 b
xxUI. 11 II. 1612a
xxUI. 80.. 1». 8542 a. 8644 a
xxill 84, 85.. 111. 2610 a, a.
xxiT. 81 II. 1084a
xxt. 11 HI. 2626 b
xxt. 12 ill 2269a
xxt. 18 It. 8t65a
xxt. 18 U.988b
xxt. 20 III. 2174b
xxt. 22 1.473a
xxt. 28 It. 8640 a
xxtI.8 II. 1092b
ixtI.8 lr. 8062 b
xxrt. 10 It. 2731 b
xxtL 16.1. 616 b, Ul. 1844 b
xxtI.21 1.478a
xxrU. 16.1. 626 a, II. 1106 a
xxrii.21 111.1940a
xxtH.22 UL 2016b
xxx. 1. ..Ul. 1829 b, 2614 b
xxx. 4 1.624a
xxx. 8 1.489a
xxx. 26 1. 102b
xxx. 81 11. 1098a
xxx. 88 1.888b
xxxi 1.266b
xxxl. 1 It. 8076 a, a.
xxxl.6 1.862a
xxxl. 9 U. 1612a
xxxl. 18, 19, 24. It. 8489 a
xxxl. 21 It. 8066a
xxxl. 22 II. 1682 a, It.
8086 a, a.
xxxl. 24 It. 2964a
■"CLFIASRS.
U. 7 Jl. 1018b
8669
U.8 IU. 9040b
xl. 1 1. 246 b, 247 a
xli Ul. 1847a
xU.8 It 8689b
xU. 4..1. 651 a, HI 1986 a,
It. 8098 b
xll.8 II. 981b, 1626 b
xll.6 i. 820 b, 491b
xU.ll |U. 1880a
CANTICLES.
1.6 1. 619 a, It. 8210 a
1.9 U.1092*
1.10 1.407a
1.10,11 IB. 2268 1
1.18. Ul. 2486 b
1. 14.. . .1.880 a, Ul. 2280b
1.17 1.862k
IL1 1. 478b
118 1.181a
IL 6.... 1.881 a, It. 8542b
U.7 U. 1077b
11.9 It. 8589b
11.11-18 Ul. 2067a
11.18. 1.478a
UI.6 U. 1077b
ill. 6 UL 2486b
It. 1,8.11. 981b, It. 8370 a
It.4,6 II. 1682 b, a.
It. 4, 9 111.2268 b, a.
W. 8.... 1.79b, II. 1046 b,
1068 b, 1624 a
It. 9 (1.982a
It. 18 1. 850a
It. 16 iT.8540a
T.7 1.622b
t.U 11.981b
t. 12, 14 Ul. 2268 b, b.
T. 14 1. 288a, 822b
Tl.4 W.2798a
rt. 7... U 981b, It. 8870 a
Tl.l0.UI.2007a,B.,2008a
rt. 12... 1.88b, ill. 2264b
Tl.18 1.688b
Til. 1 IU. 2268 b, b.
Til. 2... I. 498 a, 11. 1666 b,
It. 8642 a
tM. 4.... 1. 828 b, 11. 1066b
Til. 6... 1.479 b, 862 b, U.
981 b. 982 a, b
TlU. 6. .1.158 a, IU. 2269 to
ISAIAU.
1.1 II. 1149a
1.8 1 261b,618a
1.17 U. 1612a
1.18 i.480b
1.22 lT.8543b
I. 26.111. 2896 b, It. 8066 b,
8260b
U.2-4 U. 1161b
11.6 1.607a
U.9 Ul. 1846b
U. 10,lJ-t21 1.897b
11.12..*. 11.1248 b
11.20 Ul. 1991a
111. 6,7 1.626a
HI. 16 .111.2280b
111. 16, 18, 20. 28... 1.407 a
HI. 18. . .1. 847 b, B.,896a
HI. 18, 22 II. 982 b
Ul. 18-28. . . .111. 2269 a, a.
lit. 19. . I. 680 b, It. 8370 a
Ul. 20. ...1.99a, 680 b, 11.
929 a, 982 b, ill. 2436 a
HI. 21.... I 89b, ill. 18ii4a
Ul. 22. .1*226 b, 608 a, 622
a, b. 628 a, It. 8589 b
I1L 28.. 1. 622 b. II. 1016 b,
IU. 1971 a. It. 2964 a
III. 2i. .1 622 b. II. 029 a,
982 a, Hi. 2487 a, It.
8116 a
It.1 111.1802b
It.6 |T.29S0a
t.2 It. 8080 a, 8096 b
t.6 II. 1184a
t. 10 It. 8582b
t. 16 IH 1846*
T.22 It 8544a
t. 24. .. I 491 b, 11.1012*
tLI li. 1776 to
Digitized by
Google
S660
H.«. 16Mb
H.6. 1478*
H. 18 111. 2300 b
Hi. 16-22 1.886b
rii.18 1. 288 a, 669a
HI. 20 ..I. 268 b. II. 882 b
HI. 22 111.1934*
Hit. 1 Ul. 1971*. It.
2740*
»lll. 14. IU.2209*
H1L18 Ul. 2404*, It.
2708 », 8810*
HH. 21. .1.288*, II. 1762 b
Ix. 1.... It. 2799 », 8246*,
«., 8446 a, 8697 b
Ix. 1,2. (t.8464
Ix. 8. .HI. 2227*, It. 2824 b
ix.6 11.1632b
lx.9-19 II. 1646*
lx.14 1.881b
x.6 11.1069*
x. 14... 111.2404*, It. 8810
*, n.
x.17 1.827b
x. 18 1.748*, 820*
X.28 1. 882*
X. 28-82. . .1. 877 *, 11. 916
*, Ul. 2668 b
x.29 B.1676*
x.80 J. 286 a, n., II.
1681b
Xt II. 1059a
li.4 1.111b
xl 7 11.1046 b
xl. 16....J11. 2168 a, 2686
», It. 2837 n, a.
xli. 2. 11.1196b
xfil 4 1.684*
xUI. 14 III. 1941b, a.
xlll.21 1.120*
xlT.l lT.8121b,».
xIt.4 1.271 a, a. lit
2608a
xiT.S 11.1612*
xiT.9 II. 988 a, b, It.
2708 b
xlT.22 lT.8067b
xIt.29 It. 2929b
xt. 2 1.281b, 288b
xr.8 U.1106*
xt. 6.. .1.270 b, II. 1084 b,
1044 b, It. 8640 b
xt. 7 lT.8588b
xH.l 11.1628b
xH.6 111. 1984 b, n.
xH.6. 111.1986 a. a.
xH.8 1.820*
xri.9,10 It. 8641a
xrl. 10. . .1. 820 *, ill. 1686
xH.ll 11.1006b
xHt.2 1.166b
xHi.8 11.1120b
xHl.B 1.887b
xHII. I..1.780*,lll.2160*
xrlll. 2 J 81 a, 678 a,
780 a, 111. 2160 b, 2532 b
xHll.7 11.922b
xlx. 6... 111.2150b, 2158 a,
2682 b, a., 2685 a
xlx. 7. .1.673 a, 11. 1466 b,
*., 111. 2168 *, 2327 b,
2696*
Xlx. 8 HI. 2108a
Xlx. 8. 10 III. 2168b
dx.9 It. 8036 a. a..
8489a
Xlx. 10. . .1. 829 b, HI. 2662
b, It. 8062 b
xlx. 16 1.881b
xlx. 18. . .11. 985 b. 1390 a,
Ul. 2262 a, 2602 », It.
2876 a
xlx. 18, 19 Ul. 2684b
Xlx. 22 1.748b
U.2...1. 82jb,lT.2888a
Ml 6 1.101*
xxl 7 1.847*
xxl. 11. 12 It. 2922*
xxl. 18. 1. 686b
ixi. 14. Ul. 2675a
txH.1,6 U 1078*
INDEX.
xxB.1-7. H. 1068b
xxU.2 U. 1166 a, a.
xxtl.8 1.168 b, 60S*
xxll. 12-14 II. 1059 b
xxU. 18.....1.699a,b,«T
8081a
xxU. 16-26 II. 1640 b
xxll 16,18 11.1068 a
xxll. 18 1.893b
xxH. 21... 1.626 a, II. 929b
xxU.24 ill. 2629b
xxttl.4 111.1840b
xxlll.8 1.8 lb
xxlU.ll I. 851b
xxHI. 17 111. 1807 a, a.
xxlT.18 1. 631b
xxlT. 20. ...1.261 b, 601b
xxlT. 28 IB. 2007*, a.
xxt.2 .HI. 1985b
xxt.IO U. 1788a
xxr.12 ill. 1971a
xxH.4 II. 1195b
xxrl. 14, 19. ...11.912*. b
xxrl.18 iU. 1866b
xxtH. 1....1. 874 1, ■..!!.
1687 b
xxHI.1,13 H.1166*
xxHi.8 it. 1411*
xxrll.4 1.827b
xxHI. 8. .It. 8540 a, 8541a
xxtH. 9 Hi. 2548 a, n.
xxtH. 13.... U. 1486a, a.
xxtHI. 14 ii. 1057 b
xxtIII. 16 It. 8466
xxHIl. 17 1.492 a
xxtHI. 21. .1. 209 a. 558*,
it., ill. 2436 b
xxHil.26 1.498 a, It.
8098 b, 8511 a
xxix. 1 ill. 1984 b, n.
Mix. 1,2,7. .11. 1271b n.
xxix. 4 It. 3310 a
xxU.ll It. 8676b
xxlx.17 1.820a
xxx. 6. ...It. 2929 b, 8585
b, n.
xxx. 7 HI. 2666*
xxx. 9 H. 1158 a, n.
xxx. 20 1.824 a
xxx. 24.... i. 182 b, 629 b,
ii. 1045 b
xxx. 26 III. 2007 a, n.
xxx. 88 I. 828 a, Hi.
1991b
xxxt. 1 11.1776 a
xxxl.8 Hi. 1845b
xxxU.14 HI 2257 b
xxxil. 16,16 1.820a
xxxll. 20. . . .1. 42 a, 246 b,
247 a, It. 8096 b, 3611*
xxxUi.U 1.406 b, II.
1012*
xxxlli. 12. ...tt. 1661*, It.
8288b
xxxUI. 22 It. 8416*
xxxIt.6 1.686b
xxxlT.8 II. 1248b
xxxlT. 11 1. 492*. Hi.
2406b
xxxlT.18....U. 1626 a, «.,
ill. 2271b
xxxlT. 14... Ul. 2149 a. It.
8430*
xxxlT. 16...1U.2276 a, It.
8482b
xxxrl 11.1060*
xxxH.2 111.2669*
xxxrl. 6.... 1.669*, II. 997
b. ill. 2467 b
xxxrl. 9 It. 8812 b
xxxrl 11 It.3480*
xxxH. 11, 18. ...II. 986 b,
It. 2976 a
xxxH. 16, 16.U. 1168 b, a.
xxxHI. 22-86.... II. 1540a
xxxtII. 24 1 820*
xxxtH.26 1.827*
xxxHl. 27 1.820 a, II.
1046 *, a., 1106 *
xxxril. 29 II. 1092b
xxxHi. 80.... U. 1486b, a.
xxxtU.88 It. 8484 b
xxxHU.l It. 8689b
xxxtHI. 8.. ..1.698 a, U.
1101b
xxxHU.12...H. 1018b, It.
8211b
xxxtIH. 14....I. 606 b, It.
8810 b. a.
xxxHli. 21 111.1869*
xxxix.2 It. 8102 b
xl.8 iT.8167b
xl. 12 L22B b, 840 b
xl. 15 1. 229a
xl.22 1. 681b, 688b
xli. 2. U. 1787 b. It.
8122 b
xll. 14 U. 1767a
xli. 19 Hi. 2218b
xlUI. 1 HI. 2068*
xllH.20 HI. 2171b
xUt.6 1.622*
xIIt.12 1.478*
xIIt. 18 it. 1661*
xllT.14 1.628*
xHt. 28, 28 It. 8888*
xIIt. 28 U. 1786*
XlT.l 1.101*
x1t.18 It. 8888*
xlH.l 1.892*
xlH. 6 1.229 b. Hi.
1096 b
xlH. II. . . .1. 62B b, 687 a,
II. 1787 b
HtH.2. ...I. 622 b,624b,
II. 981b, It. 8870*
xlHl. {, 6 It. 8888*
xlHl. 12,18 U. 1761b
xUx.22 1.426*
11.8, 11, 17-28... It. 8888*
11.8 It. 8667b
III. 2, 9 It. 8888*
llil ill. 2286*
lUi. 4 U1.2464 b. It.
£464
1111.9 H. 1474b
1111.10. 1.112b
IIt. 2 1.619*
liT.ll 1U. 2280b
Ut. 11, 12, 14,17 U.
1067 b
Ht.12. 1.887b
Ut.18 U.1067*
Ht. 16 1.478*
It. 1 It. 8648 », a.
It.8 01.2820*
It. 12 Hi. 1887b
It. 18. 1.827b
1H.7 U. 1880 a
IH.10 It. 8099b
IHI.6 It. 8116 b
lTii.7 U. 1129 a
Ml. 9 Ul. 1991b
Ux.ll 1.268*
Ux.17 11.978*
lix.19 1.748*
lx.l U.1067*
U. 6. . . .1. 848 », il. 1788 »
lx.7 It.8017*
Ix. 8 1. 614b
Ix. 18 Hi. 2218b
lx.16 IU. 1984 a
lx-22 11.962b
lxl.1 U. 1862a
lxi. 1,2. It. 8466
1x1.8 U. 1016b
1x1.10 U. 1016 b. III.
1804 b
lzfl.1, 2....U. 1067a, HI.
2068*
lxll.8. ...U. 1016 b, 1067 a
lxU. 4.6 II. 1772a
lxil. U iT. 2867b
lxffl.l 1480b
UiH.9 lT.2998b
lxir.6 It.8641*
IxIt. 10,11 It. 8888*
lxr.8 i. 77*
lxr.4 t.608b
Ixt.6,7 1.622*
Ixr. ll. ... 1.141 b, 860 b,
IB. 1886 b. It 8642 *
lxr.16 UI.2068*
Ixt.16 182*
lxr. 17-22... Ul.2476*,*
Ixt.26 H. 1046.
lxH.12 1. 426*
IxH. 17 UL 2088*. I
IxH. 20 1.848b
IxH. 24 It. 8668a
JKHKktlAH.
1.11,12. 1.70*
H.8 It. 8518 b, a.
H. 14-16 H. 1776a
11.21 It. 8086 b
II. 28.... 1.848 a, II. 1078a
11.82. ..U 929 a, IH 1806*
111.6 H. 1064a
III. 16 1.166k
UI.24 H. 1167 b
It. 4 1.466a
It. 11 It. 8641*
It. 20 1. 619*.
It.28 1.820*
It. 80 Hi. 2280*
T.l It. 8128*
t. 27.... 1 840 b, 889 b>.
8098b
»tl rr.844Tb
Tl.6 1. 786b
Tl.10 1.466*
H.20 Ul. 2695b
H 28 1.828a
H.29 Hi 2696 b
H.80 It.8042*
tU.11 U. 1860 a
HI. 18 IU. 2008b
HI. 81 H. 1064 b
HI. 82 U. 1279b
HI. 88 i.842b
tU.84. Ul. 1806 b,*.
Hli.7 1.606b
TiU.14 1862*
HI1.16 H. 1681b
HU. 19 It. 8121*
lx.21 It. 8128*
lx.24 1 464b
lx.86 U. 1128b
lx.9 Hi. 2268b
x. 11 It. 8416*
x.20 1. 619*
xl 18 H. 1167b
xl. 28 H.1489*
xll. 9 11.1111*
xill.18 IH. 2687b
xUI. 22 1.622b
xlll. 22, 26 1.624b
xUI. 24 It. 8640*
xr.9 1.864*
xt. 12. HI. 1909*
xt. 18 1677b
xH. 7... 1.826 b.tt. 1681b,
1682*. a.
xH.» H. 972*
xrH.l 1.27b
xrH. 11 HI. 2889*
xHi.21 U. 1861*
xtIH.8 Ut. 1870*,*.
xrlH. 14 It. 8066*
xrlll. 17 It.8641*
xx. 1 U.1069*
xxl. 1.2 11.1072*
xxH.20 18*
Hill. 8 It. 8167 b
xxlll.lO Ul 2208b
XX1II.88S. 1.881b
xxtY.2. H. 1681b
xxT.l 1.689*. a.
xxt. 28... U. 961*, 1128b
xxt.80 W. 8641*
xxt.88 L614b
xxH.28. 11.1684*
xxtH. 1.... Hi. 1986 a, a.,
it. ani b, "■
xxix. 2. H. 1708*
xxix. 28 U. 1788 b, It.
8818 b
xxx. 8. 1.478*
xxx. 9 Ul. 26x0 a
xxx. 18 U.1612*
xxxl. 16.... IH. 2869 b,*.,
2870 *, It. 8464
xxxl. 27 U. 18981
xxxl. 81-84 U 1681 b
xxxl. 88. br.ttUb
Digitized by
Google
INDEX.
ml 40.... 1.174 a, 8aua,
U. 1078 a,1684 •
xxxil.4 (T.aSUb
axil. 6-12 U I486*
xxxtt. 10ff 1. 786 b
nxll. 14 1.471*
xxxli. 18 1. 622*
xxxil.24.... L 786 b, 11.
1288b
xxxttL 4 il. 1288 b
xxxlT. 6 II. 1431*
xxxiT 8-16. .11. 1608 b, a.
xxxIt. 12-17. ...II. 160Kb
MjdT 14 It. 8063 b
xxxt.8,4, 19...UI.26S0b
xxxr.6 -t. 8544b
mf .U....BL 2694 a, a.,
28|tl:b
xxitI. H, 21.... U. 1616a
*xx»l.l8 lT.8J76a
xxxri. 28. ...11.2740 b.n.,
8676 b
xxxTli. 16 UI.25SW*
xxxTii. 21....1. 828 b, 824
a, II. 17tfi b
<x>rill. 4, 2, 14-27... II.
1640 a
xxxriU. 6 1.466a
xl.4 1.489a
ml.7,18 U. 1172 a, a.
xU. 6.... U. 1289b, It. 2866
b, 8000 a
ill. 7... tt. 1018 b, a., 1172
ill. 17. .1. 284a,426a'».,
11. 1188 b
IlHL6,7 111. 2635a
xUII. 10 Ul. 2402b
xlUl.13 1. 624b
lUii. 16 tt. 1141a,
111.2252 a
xUt. 17 Ul. 2008 b
sUr. 18,19 111.2652a
xitI. 1 It. Still b, m.
xlrl.2 1. 639 b, a.
xlrt. 16 1.845 b
xlTl.20 11. 1084b
xlTl.26 1 88a
xlrtl. 1,2.. ..111.2163b,..
xlTll 4 ill. 2497 a, a.
xlTlil. 11 II 1627a
xlTiil. 29... Ul. 1966 a, a.
xlTill.88 1.820 a, 111.
1935 a, a.. It. 8641 a
xlfill. 84 1. 270 b, II.
1084 b, 1044 b, It. 2940 b
xlTtti.87 111.1888a
xlTlli. 46. ...ill. 1981 a, a.,
It. 2984 a
xllx. 1,8. il. 1762 b
xllx.28 i.276a
xUx.29. 1.619a
xllx. 88. U. 981a
.1 IL 1075a
..11 11. 966a
1 28 U.989a
1 84 U. 1612a
1.85. I. 219b
U. 20 ,U. 988 b, III. 1840 a
U. S .1. 786 a, Ul. 2698 b
1.86. U. 1612a
.68 U.972a
£4 It. 8484 b
18 1. 268a
J. 21 It. 2992 b, n.
U 29 1 446a, a.
lU 81 1.446 b.a.
Ul. 2005 a, ».
LAMENTATIONS.
'.6 tt. 1008b
L8. U. 1091a
..4. U. 1289a
..6. Ul. 1984 b.a.
' 8 1. 492a
i 18 1.769a
A. 19 1 484 b.a.
■1.62 U. 1088 b
't.1 il.938*
T.4 IL 1682a. a.
T.6. 1. 627h
T.7....L478k.lr.8J65a
It. 7, 8 IU. 2076 a
It. 8 1. 478a
It. «C II 1689b
t. 18. IU. 1986b
SKBKIJSL
1.8. It. 8362 b, a.
1.4,27 m. 1909a
1.6 ff. It. 2927a
L22 617 a, 11. (31*
U. 6. 1.827 b
UI.9. 1.27b
111.14 It. 8832 b, a.
IU. 16 It. 8113b
It. 2 UL 2608 a, It
8484b
It 12,16 1. 826a
T.2. It. 8212a
tU.21 U. 1019*
TiU.2 ill. 1909a
Till. 8.. 11 982 a, It. 8818 b
TlU. 7-12 U. 1762 a
TiU. 12. .U. 1120 b, 1138 a
Till. 16 111. 2666 b
TlU. 17 It. 1129b
ix.2 11. 929b
lx.2,8 It. 8576a
lx.8 It. 8289b
>x.4 1.522a
ix.4,6,6 1.887a
x. 4,18 It. 8289b
x. 12 It. 2927a
x.18 IT. 8511a
I 14 1.421a
xl. 16, 16... It. 8184 b,a.
xU. 18 1». 8618 b
ill. 26 It. 972a
xUL 10 Ul. 2016a
xM. 11,18 Ul. 2406*
xlil.17 S il. 1762a
xiti. 18 11.1017a
xiii. 18,2i Ui. 2582b
xttl. 18,21 tT. 8870 a
xlil. 19 1.247 a, 840 b
XTi.8,46 Ii.lu81b
xrl.8 L 624a
XTt.10 U. 1017 a, It.
2887a
xtI.12 1. 887b
xrl. 16 U 1064 b
XTi.81 U. 1064 b
xri.88 ...I. 823*. 490b,
111. 1996 b
xrU.5 1.820a
xtU.17 It. 8484b
xtU.19 U. 1144a
xtUI 6 IL 1064a
xix.4 IL 1086a
xU. 11,12 It. 8447a
xx. 29 1. 281a
xxl.2 Ui. 2690b
xxt. 19-22 il. 1746 a
zxL 21. .1. 607 b.tt. 1687 b,
1762 a
XXL22. It. 8484b
xxt. 27 It. 2998b
xxtl.28. U. 1762a
xxtll. 12.... I. 480 a, 619 b
xxlil.14 U. 1188b
XXUL16...L 697 Jb, 619b
Dill. 40 Ul. 1806a
xxlU.41 II. 1129a
xxtT.17 1.844 6,11.
981 a, 1681 b
xxW. 17,2*....li. 1016 b,
It. 2838 a
xxIt. 28,24.... Ul. 2620a
xxt. 4 Ul. 1984 a. It.
2989 b
xxt. 4,10 1. 276 a
xxri.8. 1.786 b. It.
8434 b
xxtI.9 1.786a
xxfi.ll I. 870b
xxtU.6. 1.400 a,
U. 1046 b
xxtU 6.... 1. 821 b, 427 a,
It. 8019 a
xxra. 9 i. 698b, Ul.
2208a
xxrll.12 I. 809b
xxtU.18. U. 1417 a
xxrll.14 1.157b
xxtU 16.. ..L 491 a, 729
a, b, IU. 2208 a
xxtU. 17 1. 831 b, U.
1086 b.UI. 2619 a. a.,
It. 8644 a
jcxtU.19 1. 894 b, II.
1148 a, It. 8866*
xxtIL 19, 21, 22.111. 2208 a
xxtU.22,2S....It. 2951 a
xxril.28 1.424*
xxtU. 26 It. 8540 *
xxrU.27 Ul. 2208 a
xxtIU.4,89. ...It. 8489 b
xxtIU.13....1t. 8260 a, b
xxrlU. 14, 16.. 1.421 b.a.
xxix. 8,4,6 1. 674*
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t.48 h. 1616b
Ti. 8. . . . B. 1476 a, 1487 b,
111. 2215 a
Ti. 8. ,1H. 2847 b, It. 2878 a
Tl.ll 1.628a
Tl. 16 fli.2U0a.il.
n. 21,22 B. 1427a
Ti.26 1.887b
Ti.26,2B I. 418a
Tl.27 1.790b
Tl.86,56 1.820b
tU. 8.... HI. 2646 a, a, It.
8186 b
»il. 4....I. 2S7b,n.,266»,
It. 8168 a
Til. 11..1. 4*1 b.HI. 2627 b,
n.,tr. 8209a
Til. 27 1. 612b
Til. 81... HI. 2616 b, «.. It.
8829b
Till. 16 B. 1868 b
TBI. 22 1298a
Till. 28. 1.816a
TBI. 27 lr.8445b
Till. 84,86. It. 8588 a
Ix. 6. tr.8561a
Ix. 17, 18 IB. 1866 b
Ix. 17-26 B. 1699 b
Ix. 42 Bl. 1986b
Ix. 42, 48, 46, 47 HI.
2209a
Ix. 44,46 It. 8568 a
ix. 44-49 It.8466
x.l U. 1488a
x.8 II. 1604a
x.18 tr.8186b.il.
x. 17,18 IB. 1880a
x. 89 1.287 a, tt. 1424
x.48,44 It. 8688a
x.60. 1.624b
xl. 1-11 B 1878 a
xl. 18. 1.821a
xll. 26 1.806 a, 886 b
xll. 8511. 11.1486b
xU. 89 It. 2761b
xll 41.. ..1. 71 a, It. 8821 a
xfll.l It. 8116a
xiB.8. B. 1842 a
xlli.9 IT. 8188 b
xlll.21 1.887b
xBI. 88.1. 486 a, It. 8486 b
xIt. 8. ... I. 68 b, 69 a, B.
1618 a, 1617 a, HI. 1814 a
xIt. 12 IB. 2847 b
xlT.16 Bl. 1848b
xIt 20 1. 608a
xiT.26 H. 1876 a, a.
xtT.27.29.... 111.2209 a
xIt. 86 ...1.81 II. 1690a
xiT.61 It. 2964a
xW.61, 62... JI. 1422 a, a.
xIt. 61,62. It. 8092 b
xlT.66 608a, U. 988b
xlT.68 Jl. 988 b.HI
2168b
xt. IS JI. 1699a
xt. '« - 1.608a
3668
x». ».. 1,95 a, It. 2746 a
XT. 28.1 8tt2a.lt. 2046 a,
It. 8449 a, 8644 a
xt. 49 IB. 1818a
xrt.9 Bt. 1818 •
xrl. 9-90.... HI. 2128a, b,
It. 8805 b
xrt.W. 1.688a
LDKK.
I.S 1.787a
1.6 ..B 1388b, Hi. 2688b
1.26. It. 1888k
1.28. Hi. 1818 a, b,
It. 8480 a
1.89 B. 1619b
1.88,66. li. 1077b
t.48 Ul. 1818b
1.68. It. 8168 a, 8676 b
1.89 II. 1090 b, a.
U. 2.... 1.626 a, f.. II. 1848
b, IB. 2617 b
11.7 i.296a,6U7b
11.8 1.296b.i>
U.9 It. 2960b
11.29-82 lT.80441r
IL 86. . . .Bl. 1819 a. 1826 b
B. 48-46 1.266a
it. 48, 49 Bl. 1819b
Bl. 1 .111.2689 b
111.2. II. 1089a
Hi. 8 It 2897b
IB. 11 1.621b
IB. 14 Bl 2670a
IH. 28-28 It. 8094 a
HI 27 Ul. 2107 a
111.88. 1.145b
It. IT.. J. 806 a, It. 8676b
It. 19. fl. 1487a
It.20 l.STlb.Bl.
1942 b
It. 25 It. 2986 b
T.18 IH. 1860 a, a.
t. It, It. 8249b
T.2T 11 1604 a
Tl. 1 IB. 2488 a, a.
Ti.lfl". l.820b
Tl.K 1.78b
Tl. 17 II. 1866b
Tl.19. HI. 1860 a
Tl.22 1. 98 a, 788a
Tt.88 I 682*
tI.41,42 fit. 2028a
Tfl.4 It. 1189b
tB. 11-16 Bl. 2059 a
Ttt. 14 1.476b
Tfl. 18,20 B. 1728b
tH. 24-28 B. 1865a
tB 86 HI. 1844 a. a.
Tfl. 87-60 Ul. 1814a
Tfl. 88 B. 1104 a. It.
2887b
tH. 88, 44 Jr. 8466a
Til. 42 t.842b
Tfl. 45 1.282b
Til. 48 I.MOb
tH. 60 It. 2796 a, a.
Tfll.1 It. 8446 b
Till. 10 U. 1866a
Till 22-26 It. 8008 a
tHI. 81 1. 579».a.
1088 k
TtH.48fi*. lT.8B60b
Tfli.44 B. 1042 a,UI.
1669a
tHI 61 B. 1420 a, a.
TIIL54 B. 1691a
Till.66 IB 1880a
lx.6 L628a
lx.7 fl. 1898a
ix.10. i.298a
lx.12. tr.StMb.a.
Ix.28,24 lT.8688a
Ix. 28 87 II. 1077 b
be. 81 Hi. 2025 a
lx.82 It. 8819 b
lx 86 Ml. 2025V
Ix 87 H. 1048*
lx. 61-Jw t. 707b
1X.62B. It. 1099 a, a.
Ix.88 HI. 2107 a
IX. 62. It. 8096 b, a
Digitized by
Google
8664
t.4 ia
1.11
x.18
2647 b. It.
2796b
....1.628s
.It. 8688 a
....I 829*
..It. 8122*
..It. 8446 b
1.22.
x.29,»)
x-86
z.88
a. 5
1. 824 a
it. 11
zd. 28
xl.88
ll. 44-46. ,
zl. 49
. It. 8485 b
. .11. 1612 b
za. 17 it
xtt. 88 Ul
xtt. 60
. 2761 a, a.
2647 b. It.
2878 a
...1. 287a
zH. 66.
• It. 8640 b
im.il
zUi.16
xttl.16
lUl. 19
zUl. 81 U
xlil.88.
Ul. 1866b
...1. 607b
It. 2860 a
111.2041b
1398 a. It.
8688a
. .11. 1869 a
zlv. 7.8
zl». 10
rli.12
zir. 16-24, .
xt. 8.9
xt 11-82
z». 16
r». 22
It. 8568 b
.lit. 1842 b
III. 1848 a
xrl. 12
I. 888a
1.689 a
xTU. 1
. IH.2209*
a, IU. 1986 b
. ..1.884a
1.887 b
»iI.2...L182
XTil.7
xtU.21
xril. 87
,.U. 1642b
...1. 629b
ztHI. 18,19...
xrtli. 86-48...
..111.1880 a
1. 248 b, f.
xix.1 i
t. 8686 b. it.
1.884 a
xlx.4
xlx. 6, 7
.It. 8686a
. Ul. 2669 a
....1.468*
. . .1. 748 b
dx. 12-27....
dx. 18
dx. 17,19....
dx.20
xlx. 29-44....
XX. 11
xx. 19-26
n. 88
1.96a
xx. 44
xzl.1
xxU. 19,20...
xxtl 26 .
xxtt. 2E ...U.
cxtt. 86, 86. . .
T« pi ,
.U. 1867 b,
1696 b
....1.781a
1884 b, It.
8207b
.Ul. 28*7 b
..H. 1764 a
XZU.62....U.
111.2670
xxiU 6
xrlH. 28
1646 b.a..
i, It. 8288 b
. .U. 1488 b
..tt. 1189 b
.Ul. 2278 a
1.780 b
L 78 b, U.
1786 b
..H. 1447b
. . .11. 007 a
xxIt.18
XxW. 18
xxIt. 27-82, 46
KXiT.60
JOHN.
.11 ttl.2114*
14. iT.29C0b
INDEX.
L17..HI.2416b,lT.«428b.
1.18 L 16 a, Ul. 1844
a, a., It. 2186 b, ».
1.26 Ul. 2807a
1.37 It. 2838 a
1.28 1.284a
1.29 lT.2860a
1.87-40 II. 1421a
1.40(89) U.lllfla
1.48 Ul. 2486b
1.44 W.8446b
1.47 U. 1889a
1.61 1.96a
11.1 1. 284b
11.4 UL 1819 b
11.8 Ul. 1846a
U 9 11.964a
U. 16... i. 492 a, ill. 2004 b
11.19 tt-143-fb
11.20 II. 1061b
U.28 U. 1861b
IU.1 III. 2145b
111. 8-6... U. 1483 b, and*.
UI.6 1.289b
111.8 It.8541*
Ul. 10 tt. 1860 b, Ul.
1880 a. 26117 a
Ul. 14,16 It. 2869 a,
2981a
HI. 28. 1.87a
111.88. 1.148b
It 6.... 1.8 to, 11- 1470 b,
It. 2966 a
1t.6,12 It. 2967b
It. 6,62 II. 1102a
It. 20 U. 1061 a, It.
2958 a, a.
It.86 Itt.2646b,a.
W. 46,47 111. 2191 b
T.l Ul. 2646b
T.l-6 It.8466
T.2 i.288a
t.8,4 U. 1480 a. a.
T.4 lT.8089b
T.17 1.898 a,a.
t.18 It. 2760 a
T.40 It. 8688a
T. 46.... W. 1906 b, 202**
Tl It. 8460b
Tl.4 Ul.2647a
tI. 16-26 It. 801)8 a
Tl. 82-68 11.1681b
tI. 61,68 lT.2869b
Tl.66 U. 1856a
Tl.71 11.1495b
TU.6S. 1 829b
Til. 17 Ul. 2597 a, a.,
It. 8688 a
tU. 19 It. 8160 b, a.
Til. 81 U. 1851b
tU. 86... 1.887 a, U. 1019 a
Til. 87,88 It. 8161 a
t11. 89 Ul. 2416b
tU.49 U. 1610b
tU. 60 U. 186ub
tU.68-tUI.12.... U. 1480
a, a., Ul. 2128 a b
Till. 1-11 It. 8817a
tUI. 1-12 It. 8161a
TlU.12. 1.866a.b
tUI. 20 It. 8821a
tUI.89 11. 142ib
tUI.41 UL 1797 a, ».
tM.44. It. 2848 b,
8688a
TiU.46 U. 1884b
tIU.66. I. 16 b. III.
1906 a
lx.2. 81.2477 a, a.
lx.22 1.93a
Ix. 22, 28, 84, 85. I. 787 b
lx.27 lT.8588a
x.1-16. It 2961b
x.8. Ul 2665b
X. 8,4. It. 2990a
x.4 It. 2961b
x.16 It. 2968a
X.22....H. 1284 b,».,lT.
2966a
x.88. 1. 106 a, a.
x.40 1. 2Mb
xL2. UL 1814b
zl.18 U. 1486b
xL89. It. 8277b
xi.44 UL 2067b
xl.61 U. 1066 b
ZLS6..1. 288 a, UL 2646a
ZU.8..1U. 1814 b, 2486a,
It. 8486 a
xH.6...l.226b,IU.2647b
xU.7 1.888b
xU. 12-19. H. 1878 a
xU.18. Ul. 2824b
xtt. 22 1. 84a
HI. 22, 28 UL 2487a
xtt. 24, 26 B. 1486b
xU.29 It. 8208a
xU.81 It. 2860a
xtt. 82. U. 1486b
xUI. 1, 2, 29.. Ul. 2848 a, II.
ilil. 1-16 U. 1688a
xttl.4 1.624b
ZUl. 6 1. 258 a
xltt.6,6. It. 2887b
xUI. 10. 1. 255 a, It. 8486 a
xlU. 16,20 tt. 1486b
xttl.28. 1.16 a
xUI. 28-26... Ul. 1844 b, a.
xUl.26 IU. 1844b
zltt.29 Ul. 2647b
xIt.26 U. 1855b
x1t.27 It. 2796 »
XlT. 81 tt. 1486b
zr. 1-8 1.67a
xt. 4-10. U. 1847b
xtI.1 Ul. 2209a
xtU. 17-19 It. 2869 b
xtUI. 28-xU. 16. . .Ul. 2529
xtBI. 1... 1. 401b, tt. 908 b
xTtti.8 11.1689a
xrttl 12 Ul. 2449a.i..
rrlU. 16.. L 608a, U. 988b
xrttl. 18 1. 478b
XTllL 28. II. 988 b, 111. 2848
a, (T, It. 2924 a
XTlU. 81 . .Ul. 2617 b. It.
2889a
xrUI 88,84 Ul. 2628 a
xlx. 14 U. 1102 b
xlx. 14,81... Ul. 2848 a, ff.
xlx 17,20 1 788a
xlx 19 Ul. 2671a
xlx. 28 1.620a
xlx. 26.. I. 78 b, 829 b, 471
b. IU. 1818 a, It. 2792 b
xlx. 26. 1.830 b
xlx. 27 JL 1617 a, HI. 1820 b
xx.l It. 8278*
xx. 7 Ul. 2067b
xx. 14.16 IU 1818b
xx. 16 Hi. 2667a
xx. 17 Ul. 1812b
xH. 1-8 It 8008a
xxl.7.. ..L 620 b, 621 a.U.
898a
xzL9 1.478b
xxL 12. IH. 1842b
xxl. 18-22... IU. 2460*. a.
ACTS.
1.4-25 lT.8460b
Lit. H.807a
1. 18... I. 78 b, II. 1420 a, a.
1.16-20 U. 1508b
1.18 tt. 1602a
1.19 1.19b
1 21-28 lT.29tHb
II U. 1417a
II. 1 IB. 2488b
U 2. lr.8541a
tt 6 IB 2606 b
11.7 tt 1496 b
U. 10 Jr. 2761 b, 8122
», »., b, «.
U 13.... H. 1788 b, It. 8541
a, 8644a
U. 28. B. 1610b
11.81 tt. 1088a
11.86. iT.SNOa
11.88. i.24la,b
II. 42, 46, 47 tt. 1682b
11.47 It. 8486 b. «
ill. 14. ..II. 1878a, 1884b
HI. 17. It. 806U1
It 1,8 81 2486 •
It. 1.26. B. 1644b, »
It. 18. UL.446I
It. 16 U. 1618i
It. 86 1.628.
T. 16... .1.468 », It 3168b
T.17 B12686.
t. 80 1. 19 b, It. 8821 •
tL.2 It. 8168 i
Tl. 7. ..U. 1646b, IH 2696 •
tL8 It. 8110 b
tI. 911. tt. 188».
tLU lT.811ub
Til. .It. 8111 a, f., 8118 b t.
Ttt.2. ifl.26U6i
tU.2-68.... It 8111 a, IT
tU.8 Lib
tU.4 L18b,a.
Ttt.18. tt. 1616*
Til. 16 L 7 b, It. 2966a
Til. 19 1.748b
Til. 22, 28,80.... tt. 1606k
tU. 88. 1.489 a. 111. 2264 b
Ttt. 48.111. 1992 b, It. 2708b
Ttt.46. It. 8162 a, a.
tU. 66.. I 624b, It. 8449b
Till.8 UL2864*,*.
tUI.6 B. ISfia
Till. 9 tt. 1787b
Tttt.16. L241a.b
tUI.26 800 b, 801 •
Till. 27 1. TBub.a.
TiU.87.U1.2128a,2488a,a.
tUI.89 Lx41b,a.
U.,xxU.,xzTi..Jtt.28Mk
U. Iff. U 1494a
ix.1,14 B. 1078b
lx.2.. 1.267 a, «., h. 8488k
U.8-19 UL 2864b
lx.6 U. 9821i
lx.9. L816I
lx.ll Ir.81z8a
lx.17 W. 2166a
1x28. IB 2866a
X.1 1.164*
x.26 1. Mb
x.47 1.2Tb
x.48 1.241a.b
xl. 19,20 ILMMk
xL20 H. 1089k
xi.28 L87k
iU.l...tt. 1201*, It. 8446.
xU. 4.... I 687b, It. 8486b
XU.6....L 164a, HL 2651b
xB.6,7 1.407k
xtt.8 1. 624k
xil.18. UL 2666k
xtt.20 1.410 a. 788a
xtt.21 B. 1068b
xtt. 21-28. It. 8216 b
zUi.l 11.1698*
zUi.C Ul. 1942b
xlii.6,8 B. 1787 a,»
xlii.7. BL 2617k
xUl.9. It. 2867a
zUL 20.. .B. 1614 a, 1646 a
XUL21 tt- 1688 a, a.
xlU.25 .1.866 a. It. 2888 a
xlil.42. Ul 2606k
rU. 48,60 UL 2607k
xill.60 UL 2870 a, a.
xtt! 61 1. 628a
xtT.ll B. 1700 a. n,
HL 1896a
xtt. 12, It. B. 1618k
zIt.U. I. 870k
xlT-16 W. 3169a
XT.8. 1.828b
XT.8H....IB. 2680., »
xt. 7 1.496k
XT 10 B. 1608*
XT. 20. L Mi
XT.28. It. 2796k
xt.28-89. 1.769 a,*
xt.28,41 i.462b.«
XT. 29 tt. lOOli
xt.86. 1.247k
xt. 41 1.461b, a
xtL2.8,4. .W. 8261a. i
xrl.6. I. 178*
ZTL7... ..M. 2878 b, a
Digitized by
Google
INDEX
(iL 11,12 iT. 8006b
Eri.12 ill. 2490 b, «.,
2498 b, a.
ni. IS. IU.2490m.it.
xrl. 18,14 U. 1727b
itI. 18 87 ill. 2490*
itI. 16-18 11. 1748 b
xri. 19,20 1.477*
iH. 19-22 It. 8321b
xri.22 111.2817 b
in. 25 0. 1876 b.a.
irl 85 It. 2927*
it: 36 It. 2796*, n.
itH t ill 2870*, a
itU. 6...B. 1658b, 1792*
xtU.7 It. 8224b
xrli. 9 U. 1696*
itU 11 U. 1727 b
irll. 16, 16 Ul. 5876 b
itU. 16-84 It. 8460 b
t.tU.17 1. 162*
xtII. 19-81. . .Ul. 1808 »,b
itU. 21 1. 194b
itU.22 1. 194 b. Ul
2876*
xrH.28 1.77 b, 696 b,
U1.2876*
itH 26 tt. 1019*
xrU. 24 9. U. 1706 b
ITU. 28 It. 8286b
.xrlil 2 1. 181 b, 132 *
xtUI. 6. . .It. 3218*, 8258
irlH.6 1. 628*
itIU. 12. . . .1. 20 b, 838 b,
Ul. 2589 b, 2617 b
rrttl. 12-17 It. 8821b
xrUi. 18 U. 981*, IB.
2076 a, * , 2878 *, ».,
Iv 8461*
itUI. 24-28 1. 65*
Hi. 1-6 1. 284b
di 8,4 U. 1426*
ill. 4 U I860*
ill. 5 1.241*. b
ill. 9, 28. It. 8488b
ill. 12 H 1017 a
III. 16 It. 2864*
ill. 19 1. 90*
xix.24 1. 682*
ill. 24, 25 1.749*
xlx.28,89 It. 2705*
xlx. 86 U. 1619 », a,
It. 8558 b
xu. 87 1. 462*
ifx.88 .1. 749 b. HI. 2617
b,lT. 8322 *
xx.2. 111.2880*
II. 8-6 It? 8264*
ii. 8 II. 1464 b, ».
ii. 7 U.1677*
ii. 8 11.1689*
xx.9 It.8540*
II. 11 11. 1684*
n.18,14 1.185*
ii. 17-36 It. 8264*
ii. 18-86.... HI. 2886*. a.
II.24 1.886*
11.28 It. 8487*, n.
tx.86 .1.811b, It. 8817 s
ill 16 1.892*
xxl.24 1. 413*. ill.
2076*, It. 8461*
ul. 24,26 ttl.2645*
Ixl. 27 tt. 11.1591b
al.27-8) Ul. 2888 b
Hi. 81 1. 164*
til. 38 1.407b
cxl.84 1.870b
nl. 89 1U. 1846b
(ill. 4 lT.8488b
nil 14 III. 2866*
nil. 16,20 IU. 1811*
1x1116 1.288b
nil. 22 111.2887*.*.
ixli.28 1.828*
ixltt.2 11. 1069 », 111.
2648b
Hill 8-« Ul. 2887 b
nHl. 6. Hi. 2388*, 2478*
iiHI.6-11 Ul. 2888*
BJU.8 lT.278?b
xxlll 16 HI. 2264b
xiiU. 28 1. 164*
xxlU.26 1. 787*
xiIt.6 It. 2784*
xxIt. 10 HI. 2690*
ixiT.14 lr.2901*
xxiT. 14, 22. . . . It. 8418 b
iiIt.17 IH. 2886*,*.
xxIt.24 111.2617b
xxIt. 26 Ul. 2889 a, a.
xit.9 1.129*
iit. 11 1. 129 », 469 b
xxt. 12 111. 2817 b
xxt.28 Ul. 2690 b, a.
xxt. 26 1. 818 b, HI.
2617 b
xxtI. 4, 6. . .III. 2863 b, a.
xxtI.7 II 1189b
xiTl.9 11.1494*
xxtI. 10 It. 8449 b
xxri. 14.. II. 981 b, 1591b
xxtI. 28,29.... HI. 2890b
xxtU. (patiim) It. 8004 IT.
XXTil.l 1. 164*
xxrll.8 1.748b
iitII.9 J. 818b
xxtU.11 111.1880*
xxtII. 18 1. 186 b
xxtII.13,14 1.607*
xxtU. 14....U1.2891a,a.,
It. 8641 a
iktII. 16 1.484*
xxrll.17 t. 86 a, IU.
2891b, 2662 b
ixrll.27 1.8i»
xxtU. 27-29. .. .ill. 1878*
iiTii.86 11.1684*
iitII. 88. ...U. 2891*. a.
xxtU. 89 lil. 1878*
irrll.41 It. 2876*
ixrUi. 1,2, 10..UI. It79 •
iitIII.2 1.246*
ixTlli.2,8 III. 1878 b
xitIU.8 lT.2980b
xiTill.4 1.246*
ixtIH.7 IU. 2888*
xxrlll.8 1.816b
xxTlli.ll i. 395*
xitHI. 18 1.486b
xxtIU. 15 1. 180*
xitIII. 16 1. 164*. 888
», 884 b, 886 *, ill. 2892
a, a.
xxrlil. 16,20 1.407 b
xxtUI.22 It. 2901*
xxxil.89 lil. 1878 b
ixxUI.2ff. 11.1049*
ROMANS.
1. 18-16 It. 8460b
1.14 1.246b
1.16 H. 1889*
I. 19 ft". 11.1706b
1.28 1.489*
1.81 lT.8326b
II. 9, 10 U. 1889*
11.16 U. 1696b
11 29. . . .11. 1476 b, 1494 a
111.26,26 It. 2861b
It. 18 U. 1601b
T.l 11.1209*
t.6-8 It. 2881b
t.8 11.1880b
T.12IT U 1884a
t. 15-20 It.8094*
Ti.4 1.240*,b
tU.6. It. 2182 b
tU. 14-24 It. 2861b
Till. 5 It. 2868a
Till. 18 IH 2016 b
Till. 16 1. 88b
Till. 28 IU. 2866*
Till. 2D 1.810a
TlU.82 b. 1880 b
ix.8. 1.789b
tx.4 lT.2960b
x.7 1.679a
1.12, 18 U. 1417 a
x.U Id. 2574 b
x.16 H1.2674b
1.18 H. 1881.'
xt2 1.70a'
xl.16 HI. 2816a
xl. 16-26 Ul. 2240 b
xl.26 lr. 8090a
ill. 8, 16. It. 2868*
ill. 12 11. 1189 b
ill. 20 1. 478 »,b
lUl. 1-8 111.2669 b
lit!. 2 1. 688*
xiU.8 It. 8588*
xiil. 9 It. 8209*. a.
xltt. 18 H. 1086*
xIt.20 HI. 2209*
iIt.21 HI. 2209*
xiT.23 1.688*
xt.8 II. 1476b
it. 19 11. 1727b
it.24 1.828b
IT.2S 111.2896*
itI. 1,2 111.2614*
itI.6 1. 20b
XTi. 10 1.166*
ifi. 18 It. 8046*
XTi. 21 It. 8281b
iTl.28..l.788a,lll.2861a
rrl 26,27 Ii. 1500 b
xri. 26. lT.2874a
1 CORINTHIANS.
1.14 It. 8263b
1.22 III. 2881a
11. 9.. 1.711*. II. 1684b. a.
iT.8. 1. 6S9«
It. 4 1. 887*
It. 9. ,.i. 866*, lr. 3216 b
T.l lil. 1796*, a.
T.l, 9, 11 U. 1008b
t.8-6 II. 1112*
t.6-8 Ul. 2864b
Tl.ll I. 288b
tH.8 lT.8449b
Til. 10-16. 1.610a
Til. 12 Ul 1797 b
tU.18 1.464b
Tlil.4ff It. 8389*
Ii. 6. .11. 1504 b, III. 1818*
11.21 II. 1610b
Ii 24..I. 86ob,lil. 2o75>b
ix.25 11 1186*
li. 26, 27 1.885*
li.28 1. 67*
lx. 27. 1 888 b, It. 2707 *
x 1,2.. I. 288 b, 287*. a.
1.2 Hi. 2692a
I. 4.. ..I. 124 b, 264 b, It.
8817*
x.4-29 It. 8481*
1.12 U.1877*
x.18 Ul. 2846*. It.
8544b
i 16,21 It 168S a
1.25 It. 2942b
x.82 U. 1019*
il. 2. It. 8316b
jd.6-16 It. 8870b
xl.lU IH. 1806a
ii. 18. 19 It. 2901b
il.20 U. 1680*, a.
xl. 28-26 U. 1898b
xl.26 U. 1681b
xi.29 1. 688*
xl. 80, 88, 84.... U. 1688b
11.84 U. 1684 a
»ll 1.786a
ill. 6. H. 1041b
ill. 8-11 Ul. 2692a
xU.13. 1.240a
ill. 28 1.811b
xUl. 1 It. 8809a
xlU. 2 Ul. 2047a
xtti.12. Ul. 1971a
xill. 18 1.248b
iIt.2 U. 2047a
iIt.9 1. 67a
xIt.U 1. 246*
xIt. 16..1 82 », It. 8189*
xiT.21 It. 8810 a
xIt.26 U. 1118a
iIt.85 hr. 8688a
it. 8 IH. 2866a
18 U. 1847b
xt.27 U. 1884a
xr. 29 1.241b
8665
xr. 82 1.864 b, 111. 2880 b
xr. 65.... II. 1088 a, 1089b
xtI.1,2 li.WTia
itI.2 U. 1683 b. It
8186 b, a.
xrl.6 1. 828b
itI. 10,11 It.8264.
itI.22 1.789*
2 CORINTHIANS.
1.9 1.886*
1.19. It. 8228a
1.21 1. 244 *,b
1 22... 1.680 a, Ul. 2549 b
U. 1 UI.2880*
IU.8 It. 8678*
111.7 U.1612*
Ui. 11-18 It. 8481*
Ul. 18, 14 Ul. 2028a
IU. 14 It. 8218b
It. 4 It. 2860a
T.l lT.8211b
T.6....1. 680 a,IU. 2649b
t. 14-21 lT.2861b
T.18 U. 1880b
t.21 H. 1884b
Ti.12. I. 820a
Ti. 14, 17 Ul. 1797 b
Tl.16 U. 1138a
Till. 1.. 1.614 a, It. 8551 o
Till. 16-24 rr.8825a
Till. 18 U. 1693b
Ii.11 It. 8268 b.a
x.16 li. 1681b
ii.9 It. 3226 b
xl.22....U. 1022 b, 1886 a
xl 28-28 Ul. 2888 a
II.26..1. 484 a, It. 8007 b
ll.27 lil. 2079b
11.29 IU. 2209a
XI.82....1. 144b, 871a,
U 964 », 1728 b,IU
2866b
xl.88.. I. 268 b, It. 8640 *
ill. 1-4 It. 8319 a
ill. 2 II. 1020 *, 1847 b
xH.4 IU. 2383*, a.
xU 7. HI. 2888*. It. 2850 a
ili.9 lT.2960b
xU.21 U. 1008 b. IU.
288**
xHl.S 111.2880*
xtlt. 6, 7 It.2707*
OALATIANS.
I 8 1.789b
I 14 It. 8816 b
I. IT f. U 978b
I. 19 H. 1422 b
1.21. .1.462 b, a., Hi. 2866
b. a.
II 1.24b
U. 1-16 IH. 2462b
U. 2. .1.698 b, HI. 2871 a, n.
U.3 It 8268b
U. 11-14.... UL 2872 b, It.
8889b
11.18 1. 247 a, a.
IU 8 Hi. 2574b
lit 18 It. 2880b
IU. 14 U. 1019*
HI. 14-26 It.8481*
Hi. 16 H. 1018b
UL19...1 l»,7b,H. 1076
■,1506 b
HI. 28-28 1.289b
It. 2. . .U. 964 a, li. 1085 a,
a., It. 8880 a
It. 8,8 1.686b
It. 4 It. 2748*
It. 10 Ul 2111b, a.
It. 18 HI 2873a
It. 16 Hl.2878b,n
1T.22S U.978*
It.24 1. 67a
It. 25 Ul.2866*,*
It. 26 IT. H. 1170 b, a.
It. 29 H.1146*
▼.6 HI. 2088a
T.19-21 It. 2901b
t. 20. IU. 2661b, It. 2901*
Tl.ll 1.768b
Digitized by
Google
8666
A 17 1.622a
IPHKSIAN8.
• M U. 1880b
.18 1.244b
1. 14.... 1.680 a, UL 2649b
121 Hi. 2688a
II 2 I. 66 b, Hi. 2669 a,
It. 2860 b, *.
U. 14 UL 2888 b
11.22. 1.464b
HI 10 HI. 2688 a
W.8 It. 3106 a
It. 11 It. 8188a
It. 18 It. 8060 b
It 80 i.244b
T 4 1.488a
T M .. I. 711 a, B. 987 a,
1884 b. a.
f 28. It. 2867 b
». 28 1.287b,«
t 26,27 HI. 1806a
ti6 1.798b
Tt 12.. ..I 67a,UI.2687b
Tt.20 1.407b
PHILIPPIAN8.
I 1 111. 1818a
I. 18 ... I. 888 a, it 2760b
1.26 HI. 2894 a IT.
li 1 1.SVa
U.2-80 It. 8461a
II 8 HI. 2278a
U. 17.... IH. 1942 b. 2481b
11.24 UI.2SB4a.fr.
li. 26 HI. 2491b
It. 80 UL 2491b
Hi. 2 i.486b
HI. 2,8 1.46) a, 111.
24V] b
IH.8 1.628a
lit. 12.18. 1.181b
IU. 12-14 I.886a,b
HI. 14 IH.2676b
IU. 19 lT.2S68a
IU.20 1.489a
Ul. 20, 21 It. 2867 U
It. 2,8. II 1727b
It. 8 1. 788 a, H. 1708
a, IU. 2(78 a, 2492 a,».,
2488 a, n, It. 8688 a
W. 14-16 iT.8226b
It. 16 hr. 8268 b
It. 22... I. 888b, It. 8116 a
COLOSSI AKS.
.16 Ut 2688a
1.20 it. 18x0b
1.27 1.289a
HI 1.481b
U. S....L 288a, IH. 2047a
U 8 HI. 2611b
J. 8,20 1.686b
U 10 Hi. 2688a
U.U 1.287a
11.12 1.240 a. b
H. 14,16 HI. 2687 b
tt 16 U 1679a
U.18 1.481b
Hi 2 It. 2868a
III 6 HI. 2MB b
HI 11 IL 1889a
Hi. 16. 1.866a
tt 22 1.796b
t.7,0 Ul. 2488b
T. 10. .1. 164 b, It. 8067 a
fr. 14 HI. 2498a
1 16 U. l'95a
T.17 L 1696 a, Ul. 2488 a
1 THH8SAL0NIAN8.
IH. 2 1.280a
It 8 U 1008b
hr 12 9.1086a
It 16 IU. 2676a
2 THB8SALONIANS.
H 1-12. lT.S*28b.f.
1.6. I. Iu8b
U.6 1.110a
U.16 It. 8816 b
11.17 i. 768b
DfDBX
1 TIMOTHY.
L4 1. 806b.lv. 8267 b
1.8 W. 8S67b
1.10 U. 1008b
1.12 1.782a
118 U. 1494a
1.19, 20 1.788b
I 80 II. 1111
U.7 H. 1044 a, 1847 b
U 9. ...1.828 b, II. 882. a,
It. S942b
IH.1-12. lT.8461a
HI. 1-18. It. 8267 a, b
Ut. 2....1. 010 b, It. 8646a
Hi. 2, 12. Ut. ia«»
HI. 8 lT.8646a
IH. 4 11.1086a
IU.6 It. 2848
iU.8-18 UL 1948a
111. 18 1 679b
111.16 1.289a
HI. 16 111.2126b
It. 1-7.. 1.808 b.ttl. 2611b
It.8 1.866b
It. 14 1.811a
It. 16 H. 1616a
T.8-1U 1.678 b
T.4 UL 2626b. It.
806Tb
t.8 11.1188a
t.9 L 678 b, HI. 1802a
t.10 It. 8486a
T.U lT.8688a
t.17 It. 8188a
t.22 1.811a
t. 28 IH. 2210 b., It.
8646a
Tl. 12 1.241 a, 866a
Tl. 20 IU. 2611b, It.
2864 a, 8267 b
2 TIMOTHY.
1.11 U. 1044a
1.18 1.241a
I. 16 1. 811a, 407 h
1. 16-18 It. 8258 b
I. 18 Ul. 2268b
11.6... .1.866 a, ill. 1880 b
11.8 Ii.l>59«b
li. U 111. 2661a
11.16-18 III. 2611 b
It 17,18 H.lllla
li.18 lT.8267b
111.8 hr. 8325b
lit. 8 1. 124 b, II. 1606 b
Hi. 8, 9 ii. 1746b
Hi. 10, 11 II. 1706a
111.11 tt. 1701a
111.12. It. 86S8a
IU. 16 It. 2878 b
It. 7,8 1.866 a., 1.867a
It. 10 1.864 b. It.
8268b
It. 18 l.624a,UI.
2894 a, a., It. 8369 a
l». 14 1. 480b
It. 14, 15 It. 8269 a
It. 16. II. 1688 b
It. 17 1.865a
It. 18 II. 1541b
It. 20 .UL 1988 b, It.
8269a
It. 21 1.470a
TITOS.
1.6 1.610b
H.8 lT.8646a
11.7 U. 1086a
U.U It. 2862a
lilt 1.2S8a
tti.9 1.441a
HI. 12. 1.167a
PHILEMON.
1 Ul. 2488b
1,2 H. 1695 b
2 1. 129 b, 149b
7,12, 20 1.820a
8 i.489a
9 1.89b
11,18. 1.769a
14,21 IU. 2484b
19 1. 769 a, HI. 2488 a
22 1.481b
24 ill. 2498a
HBBRBW8.
i.2-8 II. 1884a
1.6. L810a
1.7 iT.SMla
1.9 I. Ha
li.2 11.1606b
11.10 1.884b
11.12 11. 1876 b, a.
It. 2 Ul. 2674b
It. 8 II. 1476 b, 1477 a
It. 8-10 It. 2766a
It.9 11. 16SOa
It. 16 II. 1884 b
tI.1,2 1. 248a
Tl.2 1. 811a
t1.4 1. 288b
Tl. 9 H 11112 b
Tl.16 1. 689a
Tl. 19 It 8006 b
Til. 19 U. 1609b
Tit. 98 11. 1884b
la. 4.. I. 77b, 166b. 408b
lx.6 1. 420b
lx.7 It. 8060b
U.U 1.66a
lx 16,17 1.608b, It.
8218 b
lx.28. IH. 2882a
x.19.29 II. 1879a
x. 22. II. 1688a
x.28 IB. 2127 b, a.
x.26 II. 1677a
x.26 It. 8060b
x.28 IH. 2641b
x.82 1.288b
x.88 1.865a
x.88 lT.8486b,a.
xi.24 II. 1606b
xl. 24-26 HI. 2464a
xl.28 III. 2864a
xl.38,84 It. 2989a
xl.8B 1.88 b, a.
xl.87 II. 1268b. It.
8817 a
xH. 1. 1.865 a, It. 8216 a
xil.1,2 1.868a
xll. 28 It. 8186 a, a.
xlll. 12 H. 1686 a
xill. 7 11. 1207 b, rr.
8186 a
xlll. 12 1. 783a
xlU.18 II. 1086a
xlll. 28 It. 8264b
J AUKS.
LI 1.887a
1.11 It. 8540 b
11.2 lT.2784a
li. 14-26 U. 1209a
HI. 4... H. 964 b, It. 8007 a
III. 7 It. 2982b
It.6-10 11. 1151b
If. 18 H. 1792b
t.2 1.626a
t.8 Ir.2784b
t. 14,16 II. 1209b
t.17 U. 1606b
1 PKTKK.
1.1. ...I 887 a, IL 1442a
1.10-12 IH. 2699b
1.14. lT.8060b
1.17 1 787 a
I. 18. 19..... It. 2861b. U.
1884b
H. 2 UL 2484 a, a.
U.6 U. 16Kb
11.16 U. 1684 b,«.
11.22- U. 1884b
U. 24 It 2860b,2861
a, 8821 b
HI. 8 «. 982a
ill. 6 It. 2786b
111.11 1.748b, 762b
111.18 H. 1884b
111.19 U. 1088 b, III.
2574 b
IU.20. IH.212Bb
U 21 1. 288b,84Ia
It. 17. U. 14Mb
».l B. 1442 a
T.6-8 U. 1161b
». IS. It. 2761 a
2 PXTXR.
LI I. 1442a, It
80M 1
1.1-11 UL 2468 ..it
1.14. H. 1427b
1.16 » 2025 a
1.16. 1. 808b
1.20 lT.2874a
U.1 lT.29ula
U.8 L 688a
tt.4. It 2848 k
U.6 B. 1044 a
H. 6-9 U 1686a
11 18. U. 1682a. n.
H. 15 1. 228,226 b,UL
2146b.it.
1H.2. 1.808a
HI. 16. H. 1028a
Hi. 16. 1.808a
IU. 18 IU. 2468 a, a.
1 JOHN.
H.16. H. 1880b
U.18 1. 1081
U.20 1.244 a, k
U.28. H.1440afb
11.29 U. 1884b
HI. 6,7 U. 1884b
Ul.9-12. It. 2848b
It. 2, 8 It. 8311b
It. 8. 1.103b
It. 9 H. 1880 b
T. 6 1.285b
T 7,8 II. 1440 a. b,
HI. 2129 b, 2180 b, SJ84
b.a.
t.8 L285b
T. 16 L 816 b
2 JOHN.
12 It. 8676 a, 8676 a
8 JOHN.
». L7B9a
18 h-. 8676 b, 867V a
JTJDB.
6. hr. 8688a
6. Ir.2848b
ft. 1. 124b, HI 2026a
12.. ..1. 471b, H. 1682a. a
28. U. 1684a
REVELATION.
1.2. U. 1428b
1.8 1.78b
L10 H.1676a,f.
1.18 U. 1069b
1.14 U. 9811
L 16.... I. 828 a, 480 b. UL
1909 b
1.20 It. 8186 b
II. 1 It 8188 b
U. 1-7 It. 8266a
11.9 lT.8064a
11.14 1.227b
H. 17 Jl. 1100 b. IU
2068 a, It. 8117 a
U. 18... U. 1708 a, IH. 1909
b, It. 8242 a
tt.20 H.18WIO
H. 20,21 It. 8242.
UI.T U. 1688 b
HI. 8 Hi. 2482b
HI. 12. HL 2068a
ttL14 1.82a
HI. 18 1.101a
It. 8. L478a
It.T n. 1424b
It. 7,8 It. 8961a
It.8 Ir.2887a
T.l hr. 8676b
t.8. 1.618b
T.9 iT.8446a
Tl. 1,8, 6,7 L4da
TI.2....I. 179 a, IL 1088a
Digitized by
Google
INDEX.
rt.4 1.479*
•1.8 1.478*
til 8 1.522*. 887*
•no mTssatb
•HI. 1 U. 1188b
•18.8,4 1.408b
•Hi IS ir. 2984b
Iz. 1,2 HI. 2686*
I*. 1,2, U l.679»,b
lx.4 1.887a
ta.7 i.697b
ta.8 Il «t
bi U I.U7»
zl.5 I».8688»
xll.l HI. 3008 b
ill 8 I. 479*.697b
xH.7,9 It. 2848b
xttl.l 1. 697b
xlll.6 It. 2888b
xtll. 11 1.109*
xlH.16 1.622*
xffl. 18,17 1.887*
zUI.18 It. 8081*. ».
xlT.l 1.887*
xlT.4 1U.2958*
zlT.9 L897*
xlT. 10 W. 8642 b
XT. 2, 8 ill. 2028*
xr. 7 L 618 b, It.
8446*
XTl. 2 1. 618b
xri.14 li. 1248b
XTil.6 1. 622*. 887*
xrll.8 111. 1811*
XTlU.2 1.840b
xrUl. 12 It. 8086 b
xrlH. 18. I. 86b
xlx. U-1417*
xtx.1-6. L «7b
3667
xlx. 8.14 H. 1882b
xtx.li.M 11.1008*
xlx. 12 1. 607b
xlx. 20 1. 109*, 622*
xx. 4 1.887*
xx. 18 U. 1088*
xxl. 8. It.2981*
xxl. 11, 19-21... H. 10*7 »
xxtSl It. 8128*
xxU. 2. tr. 2998*
xxli 8,4 U.1246*
xxtt*. 1887.
xxt 18. I '!•
Digitized by LjOOQlC
Digitized by
Google
Digitized by LjOOQlC
Digitized by LjOOQlC
Digitized by LjOOQlC
1
WM
j
M jm
■
« ^^^^^
B 1,427,649
Digitized by CjOOQIC
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Internet Arcade
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Open Library
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